note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) white shadows in the south seas by frederick o'brien with many illustrations from photographs t. werner laurie, ltd. [illustration: village of atuona, showing peak of temetiu the author's house is the small white speck in the center] foreword there is in the nature of every man, i firmly believe, a longing to see and know the strange places of the world. life imprisons us all in its coil of circumstance, and the dreams of romance that color boyhood are forgotten, but they do not die. they stir at the sight of a white-sailed ship beating out to the wide sea; the smell of tarred rope on a blackened wharf, or the touch of the cool little breeze that rises when the stars come out will waken them again. somewhere over the rim of the world lies romance, and every heart yearns to go and find it. it is not given to every man to start on the quest of the rainbow's end. such fantastic pursuit is not for him who is bound by ties of home and duty and fortune-to-make. he has other adventure at his own door, sterner fights to wage, and, perhaps, higher rewards to gain. still, the ledgers close sometimes on a sigh, and by the cosiest fireside one will see in the coals pictures that have nothing to do with wedding rings or balances at the bank. it is for those who stay at home yet dream of foreign places that i have written this book, a record of one happy year spent among the simple, friendly cannibals of atuona valley, on the island of hiva-oa in the marquesas. in its pages there is little of profound research, nothing, i fear, to startle the anthropologist or to revise encyclopedias; such expectation was far from my thoughts when i sailed from papeite on the _morning star_. i went to see what i should see, and to learn whatever should be taught me by the days as they came. what i saw and what i learned the reader will see and learn, and no more. days, like people, give more when they are approached in not too stern a spirit. so i traveled lightly, without the heavy baggage of the ponderous-minded scholar, and the reader who embarks with me on the "long cruise" need bring with him only an open mind and a love for the strange and picturesque. he will come back, i hope, as i did, with some glimpses into the primitive customs of the long-forgotten ancestors of the white race, a deeper wonder at the mysteries of the world, and a memory of sun-steeped days on white beaches, of palms and orchids and the childlike savage peoples who live in the bread-fruit groves of "bloody hiva-oa." the author desires to express here his thanks to rose wilder lane, to whose editorial assistance the publication of this book is very largely due. contents chapter i farewell to papeite beach; at sea in the _morning star_; darwin's theory of the continent that sank beneath the waters of the south seas chapter ii the trade-room of the _morning star_; lying bill pincher; m. l'hermier des plantes, future governor of the marquesas; story of mchenry and the little native boy, his dog chapter iii thirty-seven days at sea; life of the sea-birds; strange phosphorescence; first sight of fatu-hiva; history of the islands; chant of the raiateans chapter iv anchorage of taha-uka; exploding eggs, and his engagement as valet; inauguration of the new governor; dance on the palace lawn chapter v first night in atuona valley; sensational arrival of the golden bed; titihuti's tattooed legs chapter vi visit of chief seventh man who is so angry he wallows in the mire; journey to vait-hua on tahuata island; fight with the devil-fish; story of a cannibal feast and the two who escaped chapter vii idyllic valley of vait-hua; the beauty of vanquished often; bathing on the beach; an unexpected proposal of marriage chapter viii communal life; sport in the waves; fight of the sharks and the mother whale; a day in the mountains; death of le capitaine halley; return to atuona chapter ix the marquesans at ten o'clock mass; a remarkable conversation about religions and joan of arc in which great fern gives his idea of the devil chapter x the marriage of malicious gossip; matrimonial customs of the simple natives; the domestic difficulties of haabuani chapter xi filling the _popoi_ pits in the season of the breadfruit; legend of the _mei_; the secret festival in a hidden valley chapter xii a walk in the jungle; the old woman in the breadfruit tree; a night in a native hut on the mountain chapter xiii the household of lam kai oo; copra making; marvels of the cocoanut-groves; the sagacity of pigs; and a crab that knows the laws of gravitation chapter xiv visit of le moine; the story of paul gauguin; his house, and a search for his grave beneath the white cross of calvary chapter xv death of aumia; funeral chant and burial customs; causes for the death of a race chapter xvi a savage dance, a drama of the sea, of danger and feasting; the rape of the lettuce chapter xvii a walk to the forbidden place; hot tears, the hunchback; the story of behold the servant of the priest, told by malicious gossip in the cave of enamoa chapter xviii a search for rubber-trees on the plateau of ahoa; a fight with the wild white dogs; story of an ancient migration, told by the wild cattle hunters in the cave of the spine of the chinaman chapter xix a feast to the men of motopu; the making of _kava_, and its drinking; the story of the girl who lost her strength chapter xx a journey to taaoa; kahuiti, the cannibal chief, and his story of an old war caused by an unfaithful woman chapter xxi the crime of huahine for love of weaver of mats; story of tahia's white man who was eaten; the disaster that befell honi, the white man who used his harpoon against his friends chapter xxii the memorable game for the matches in the cocoanut-grove of lam kai oo chapter xxiii mademoiselle n---- chapter xxiv a journey to nuka-hiva; story of the celebration of the fête of joan of arc, and the miracles of the white horse and the girl chapter xxv america's claim to the marquesas; adventures of captain porter in ; war between haapa and tai-o-hae, and the conquest of typee valley chapter xxvi a visit to typee; story of the old man who returned too late chapter xxvii journey on the _roberta_; the winged cockroaches; arrival at a swiss paradise in the valley of oomoa chapter xxviii labor in the south seas; some random thoughts on the "survival of the fittest" chapter xxix the white man who danced in oomoa valley; a wild-boar hunt in the hills; the feast of the triumphant hunters and a dance in honor of grelet chapter xxx a visit to hanavave; père olivier at home; the story of the last battle between hanahouua and oi, told by the sole survivor; the making of _tapa_ cloth, and the ancient garments of the marquesans chapter xxxi fishing in hanavave; a deep-sea battle with a shark; red chicken shows how to tie ropes to sharks' tails; night-fishing for dolphins, and the monster sword-fish that overturned the canoe; the native doctor dresses red chicken's wounds and discourses on medicine chapter xxxii a journey over the roof of the world to oomoa; an encounter with a wild woman of the hills chapter xxxiii return in a canoe to atuona; tetuahunahuna relates the story of the girl who rode the white horse in the celebration of the fête of joan of arc in tai-o-hae; proof that sharks hate women; steering by the stars to atuona beach chapter xxxiv sea sports; curious sea-foods found at low tide; the peculiarities of sea-centipedes and how to cook and eat them chapter xxxv court day in atuona; the case of daughter of the pigeon and the sewing-machine; the story of the perfidy of drink of beer and the death of earth worm who tried to kill the governor chapter xxxvi the madman great moth of the night; story of the famine and the one family that ate pig chapter xxxvii a visit to the hermit of taha-uka valley; the vengeance that made the scallamera lepers; and the hatred of mohuto chapter xxxviii last days in atuona; my darling hope's letter from her son chapter xxxix the chants of departure; night falls on the land of the war fleet list of illustrations village of atuona, showing peak of temetiu beach at viataphiha-tahiti where the belles of tahiti lived in the shade to whiten their complexions lieutenant l'hermier des plantes, governor of the marquesas islands entrance to a marquesan bay the ironbound coast of the marquesas a road in nuka-hiva harbor of tai-o-hae schooner _fetia taiao_ in the bay of traitors andré bauda, commissaire the public dance in the garden antoinette, a marquesan dancing girl marquesans in sunday clothes vai etienne the pool by the queen's house idling away the sunny hours nothing to do but rest all day catholic church at atuona a native spearing fish from a rock a volunteer cocoanut grove, with trees of all ages climbing for cocoanuts splitting cocoanut husks in copra making process cutting the meat from cocoanuts to make copra a marquesan home on a _paepae_ isle of barking dogs the _haka_, the marquesan national dance hot tears with vai etienne the old cannibal of taipi valley enacting a human sacrifice of the marquesans interior of island of fatu-hiva, where the author walked over the mountains the plateau of ahoa kivi, the _kava_ drinker with the _hetairae_ of the valley a pool in the jungle the pekia, or place of sacrifice, at atuona marquesan cannibals, wearing dress of human hair tepu, a marquesan girl of the hills, and her sister a tattooed marquesan with carved canoe paddle a chieftess in _tapa_ garments with _tapa_ parasol launching the whale-boat père simeon delmas' church at tai-o-hae gathering the _feis_ in the mountains near the mission at hanavave starting from hanavave for oomoa feis, or mountain bananas where river and bay meet at oomoa, island of fatu-hiva sacred banyan tree at oomoa elephantiasis of the legs removing the pig cooked in the _umu_, or native oven the _koina kai_, or feast in oomoa beach at oomoa putting the canoe in the water pascual, the giant paumotan pilot and his friends a pearl diver's sweetheart spearing fish in marquesas islands pearl shell divers at work catholic church at hanavave a canoe in the surf at oomoa the gates of the valley of hanavave a fisherman's house of bamboo and cocoanut leaves double canoes harbor sports tahaiupehe, daughter of the pigeon, of taaoa nataro puelleray and wife author's note. foreign words in a book are like rocks in a path. there are two ways of meeting the difficulty; the reader may leap over them, or use them as stepping stones. i have written this book so that they may easily be leaped over by the hasty, but he will lose much enjoyment by doing so; i would urge him to pronounce them as he goes. marquesan words have a flavor all their own; much of the simple poetry of the islands is in them. the rules for pronouncing them are simple; consonants have the sounds usual in english, vowels have the latin value, that is, a is ah, e is ay, i is ee, o is oh, and u is oo. every letter is pronounced, and there are no accents. the marquesans had no written language, and their spoken tongue was reproduced as simply as possible by the missionaries. white shadows in the south seas chapter i farewell to papeite beach; at sea in the _morning star_; darwin's theory of the continent that sank beneath the waters of the south seas. by the white coral wall of papeite beach the schooner _fetia taiao_ (_morning star_) lay ready to put to sea. beneath the skyward-sweeping green heights of tahiti the narrow shore was a mass of colored gowns, dark faces, slender waving arms. all papeite, flower-crowned and weeping, was gathered beside the blue lagoon. lamentation and wailing followed the brown sailors as they came over the side and slowly began to cast the moorings that held the _morning star_. few are the ships that sail many seasons among the dangerous islands. they lay their bones on rock or reef or sink in the deep, and the lovers, sons and husbands of the women who weep on the beach return no more to the huts in the cocoanut groves. so, at each sailing on the "long course" the anguish is keen. "_ia ora na i te atua!_ farewell and god keep you!" the women cried as they stood beside the half-buried cannon that serve to make fast the ships by the coral bank. from the deck of the nearby _hinano_ came the music of an accordeon and a chorus of familiar words: "i teie nie mahana ne tere no oe e hati na te moana!" "let us sing and make merry, for we journey over the sea!" it was the _himene tatou arearea_. kelly, the wandering i.w.w., self-acclaimed delegate of the mythical union of beach-combers and stowaways, was at the valves of the accordeon, and about him squatted a ring of joyous natives. "_wela ka hao!_ hot stuff!" they shouted. suddenly caroline of the marquesas and mamoe of moorea, most beautiful dancers of the quays, flung themselves into the _upaupahura_, the singing dance of love. kelly began "tome! tome!" a hawaiian hula. men unloading cargo on the many schooners dropped their burdens and began to dance. rude squareheads of the fo'c'sles beat time with pannikins. clerks in the traders' stores and even marechel, the barber, were swept from counters and chairs by the sensuous melody, and bareheaded in the white sun they danced beneath the crowded balconies of the cercle bougainville, the club by the lagoon. the harbor of papeite knew ten minutes of unrestrained merriment, tears forgotten, while from the warehouse of the navy to the poodle stew café the hula reigned. [illustration: beach at viataphiha-tahiti] [illustration: where the belles of tahiti lived in the shade to whiten their complexions.] under the gorgeous flamboyant trees that paved their shade with red-gold blossoms a group of white men sang: "well, ah fare you well, we can stay no more with you, my love, down, set down your liquor and the girl from off your knee, for the wind has come to say 'you must take me while you may, if you'd go to mother carey!' (walk her down to mother carey!) oh, we're bound for mother carey where she feeds her chicks at sea!" the anchor was up, the lines let go, and suddenly from the sea came a wind with rain. the girls from the cocoanut house, a flutter of brilliant scarlet and pink gowns, fled for shelter, tossing blossoms of the sweet tiati tahiti toward their sailor lovers as they ran. marao, the haughty queen, drove rapidly away in her old chaise, the princess boots leaning out to wave a slender hand. prince hinoi, the fat spendthrift who might have been a king, leaned from the balcony of the club, glass in hand, and shouted, "_aroha i te revaraa!_" across the deserted beach. so we left papeite, the gay tahitian capital, while a slashing downpour drowned the gay flamboyant blossoms, our masts and rigging creaking in the gale, and sea breaking white on the coral reef. like the weeping women, who doubtless had already dried their tears, the sky began to smile before we reached the treacherous pass in the outer reef. beyond moto utu, the tiny islet in the harbor that had been harem and fort in kingly days, we saw the surf foaming on the coral, and soon were through the narrow channel. we had lifted no canvas in the lagoon, using only our engine to escape the coral traps. past the ever-present danger, with the wind now half a gale and the rain falling again in sheets--the intermittent deluge of the season--the _morning star_, under reefed foresail, mainsail and staysail, pointed her delicate nose toward the dangerous islands and hit hard the open sea. she rode the endlessly-tossing waves like a sea-gull, carrying her head with a care-free air and dipping to the waves in jaunty fashion. her lines were very fine, tapering and beautiful, even to the eye of a land-lubber. a hundred and six feet from stem to stern, twenty-three feet of beam and ten feet of depth, she was loaded to water's edge with cargo for the islands to which we were bound. lumber lay in the narrow lanes between cabin-house and rails; even the lifeboats were piled with cargo. those who reckon dangers do not laugh much in these seas. there was barely room to move about on the deck of the _morning star_; merely a few steps were possible abaft the wheel amid the play of main-sheet boom and traveler. here, while my three fellow-passengers went below, i stood gazing at the rain-whipped illimitable waters ahead. where is the boy who has not dreamed of the cannibal isles, those strange, fantastic places over the rim of the world, where naked brown men move like shadows through unimagined jungles, and horrid feasts are celebrated to the "boom, boom, boom!" of the twelve-foot drums? years bring knowledge, paid for with the dreams of youth. the wide, vague world becomes familiar, becomes even common-place. london, paris, venice, many-colored cairo, the desecrated crypts of the pyramids, the crumbling villages of palestine, no longer glimmer before me in the iridescent glamor of fancy, for i have seen them. but something of the boyish thrill that filled me when i pored over the pages of melville long ago returned while i stood on the deck of the _morning star_, plunging through the surging pacific in the driving tropic rain. many leagues before us lay les isles dangereux, the low archipelago, first stopping-point on our journey to the far cannibal islands yet another thousand miles away across the empty seas. before we saw the green banners of tahiti's cocoanut palms again we would travel not only forward over leagues of tossing water but backward across centuries of time. for in those islands isolated from the world for eons there remains a living fragment of the childhood of our caucasian race. darwin's theory is that these islands are the tops of a submerged continent, or land bridge, which stretches its crippled body along the floor of the pacific for thousands of leagues. a lost land, whose epic awaits the singer; a mystery perhaps forever to be unsolved. there are great monuments, graven objects, hieroglyphics, customs and languages, island peoples with suggestive legends--all, perhaps, remnants of a migration from asia or africa a hundred thousand years ago. over this land bridge, mayhap, ventured the caucasian people, the dominant blood in polynesia to-day, and when the continent fell from the sight of sun and stars save in those spots now the mountainous islands like tahiti and the marquesas, the survivors were isolated for untold centuries. here in these islands the brothers of our long-forgotten ancestors have lived and bred since the stone age, cut off from the main stream of mankind's development. here they have kept the childhood customs of our white race, savage and wild, amid their primitive and savage life. here, three centuries ago, they were discovered by the peoples of the great world, and, rudely encountering a civilization they did not build, they are dying here. with their passing vanishes the last living link with our own pre-historic past. and i was to see it, before it disappears forever. chapter ii the trade-room of the _morning star_; lying bill pincher; m. l'hermier des plantes, future governor of the marquesas; story of mchenry and the little native boy, his dog. "come 'ave a drink!" captain pincher called from the cabin, and leaving the spray-swept deck where the rain drummed on the canvas awning i went down the four steps into the narrow cabin-house. the cabin, about twenty feet long, had a tiny semi-private room for captain pincher, and four berths ranged about a table. here, grouped around a demijohn of rum, i found captain pincher with my three fellow-passengers; mchenry and gedge, the traders, and m. l'hermier des plantes, a young officer of the french colonial army, bound to the marquesas to be their governor. the captain was telling the story of the wreck in which he had lost his former ship. he had tied up to a reef for a game of cards with a like-minded skipper, who berthed beside him. the wind changed while they slept. captain pincher awoke to find his schooner breaking her backs on the coral rocks. "oo can say wot the blooming wind will do?" he said, thumping the table with his glass. "there was willy's schooner tied up next to me, and 'e got a slant and slid away, while my boat busts 'er sides open on the reef, the 'ole blooming atoll was 'eaped with the blooming cargo. willy 'ad luck; i 'ad 'ell. it's all an 'azard." he had not found his aitches since he left liverpool, thirty years earlier, nor dropped his silly expletives. a gray-haired, red-faced, laughing man, stockily built, mild mannered, he proved, as the afternoon wore on, to be a man from whom münchausen might have gained a story or two. "they call me lying bill," he said to me. "you can't believe wot i say." "he's straight as a mango tree, bill pincher is," mchenry asserted loudly. "he's a terrible liar about stories, but he's the best seaman that comes to t'yti, and square as a biscuit tin. you know how, when that schooner was stole that he was mate on, and the rotten thief run away with her and a woman, bill he went after 'em, and brought the schooner back from chile. bill, he's whatever he says he is, all right--but he can sail a schooner, buy copra and shell cheap, sell goods to the bloody natives, and bring back the money to the owners. that's what i call an honest man." lying bill received these hearty words with something less than his usual good-humor. there was no friendliness in his eye as he looked at mchenry, whose empty glass remained empty until he himself refilled it. bullet-headed, beady-eyed, a chunk of rank flesh shaped by a hundred sordid adventures, mchenry clutched at equality with these men, and it eluded him. lying bill, making no reply to his enthusiastic commendation, retired to his bunk with a paper-covered novel, and to cover the rebuff mchenry turned to talk of trade with gedge, who spoke little. the traderoom of the _morning star_, opening from the cabin, was to me the door to romance. when i was a boy there was more flavor in traderooms than in war. to have seen one would have been as a glimpse of the holy grail to a sworn knight. those traderooms of my youthful imagination smelt of rum and gun-powder, and beside them were racks of rifles to repel the dusky figures coming over the bulwarks. the traderoom of the _morning star_ was odorous, too. it had no window, and when one opened the door all was obscure at first, while smells of rank tahiti tobacco, cheap cotton prints, a broken bottle of perfume and scented soaps struggled for supremacy. gradually the eye discovered shelves and bins and goods heaped from floor to ceiling; pins and anchors, harpoons and pens, crackers and jewelry, cloth, shoes, medicine and tomahawks, socks and writing paper. trade business, mchenry's monologue explained, is not what it was. when these petty merchants dared not trust themselves ashore their guns guarded against too eager customers. but now almost every inhabited island has its little store, and the trader has to pursue his buyers, who die so fast that he must move from island to island in search of population. "booze is boss," said mchenry. "i have two thousand pounds in bank in australia, all made by selling liquor to the natives. it's against french law to sell or trade or give 'em a drop, but we all do it. if you don't have it, you can't get cargo. in the diving season it's the only damn thing that'll pass. the divers'll dig up from five to fifteen dollars a bottle for it, depending on the french being on the job or not. ain't that so, gedge?" "_c'est vrai_," gedge assented. he spoke in french, ostensibly for the benefit of m. l'hermier des plantes. that young governor of the marquesas was not given to saying much, his chief interest in life appearing to be an ample black whisker, to which he devoted incessant tender care. after a few words of broken english he had turned a negligent attention to the pages of a marquesan dictionary, in preparation for his future labors among the natives. gedge, however, continued to talk in the language of courts. it was obvious that mchenry's twenty-five years in french possessions had not taught him the white man's language. he demanded brusquely, "what are you _oui-oui_-ing for?" and occasionally interjected a few words of bastard french in an attempt to be jovial. to this gedge paid little attention. gedge was chief of the commercial part of the expedition, and his manner proclaimed it. thin-lipped, cunning-eyed, but strong and self-reliant, he was absorbed in the chances of trade. he had been twenty years in the marquesas islands. a shrewd man among kanakas, unscrupulous by his own account, he had prospered. now, after selling his business, he was paying a last visit to his long-time home to settle accounts. "'is old woman is a barefoot girl among the cannibals," lying bill said to me later. "'e 'as given a 'ole army of ostriches to fortune, 'e 'as." one of captain pincher's own sons was assistant to the engineer, ducat, and helped in the cargo work. the lad lived forward with the crew, so that we saw nothing of him socially, and his father never spoke to him save to give an order or a reprimand. native mothers mourn often the lack of fatherly affection in their white mates. illegitimate children are held cheap by the whites. [illustration: lieutenant l'hermier des plantes, governor of the marquesas islands] [illustration: entrance to a marquesan bay] for two days at sea after leaving papeite we did not see the sun. this was the rainy and hot season, a time of calms and hurricanes, of sudden squalls and maddening quietudes, when all signs fail and the sailor must stand by for the whims of the wind if he would save himself and his ship. for hours we raced along at seven or eight knots, with a strong breeze on the quarter and the seas ruffling about our prow. for still longer hours we pushed through a windless calm by motor power. showers fell incessantly. we lived in pajamas, barefooted, unshaven and unwashed. fresh water was limited, as it would be impossible to replenish our casks for many weeks. mchenry said it was not difficult to accustom one's self to lack of water, both externally and internally. there was a demijohn of strong tahitian rum always on tap in the cabin. here we sat to eat and remained to drink and read and smoke. there was bordeaux wine at luncheon and dinner, martinique and tahitian rum and absinthe between meals. the ship's bell was struck by the steersman every half hour, and mchenry made it the knell of an ounce. captain pincher took a jorum every hour or two and retired to his berth and novels, leaving the navigation of the _morning star_ to the under-officers. ducat, the third officer, a breton, joined us at meals. he was a decent, clever fellow in his late twenties, ambitious and clear-headed, but youthfully impressed by mchenry's self-proclaimed wickedness. one night after dinner he and mchenry were bantering each other after a few drinks of rum. mchenry said, "say, how's your kanaka woman?" ducat's fingers tightened on his glass. then, speaking english and very precisely, he asked, "do you mean my wife?" "i mean your old woman. what's this wife business?" "she is my wife, and we have two children." mchenry grinned. "i know all that. didn't i know her before you? she was mine first." ducat got up. we all got up. the air became tense, and in the silence there seemed no motion of ship or wave. i said to myself, "this is murder." ducat, very pale, an inscrutable look on his face, his black eyes narrowed, said quietly, "monsieur, do you mean that?" "why, sure i do? why shouldn't i mean it? it's true." none of us moved, but it was as if each of us stepped back, leaving the two men facing each other. in this circle no one would interfere. it was not our affair. our detachment isolated the two--mchenry quite drunk, in full command of his senses but with no controlling intelligence; ducat not at all drunk, studying the situation, considering in his rage and humiliation what would best revenge him on this man. ducat spoke, "mchenry, come out of this cabin with me." "what for?" "come with me." "oh, all right, all right," mchenry said. we stepped back as they passed us. they went up the steps to the deck. ducat paused at the break of the poop and stood there, speaking to mchenry. we could not hear his words. the schooner tossed idly, a faint creaking of the rigging came down to us in the cabin. the same question was in every eye. then ducat turned on his heel, and mchenry was left alone. our question was destined to remain unanswered. whatever ducat had said, it was something that hushed mchenry forever. he never mentioned the subject again, nor did any of us. but mchenry's attitude had subtly changed. ducat's words had destroyed that last secret refuge of the soul in which every man keeps the vestiges of self-justification and self-respect. mchenry sought me out that night while i sat on the cabin-house gazing at the great stars of the southern cross, and began to talk. "now take me," he said, "i'm not so bad. i'm as good as most people. as a matter of fact, i ain't done anything more in my life than anybody'd've done, if they had the chance. look at me--i had a singlet an' a pair of dungarees when i landed on the beach in t'yti, an' look at me now! i ain't done so bad!" he must have felt the unconvincing ring of his tone, lacking the full and complacent self-assurance usual to it, for as if groping for something to make good the lack he sought backward through his memories and unfolded bit by bit the tale of his experiences. scotch born of drunken parents, he had been reared in the slums of american cities and the forecastles of american ships. a waif, newsboy, loafer, gang-fighter and water-front pirate, he had come into the south seas twenty-five years earlier, shanghaied when drunk in san francisco. he looked back proudly on a quarter of a century of trading, thieving, selling contraband rum and opium, pearl-buying and gambling. but this pride on which he had so long depended failed him now. successful fights that he had waged, profitable crimes committed, grew pale upon his tongue. listening in the darkness while the engine drove us through a black sea and the canvas awning flapped overhead, i felt the baffled groping behind his words. "so i don't take nothing from no man!" he boasted, and fell into uneasy silence. "the folks in these islands know me, all right!" he asserted, and again was dumb. "now there was a kid, a little penryn boy," he said suddenly. "when i was a trader on penryn he was there, and he used to come around my store. that kid liked me. why, that kid, he was crazy about me! it's a fact, he was crazy about me, that kid was." his voice was fumbling back toward its old assurance, but there was wonder in it, as though he was incredulous of this foothold he had stumbled upon. he repeated, "that kid was crazy about me! "he used to hang around, and help me with the canned goods, and he'd go fishing with me, and shooting. he was a regular--what do you call 'em? these dogs that go after things for you? he'd go under the water and bring in the big fish for me. and he liked to do it. you never saw anything like the way that kid was. "i used to let him come into the store and hang around, you know. not that i cared anything for the kid myself; i ain't that kind. but i'd just give him some tinned biscuits now and then, the way you'd do. he didn't have no father or mother. his father had been eaten by a shark, and his mother was dead. the kid didn't have any name because his mother had died so young he hadn't got any name, and his father hadn't called him anything but boy. he give himself a name to me, and that was 'your dog.' "he called himself my dog, you see. but his name for it was your dog, and that was because he fetched and carried for me, like as if he was one. he was that kind of kid. not that i paid much attention to him. "you know there's a leper settlement on penryn, off across the lagoon. i ain't afraid of leprosy y'understand, because i've dealt with 'em for years, ate with 'em an' slept with 'em, an' all that, like everybody down here. but all the same i don't want to have 'em right around me all the time. so one day the doctor come to look over the natives, and he come an' told me the little kid, my dog, was a leper. "now i wasn't attached to the kid. i ain't attached to nobody. i ain't that kind of a man. but the kid was sort of used to me, and i was used to havin' him around. he used to come in through the window. he'd just come in, nights, and sit there an' never say a word. when i was goin' to bed he'd say, 'mchenry, your dog is goin' now, but can't your dog sleep here?' well, i used to let him sleep on the floor, no harm in that. but if he was a leper he'd got to go to the settlement, so i told him so. "he made such a fuss, cryin' around--by god, i had to boot him out of the place. i said: 'get out. i don't want you snivelin' around me.' so he went. "it's a rotten, god-forsaken place, i guess. i don't know. the government takes care of 'em. it ain't my affair. i guess for a leper colony it ain't so bad. "anyway, i was goin' to sell out an' leave penryn. the diving season was over. one night i had the door locked an' was goin' over my accounts to see if i couldn't collect some more dough from the natives. i heard a noise, and by god! there comin' through the window was my dog. he come up to me, and i said: 'stand away, there!' i ain't afraid of leprosy, but there's no use takin' chances. you never know. "well sir, that kid threw himself down on the floor, and he said, 'mchenry, i knowed you was goin' away and i had to come to see you.' that's what he said in his kanaka lingo. "he was cryin', and he looked pretty bad. he said he couldn't stand the settlement. he said, 'i don't never see you there. can't i live here an' be your dog again?' "i said, 'you got to go to the settlement.' i wasn't goin' to get into trouble on account of no kanaka kid. "now, that kid had swum about five miles in the night, with sharks all around him--the very place where his father had gone into a shark. that kid thought a lot of me. well, i made him go back. 'if you don't go, the doctor will come, an' then you got to go,' i said. 'you better get out. i'm goin' away, anyhow,' i said. i was figuring on my accounts, an' i didn't want to be bothered with no fool kid. "well, he hung around awhile, makin' a fuss, till i opened the door an' told him to git. then he went quiet enough. he went right down the beach into the water an' swum away, back to the settlement. now look here, that kid liked me. he knowed me well, too--he was around my store pretty near all the time i was in penryn. he was a fool kid. my dog, that was the name he give himself. an' while i was in t'yti, here, i get a letter from the trader that took over my store, and he sent me a letter from that kid. it was wrote in kanaka. he couldn't write much, but a little. here, i'll show you the letter. you'll see what that kid thought of me." in the light from the open cabin window i read the letter, painfully written on cheap, blue-lined paper. "greetings to you, mchenry, in tahiti, from your dog. it is hard to live without you. it is long since i have seen you. it is hard. i go to join my father. i give myself to the _mako_. to you, mchenry, from your dog, greetings and farewell." across the bottom of the letter was written in english: "the kid disappeared from the leper settlement. they think he drowned himself." chapter iii thirty-seven days at sea; life of the sea-birds; strange phosphorescence; first sight of fatu-hiva; history of the islands; chant of the raiateans. thirty-seven days at sea brought us to the eve of our landing in hiva-oa in the marquesas. thirty-seven monotonous days, varied only by rain-squalls and sun, by calm or threatening seas, by the changing sky. rarely a passing schooner lifted its sail above the far circle of the horizon. it was as though we journeyed through space to another world. yet all around us there was life--life in a thousand varying forms, filling the sea and the air. on calm mornings the swelling waves were splashed by myriads of leaping fish, the sky was the playground of innumerable birds, soaring, diving, following their accustomed ways through their own strange world oblivious of the human creatures imprisoned on a bit of wood below them. surrounded by a universe filled with pulsing, sentient life clothed in such multitudinous forms, man learns humility. he shrinks to a speck on an illimitable ocean. i spent long afternoons lying on the cabin-house, watching the frigates, the tropics, gulls, boobys, and other sea-birds that sported through the sky in great numbers. the frigate-birds were called by the sailors the man-of-war bird, and also the sea-hawk. they are marvelous flyers, owing to the size of the pectoral muscles, which compared with those of other birds are extraordinarily large. they cannot rest on the water, but must sustain their flights from land to land, yet here they were in mid-ocean. [illustration: the ironbound coast of the marquesas] [illustration: a road in nuka-hiva] my eyes would follow one higher and higher till he became a mere dot in the blue, though but a few minutes earlier he had risen from his pursuit of fish in the water. he spread his wings fully and did not move them as he climbed from air-level to air-level, but his long forked tail expanded and closed continuously. sighting a school of flying-fish, which had been driven to frantic leaps from the sea by pursuing bonito, he begins to descend. first his coming down is like that of an aeroplane, in spirals, but a thousand feet from his prey he volplanes; he falls like a rocket, and seizing a fish in the air, he wings his way again to the clouds. if he cannot find flying-fish, he stops gannets and terns in mid-air and makes them disgorge their catch, which he seizes as it falls. refusal to give up the food is punished by blows on the head, but the gannets and terns so fear the frigate that they seldom have the courage to disobey. i think a better name for the frigate would be pirate, for he is a veritable pirate of the air. yet no law restrains him. i observed that the male frigate has a red pouch under the throat which he puffs up with air when he flies far. it must have some other purpose, for the female lacks it, and she needs wind-power more than the male. it is she who seeks the food when, having laid her one egg on the sand, she goes abroad, leaving her husband to keep the egg warm. the tropic-bird, often called the boatswain, or phaëton, also climbs to great heights, and is seldom found out of these latitudes. he is a beautiful bird, white, or rose-colored with long carmine tail-feathers. in the sun these roseate birds are brilliant objects as they fly jerkily against the bright blue sky, or skim over the sea, rising and falling in their search for fish. i have seen them many times with the frigates, with whom they are great friends. it would appear that there is a bond between them; i have never seen the frigate rob his beautiful companion. in such idle observations and the vague wonders that arose from them, the days passed. an interminable game of cards progressed in the cabin, in which i occasionally took a hand. gedge and lying bill exchanged reminiscences. mchenry drank steadily. the future governor of the marquesas added a _galon_ to his sleeves, marking his advance to a first lieutenancy in the french colonial army. he was a very soft, sleek man, a little worn already, his black hair a trifle thin, but he was plump, his skin white as milk, and his jetty beard and mustache elaborately cared for. he was much before the mirror, combing and brushing and plucking. compared to us unkempt wretches, he was as a dandy to a tramp. the ice, which was packed in boxes of sawdust on deck, afforded one cold drink in which to toast the gallant future governor, and that was the last of it. at night the tahitian sailors helped themselves, and we bade farewell to ice until once more we saw papeite. it was no refreshment to reflect that had we dredging apparatus long enough we could procure from the sea-bottom buckets of ooze that would have cooled our drinks almost to the freezing point. scientists have done this. lying bill was loth to believe the story and the explanation, that an icy stream flows from the antarctic through a deep valley in the sea-depths. "it's contrar-iry to nature," he affirmed. "the depper you go the 'otter it is. in mines the 'eat is worse the farther down. and 'ow about 'ell?" i slept on the deck. it was sickeningly hot below. the squalls had passed, and as we neared hiva-oa the sea became glassy smooth, but the leagues-long, lazy roll of it rocked the schooner like a cradle. the night before the islands were to come into view the sea was lit by phosphorescence so magnificently that even my shipmates, absorbed in écarté below, called to one another to view it. the engine took us along at about six knots, and every gentle wave that broke was a lamp of loveliness. the wake of the _morning star_ was a milky path lit with trembling fragments of brilliancy, and below the surface, beside the rudder, was a strip of green light from which a billion sparks of fire shot to the air. far behind, until the horizon closed upon the ocean, our wake was curiously remindful of the boulevard of a great city seen through a mist, the lights fading in the dim distance, but sparkling still. i went forward and stood by the cathead. the blue water stirred by the bow was wonderfully bright, a mass of coruscating phosphorescence that lighted the prow like a lamp. it was as if lightning played beneath the waves, so luminous, so scintillating the water and its reflection upon the ship. the living organisms of the sea were _en fete_ that night, as though to celebrate my coming to the islands of which i had so long dreamed. i smiled at the fancy, well knowing that the minute _pyrocistis_, having come to the surface during the calm that followed the storms, were showing in that glorious fire the panic caused among them by the cataclysm of our passing. but the individual is ever an egoist. it seems to man that the universe is a circle about him and his affairs. it may as well seem the same to the _pyrocistis_. far about the ship the waves twinkled in green fire, disturbed even by the ruffling breeze. i drew up a bucketful of the water. in the darkness of the cabin it gave no light until i passed my hand through it. that was like opening a door into a room flooded by electricity; the table, the edges of the bunks, the uninterested faces of my shipmates, leaped from the shadows. marvels do not seem marvelous to men to live among them. i lay long awake on deck, watching the eerily lighted sea and the great stars that hung low in the sky, and to my fancy it seemed that the air had changed, that some breath from the isles before us had softened the salty tang of the sea-breeze. land loomed at daybreak, dark, gloomy, and inhospitable. rain fell drearily as we passed fatu-hiva, the first of the marquesas islands sighted from the south. we had climbed from tahiti, seventeen degrees south of the equator, to between eleven and ten degrees south, and we had made a westward of ten degrees. the marquesas islands lay before us, dull spots of dark rock upon the gray water. they are not large, any of these islands; sixty or seventy miles is the greatest circumference. some of the eleven are quite small, and have no people now. on the map of the world they are the tiniest pin-pricks. few dwellers in europe or america know anything about them. most travelers have never heard of them. no liners touch them; no wire or wireless connects them with the world. no tourists visit them. their people perish. their trade languishes. in tahiti, whence they draw almost all their sustenance, where their laws are made, and to which they look at the capital of the world, only a few men, who traded here, could tell me anything about the marquesas. these men had only the vague, exaggerated ideas of the sailor, who goes ashore once or twice a year and knows nothing of the native life. seven hundred and fifty miles as the frigate flies separates these islands from tahiti, but no distance can measure the difference between the happiness of tahiti, the sparkling, brilliant loveliness of that flower-decked island, and the stern, forbidding aspect of the marquesas lifting from the sea as we neared them. gone were the laughing vales, the pale-green hills, the luring, feminine guise of nature, the soft-lapping waves upon a peaceful, shining shore. the spirit that rides the thunder had claimed these bleak and desolate islands for his own. while the schooner made her way cautiously past the grim and rocky headlands of fatu-hiva i was overwhelmed with a feeling of solemnity, of sadness; such a feeling as i have known to sweep over an army the night before a battle, when letters are written to loved ones and comrades entrusted with messages. that gaunt, dark shore itself recalls that the history of the marquesas is written in blood, a black spot on the white race. it is a history of evil wrought by civilization, of curses heaped on a strange, simple people by men who sought to exploit them or to mold them to another pattern, who destroyed their customs and their happiness and left them to die, apathetic, wretched, hardly knowing their own miserable plight. the french have had their flag over the marquesas since . in magellan must have passed between the marquesas and paumotas, but he does not mention them. seventy-three years later a spanish flotilla sent from callao by don garcia hurtado de mendoza, viceroy of peru, found this island of fatu-hiva, and its commander, mendaña, named the group for the viceroy's lady, las islas marquesas de mendoza. one hundred and eighty years passed, and captain cook again discovered the islands, and a frenchman, etienne marchand, discovered the northern group. the fires of liberty were blazing high in his home land, and marchand named his group the isles of the revolution, in celebration of the victories of the french people. a year earlier an american, ingraham, had sighted this same group and given it the name of his own beloved hero, washington. had not captain porter failed to establish american rule in in the island of nuka-hiva, which he called madison, the marquesas might have been american. porter's name, like that of mendaña, is linked with deeds of cruelty. the spaniard was without pity; the american may plead that his killings were reprisals or measures of safety for himself. murder of polynesians was little thought of. schooners trained their guns on islands for pleasure or practice, and destroyed villages with all their inhabitants. "to put the fear of god in the nigger's hearts," were the words of many a sanguinary captain and crew. they did not, of course, mean that literally. they meant the fear of themselves, and of all whites. they used the name of god in vain, for after a century and more of such intermittent effort the polynesians have small fear or faith for the god of christians, despite continuous labors of missionaries. god seems to have forgotten them. the french made the islands their political possessions with little difficulty. the marquesans had no king or single chief. there were many tribes and clans, and it was easy to persuade or compel petty chiefs to sign declarations and treaties. but it was not easy to kill the independence of the people, and france virtually abandoned and retook the islands several times, her rule fluctuating with political conditions at home. there were wars, horrible, bloody scenes, when the clansmen slew the whites and ate them, and the bones of many a gallant french officer and sea-captain have moldered where they were heaped after the orgy following victory. but, as always, the white slew his hundreds to the natives' one, and in time he drove the devil of liberty and defense of native land from the heart of the marquesan. before the french achieved this, however, the white had sowed a crop of deadly evils among the marquesans that cut them down faster than war, and left them desolate, dying, passing to extinction. as i looked from the deck of the _morning star_ i was struck by the fittingness of the scene. fatu-hiva had been left behind and hiva-oa, our destination, was before us, bleak and threatening. to my eyes it appeared as it had been in the eyes of the gentler polynesians of old time, the abode of demons and of a race of terrible warriors. hence descended the marquesans, vikings of the pacific, in giant canoes, and sprang upon the fighting men of the tahitians, the raiateans and the paumotans, slaughtering their hundreds and carrying away scores to feast upon in the high places. "mauri i te popoi a ee i te au marere i hiti tovau. ia tari a oe. tari a rutu mai i hea? a rutu mai i toerau i hitia! o te au marere i hiti atu a vaua a ratu i reira a rutu i toerau roa! areare te hai o nu'u-hiva roa. i te are e huti te tai a vavea." "the spirit of the morning rides the flying vapor that rises salt from the sea. bear on! bear on! and strike--where? strike to the northeast! the vapor flies to the far rim of the sea of atolls. strike there! strike far north! the sea casts up distant nuka-hiva, land of the war fleet, where the waves are towering billows." this was the ancient chant of the raiateans, sung in the old days before the whites came, when they thought of the deeds that were done by the more-than-human men who lived on these desolate islands. [illustration: harbor of tai-o-hae] [illustration: schooner _fetia taiao_ in the bay of traitors the little isle behind the schooner is hanake] chapter iv anchorage of taha-uka; exploding eggs, and his engagement as valet; inauguration of the new governor; dance on the palace lawn. as we approached hiva-oa the giant height of temetiu slowly lifted four thousand feet above the sea, swathed in blackest clouds. below, purple-black valleys came one by one into view, murky caverns of dank vegetation. towering precipices, seamed and riven, rose above the vast welter of the gray sea. slowly we crept into the wide bay of traitors and felt our way into the anchorage of taha-uka, a long and narrow passage between frowning cliffs, spray-dashed walls of granite lashed fiercely by the sea. all along the bluffs were cocoanut-palms, magnificent, waving their green fronds in the breeze. darker green, the mountains towered above them, and far on the higher slopes we saw wild goats leaping from crag to crag and wild horses running in the upper valleys. a score or more of white ribbons depended from the lofty heights, and through the binoculars i saw them to be waterfalls. they were like silver cords swaying in the wind, and when brought nearer by the glasses, i saw that some of them were heavy torrents while others, gauzy as wisps of chiffon, hardly veiled the black walls behind them. the whole island dripped. the air was saturated, the decks were wet, and along the shelves of basalt that jutted from the cliffs a hundred blow-holes spouted and roared. in ages of endeavor the ocean had made chambers in the rock and cut passages to the top, through which, at every surge of the pounding waves, the water rushed and rose high in the air. iron-bound, the mariner calls this coast, and the word makes one see the powerful, severe mold of it. molten rock fused in subterranean fires and cast above the sea cooled into these ominous ridges, and stern unyielding walls. there upon the deck i determined not to leave until i had lived for a time amid these wild scenes. my intention had been to voyage with the _morning star_, returning with her to tahiti, but a mysterious voice called to me from the dusky valleys. i could not leave without penetrating into those abrupt and melancholy depths of forest, without endeavoring, though ever so feebly, to stir the cold brew of legend and tale fast disappearing in stupor and forgetfulness. lying bill protested volubly; he liked company and would regret my contribution to the expense account. gedge joined him in serious opposition to the plan, urging that i would not be able to find a place to live, that there was no hotel, club, lodging, or food for a stranger. but i was determined to stay, though i must sleep under a breadfruit-tree. as i was a mere roamer, with no calendar or even a watch, i had but to fetch my few belongings ashore and be a marquesan. these belongings i gathered together, and finding me obdurate, lying bill reluctantly agreed to set them on the beach. on either side of taha-uka inlet are landing-places, one in front of a store, the other leading only to the forest. these are stairways cut in the basaltic wall of the cliffs, and against them the waves pound continuously. the beach of taha-uka was a mile from where we lay and not available for traffic, but around a shoulder of the bluffs was hidden the tiny bay of atuona, where goods could be landed. while we discussed this, around those jutting rocks shot a small out-rigger canoe, frail and hardly large enough to hold the body of a slender marquesan boy who paddled it. about his middle he wore a red and yellow _pareu_, and his naked body was like a small and perfect statue as he handled his tiny craft. when he came over the side i saw that he was about thirteen years old and very handsome, tawny in complexion, with regular features and an engaging smile. his name, he said, was nakohu, which means exploding eggs. this last touch was all that was needed; without further ado i at once engaged him as valet for the period of my stay in the marquesas. his duties would be to help in conveying my luggage ashore, to aid me in the mysteries of cooking breadfruit and such other edibles as i might discover, and to converse with me in marquesan. in return, he was to profit by the honor of being attached to my person, by an option on such small articles as i might leave behind on my departure, and by the munificent salary of about five cents a day. his gratitude and delight knew no bounds. hardly had the arrangement been made, when a whaleboat rowed by marquesans followed in the wake of the canoe, and a tall, rangy frenchman climbed aboard the _morning star_. he was monsieur andré bauda, agent special, _commissaire_, postmaster; a _beau sabreur_, veteran of many campaigns in africa, dressed in khaki, medals on his chest, full of gay words and fierce words, drinking his rum neat, and the pink of courtesy. he had come to examine the ship's papers, and to receive the new governor. a look of blank amazement appeared upon the round face of m. l'hermier des plantes when it was conveyed to him that this solitary whaleboat had brought a solitary white to welcome him to his seat of government. he had been assiduously preparing for his reception for many hours and was immaculately dressed in white duck, his legs in high, brightly-polished boots, his two stripes in velvet on his sleeve, and his military cap shining. he knew no more about the marquesas than i, having come directly via tahiti from france, and he was plainly dumfounded and dismayed. was all that tender care of his whiskers to be wasted on scenery? however, after a drink or two he resignedly took his belongings, and dropping into the wet and dirty boat with bauda, he lifted an umbrella over his gaudy cap and disappeared in the rain. "'e's got a bloomin' nice place to live in," remarked lying bill. "now, if 'e 'd a-been 'ere when i come 'e 'd a-seen something! i come 'ere thirty-five years ago when i was a young kid. i come with a skipper and i was the only crew. me and him, and i was eighteen, and the boat was the _victor_. i lived 'ere and about for ten years. them was the days for a little excitement. there was a chief, mohuho, who'd a-killed me if i 'adn't been _tapu'd_ by vaekehu, the queen, wot took a liking to me, me being a kid, and white. i've seen mohuho shoot three natives from cocoanut-trees just to try a new gun. 'e was a bad 'un, 'e was. there was something doing every day, them days. god, wot it is to be young!" a little later lying bill, ducat, and i, with my new valet's canoe in the wake of our boat, rounded the cliffs that had shut off our view of atuona valley. it lay before us, a long and narrow stretch of sand behind a foaming and heavy surf; beyond, a few scattered wooden buildings among palm and banian-trees, and above, the ribbed gaunt mountains shutting in a deep and gloomy ravine. it was a lonely, beautiful place, ominous, melancholy, yet majestic. "bloody hiva-oa," this island was called. long after the french had subdued by terror the other isles of the group, hiva-oa remained obdurate, separate, and untamed. it was the last stronghold of brutishness, of cruel chiefs and fierce feuds, of primitive and terrible customs. and of "the man-eating isle of hiva-oa" atuona valley was the capital. we landed on the beach dry-shod, through the skill of the boat-steerer and the strength of the tahitian sailors, who carried us through the surf and set my luggage among the thick green vines that met the tide. we were dressed to call upon the governor, whose inauguration was to take place that afternoon, and leaving my belongings in care of the faithful exploding eggs, we set off up the valley. the rough road, seven or eight feet wide, was raised on rocks above the jungle and was bordered by giant banana plants and cocoanuts. at this season all was a swamp below us, the orchard palms standing many feet deep in water and mud, but their long green fronds and the darker tangle of wild growth on the steep mountain-sides were beautiful. the government house was set half a mile farther on in the narrowing ravine, and on the way we passed a desolate dwelling, squalid, set in the marsh, its battered verandas and open doors disclosing a wretched mingling of native bareness with poverty-stricken european fittings. on the tottering veranda sat a ragged frenchman, bearded and shaggy-haired, and beside him three girls as blonde as german _mädchens_. their white delicate faces and blue eyes, in such surroundings, struck one like a blow. the eldest was a girl of eighteen years, melancholy, though pretty, wearing like the others a dirty gown and no shoes or stockings. the man was in soiled overalls, and reeling drunk. "that is baufré," said ducat. "he is always drunk. he married the daughter of an irish trader, a former officer in the british indian light cavalry. baufré was a _sous-officier_ in the french forces here. there is no native blood in those girls. what will become of them, i wonder?" a few hundred yards further on was the palace. it was a wooden house of four or five rooms, with an ample veranda, surrounded by an acre of ground fenced in. the sward was the brilliantly green, luxuriant wild growth that in these islands covers every foot of earth surface. cocoanuts and mango-trees rose from this volunteer lawn, and under them a dozen rosebushes, thick with excessively fragrant bloom. pineapples grew against the palings, and a bed of lettuce flourished in the rear beside a tiny pharmacy, a kitchen, and a shelter for servants. on the spontaneous verdure before the veranda three score marquesans stood or squatted, the men in shirts and overalls and the women in tunics. their skins, not brown nor red nor yellow, but tawny like that of the white man deeply tanned by the sun, reminded me again that these people may trace back their ancestry to the caucasian cradle. the hair of the women was adorned with gay flowers or the leaves of the false coffee bush. their single garments of gorgeous colors clung to their straight, rounded bodies, their dark eyes were soft and full of light as the eyes of deer, and their features, clean-cut and severe, were of classic lines. the men, tall and massive, seemed awkwardly constricted in ill-fitting, blue cotton overalls such as american laborers wear over street-clothes. their huge bodies seemed about to break through the flimsy bindings, and the carriage of their striking heads made the garments ridiculous. most of them had fairly regular features on a large scale, their mouths wide, and their lips full and sensual. they wore no hats or ornaments, though it has ever been the custom of all polynesians to put flowers and wreaths upon their heads. men and women were waiting with a kind of apathetic resignation; melancholy and unresisting despair seemed the only spirit left to them. on the veranda with the governor and bauda were several whites, one a french woman to whom we were presented. madame bapp, fat and red-faced, in a tight silk gown over corsets, was twice the size of her husband, a dapper, small man with huge mustaches, a paper collar to his ears, and a fiery, red-velvet cravat. on a table were bottles of absinthe and champagne, and several demijohns of red wine stood on the floor. all our company attacked the table freight and drank the warm champagne. a seamy-visaged frenchman, pierre guillitoue, the village butcher--a philosopher and anarchist, he told me--rapped with a bottle on the veranda railing. the governor, in every inch of gold lace possible, made a gallant figure as he rose and faced the people. his whiskers were aglow with dressing. the ceremony began with an address by a native, haabunai. intrepreted by guillitoue, haabunai said that the marquesans were glad to have a new governor, a wise man who would cure their ills, a just ruler, and a friend; then speaking directly to his own people, he praised extravagantly the newcomer, so that guillitoue choked in his translation, and ceased, and mixed himself a glass of absinthe and water. the governor replied briefly in french. he said that he had come in their interest; that he would not cheat them or betray them; that he would make them well if they were sick. the french flag was their flag; the french people loved them. the marquesans listened without interest, as if he spoke of some one in tibet who wanted to sell a green elephant. in the south seas a meeting out-of-doors means a dance. the polynesians have ever made this universal human expression of the rhythmic principle of motion the chief evidence of emotion, and particularly of elation. civilization has all but stifled it in many islands. christianity has made it a sin. it dies hard, for it is the basic outlet of strong natural feeling, and the great group entertainment of these peoples. [illustration: andré bauda, commissaire] [illustration: the public dance in the garden] the speeches done, the governor suggested that the national spirit be interpreted to him in pantomine. "they must be enlivened with alcohol or they will not move," said guillitoue. "_mon dieu!_" he replied. "it is the 'folies bergère' over again! give them wine!" bauda ordered flag, the native gendarme, and song of the nightingale, a prisoner, to carry a demijohn of bordeaux wine to the garden. with two glasses they circulated the claret until each marquesan had a pint or so. song of the nightingale was a middle-aged savage, with a wicked, leering face, and whiskers from his ears to the corners of his mouth, surely a strange product of the marquesan race, none of whose men will permit any hair to grow on lip or cheek. while song circulated the wine m. bauda enlightened me as to the crime that had made him prisoner. he was serving eighteen months for selling cocoanut brandy. when the cask was emptied the people began the dance. three rows were formed, one of women between two of men, in indian file facing the veranda. haabunai and song of the nightingale brought forth the drums. these were about four feet high, barbaric instruments of skin stretched over hollow logs, and the "boom-boom" that came from them when they were struck by the hands of the two strong men was thrilling and strange. the dance was formal, slow, and melancholy. haabunai gave the order of it, shouting at the top of his voice. the women, with blue and scarlet chinese shawls of silk tied about their hips, moved stiffly, without interest or spontaneous spirit, as though constrained and indifferent. though the dances were licentious, they conveyed no meaning and expressed no emotion. the men gestured by rote, appealing mutely to the spectators, so that one might fancy them orators whose voices failed to reach one. there was no laughter, not even a smile. "give them another demijohn!" said the governor. the juice of the grape dissolved melancholy. when the last of it had flowed the dance was resumed. the women began a spirited _danse du ventre_. their eyes now sparkled, their bodies were lithe and graceful. mchenry rushed on to the lawn and taking his place among them copied their motions in antics that set them roaring with the hearty roars of the conquered at the asininity of the conquerors. they tried to continue the dance, but could not for merriment. one of the dancers advanced toward the veranda and in a ceremonious way kissed the governor upon the lips. that young executive was much surprised, but returned the salute and squeezed her tiny waist. all the company laughed at this, except madame bapp, who glared angrily and exclaimed, "_coquine!_" which means hussy. the marquesans have no kisses in their native love-making, but smell one or rub noses, as do the eskimo. whites, however, have taught kisses in all their variety. the governor had the girl drink a glass of champagne. she was perhaps sixteen years old, a charming girl, smiling, simple, and lovely. her skin, like that of all marquesans, was olive, not brown like the hawaiians' or yellow like the chinese, but like that of whites grown dark in the sun. she had black, streaming hair, sloe eyes, and an arch expression. her manner was artlessly ingratiating, and her sweetness of disposition was not marked by hauteur. when i noticed that her arm was tattoed, she slipped off her dress and sat naked to the waist to show all her adornment. there was an inscription of three lines stretching from her shoulder to her wrist, the letters nearly an inch in length, crowded together in careless inartistry. the legend was as follows: "tahiakeana teikimoeatipanie pahaka avii anipoenuimatilaili tetuatonoeinuhapaliilii" these were the names given her at birth, and tattooed in her childhood. she was called, she said, tahiakeana, weaver of mats. seeing her success among us and noting the champagne, her companions began to thrust forward on to the veranda to share her luck. this angered the governor, who thought his dignity assailed. at bauda's order, the gendarme and song of the nightingale dismissed the visitors, put mchenry to sleep under a tree, and escorted the new executive and me to bauda's home on the beach. there in his board shanty, six by ten feet, we ate our first dinner in the islands, while the wind surged through swishing palm-leaves outside, and nuts fell now and then upon the iron roof with the resounding crash of bombs. it was a plain, but plentiful, meal of canned foods, served by the tawny gendarme and the wicked song, whose term of punishment for distributing brandy seemed curiously suited to his crime. at midnight i accompanied a happy governor to his palace, which had one spare bedroom, sketchily furnished. during the night the slats of my bed gave way with a dreadful din, and i woke to find the governor in pajamas of rose-colored silk, with pistol in hand, shedding electric rays upon me from a battery lamp. there was anxiety in his manner as he said: "you never can tell. a chief's son tried to kill my predecessor. i do not know these marquesans. we are few whites here. and, _mon dieu!_ the guardian of the palace is himself a native!" [illustration: antoinette, a marquesan dancing girl] [illustration: marquesans in sunday clothes the daughter of titihuti, chieftess of hiva-oa. on the left her husband, pierre pradorat, on the right, his brother] chapter v first night in atuona valley; sensational arrival of the golden bed; titi-huti's tattooed legs. it was necessary to find at once a residence for my contemplated stay in atuona, for the schooner sailed on the morrow, and my brief glimpse of the marquesans had whetted my desire to live among them. i would not accept the courteous invitation of the governor to stay at the palace, for officialdom never knows its surroundings, and grandeur makes for no confidence from the lowly. lam kai oo, an aged chinaman whom i encountered at the trader's store, came eagerly to my rescue with an offered lease of his deserted store and bakeshop. from canton he had been brought in his youth by the labor bosses of western america to help build the transcontinental railway, and later another agency had set him down in taha-uka to grow cotton for john hart. he saw the destruction of that plantation, escaped the plague of opium, and with his scant savings made himself a petty merchant in atuona. now he was old and had retired up the valley to the home he had long established there beside his copra furnace and his shrine of the sacred heart of jesus. he led me to the abandoned shack, a long room, tumbledown, moist, festooned with cobwebs, the counters and benches black with reminiscences of twenty thousand tradings and chinese meals. the windows were but half a dozen bars, and the heavy vapors of a cruel past hung about the sombre walls. though opium had long been contraband, its acrid odor permeated the worn furnishings. here with some misgivings i prepared to spend my second night in hiva-oa. i left the palace late, and found the shack by its location next the river on the main road. midnight had come, no creature stirred as i opened the door. the few stars in the black velvet pall of the sky seemed to ray out positive darkness, and the spirit of po, the marquesan god of evil, breathed from the unseen, shuddering forest. i tried to damn my mood, but found no profanity utterable. rain began to fall, and i pushed into the den. a glimpse of the dismal interior did not cheer me. i locked the door with the great iron key, spread my mat, and blew out the lantern. soon from out the huge brick oven where for decades lam kai oo had baked his bread there stole scratching, whispering forms that slid along the slippery floor and leaped about the seats where many long since dead had sat. i lay quiet with a will to sleep, but the hair stirred on my scalp. the darkness was incredible, burdensome, like a weight. the sound of the wind and the rain in the breadfruit forest and the low roar of the torrent became only part of the silence in which those invisible presences crept and rustled. try as i would i could recall no good deed of mine to shine for me in that shrouded confine. the celtic vision of my forefathers, that strange mixture of the terrors of druid and soggarth, danced on the creaking floor, and witch-lights gleamed on ceiling and timbers. i thought to dissolve it all with a match, but whether all awake or partly asleep, i had no strength to reach it. then something clammily touched my face, and with a bound i had the lantern going. no living thing moved in the circle of its rays. my flesh crawled on my bones, and sitting upright on my mat i chanted aloud from the bible in french with tahitian parallels. the glow of a pipe and the solace of tobacco aided the rhythm of the prophets in dispelling the ghosts of the gloom, but never shipwrecked mariner greeted the dawn with greater joy than i. in its pale light i peered through the barred windows--the windows of the chinese the world over--and saw four men who had set down a coffin to rest themselves and smoke a cigarette. they sat on the rude box covered with a black cloth and passed the pandanus-wrapped tobacco about. naked, except for loin-cloths, their tawny skins gleaming wet in the gray light, rings of tattooing about their eyes, they made a strange picture against the jungle growth. they were without fire for they had got into a deep place crossing the stream and had wet their matches. i handed a box through the bars, and by reckless use of the few words of marquesan i recalled, and bits of french they knew, helped out by scraps of spanish one had gained from the chilean murderer who milked the cows for the german trader, i learned that the corpse was that of a woman of sixty years, whose agonies had been soothed by the ritual of the catholic church. the bearers were taking her to calvary cemetery on the hill. their cigarettes smoked, they rose and took up the long poles on which the coffin was swung. moving with the tread of panthers, firm, noiseless, and graceful, they disappeared into the forest and i was left alone with the morning sun and the glistening leaves of the rain-wet breadfruit-trees. on the beach an hour later i met gedge, who asked me with a quizzical eye how i had enjoyed my first night among the kanakas. i replied that i had seldom passed such a night, spoke glowingly of the forest and the stream, and said that i was still determined to remain behind when the schooner sailed. "well, if you will stay," said he, and the trader's look came into his eye, "i've got just the thing you want. you don't want to lie on a mat where the thousand-legs can get you--and if they get you, you die. you want to live right. now listen to me; i got the best brass bed ever a king slept on. double thickness, heavy brass bed, looks like solid gold. springs that would hold the schooner, double-thick mattress, sheets and pillows all embroidered like it belonged to a duchess. fellow was going to be married that i brought it for, but now he's lying up there in calvary in a bed they dug for him. i'll let you have it cheap--three hundred francs. it's worth double. what do you say?" a brass bed, a golden bed in the cannibal islands! "it's a go," i said. on the deck of the _morning star_ i beheld the packing-cases brought up from the hold, and my new purchase with all its parts and appurtenances loaded in a ship's boat, with the iron box that held my gold. so i arrived in atuona for the second time, high astride the sewed-up mattress on top of the metal parts, and so deftly did the tahitians handle the oars that, though we rode the surf right up to the creeping jungle flowers that met the tide on atuona beach, i was not wet except by spray. [illustration: vai etienne] [illustration: the pool by the queen's house] our arrival was watched by a score of marquesan chiefs who had been summoned by bauda for the purpose, as he told me, of being urged to thrash the tax-tree more vigorously. the meeting adjourned instantly, and they hastened down from the frame building that housed the government offices. their curiosity could not be restrained. a score of eager hands stripped the coverings from the brass bed, and exposed the glittering head and foot pieces in the brilliant sunlight. exclamations of amazement and delight greeted the marvel. this was another wonder from the white men's isles, indicative of wealth and royal taste. from all sides other natives came hastening. my brass bed and i were the center of a gesticulating circle, dark eyes rolled with excitement and naked shoulder jostled shoulder. three chiefs, tattooed and haughty, personally erected the bed, and when i disclosed the purpose of the mattress, placed it in position. every woman present now pushed forward and begged the favor of being allowed to bounce upon it. it became a diversion attended with high honor. controversies meantime raged about the bed. many voices estimated the number of mats that would be necessary to equal the thickness of the mattress, but none found a comparison worthy of its softness and elasticity. in the midst of this mêlée one woman, whose eyes and facial contour betrayed chinese blood, but who was very comely and neat, pushed forward and pointing to the glittering center of attraction repeated over and over. "_kisskisskissa? kisskisskissa?_" for awhile i was disposed to credit her with a sudden affection for me, but soon resolved her query into the french "qu'est-ce que c'est que ca? what is that?" she was apporo, wife of puhei, great fern, she said, and she owned a house in which her father, a chinaman, had recently died. this house she earnestly desired to give me in exchange for the golden bed, and we struck a bargain. i was to live in the house of apporo and, on departing, to leave her the bed. great fern, her husband, was called to seal the compact. he was a giant in stature, dark skinned, with a serene countenance and crisp hair. they agreed to clean the house thoroughly and to give me possession at once. they were really mad to have the bed, in all its shiny golden beauty, and once the arrangement was made they could hardly give over examining it, crawling beneath it, smoothing the mattress and fingering the springs. they shook it, poked it, patted it, and finally apporo, filled with feminine pride, arrogated to herself the sole privilege of bouncing upon it. lam kai oo wailed his loss of a tenant. "you savee thlat house belong lep'," he argued earnestly. "my sto'e littee dirty, but i fixum. you go thlat lep' house, bimeby flinger dlop, toe dlop, nose he go." he grimaced frightfully, and indicated in pantomime the ravages of leprosy upon the human form. his appeal was in vain. the golden bed, upraised on the shoulders of four stalwart chiefs, began its triumphal progress up the valley road. behind it officiously walked exploding eggs, puffed up with importance, regarded on all sides with respect as _tueni oki kiki_, keeper of the golden bed, but jostled for position by apporo, envied of women. behind them up the rough road hastened the rest of the village, eager to see the installation of the marvel in its new quarters, and i followed the barbaric procession leisurely. my new residence was a mile from the beach, and off the main thoroughfare, though this mattered little. the roads built decades ago by the french are so ruined and neglected that not a thousand feet of them remain in all the islands. no wheel supports a vehicle, not even a wheelbarrow. trails thread the valleys and climb the hills, and traffic is by horse and human. my golden bed, lurching precariously in the narrow path, led me through tangled jungle growth to the first sight of my new home, a small house painted bright blue and roofed with corrugated iron. set in the midst of the forest, it was raised from the ground on a _paepae_, a great platform made of basalt stones, black, smooth and big, the very flesh of the marquesas islands. every house built by a native since their time began has been set on a _paepae_, and mine had been erected in days beyond the memory of any living man. it was fifty feet broad and as long, raised eight feet from the earth, which was reached by worn steps. above the small blue-walled house the rocky peak of temetiu rose steeply, four thousand feet into the air, its lower reaches clothed in jungle-vines, and trees, its summit dark green under a clear sky, but black when the sun was hidden. most of the hours of the day it was but a dim shadow above a belt of white clouds, but up to its mysterious heights a broken ridge climbed sheer from the valley, and upon it browsed the wild boar and the crag-loving goat. beside the house the river brawled through a greenwood of bread-fruit-, cocoanut-, vi-apple-, mango- and lime-trees. the tropical heat distilled from their leaves a drowsy woodland odor which filled the two small whitewashed rooms, and the shadows of the trees, falling through the wide unglassed windows, made a sun-flecked pattern on the black stone floor. this was the house of lepers, now rechristened the house of the golden bed, which was to be my home through the unknown days before me. the next day i watched the _morning star_ lift her sails and move slowly out of the bay of traitors into the open sea, with less regret than i have ever felt in that moment of wistfulness which attends the departure of a sailing-ship. exploding eggs, at my side, read correctly my returning eyes. "kaoha!" he said, with a wide smile of welcome, and with him and vai, my next-door neighbor, i returned gladly to my _paepae_. vai, or in english, water, was a youth of twenty years, a dandy; on ordinary occasions naked, except for the _pareu_ about his loins, but on sundays or when courting rejoicing in the gayest of europeanized clothes. he lived near me in a small house on the river-bank with his mother and sister. all were of a long line of chiefs, and all marvelously large and handsome. the mother, titihuti, would have been beloved of the ancient artists who might have drawn her for an amazon. i have never seen another woman of such superb carriage. her hair was blood-red, her brow lofty, and an indescribable air of majesty and pride spoke eloquently of her descent from fathers and mothers of power. she had wonderful legs, statuesque in mold, and tattooed from ankles to thigh in most amazing patterns. to a marquesan of her generation the tattooed legs of a shapely woman were the highest reach of art. titihuti was very proud of her legs. though she was devout catholic and well aware of the contempt of the church for such vanities, religion could not entirely efface her pride. during the first few days she passed and repassed my cabin in her walks about her household duties, lifting her tunic each day a little higher. her vanity would no doubt have continued this gradual course, but that one day i came upon her in the river entirely nude. her gratification was unconcealed; naively she displayed the innumerable whirls and arabesques of her adornment for my compliments, and thereafter she wore only a _pareu_ when at home, entirely dropping alien standards of modesty and her gown. she said that people came from far valleys to see her legs, and i could readily believe it. it was so with the leg of the late queen vaekehu, a leg so perfect in mold and so elaborately and artistically inked that it distinguished her even more than her rank. casual whites, especially, considered it a curiosity, and offended her majesty by laying democratic hands upon the masterpiece. i had known a man or two who had seen the queen at home, and who testified warmly to the harmonious blending of flesh color with the candle-nut soot. among my effects in the house of the golden bed i had a photograph showing the multiplicity and fine execution of the designs upon vaekehu's leg, yet comparing it with the two realities of titihuti i could not yield the palm to the queen. the legs of titihuti were tattooed from toes to ankles with a net-like pattern, and from the ankles to the waistline, where the design terminated in a handsome girdle, there were curves, circles and filigree, all in accord, all part of a harmonious whole, and most pleasing to the eye. the pattern upon her feet was much like that of sandals or high mocassins, indicating a former use of leg-coverings in a cold climate. titihuti herself, after an anxious inch-for-inch matching of picture and living form, said complacently that her legs were _meitai ae_, which meant that she would not have hesitated to enter her own decorations in beauty competition with those of vaekehu. kake, her daughter, had been christened for her mother's greatest charm, for her name means tattooed to the loins, though there was not a tattoo mark upon her. she was a beautiful, stately girl of nineteen or twenty, married to a devoted native, to whom, shortly after my arrival, she presented his own living miniature. i was the startled witness of the birth of this babe, the delight of his father's heart. my neighbors and i had the same bathing hour, soon after daylight, and usually chose the same pool in the clear river. kake was lying on a mat on their _paepae_ when i passed one morning, and when i said "kaoha" to her she did not reply. her silence caused me to mount the stairway, and at that moment the child was born. half an hour later she joined me in the river, and laughing back at me over her shoulder as she plunged through the water, called that she would give the child my name. that afternoon she was sitting on my _paepae_, a bewitching sight as she held the suckling to her breast and crooned of his forefather's deeds before the white had gripped them. chapter vi visit of chief seventh man who is so angry he wallows in the mire; journey to vait-hua on tahuata island; fight with the devil-fish; story of a cannibal feast and the two who escaped. "the iron fingers that make words," the marquesans called my typewriter. such a wonder had never before been beheld in the islands, and its fame spread far. from other valleys and even from distant islands the curious came in threes and fours. they watched the strange thing write their names and carefully carried away the bits of paper. "aue!" they cried as i showed them my speed, which would be a shame to a typist. chiefs especially were my visitors, thinking it proper to their estate and to mine that they should call upon me and invite me to their seats of government. so it happened that one morning as i sat on my _paepae_ eating a breakfast of roasted breadfruit prepared for me by exploding eggs, my naked skin enjoying the warmth of the sun and my ears filled with the bubbling laughter of the brook, i beheld two stately visitors approaching. exploding eggs named them to me as they came up the trail. both were leading chiefs of the islands. katu, piece of tattooing, of hekeani, led the way. his severe and dignified face was a dark blue in color. his eyes alone were free from imbedded indigo ink. they gleamed like white clouds in a blue sky, but their glance was mild and kindly. sixty years of age, he still walked with upright grace, only the softened contours of his face betraying that he was well in his manhood when his valley was still given over to tribal warfares, orgies, and cannibalism. behind him came neo afitu atrien, of vait-hua, a stocky brown man with a lined face, stubby mustache, and brilliant, intelligent eyes. he mounted the steps, shook hands heartily, and poured out his informed soul in english. "johnny, i spik ingrish. you iris'man. you got 'o,' before name. i know you got tipwrite can make machine do pen. i know panama canal. how is teddy and gotali?" i assured the chief that both roosevelt and goethals were well at last account, and he veered to other topics. "before time, come prenty whaleship my place," he said. "i know geograffy, mappee, grammal. i know egyptee, indee, all country; i know bufflobillee. before time, whaleship come america for take water and wood. stay two, t'ree week. every night sailor come ashore catchee girls take ship. prenty rum, biskit, molassi, good american tobbacee. now all finish. whaleship no more. that is not good." his name means the seventh man who is so angry he wallows in the mire. "neo" means all but the number, and for so short a word to be translated by so detailed a statement would indicate that there were many marquesans whose anger tripped them. else such a word had hardly been born. i showed the chiefs the marvels of my typewriter, displayed to their respectful gaze the golden bed, and otherwise did the honors. as they departed, neo said earnestly, "you come see me you have my house. you like, you bring prenty rum, keep warm if rain." "a wicked man," said exploding eggs in marquesan when the trail lay empty before us. "one time he drink much rum, french gendarme go to arrest him, he bite--" with an eloquent gesture my valet indicated that neo's teeth had removed in its entirety the nose of the valiant defender of morals. "no good go see him," he added with finality. however, the prospect intrigued my fancy, and finding a few days later that ika vaikoki, whose discerning parents had named him ugh! dried-up stream! was voyaging toward vait-hua in a whaleboat, i offered him ten francs and two litres of rum to take me. remembering neo's suggestion, i took also two other bottles of rum. while our whaleboat shot across the bordelaise channel pursued by a brisk breeze, ugh! a wisp of a man of fifty, held the helm. he was for all the world like a malay pirate; i have seen his double steering a proa off the borneo coast, slim, high-cheeked, with a sashful of saw-like knives. ugh! had no weapon, but his eye was a small flaming coal that made me thankful cannibalism is a thing of the past. he had been carried through the surf to his perch upon the stern because one of his legs was useless for walking, but once he grasped the tiller, he was a seaman of skill. the oarsmen wore turbans of pink, blue, and white muslin to protect their heads from the straight rays of the white sun. bright-colored _pareus_ were about their loins, and several wore elastic sleeve-holders as ornaments on tawny arms and legs, while one, the son of ugh! sported earrings, great hoops of gold that flashed in the sunshine. with their dark skins, gleaming eyes, and white teeth, they were a brilliant picture against the dazzling blue of the sea. straight across the channel we steered for hana hevane, a little bay and valley guarded by sunken coral rocks over which the water foamed in white warning. two of the men leaped out into the waves and hunted on these rocks for squids, while we beached the boat on a shore uninhabited by any living creature but rats, lizards, and centipedes. several small octopi were soon brought in, and one of the men placed them on some boulders where the tide had left pools of water, and cleaned them of their poison. he rubbed them on the stone exactly as a washerwoman handles a flannel garment, and out of them came a lather as though he had soaped them. suds, bubbles, and froth--one would have said a laundress had been at work there. he dipped them often in a pool of salt water, and not until they would yield no more suds did he give each a final rinsing and throw it on the fire made on the beach. suddenly a shout broke my absorption in this task. the son of ugh! with the gold earrings, waving his arms from amidst the surf on the reef, called to me to come and see a big _feke_. as his companions were dancing about and yelling madly, i left the laundrying of the small sea-devils and splashed two hundred yards through the lagoon to the scene of excitement. four of the crew had attacked a giant devil-fish, which was hidden in a cave in the rocks. from the gloom it darted out its long arms and tried to seize the strange creatures that menaced it. the naked boatsmen, dancing just out of reach of the writhing tentacles, struck at them with long knives. as they cut off pieces of the curling, groping gristle, i thought i heard a horrible groan from the cave, almost like the voice of a human in agony. i stayed six feet away, for i had no knife and no relish for the game. four of the long arms had been severed at the ends when suddenly the octopus came out of his den to fight for his life. he was a reddish-purple globe of horrid flesh, horned all over, with a head not unlike an elephant's, but with large, demoniacal eyes, bitter, hating eyes that roved from one to another of us as if selecting his prey. eight arms, some shorn of their suckers, stretched out ten feet toward us. the marquesans retreated precipitately, and i led them, laughing nervously, but not joyously. the son of ugh! stopped first. "_ta! ta! ta! ta!_" he cried. "are we afraid of that ugly beast? i have killed many. _pakeka!_ we will eat him, too!" he turned with the others and advanced toward the _feke_, shouting scornful names at him, threatening him with death and being eaten, warning him that the sooner he gave up, the quicker ended his agony. but the devilfish was not afraid. his courage shamed mine. i was behind the barrier of the boatsmen, but once in the throes of the fight a slimy arm passed between two of them and wound itself around my leg. i screamed out, for it was icy cold and sent a sickening weakness all through me, so that i could not have swum a dozen feet with it upon me. one of the natives cut it off, and still it clung to my bloodless skin until i plucked it away. the son of ugh! had two of the great arms about him at one time, but his companions hacked at them until he was free. then, regardless of the struggles of the maimed devil, they closed in on him and stabbed his head and body until he died. during these last moments i was amazed and sickened to hear the octopus growling and moaning in its fury and suffering. his voice had a curious timbre. i once heard a man dying of hydrophobia make such sounds, half animal, half human. "that _feke_ would have killed and eaten any one of us," said the son of ugh! "not many are so big as he, but here in hana hevane, where seldom any one fished, they are the biggest in the world. they lie in these holes in the rocks and catch fish and crabs as they swim by. my cousin was taken by one while fishing, and was dragged down into the hidden caverns. he was last seen standing on a ledge, and the next day his bones were found picked clean. a shark is easier to fight than such a devil who has so many arms." the boatsmen gathered up the remnants of the foe and brought them to the beach, where the elder ugh! was tending the fire. crabs were broiling upon it, and the pieces of the _feke_ were flung beside them and the smaller octopi. when they were cooked, a trough of _popoi_ and one of _feikai_, or roasted breadfruit mixed with a cocoanut-milk sauce, were placed on the sand, and all squatted to dine. for a quarter of an hour the only sounds were the plup of fingers withdrawn from mouths filled with _popoi_, and the faint creaming of waves on the beach. marquesans feel that eating is serious business. the devil-fish and crabs were the delicacies, and served as dessert. blackened by the fire, squid and crustacean were eaten without condiment, the tentacles being devoured as one eats celery. i was soon satisfied, and while they lingered over their food and smoked i strolled up the valley a little way, still feeling the pressure of that severed arm. hana hevane had its people one time. they vanished as from a hundred other valleys, before the march of progress. the kindly green of the jungle had hidden the marks of human habitations, where once they had lived and loved and died. only the bones of _la corse_, the schooner jerome capriata had sailed many years, lay rotting under a grotesque and dark banian, never more to feel the foot of man upon the deck or to toss upon the sea. a consoling wave lapped the empty pintles and gave the decaying craft a caress by the element whose mistress she so long had been. her mast was still stepped, but a hundred centipedes crawled over the hull. when i returned to the fire, the boatmen were talking. ugh! dried-up stream! his stomach full and smoke in his mouth, bethought himself of a tale, an incident of this very spot. in a sardonic manner he began: "the men of this island, tahuata, in the old days descended on fatu-hiva to hunt the man-meat. after the battle, they brought their captives to hana hevane to rest, to build a fire and to eat one of their catch. this they did, and departed again. but when they were in their canoes, they found they had forgotten a girl whom they had thrown on the sand, and they returned for her. the sea was rough, and they had to stay here on the beach for the night. "as was the custom, they erected a gibbet, two posts and a horizontal bar, and on the bar they hung the living prisoners, with a cord of _parau_ bark passed through the scalp and tied around the hair. their arms were tied behind them, and they swung in the breeze. "in the night, when the tahuata men slept from their gluttony, one of them arose silently and unbound a prisoner who was his friend, and told him to run to the mountains. he then lay down and slept, and in the darkness this man who had been freed returned stealthily in the darkness, and unloosed a girl, the same who had been forgotten on the sand. in the morning the other captives were dead, but those who escaped were months in the fastness of the heights, living on roots and on birds they snared. in the end they went to motopu. they were well received, for the tahuata warriors thought a god had aided them, and they and their children lived long there." ugh! smiled reminiscently as if his thoughts were returning from pleasant things, and clapped his hands as a signal for reembarking. the bowls of food remaining were tied in baskets of leaves and hung in the banian tree to await the boatsmen's return for the night, the steersman was carried to his place, and the boat pushed through the surf. a gaunt shark swam close to the reefs as we rowed out, a hungry, ill-looking monster. one of the bottles of rum the oarsmen had drunk on the way to hana hevane, the other was stored for their return, and to gain a third the son of ugh! offered to go overboard and tie a rope to the shark's tail, which is the way natives often catch them. a shark was not worth a liter of rum, i said, being in no mind to risk the limbs of a man in such a sport. besides, i had no more to give away. i could imagine the rage of seventh man who wallows should he learn of my wasting in such foolishness what would keep us both warm if it rained. as we caught the wind a flock of _koio_ came close to us in their search for fish. the black birds were like a cloud; there must have been fifty thousand of them, and flying over us they completely cut off the sunlight, like a dark storm. if they had taken a fancy to settle on us they must have smothered us under a feathered avalanche. ugh! was startled and amazed that the birds should come so close, and all raised an uproar of voices and waved arms and oars in the air, to frighten them off. they passed, the sun shone upon us again, and in a sparkling sea we made our way past iva iva iti and iva iva nui, rounding a high green shore into the bay of vait-hua. the mountains above the valley loomed like castellated summits of italy, so like huge stone fortresses that one might mistake them for such from the sea. the tiny settlement reaching from the beach half a mile up the glen was screened by its many trees. the whaleboat slid up to a rocky ledge, and my luggage and i were put ashore. exploding eggs, who had insisted on accompanying me, took it into his charge, and with it balanced on his shoulders we sauntered along the road to the village where the french gendarme had lost his nose to the mad _namu_-drinker. chapter vii idyllic valley of vait-hua; the beauty of vanquished often; bathing on the beach; an unexpected proposal of marriage. the beach followed the semi-circle of the small bay, and was hemmed in on both sides by massive black rocks, above which rose steep mountains covered with verdure. the narrow valley itself sloped upward on either hand to a sheer wall of cliffs. in the couple of miles from the water's edge to the jungle tangle of the high hills were thousands upon thousands of cocoanut-palms, breadfruit-, mango-, banana-, and lime-trees, all speaking of the throng of people that formerly inhabited this lovely spot, now so deserted. the tiny settlement remaining, with its scattered few habitations, was beautiful beyond comparison. a score or so of houses, small, but neat and comfortable, wreathed with morning-glory vines and shaded by trees, clustered along the bank of a limpid stream crossed at intervals by white stepping-stones. naked children, whose heads were wreathed with flowers, splashed in sheltered pools, or fled like moving brown shadows into the sun-flecked depths of the glade as we approached. we were met beneath a giant banian-tree by the chief, who greeted us with simple dignity and led us at once to his house. the most pretentious in the village, it consisted of two rooms, built of redwood boards from california, white-washed, clean, and bare, opening through wide doors upon the broad _paepae_. this house, the chief insisted, was to be my home while i remained his guest in vait-hua. my polite protestations he waved away with a courtly gesture and an obdurate smile. i was an american, and his guest. my visit was obviously a great event in the eyes of mrs. seventh man who is so angry he wallows in the mire. a laughing juno of thirty years, large and rounded as a breadfruit-tree, more than six feet in height, with a mass of blue-black hair and teeth that flashed white as a fresh-opened cocoanut, she rose from her mat on the _paepae_ and rubbed my nose ceremoniously with hers. clothed in a necklace of false pearls and a brilliantly scarlet loincloth, she was truly a barbaric figure, yet in her eye i beheld that instant preoccupation with household matters that greets the unexpected guest the world over. while the chief and i reclined upon mats and exploding eggs sat vigilant at my side, she vanished into the house, and shortly returned to set before us a bowl of _popoi_ and several cocoanuts. these we ate while neo discoursed sadly upon the evil times that had befallen his reign. "me very busy when prenty ship come," he mourned. "me fix for wood; get seven dollar load. me fix for girl for captain and mate. me stay ship, eat hard-tackee, salt horsee, chew tobacco, drink rum. good time he all dead." the repast ended, we set out to view the depleted village with its few inhabitants, the remainder after europe had subtracted native habits and native health. the gorge that parted the valley was wide and deep for the silver stream that sang its way to the bay. when the rain fell in cascades the channel hardly contained the mad torrent that raced from the heights, a torrent that had destroyed the road built years before when whaler's ships by the dozens came each year. now the natives made their way as of old, up and down rocky trails and over the stepping-stones. near the beach we came upon a group of tumbledown shanties, remnants of the seat of government. only a thatched schoolhouse and a tiny cabin for the teacher were habitable. here the single artist of the islands, monsieur charles le moine, had taught the three "r's" to vait-hua's adolescents for years. he was away now, neo said, but we found his cabin open and littered with canvases, sketches, paint-tubes, and worn household articles. "he got litt'ee broomee, an' sweep paint out litt'ee pipe on thing make ship's sails," neo explained. surely a description of a broad modern style. on the wall or leaning against it on the floor were a dozen drawings and oils of a young girl of startling beauty. laughing, clear-eyed, she seemed almost to speak from the canvas, filling the room with charm. here she leaned against a palm-trunk, her bare brown body warm against its gray; there she stood on a white beach, a crimson _pareu_ about her loins and hibiscus flowers in her hair. "that hinatini," said seventh man who wallows, speaking always in what he supposed to be english. "she some pumkin, eh? le moine like more better make _tiki_ like this than say book. she my niece." the rich colors of the pictures sang like bugle-notes among the shabby odds and ends of the studio. a cot, a broken chair or two, a table smeared with paints, an old shoe, a pipe, and a sketch of the seine, gave me la moine in his european birthright, but the absence of any european comforts, the lack even of dishes and a lamp, told me that montmartre would not know him again. the eyes of the girl who lived on the canvases said that le moine was claimed by the land of the war fleet. turning from the dingy interior of his cabin, i saw in the sunlight beyond the door his model in the life. le moine had not the brush to do her justice. vanquished often, as hinatini means, was perhaps thirteen years old, with a grace of carriage, a beauty and perfection of features, a rich coloring no canvas could depict. her skin was of warm olive hue, with tinges of red in the cheeks and the lips cherry-ripe. her eyes were dark brown, large, melting, childishly introspective. her hands were shapely, and her little bare feet, arched, rosy-nailed, were like flowers on the sand. she wore the thinnest of sheer white cotton tunics, and there were flamboyant flowers in the shining dark hair that tumbled to her waist. she greeted me with the eager artlessness of the child that she was. she was on her way to the _vai puna_, the spring by the beach, she said. would i accompany her thither? and would i tell her of the women of my people in the strange islands of the _memke?_ they were very far away, were they not, those islands? farther even than tahiti? how deep beneath the sea could their women dive? i answered these, and other questions, while we walked down the beach, and i marveled at the unconscious grace of her movements. the chief wonder of all these marquesans is the beauty and erectness of their standing and walking postures. their chests are broad and deep, their bosoms, even in girls of vanquished often's age, rounded, superb, and their limbs have an ease of motion, an animal-like litheness unknown to our clothed and dress-bound women. vanquished often was the most perfect type of all these physical perfections, a survival of those wondrous marquesan women who addled the wits of the whites a century ago. there was no blemish on her, nor any feature one would alter. half a dozen of her comrades were lounging upon the sand when we reached the _via puna_. here an iron pipe in the mountain-side tapped subterranean waters, and a hollowed cocoanut-tree gave them exit upon the sand where salt waves flowed up to meet them. long lean curving cocoanuts arched above, and beneath their ribbons of shade lay an old canoe, upon which sat those who waited their turn to bathe, to fill calabashes, or merely to gossip. for all time, they said, this had been the center of life in vait-hua. old wives' tales had been told here for generations. the whalers filled their casks at this spring, working every hour of the twenty-four because the flow was small. famous harpooners, steersmen who winked no eye when the wounded whale drew their boat through a smother of foam, shanghaied gentlemen, sweepings of harbors, nantucket deacons, pirates, and the whole breed of sailors and fighting fellows, congregated here to bathe and to fill their water-casks. near this crystal rivulet they slashed each other in their quarrels over vait-hua's fairest, and exchanged their slop-chest luxuries and grog for the favors of the island chiefs. it was standard oil, sending around the world its _tipoti_, or tin cans, filled with illuminating fluid cheaper than that of the whale, that ended the days of the ships in vait-hua, and they sailed away for the last time, leaving an island so depopulated that its few remaining people could slip back into the life of the days before the whites came. "_alice snow_ las' whaleship come vait-hua six years before," said the seventh man who wallows. "before that, one ship, _california_ name, captain andrew hicks. charlie, he sailmaker, run away from andrew hicks. one vait-hua girl look good to him. she hide him in hills till captain make finish chase him. that him children." indeed, most of the faces turned toward me from the group about the spring were european, either by recent heredity or tribal nature. i could see the saxon, the latin, and the viking, and one girl was all japanese, a reference to which caused her to weep. "iapona" was to her pretty ears the meanest word in vait-hua's vocabulary, and her playmates held it in reserve for important disagreements. vanquished often, slipping from her white tunic, stepped beneath the stream of crystal water and laughed at the cool delight of it on her smooth skin. it was a picture of which artist's dream, the naked girl laughing in the torrents of transparent water, the wet crimson blossoms washing from her drowned hair, and beneath the striped shade of the palm-trunks her simple, savage companions waiting their turn, squatting on the sand or crowded on the canoe, their loins wrapped in crimson and blue and yellow _pareus_. behind them all the mountains rose steeply, a mass of brilliant green jungle growth, and before them, across the rim of shining white sand, spread the wide blue sea. courtesy suggested that i should be next to feel the refreshing torrent. we let slip the garment of timorous covering very easily when nudity is commonplace. vait-hua was to teach me to be modest without pother, to chat with those about me during my ablutions without concern for the false vanities of screens or even the shelter of rocks as in the river in atuona. in such scenes one perceives that immodesty is in the false shame that makes one cling to clothes, rather than in the simple virtues that walk naked and unashamed. tacitus recites that chastity was a controlling virtue among the teutons, ranking among women as bravery among men, yet all teutons bathed in the streams together. in japan both sexes bathe in public in natural hot pools, and that without diffidence. the japanese, though a people of many clothes, regard nudity with indifference, but use garments to conceal the contour of the human form, while we are horrified by nakedness and yet use dress to enhance the form, especially to emphasize the difference between sexes. our women's accentuated hips and waistlines shock the japanese, whose loose clothing is the same for men and women, the broader belt and double fold upon the small of the back, the obi, being the only differentiation. mohammedan women surprised in bathing cover their faces first; the chinese, the feet. good erasmus, that dutch theologian, said that "angels abhor nakedness." devout europeans of his day never saw their own bodies; if they bathed, they wore a garment covering them from head to feet. thus standards of clothing vary from age to age and from country to country. missionaries bewilder the savage mind by imposing their own standards of the moment and calling them modesty. the african negro, struggling to harmonize these two ideas, wore a tall silk hat and a pair of slippers as his only garments when he obeyed livingstone's exhortations to clothe himself in the presence of white women. vait-hua was all savage; whatever bewilderments the missionaries had brought had faded when dwindling population left the isle to its own people. in the minds of my happy companions at the _vai puna_, modesty had no more to do with clothing than, among us, it had to do with food. the standards of the individual are everywhere formed by the mass-opinion of those about him; i came from my bath, replaced my garments, and felt myself marquesan. the sensation was false. savage peoples can never understand our philosophy, our complex springs of action. they may ape our manners, wear our ornaments, and seek our company, but their souls remain indifferent. they laugh when we are stolid. they weep when we are unmoved. their gods and devils are not ours. from our side, too, the abyss is impassable. civilization with its refinements and complexities has stripped us of the power of complete surrender to simple impulses. the white who would become like a natural savage succeeds only in becoming a beast. "_plus sauvage que les kanakas_," is a proverb in the islands. its implications i had occasion to heed ere the evening was ended. wrapped only in a gorgeous red _pareu_, i sat on the _paepae_ of the chief's house, now become mine. i was the especial care of mrs. seventh man who wallows, who all afternoon long had sat on her haunches over a cocoanut husk fire stirring savory foods for me. fish, chickens, pigs, eggs, and native delicacies of all kinds she had cooked and sauced so appetizingly that i conferred on her the title of "chefess" _de cuisine_, and voiced my suspicions that some deserting cook from a flagship had traded his lore for her kisses. her laughter was spiced with pride, and the chief himself smilingly nodded and gestured to assure me that i had guessed right. now in the quiet of the evening, empty bowls removed, pandanus-leaf cigarettes lighted, and pipe passing from hand to hand, we sat rejoicing in the sweet odors of the forest, the murmur of the stream, and the ease of contentment. many elders of the village had come to meet the stranger, to discuss the world and its wonders, and to marvel at the ways of the whites. the glow of the pipe lighted shriveled yet still handsome countenances scrolled with tattooing, and caught gleams from rolling eyes or sparkles from necklace and earring. above the mountains a full moon rose, flooding the valley with light and fading the brilliant colors of leaf and flower to pale pastel tints. vanquished often sat beside me, her dark hair falling over my knee, and listened respectfully to the conversation of her elders, who discussed the gods of the stranger. they wondered what curious motive had impelled the jews, the _aati-ietu_, to kill _ieto kirito_ the savior of the world. they discussed the strange madness that had possessed _iuda iskalota_, that he had first bought land with his forty pieces of silver and then hanged himself to a _purau_ tree. was it cocoanut land? they asked. was it not good land? often across the worn stones of the _paepae_ stole a _vei_, a centipede, upon which a bare foot quickly stamped. the chief said casually, "if he bite you, you no die; you have hell of a time." they were not natives of the marquesas originally, he said; they came in the coal of ships. his patriotism outran his knowledge, for the first discoverers bitterly berated these poisonous creatures, though no more warmly than neo, who drew heavily upon his stock of english curses to tell his opinion of them. when the time came for saying _apae kaoha_ my kindly hosts sought to confer upon me the last proof of their friendliness. they proposed that i marry vanquished often. my refusal was incomprehensible to them, and vanquished often's happy smile in the moonlight quickly faded to a look of pain and humiliation. they had offered me their highest and most revered expression of hospitality. to refuse it was as uncustomary and as rude as to refuse the alaskan miner who offers a drink at a public bar. "_menike_," pleaded the chief, "that hinatini more better marry white man, friend of teddy, from number one island. she some punkins for be good wife. suppose may be you like vait-hua you stay long time; suppose you go soon, make never mind!" the fair chieftess shook her earrings and smiled archly. "bonne filly pooh voo, menike," she urged in her marquesan french. "good wife for you. it is my pleasure that you are happy. she is beautiful and good. you will be the son of our people while you are here." vanquished often, who had a vague notion of the greatness of her uncle's menike friends, teddy and gotali, and of the desirability of an alliance with one of their tribe, approached me softly and rubbed my back in a circle the while she crooned a broken song of the whaling days, concerning the "rolling mississippi" and the "black ball line." seventh man who wallows in the mire himself began to make concentric circles on my breast with his heavy hand, so that i was beset fore and aft by the most tender and friendly advances of the marquesan race. never was hapless guest in more unfortunate plight. she was but a child, i said; americans did not mate with children. they smiled as at a pleasantry, and again extolled her charms. desperately i harked back to the ten commandments in an endeavor to support my refusal by other reasons than distaste or discourtesy, but laughter met my text. "white man does not follow white man's _tapus_," said my hostess, gently placing my hand in that of vanquished often. the slender fingers clung timorously to mine. unhappy hinatini feared that she was about to be disgraced before her people by the white man's scorn of her beauty. i was fain to invent a romance upon the spot. i was madly enamoured of an atuona belle, i said. she waited for me upon my own _paepae_; she was a mighty woman and swift to anger. she would wreak vengeance upon me, and upon vanquished often. i would adopt vanquished often as my sister. in token of this i pressed my lips upon her forehead and kissed her hands. she smiled bewitchingly, pleased by the novel honor. my hosts and their friends departed with her, half pleased, half puzzled at this latest whimsy of the strange white, and i lay down upon the mats of the chief's house, with exploding eggs lying across the doorway at my feet. the night brought fitful dreams, and in the darkest hour i woke to feel a frightening thing upon my leg. by the light of the dimly burning lantern i saw a thousand-leg, reddish brown and ten inches long, halting perhaps for breath midway between my knee and waist. it seemed indeed to have a thousand legs, and each separate foot made impresses of terror on my mind, while each toe and claw clutched my bare flesh with threatening touch. the brave man of the tale who saves himself from cobra or rattler by letting the serpent crawl its slow way over his perfectly controlled body might have withheld even a quiver of the flesh, but i am no spartan. at my convulsive shudder each horrid claw gripped a death-hold. in one swift motion i seized a corkscrew that lay nearby, pried loose with a quick jerk every single pede and threw the odious thing a dozen yards. a trail of red, inflamed spots rose where it had stood and remained painful and swollen for days. [illustration: idling away the sunny hours] [illustration: nothing to do but rest all day] whether it was because this experience became mixed with my first dreams in beautiful vait-hua, or whether my celtic blood sees portents where they do not exist, certain it is that as the stealthy charm of that idyllic place grew upon me through the days something within me resisted it. i was ever aware that its beauty concealed a menace deadly to the white man who listened too long to the rustle of its palms and the murmur of its stream. chapter viii communal life; sport in the waves; fight of the sharks and the mother whale; a day in the mountains; death of le capitaine halley; return to atuona. life in vait-hua was idyllic. the whites, having desolated and depopulated this once thronged valley, had gone, leaving the remnant of its people to return to their native virtue and quietude. here, perhaps more than in any other spot in all the isles, the marquesan lived as his forefathers had before the whites came. doing nothing sweetly was an art in vait-hua. pleasure is nature's sign of approval. when man is happy, he is in harmony with himself and his environment. the people of this quiet valley did not crave excitement. the bustle and nervous energy of the white wearied them excessively. time was never wasted, to their minds, for leisure was the measure of its value. domestic details, the preparation of food, the care of children, the nursing of the sick, were the tasks of all the household. husband and wife, or the mates unmarried, labored together in delightful unity. often the woman accompanied her man into the forests, assisting in the gathering of nuts and breadfruit, in the fishing and the building. when these duties did not occupy them, or when they were not together bathing in the river or at the _via puna_, they sat side by side on their _paepaes_ in meditation. they might discuss the events of the day, they might receive the visits of others, or go abroad for conversation; but for hours they often were wrapped in their thoughts, in a silence broken only by the rolling of their pandanus cigarettes or the lighting of the mutual pipe. "of what are you thinking?" i said often to my neighbors when breaking in upon their meditation. "of the world. of those stars," they replied. they would sympathize with that chinese traveler who, visiting america and being hurried from carriage to train, smiled at our idea of catching the fleeting moment. "we save ten minutes by catching this train," said his guide, enthusiastically. "and what will you do with that ten minutes?" demanded the chinese. to be busy about anything not necessary to living is, in marquesan wisdom, to be idle. swimming in the surf, lolling at the _via puna_, angling from rock or canoe or fishing with line and spear outside the bay, searching for shell-fish, and riding or walking over the hills to other valleys, filled their peaceful, pleasant days. a dream-like, care-free life, lived by a people sweet to know, handsome and generous and loving. that he never saw or heard of the slightest quarrel between individuals was the statement a century ago of captain porter, the american. then as now the most perfect harmony prevailed among them. they lived like affectionate brothers of one family, he said, the authority of the chiefs being only that of fathers among children. they had no mode of punishment for there were no offenders. theft was unknown, and all property was left unguarded. so porter, who, with his ship's company, killed so many marquesans, was fully aware of their civic virtues, their kindness, gentleness and generosity. it is so to-day, in vait-hua where the whites are not. i have had my trousers lifted from my second-story room in a manila hotel by the eyed and fingered bamboo of the tagalog _ladron_, while i washed my face, and stood aghast at the mystery of their disappearance with door locked, until looking from my lofty window i beheld them moving rapidly down an _estero_ in a _banca_. i have given over my watch to a gendarme in cairo to forfend arrest for having beaten an arab who tripped me to pick my pocket, and i have surrendered to the rapacity of a major-general-uniformed official in italy, who would incarcerate me for not having a tail-light lit. in san francisco, when robbed upon the public street, i have listened while the police suggested that i offer a fee to the "king of the dips" and a reward to certain saloonkeepers to intercede with the unknown-to-me highwaymen for the return of an heirloom. yet through the darkest nights in vait-hua i slept serenely, surrounded by all the possessions so desirable in the eyes of my neighbors, in a house the doors of which were never fastened. there was not a lock in all the village, or anything that answered the purpose of one. the people of this isolated valley, forgetting their brief encounter with the european idea of money and of the accumulation of property, had reverted to the ways of their fathers. before interference with their natural customs the marquesans were communists to a large degree. their only private property consisted of houses, weapons, ornaments, and clothing, for the personal use of the owner himself. all large works, such as the erection of houses, the building of large canoes, and, in ancient days, the raising of _paepaes_ and temples, were done by mutual cooperation; though each family provided its own food and made provision for the future by storing breadfruit in the _popoi_ pits. neo, like the long line of chiefs before him, had gathered a little more of the good things of life than had the majority, but he was in no sense a dictator, except as personality won obedience. in the old days a chief was often relegated to the ranks for failure in war, and always for an overbearing attitude toward the commoners. such arrogant fellows were kicked out of the seat of power unceremoniously. "our pure republican policy approaches so near their own," said the american naval captain, porter, a hundred years ago. men were honored for their artistry, highest place being given to the tattooers, the carvers, the designers, and builders of canoes, the architects, doctors, and warriors. men and women rose to influence and chiefly rank only by deeds that won popular admiration. these people were hero-worshippers, and in the bloodiest of the old days those of fine soul who had a message of entertainment or instruction were _tapu_ to all tribes, so that they could travel anywhere in safety and were welcome guests in all homes. it is true that in hawaii and tonga conquerors made themselves kings, but not there or in samoa, tahiti, or the marquesas were kings supreme rulers until the whites established them for their own trade purposes and sold them firearms by which to maintain their power. that day of the whites had passed in vait-hua. the chief now maintained his authority by the fondness of his people alone. generous he was, and gentle, yet i minded that he had bitten off the nose of severin, the french gendarme, when the _namu_ had made him mad. now whether guided by pride in his discipline or by memory of evil-doing repented, he was strict in his enforcement of the prohibition of cocoanut toddy, and sobriety made the days and nights peaceful. early in the mornings i called "kaoha!" from my _paepae_ to mrs. seventh man, who came each day from her bath in the _via puna_ attired in her earrings only. sauntering along the bank of the brook still dripping from the spring, her wet black hair clinging to her shapely back and her tawny skin glistening in flickering light and shade, she was for all the world my conception of mother eve before even leaves were modesty. her nudity was a custom only at this time, for when she reappeared to aid exploding eggs in preparing my breakfast she always wore a scarlet _pareu_ and her hair was done like bernhardt's. vanquished often appeared with her aunt, carefully dressed in spotless, diaphanous tunic, fresh flowers in her hair, a treasured pink silk garter clasping her rounded arm. "big white brother," she called me with pride, though often i saw a sad wonder in her great eyes as she squatted near, silently watching me. her possessive ways were pretty to see as she walked close by my side on the trail from my cabin to the beach, while exploding eggs regarded her jealously, insisting on his prerogative as _tueni oki kiki_, keeper of the golden bed, the glittering magnificence of which he described minutely to her. we arrived at a merry scene upon the beach. women and children were in the surf, or on rocks under the cliffs, fishing for _popo_, the young of _uua_. with bamboo poles twenty feet long and lines of even greater length, we stood up to our necks in the sea and threw out the hook baited with a morsel of shrimp. the breakers tumbled us about, the lines became tangled, amid gales of laughter and a medley of joyous shouts. tiring of fishing, vanquished often and i would breast the creaming waves side by side, to turn far out and dash in on the breakers, overturning all but the wary. or a group of us, climbing high on the cliffs, would fling ourselves again and again into the sea, turning in mid-air, life and delight quickening every muscle. wearying of this sport, we embarked in canoes, fishing or sailing, and many small adventures we had, for the younger and more daring spirits delighted in scaring me into expostulation or the silence of the condemned and then saving my life by a hair's-breadth. we had gone one morning about the southern cape, and were harpooning swordfish and the gigantic sunfish when a commotion a thousand feet away brought shouts of warning from my companions. we saw two whales, one with a baby at her breast. the other we took to be the father whale. huge black beasts they were. upon this mated pair a band of sharks had flung themselves to seize the infant. there were at least twenty-five sharks in the mad mob, great white monsters thirty feet in length, man-eaters by blood-taste, tigers in disposition. though they could not compare with their prey in size or power, they had heads as large as barrels, and mouths that would drag a man through their terrible gaps. that their hunger was past all bounds was evident, for the whale is not often attacked by such inferior-sized fish. storms had raged on the sea for days, and maybe had cheated the sharks of their usual food. they swam around and around the mountainous pair, darting in and out, evidently with some plan of drawing off the male. both the whales struck out incessantly with their mammoth flukes; their great tails, crashing upon the sea-surface, lashed it to mountains of foam. our boats tossed as in a gale. carried away by the pity and terror of the scene, we shouted threats and curses at the monsters, calling down on them in marquesan the wrath of the sea-gods. frenziedly handling tiller and sails, we circled the battle, impotent to aid the poor woman-beast and her baby. the sharks harried them as hounds a fox. desperately the parents fought, more than one shark sank wounded to the depths and one, turning its white belly to the sun, floated dead upon the waves. another was flung high in air by a blow of the mother's tail. but it was an uneven contest. at last we saw the nursling drawn from her breast, and the mother herself sank, still struggling. she may have risen, of course, far away, but she seemed disabled. we did not wait about that bloody spot when the sharks had fallen upon their prey, for our canoe was low in the water, and with such a sight to warn us, we did not doubt that the loathly monsters would attack us. from such a sight it was a relief to turn to the mountains. along the steep trails i roamed far with vanquished often and exploding eggs. we played at being alone with nature, foregoing in living all that the white man had brought. i left the house of the chief naked save for a loin-cloth of native make, and i wore no shoes or hat. vanquished often and my valet were attired as i, and thus we shouted "kaoha!" to the chieftess and started toward adventure. seventh man was dubious about my setting off without some prepared food, _popoi_ or canned fish or biscuits, and without sleeping-mats. "you ketchee hungery by an' soon," he protested. "no got gold bed in mountains." vanquished often laughed merrily, and the chief looked like a father whose child has thrown a stone at the bogie-man. i rubbed his nose with mine in farewell, and we began our journey, barehanded as crusoe, yet more fortunate than he since we were in the best of company and i had the comforting knowledge that marquesan youth would not go hungry or permit me to do so. our way led up heights of marvelous beauty, along the edges of deep defiles that opened below our feet like valleys of paradise. the candlenut, the _ama_, with its lilac bloom, the hibiscus and pandanus, green and glossy, the _petavii_, a kind of banana the curving fronds of which spread high in air, the snake-plant, _makomako_, a yellow-flowered shrub, and many others none of us could name, carpeted the farther mountain-sides with brilliant colors. everywhere were cocoanuts, guavas, and mangos. in the tree-tops over our heads the bindweed shook its feathery seed-pods, the parasite _kouna_ dripped its deeply serrated leaves and crimson umbels, and thousands of orchids hung like butterflies. "it is beautiful in your islands, is it not?" vanquished often said wistfully. "tell us more of the marvels there! are the girls of your valleys very lovely, and do they all sleep in golden beds?" all daughters of chiefs slept in golden beds, i told her. often they wore golden slippers on their feet. when they wished to go over the mountains they did not walk, or ride on donkeys, but went in seats covered with velvet, a kind of cloth more soft than the silk ribbon of her pink garter-armlet, and these seats were drawn at incredible speed by a snorting thing made of iron, not living, but stronger than a hundred donkeys. "how do they make that cloth?" said vanquished often, eagerly. they did not make it, i explained. it was made for them by girls who were not daughters of chiefs, and therefore had no golden beds. her eyes clouded with bewilderment, but exploding eggs listened breathlessly, and demanded more tales. i told them of wireless telegraphy. this they believed as they believed the tales of magic told by old sorcerers, but they scoffed at my description of an elevator, perceiving that i was loosing the reins of my fancy and soaring to impossibilities. "the girls in your island must always be happy," said vanquished often, sighing. all daughters of chiefs were happy, i said. "what is the manner of their fishing?" asked exploding eggs. in such conversation we proceeded, walking for miles through a fairyland in which we were the only living creatures, save for the small scurrying things that slipped across the trail, and the bright-colored birds that fluttered through the tree-tops. at noon we paused for luncheon. vanquished often disappeared in the forest, to return shortly with her gathered-up tunic filled with mangos and guavas, four cocoanuts slung in a neatly plaited basket of leaves on her bare shoulders. exploding eggs, cutting two sticks of dry wood from the underbrush, whirled them upon each other with such speed and dexterity that soon a small fire, fed by shreds of cocoanut fiber, blazed on a rock, with plantains heaped about it to roast. while we rested after the feast vanquished often, squatted by my side, made for my comfort a wide-brimmed hat of thick leaves pinned together with thorns, a shelter from the sun's rays that was grateful to my tender scalp. resuming our way, we met upon the trail a handsome small wild donkey, fearful of our kind, yet longing for company. "_pureekee!_" said exploding eggs, meaning _bourrique_, the french for donkey. and vanquished often related that once hundreds of these beasts roamed through the jungle, descendants of a pair of asses escaped from a ship decades before, but that most of them had starved to death in dry periods, or been eaten by hungry natives. farther on we passed acres of the sensitive plant, called by the marquesans _teita hakaina_, the modest herb. a wide glade in a curve of the mountains was filled with a sea of it, and my companions delighted in dashing through its curiously nervous leafage, that shuddered and folded its feathery sprays together at their touch. if shocked further it opened its leaflets as if to say, "what's the use? i'm shy, but i can't stay under cover forever." in such artless amusements the day passed, a day that remains forever an idyl of simple loveliness to me, such as any man is the richer for having known. when darkness overtook us, we made for ourselves the softest of ferny beds, and slept serenely, untroubled by anything, under the light of the stars. as we returned next day to the village in the valley, we found upon a hill far from the beach the tombs of the sailors who first raised the standard of france in these islands. the eternal jungle had so housed in their monuments that we had hot work to break through the jealous lantana and pandanus to see the stones. neither vanquished often nor exploding eggs had ever cast eyes on them, and neither had but a legendary memory of how these men of the conquering race had met their death. a great slab of native basalt eroded by seventy years of sun and rain bore the barely discernible epitaph: "ci git edouard michel halley capitaine de corvette officier de la légion d'honneur fondateur de la colonie de vait-hua mort au champ d'honneur le ----bre, " i read it to my friends. they pressed their hands to their brows to conjure up a vision of this dead man whom their grandfathers had fought and slain, as i told them the story of his death in the jungle at our feet. it was at vait-hua that the french first took possession of the marquesas. here already were missionaries and beach-combers of many nationalities, ardent spirits all, fighting each other for the souls of the natives; gin and the commandments at odds, ritual and exploitation contending. unable to subdue the forces that threatened the peace of his people, iotete, vait-hua's chief, sent a message asking the help of the french admiral. it came at once; a garrison was established on the beach, and the tricolor rose. whatever the cause, it had been upraised barely two months when chief and people in a body deserted their homes and fled to the hills. commander halley, having vainly exhorted and commanded them to return, declared war on them in punishment for their disobedience, and marshaling his forces in three columns set out to seek them. ladebat led the van, armed with a fowling-piece. halley himself walked at the head of the middle column, a youthful, debonair frenchman, carrying only a cane, which he swung jauntily as he followed the jungle trail. when the soldiers arrived at a few feet from the main body of the natives, iotete advanced and cried out, "_tapu!_" ladebat instantly fired his shot-gun at the chief, and instantly two balls from native guns pierced his brain. "halley," runs the old chronicle, "advanced from the shelter of a cocoanut-tree to give orders to his men, but fell on his knees as if in prayer, embracing the tree, three paces from the corpse of ladebat. five of his men dropped mortally wounded beside him. third officer laferriere had the retreat sounded." here, but a few feet from the spot where the gay young frenchman fell, the jungle had covered his tomb. fifty thousand marquesans have died to bring peace to the soul of that _corvette_ commander who so jauntily flourished his cane in the faces of the wondering savages. iotete would better have endured the pranks of brutal sea-adventurers, perhaps. this mausoleum was the seal of french occupancy. farther down the hill we came upon the first church built in the marquesas. it was a small wooden edifice bearing a weatherbeaten sign in french, "the church of the mother of god." above the shattered doors were two carven hearts, a red dagger through one and a red flame issuing from the other. a black cross was fixed above these symbols, which vanquished often and exploding eggs regarded with respect. to the marquesan these are all _tiki_, or charms, which have superseded their own. beside the decaying church stood a refectory far gone in ruin, that once had housed a dozen friars. breadfruit-, mango- and orange-trees grew in the tangled tall grass, and the garden where the priests had read their breviaries was a wilderness of tiger-lilies. among them we found empty bottles of a "medical discovery," a patent medicine dispensed from boston, favored in these islands where liquor is tabooed by government. seventh man, coming up the trail to meet us, found us looking at them. he lifted one and sniffed it regretfully. "prenty strong," he said. "make drunkee. call him kennedee. he cost much. drinkee two piece you sick three day." he smiled reminiscently, and once more i thought of that day when the unfortunate gendarme had surprised the orgiasts in the forest and lost his nose. the chief accompanied us down the trail. "my brother of grandfather have first gun in marquesas," he said with meaning when i spoke of the days of halley. "one chief iotete have prenty trouble _menike_ whaleman. he send for french admiral help him. captiane halley come with sailor. frenchman he never go 'way." again his teeth gleamed in a smile. "my brother of grandfather have gun long time in hills," he added cryptically. too soon the time came when i must return to my own _paepae_ in atuona. vanquished often wept at my decision, and mrs. seventh man rubbed my nose long with hers as she entreated me to remain in the home she had given over to me. the chief, finding remonstrance useless, volunteered to accompany me on my return, and one midnight woke me to be ready when the wind was right. we went down the trail through wind and darkness, the chief blowing a conch-shell for the crew. in the straw shanty where my hosts had spread their mats that i might have the full occupancy of their comfortable home, we found mrs. seventh man making tea for me. vanquished often sat apart in the shadow, her face averted, but when my cocoanut-shell was filled with the streaming brew she sprang forward passionately and would let no hand but hers present it to me. all day it had been raining, and the downpour rushed from the eaves with a melancholy sound as we sat in the lantern-lighted dimness drinking from the shells. the crew came in one by one, their naked bodies running water, their eyes eager for a draught of the tea, into which i put a little rum, the last of the two litres. squall followed squall, shaking the hut. at half-past two, in a little lull which neo guessed might last, we went out to the rain-soaked beach, launched the canoe, and paddled away. my last sight of vait-hua was the dim line of surf on the sand, and beyond it the slender figure of vanquished often holding aloft a lantern whose rays faintly illumined against the darkness her windblown white tunic and blurred face. the storm had lured us by, a brief cessation. we had hardly left the beach before the heavens opened and deluged us with rain. water sluiced our bare backs and ran in streams down the brawny arms bending to the oars. we paddled an hour before the wind was favorable, and a dreary hour it was. the canoe had an out-rigger, but was so narrow that none could sit except on the sharp side. i fell asleep even upon it, and woke in the sea, with the chief, who had flung himself to my rescue, clutching my hair. morning found our canoe close to the rocky coast of hiva-oa. as is their custom, instead of making a beeline for our destination or sailing to it close-hauled as the winds permitted, the marquesans had steered for the nearest shore, following along it to port. this method is attended with danger, for off the threatening cliffs a heavy sea was running, great waves dashing on the rocks, and we were perforce in the trough as we skirted the land. [illustration: catholic church at atuona described by stevenson in _the south seas_] [illustration: a native spearing fish from a rock] we quit the sail for oars, and it took every ounce of strength and skill on the part of the rowers and seventh man to avoid shipwreck. each breaker as it passed tossed the frail craft skyward, and we fell into the abysses as a rock into a bottomless pit. every instant it seemed that we must capsize. while we fought thus, in a frenzied effort to keep off the rocks, the sun rose, and every curl of water turned to clearest emerald, while the hollows of the leaping waves were purple as dark amethysts. suddenly, as we slid breathlessly downward, a great wall of water rose beside us, higher and higher until it seemed to touch the sky, clear and solid-looking as a sheet of green glass, a sight so stupendous that amazement took the place of fear. for an instant it remained poised above us, then crashed down with the shock of an earthquake. stunned, i emerged from a smother of water to find our canoe completely under the waves, kept afloat solely by grace of the outrigger. all hands were overside, clinging to the edge of the submerged craft, while exploding eggs and i bailed for our lives. strong swimmers, they held us off-shore until we had so lowered the water that they could resume the oars. for two hours we tossed about, while the chief held the steering-oar and his men paddled through a welter of jeweled color that threatened momentarily to toss us on the rocks. if we smashed on them we were dead men, for even had we been able to climb them the high tide would have drowned us against the wall of the cliffs. no man showed the slightest fear, though they pulled like giants and obeyed instantly each order of the chief. battling in this fashion, we rounded at last point teaehoa and won the protection of the bay of traitors. i, at least, felt immeasurable relief, that quickly turned to exhilaration as we hoisted sail and drove at a glorious speed straight through the breakers to the welcoming beach of atuona. chapter ix the marquesans at ten o'clock mass; a remarkable conversation about religions and joan of arc in which great fern gives his idea of the devil. i was surprised to note that the few natives within view when we landed were dressed in the stiff and awkward clothes of the european; some fête must have been arranged during my absence, i thought. then with a shock i realized that the day was sunday. in the lovely, timeless valley of vait-hua the calendar had dropped below the horizon of memory as my native land had dropped below the rim of the sea. here in atuona, whose life was colored by the presence of whites, the days must take up their constricted regular march again. already through the crystal air of a morning after rain the mission bells were ringing clear, and chief neo, forgetting the night of toil and danger past, was eager to accompany me to church. it would be an honor befitting his chiefly rank to sit with the distinguished white man in the house of worship, and i, remembering his perfect hospitality, was glad to do him honor in my own valley. we hastened to my cabin, exploding eggs running before us up the trail with my luggage balanced on his shoulders. cocoanuts and _popoi_, coffee and tinned biscuits, were waiting when we arrived. we ate hastily and then donned proper garments, exploding eggs rejoicing in a stiff collar and a worn sailor-hat once mine. they sat oddly upon him, being several sizes too large, but he bore himself with pride as we set out toward the church. in the avenue of bananas leading to the mission i lingered to observe the beauty of the flakes upon the ground. they are the outside layers of the pendulum of that graceful plant, the purple flower-cone that hangs at the end of the fruit cluster with its volute and royal-hued stem. the banana-plants, which we call trees, lined the road and stood twenty feet high, their long slender leaves blowing in the light wind like banners from a castle wall. the flakes that had dropped upon the ground were lovely. large as a lady's veil, ribbed satin, rose and purple, pink and scarlet, the filmy edges curled delicately, they hinted the elegance and luxury of a pretty woman's boudoir. and, like all such dainty trifles, the charming flower that hangs like a colored lamp in the green chapel of the banana-grove it is useless after it has served its brief purpose. the fruit grows better when it is cut off. opposite the spacious mission grounds the worshippers were gathering beneath two gnarled banian-trees, giant-like in height and spread. behind them a long hedge of bananas bordered the cocoanut plantation of the church, and across the narrow road rose the chapel, the priests' residence and the nuns' house, with several school buildings now empty because of the french anti-clerical law. exploding eggs in his new finery and the visiting chief from vait-hua found welcome among the waiting natives, while titihuti of the tattooed legs took her seat beside me. she had combed her titian tresses and anointed them with oil till they shone like the kelp beds of monterey. her tunic was of scarlet calico, and she carried in her hand a straw hat with a red ribbon, to put on when she entered the church. "_kaoha!_" i said to her, and she smiled, displaying her even, white teeth. suddenly, looking past her at the church, my eye caught a sight that transfixed me. in the misty light i saw the christ upon the cross as on calvary. the sublime figure was in the agony of expiration, and at the foot of the cross stood the ever faithful mother and the loving john in attitudes of amazement and grief. the reality was startling; for the moment i forgot all about me. but titihuti coughed, and i saw her tattooed legs and felt the rough roots of the banian under me, and i was back in the courtyard. the spectacle of the crucifixion was raised on a basalt platform fully twenty feet long. the figures were of golden bronze, and the cross was painted white. over it hung the branches of a lofty breadfruit-tree, a congruous canopy for such a group. the bread of life, in truth. a tablet on the cross bore the inscription: " le christ dieu homme vit regne commande christo redemptori jubilé atuona." "the _tiki_ of the true god," said titihuti, observing my gaze, and crossed herself with the fervor of the believer in a new charm. on the roof a score of doves were cooing as we filed into the church. there were bas-reliefs of cherubim and seraphim over the doorway, fat, distorted bodies with wings a-wry, yet with a celestial vision showing through the crude workmanship. a loop-holed buttress on either side of the facade spoke of the days when the forethought of the builders planned for defence in case a reaction of paganism caused the congregation to attack the christian fathers. inside the doorway a french nun in blue robes tugged at a rope depending from the belfry, and above us the bells rang out from two tiny towers. she looked curiously at me and my savage companion, her pale peasant's face hard, homely, unhealthy; then she kicked at a big dog who was trying to drink the holy water from the clam-shell beside the door. "_allez_, satan!" she said. the _benetier_, large enough to immerse an infant, was fixed to a board, a fascinating, blackened old bracket, carved with the instruments of torture, the nails, the spear, the scourge, and thorns. ivory and pearl, stained by a century or more, were inlaid. as i dipped my hand in the shell a huge lizard that made his nest in the hollow of the bracket ran across my knuckles. within, there were seats with kneeling-planks, hewed out of hard wood and still bearing the marks of the adze. upon them the congregation soon assembled, the women on one side, the men on the other. the women wore hats, native weaves in semi-sailor style, decorated with chinese silk shawls or bright-colored handkerchiefs. all were barefooted except the pale and sickly daughters of baufré, who wore clumsy and painful shoes. many daughters, the little, lovely leper, came with flower, of the red-gold hair, the weaver of mats, who had her names tattooed on her arm. they dipped in the font and genuflected, then bowed in prayer. many familiar faces i recognized. ah yu, the chinaman who owned the little store beyond the banian-tree and had murder upon his soul; lam kai oo, my erstwhile landlord; flag, the gendarme; water, in all the glory of european trousers; kake, with my small namesake on her arm. the old women were tattooed on the ears and neck in scrolls, and their lips were marked in faint stripes. the old men, their eyes ringed with tattooing, wore earrings and necklaces of whale's teeth. the church was painted white inside, with frescoes and dados of gaudy hues, and windows of brilliantly colored glass. the altar, as also the statues of joseph and mary, had a reredos handsomely carved. outside the railing was a charming child in the manger, lying on real straw, surrounded by the virgin, joseph, the magi, the shepherds, and the kings, all in bright-hued robes, and pleasant-looking cows and asses with red eyes and green tails. the singing began before the priest came from the sacristy. the men sang alone and the women followed, in an alternating chant that at times rose into a wail and again had the nasal sound of a bag-pipe. the catholic chants sung thus in marquesan took on a wild, barbaric rhythm that thrilled the blood and made the hair tingle on the scalp. bishop david le cadre appeared in elegant vestments, his eyes grave above a foot-long beard, and the mass began. the acolyte was very agile in a short red cassock, below which his naked legs, and bare feet showed. the people responded often through the mass, rising, sitting down, and kneeling obediently. baufré sat on a chair in the vestibule and added accounts. ah kee au was the sole communicant at the rail. no cloth was spread, but the bell announced the mystery of transubstantiation, and all bowed their heads while ah kee au reverently offered his communion to the welfare of napoleon, his grandson who had accidentally shot himself. the service over, the people poured from the church into the brilliant sunshine of the road, and ah kee au said to me, "you savee thlat communio' blead b'long my place. my son makee for pliest." lam kai oo, pressing forward, offered the communicant a draught of fiery rum he had obtained by the governor's permission. he had been told that to give a glass of water to a communicant, who must of course have fasted and abstained from any liquid since midnight according to the law of the church, was a holy act which brought the giver a blessing, and so the subtle chinese thought to make his blessing greater by offering a drink better than water. ah kee au drank with fervor. "my makee holee thliss morn'," he said gladly. "makee napoleon more happy." sincerity is not a matter of broken english or a drink of rum; the poor old grandfather of the little corporal's namesake believed earnestly that napoleon would improve by his sacramental offering. he, like most marquesans, took the white man's religion with little understanding. it is new magic to them, a comfort, an occupation, and an entertainment. but who knows the human heart, or understands the soul? that afternoon while neo and i lay on my _paepae_ awaiting the favoring wind which should carry him back to his own isle, my neighbors gathered from far and near to lounge the sunny hours away in conversation. squatted on the mats, they engaged in serious discussion of the puzzles of religion, appealing to me often to settle vexing questions which they had long wearied of asking their better-informed instructors in religious mysteries. their native tongue has no word for religion. bishop dordillon had been obliged to translate it, "_te mea e hakatika me te mea e hana mea koaha toitoi i te etua_" which might be rendered, "belief in the works and love of a just god." etua, often spelled atua, was the name of divinity among all maori peoples, but religion was so associated with natural things, the phenomena of nature, of living things, and of the heavens and sea, that it was part of daily life and needed no word to distinguish it. never were people less able to comprehend the creeds and formulas in which the religious beliefs of the white men are clothed. marquesans are not deep thinkers. in fact, they have a word, _tahoa_, which means, "a headache from thinking." ten years of ardent and nobly self-sacrificing work by missionaries left the islands still without a single soul converted. it was not until the chiefs began to set the seal of their approval on the new outlandish faiths that the people flocked to the standard of the cross. and when they did begin to meditate the doctrines preached to them as necessary beliefs in order to win salvation, their heads ached indeed. even after years of faithful church-going many of my friends still struggled with their doubts, and when these were propounded to me i was fain to wrinkle my own brow and ponder deeply. the burning question as to the color of adam and eve had long been settled. adam and eve were brown, like themselves. but if, as the priests said was most probable, adam and eve had received pardon and were in heaven, why had their guilt stained all mankind? also, would satan have been able to tempt eve if god had not made the tree of knowledge _tapu_? was not knowledge a good thing? what motive had led the maker and knower of all things to do this deed? what made the angels fall? pride, said the priests. then how did it get into heaven? demanded the perplexed. the resurrection of the body at the last judgment horrified them. this fact, said the husband of kake, had led to the abandonment of the old manner of burying corpses in a sitting posture, with the face between the knees and the hands under the thighs, the whole bound round with cords. obviously, a man buried in such a position would rise deformed. their dead in the cemetery on the heights slept now in long coffins of wood, their limbs at ease. but other and less premeditated interments still befell the unwary islander. what would god do in cases where sharks had eaten a marquesan? and what, when the same shark had been killed and eaten by other marquesans? and in the case of the early christian forefathers, who were eaten by men of other tribes, and afterward the cannibals eaten in retaliation, and then the last feaster eaten by sharks? _aue!_ there was a headache query! at this point in the discussion an aged stranger from the valley of taaoa, a withered man whose whole naked chest was covered with intricate tattooing, laid down his pipe and artlessly revealed his idea of the communion service. it was, he thought, a religious cannibalism, no more. and he was puzzled that his people should be told that it was wrong to feed on the flesh of a fellow human creature when they were urged to "eat the body and drink the blood" of _ietu kirito_ himself. it was long afterward, in that far-away america so incomprehensible to my simple savage friends, that i read beneath the light of an electric lamp a paragraph in "folkways," by william graham summer, of yale: "language used in communion about eating the body and drinking the blood of christ refers to nothing in our _mores_ and appeals to nothing in our experience. it comes down from very remote ages; very probably from cannibalism." the printed page vanished, and before my eyes rose a vision of my _paepae_ among the breadfruit- and cocoanut-trees, the ring of squatting dusky figures in flickering sunlit leaf-shade, kake in her red tunic with the babe at her breast, exploding eggs standing by with a half-eaten cocoanut, and the many dark eyes in their circles of ink fixed upon the shriveled face of the reformed cannibal whose head ached with the mysteries of the white man's religion. none too soon for me, the talk turned about history, the tales of which were confused in my guests' minds with those of the saints. great fern insisted that if the english roasted joan of arc they ate her, because no man would apply live coals, which pain exceedingly, to any living person, and fire was never placed upon a human body save to cook it for consumption. this theory seemed reasonable to most of the listeners, for since such cruelty as the marquesans practiced in their native state was thoughtless and never intentional, the idea of torture was incomprehensible to their simple minds. malicious gossip, a comely savage of twenty-five with false-coffee leaves in her hair, declared, however, that the governor had told her the english roasted joan alive because she was a heretic. the statement was received with startled protests by those present who had themselves incurred that charge when they deserted catholicism for protestantism some time earlier. "exploding eggs," said i hastily, "make tea for all." every shade vanished from shining eyes when i produced the bottle of rum and added a spoonful of flavor to each brimming shellful. all perplexing questions were forgotten, and simple social pleasure reigned again on my _paepae_, while great fern explained to all his idea of the christian devil. the marquesan deity of darkness was po, a vague and elemental spirit. but the _kuhane anera maaa_ of the new religion had definite and fearful attributes explained by the priests. so great fern conceived him as a kind of cross between a man and a boar, with a tail like that of a shark, running through the forests with a bunch of lighted candlenuts and setting fire to the houses of the wicked. and the wicked? morals as we know them had nothing to do with their sin in his mind. the wicked were the unkind, those who were cruel to children, wives who made bad _popoi_, and whites with rum privileges who forgot hospitality. non-christians may grin at the efforts of missionaries among heathens. but the missionaries are the only influence for good in the islands, the only white men seeking to mitigate the misery and ruin brought by the white man's system of trade. the extension of civilized commerce has crushed every natural impulse of brotherliness, kindness, and generosity, destroyed every good and clean custom of these children of nature. traders and sailors, whalers and soldiers, have been their enemies. whatever the errors of the men of god, they have given their lives day by day in unremitting, self-sacrificing toil, suffering much to share with these despoiled people the light of their own faith in a better world hereafter. in so far as they have failed, they have failed because they have lacked what proselytizing religion has always lacked--a joy in life that seeks to make this mundane existence more endurable, a grace of humor, and a broad simplicity. polynesians have always been respecters of authority. under their own rule, where priest and king equally rose to rank because of admired deeds, the _tapus_ of the priests had the same force as those of chiefs, and life was conducted by few and simple rules. now, when sect fights sect; when priests assure the people that france is a catholic nation and the governor says the statement is false; where the protestant pastor teaches that sunday is a day of solemnity and prayer, and the frenchmen make it a day of merriment as in france; where salvation depends on many beliefs bewildering and incompatible, the puzzled marquesan scratches his head and swings from creed to creed, while his secret heart clings to the old gods. the marquesan had a joyful religion, full of humor and abandon, dances and chants, and exaltation of nature, of the greatness of their tribe or race, a worship that was, despite its ghastly rites of human sacrifice, a stimulus to life. the efforts of missionaries have killed the joy of living as they have crushed out the old barbarities, uprooting together everything, good and bad, that religion meant to the native. they have given him instead rites that mystify him, dogmas he can only dimly understand, and a little comfort in the miseries brought upon him by trade. i have seen a leper alone on his _paepae_, deep in the scriptures, and when i asked him if he got comfort from them i was answered, "they are strong words for a weak man, and better than pig." but only a st. francis xavier or a livingstone, a great moral force, could lift the people now from the slough of despond in which they expire. upon this people, sparkingly alive, spirited as wild horses, not depressed as were their conquerors by a heritage of thousands of years of metes and bounds, religion as forced upon them has been not only a narcotic, but a death potion. chapter x the marriage of malicious gossip; matrimonial customs of the simple natives; the domestic difficulties of haabuani. mouth of god and his wife, malicious gossip, soon became intimates of my _paepae_. coming first to see the marvelous golden bed and to listen to the click-click of the iron fingers that make words, they remained to talk, and i found them both charming. both were in their early twenties, ingenuous, generous, clever, and devoted to each other and to their friends. malicious gossip was beautiful, with soft dark eyes, clear-cut features, and a grace and lovely line of figure that in new york would make all heads whirl. she was all marquesan, but her husband, mouth of god, had white blood in him. whose it was, he did not know, for his mother's consort had been an islander. his mother, a large, stern, and calvinistic cannibal, believed in predestination, and spent her days in fear that she would be among the lost. her bible was ever near, and often, passing their house, i saw her climb with it into a breadfruit-tree and read a chapter in the high branches where she could avoid distraction. they lived in a spacious house set in three acres of breadfruit and cocoanuts, an ancient grove long in their family. often i squatted on their mats, dipping a gingerly finger in their _popoi_ bowl and drinking the sweet wine of the half-ripe cocoanut, the while mouth of god's mother spoke long and earnestly on the abode of the damned and the necessity for seeking salvation. in return, malicious gossip spent hours on my _paepae_ telling me of the customs of her people new and old. "when i was thirteen," she said, "the whalers still came to vait-hua, my valley. there came a young _menike_ man, straight and bright-eyed, a passenger on a whaling-ship seeking adventure. i sighed the first time in my life when i looked on him. he was handsome, and not like other men on your ships. "the kiss you white men give he taught me to like. he was generous and gentle and good. months we dwelt together in a house by the stream in the valley. when he sailed away at last, as all white men do who are worth wanting to stay, he tore out my heart. my milk turned to poison and killed our little child. "i met long after with mouth of god. he took me to his house in the breadfruit-grove. he was good and gentle, but i was long in learning to love him. it was the governor who made me know that i was his woman. it came about in this manner: "that governor was one whom all hated for his coldness and cruelty. mouth of god worked for him in the house where medicines are made, having learned to mix the medicines in a bowl and to wrap cloths about the wounds of those who were sick. one day, according to the custom of white men who rule, the governor said to mouth of god that he must send me to the palace that night. "when he came home to the house where we lived together, mouth of god gave me his word. he said: 'go to the river and bathe. put on your crimson tunic and flowers in your hair and go to the palace. the governor gives a feast to-night, and you are to dance and to sleep in the governor's bed.'" malicious gossip shuddered, and rocked herself to and fro upon the mats. "then i would have killed him! i cried out to him and said: 'i will not go to the governor! he is a devil. my heart hates him. i am a marquesan. what have i to do with a man i hate?'" "'go!' said mouth of god, and his eyes were hard as the black stones of the high place. 'the governor asks for you. he is the government. since when have marquesan women said no to the command of the _adminstrateur_?' "i wept, but i took my brightest _kahu ropa_ from the sandalwood chest my _menike_ man had given me, and i went down the path to the stream. as i went i wept, but my heart was black, and i thought to take a keen-edged knife beneath my tunic when i went to the palace. but my feet were not yet wet in the edge of the water when mouth of god called to me. "'do not go,' he said. "i answered: 'i will go. you told me to go. i am on my way.' my tears were salt in my mouth. "'no!' said mouth of god. he ran, and he came to me in the pool where i had flung myself. there in the water he held me, and his arms crushed the breath from my ribs. 'you will not go!' he said. 'i spoke those words to know if you would go to the governor. if you had gone quickly, if you had not wept, i would kill you. you are my woman. no other shall have you.' "then i knew that i was his woman, and i forgot my _menike_ lover. "you see," she said to me after a pause, "i would have gone to the palace. but i would never have come back to the house of mouth of god. that was the beginning of our love. he would yield me to nobody. he told the governor that i would not come, and he waited to kill the governor if he must. but the governor laughed, and said there were many others. mouth of god and i were married then by monsieur vernier, in the church of his mother. "that was the manner of my marriage. the same as that of the girls in your own island, is it not?" it was much the same, i said. it differed only in some slight matters of custom. she listened fascinated while i described to her our complicated conventions of courtship, our calling upon young ladies for months and even years, our gifts, our entertainments, our giving of rings, our setting of the marriage months far in the future, our orange wreaths and veils and bridesmaids. she found these things almost incredible. "marriage here," she said, "may come to a young man when he does not seek or even expect it. no marquesan can marry without the consent of his mother, and often she marries him to a girl without his even thinking of such a thing. "a young man may bring home a girl he does not know, perhaps a girl he has seen on the beach in the moonlight, to stay with him that night in his mother's house. it may be that her beauty and charm will so please his mother that she will call a family council after the two have gone to bed. if the family thinks as the mother does, they determine to marry the young man to that girl, and they do so after this fashion: "early in the morning, just at dawn, before the young couple awake, all the women of the household arouse them with shrieks. they beat their breasts, cut themselves with shells, crying loudly, _aue! aue!_ neighbors rush in to see who has died. the youth and the girl run forth in terror. then the mother, the grandmother and all other women of the house chant the praises of the girl, singing her beauty, and wailing that they cannot let her go. they demand with anger that the son shall not let her go. all the neighbors cry with them, _aue! aue!_ and beat their breasts, until the son, covered with shame, asks the girl to stay. "then her parents are sent the word, and if they do not object, the girl remains in his house. that is often the manner of marquesan marriage." yet often, of course, she explained, marriage was not the outcome of a night's wooing. the young marquesan frequently brought home a girl who did not instantly win his mother's affection. in that case she went her way next morning after breakfast, and that was all. our regard for chastity was incomprehensible to malicious gossip, instructed though she was in all the codes of the church. it was to her a creed preached to others by the whites, like wearing shoes or making the sabbath a day of gloom, and though she had been told that violation of this code meant roasting forever as in a cannibal pit whose fires were never extinguished, her mind could perceive no reason for it. she could attach no blame to an act that seemed to her an innocent, natural, and harmless amusement. the truth is that no value was, or is, attached to maidenhood in all polynesia, the young woman being left to her own whims without blame or care. only deep and sincere attachment holds her at last to the man she has chosen, and she then follows his wishes in matters of fidelity, though still to a large extent remaining mistress of herself. the marquesan woman, however, often denies her husband the freedom she herself openly enjoys. this custom persists as a striking survival of polyandry, in which fidelity under pain of dismissal from the roof-tree was imposed by the wife on all who shared her affections. this was exactly the status of a household not far from my cabin. haabuani, master of ceremonies at the dances, the best carver and drum-beater of all atuona, who was of pure marquesan blood, but spoke french fluently and earnestly defended the doctrine of the pope's infallibility,--even coming to actual blows with a defiant protestant upon my very _paepae_--explained his attitude. "if i have a friend and he temporarily desires my wife, toho, i am glad if she is willing. but my enemy shall not have that privilege with my consent. i would be glad to have you look upon her with favor. you are kind to me. you have treated me as a chief and you have bought my _kava_ bowl. but, _écoutez, monsieur_, toho does what she pleases, yet if i toss but a pebble in another pool she is furious. see, i have the bruises still of her beating." with a tearful whine he showed the black-and-blue imprints of toho's anger, and made it known to us that the three _piastres_ he had of me for the _kava_ bowl had been traced by his wife to the till of le brunnec's store, where flower, the daughter of lam kai oo, had spent them for ribbons. toho in her fury had beaten him so that for a day and a night he lay groaning upon the mats. "that is as it should be," said malicious gossip, sternly, while her curving lips set in straight lines. sex morality means conformity to sex _tapus_, the world over. free polyandry still exists in many countries i have seen, and in others its dying out leaves these fragmentary survivals. i have visited the tribe of subanos, in the west and north of the island of mindanao in the philippine archipelago, where the rich men are polygamists, and the poor still submit to polyandry. economic conditions there bring about the same relations, under a different guise, as in europe or america, where wealthy rakes keep up several establishments, and many wage-earners support but one prostitute. polyandry is found almost exclusively in poor countries, where there is always a scarcity of females. thus we have polyandry founded on a surplus of males caused by poverty of sustenance. the female is, in fact, supposed to be the result of a surplus of nutrition; more boys than girls are born in the country districts because the city diet is richer, especially in meat and sugar. it is notable that the families of the pioneers of western america bore a surprising majority of males. in the marquesas, where living was always difficult and the diet poor, there were always more men than women despite the frequent wars in which men were victims. another reason was that male children were saved often when females were killed in the practice of infanticide, also forced by famine. the overplus of men made them amenable to the commands of the women, who often dominated in permanent alliances, demanding lavishment of wealth and attention from their husbands. yet--and this is a most significant fact--the father-right in the child remained the basis of the social system. throughout all australia, melanesia, and papuasis on the east, and america on the west, the mother-right prevailed among primitive peoples. children followed the mother, took their name from her, and inherited property through her. i have known a hawaiian nobleman who, commenting on this fact, said that the system had merit in that no child could be called a bastard, and that the woman, who suffered most, was rewarded by pride of posterity. he himself, he said, was the son of a chieftess, but his father, a king, was the son of a negro cobbler. the father-right, so familiar to our minds that it seems to-day almost the only natural or existing social system, was in fact developed very lately among all races except the caucasian and some tribes of the mongols. yet in the marquesas, these islands cut off from all other peoples through ages of history, the father-right prevailed in spite of all the difficulties that attended its survival in polyandry. each woman had many husbands, whom she ruled. the true paternity of her children it was impossible to ascertain. yet so tenaciously did the marquesans cling to the father-right in the child, that even this fact could not break it down. one husband was legally the father of all her children, ostensibly at least the owner of the household and of such small personal property as belonged to it under communism. the man remained, though in name only, the head of the polyandrous family. i seemed to see in this curious fact another proof of the ancient kinship between the first men of my own race and the prehistoric grandfathers of malicious gossip and haabunai. my savage friends, with their clear features, their large straight eyes and olive skins, showed still the traces of their caucasian blood. their forefathers and mine may have hunted the great winged lizards together through primeval wildernesses, until, driven by who knows what urge of wanderlust or necessity, certain tribes set out in that drive through europe and asia toward america that ended at last, when a continent sunk beneath their feet, on these islands in the southern seas. it was a far flight for fancy to take, from my _paepae_ in the jungle at the foot of temetiu, but looking at the beauty and grace of malicious gossip as she sat on my mats in her crimson _pareu_, i liked to think that it was so. "we are cousins," i said to her, handing her a freshly-opened cocoanut which exploding eggs brought. "you are a great chief, but we love you as a blood-brother," she answered gravely, and lifted the shell bowl to her lips. chapter xi filling the _popoi_ pits in the season of the breadfruit; legend of the _mei_; the secret festival in a hidden valley. on the road to the beach one morning i came upon great fern, my landlord. garbed in brilliant yellow _pareu_, he bore on his shoulders an immense _kooka_, or basket of cocoanut fiber, filled with quite two hundred pounds of breadfruit. the superb muscles stood out on his perfect body, wet with perspiration as though he had come from the river. "kaoha, great fern!" i said. "where do you go with the _mei_?" "it is _meinui_, the season of the breadfruit," he replied. "we fill the _popoi_ pit beside my house." there is a word on the marquesan tongue vividly picturing the terrors of famine. it means, "one who is burned to drive away a drought." in these islands cut off from the world the very life of the people depends on the grace of rain. though the skies had been kind for several years, not a day passing without a gentle downpour, there had been in the past dry periods when even the hardiest vegetation all but perished. so it came about that the marquesan was obliged to improvise a method of keeping breadfruit for a long time, and becoming habituated to sour food he learned to like it, as many americans relish ill-smelling cheese and fish and meat, or drink with pleasure absinthe, bitters, and other gagging beverages. in this season of plenteous breadfruit, therefore, great fern had opened his _popoi_ pit, and was replenishing its supply. a half-dozen who ate from it were helping him. only the enthusiasm of the traveler for a strange sight held me within radius of its odor. it was sunk in the earth, four feet deep and perhaps five in diameter, and was only a dozen years old, which made it a comparatively small and recently acquired household possession in the eyes of my savage friends. mouth of god and malicious gossip owned a _popoi_ pit dug by his grandfather, who was eaten by the men of taaoa, and near the house of vaikehu, a descendant of the only marquesan queen, there was a _uuama tehito_, or ancient hole, the origin of which was lost in the dimness of centuries. it was fifty feet long and said to be even deeper, though no living marquesan had ever tasted its stores, or never would unless dire famine compelled. it was _tapu_ to the memory of the dead. all over the valley the filling of the pits for reserve against need was in progress. up and down the trails the men were hastening, bearing the _kookas_ filled with the ripe fruit, large as edam cheeses and pitted on the surface like a golf-ball. a breadfruit weighs from two to eight pounds, and giants like great fern or haabuani carried in the _kookas_ two or three hundred pounds for miles on the steep and rocky trails. in the banana-groves or among thickets of _ti_ the women were gathering leaves for lining and covering the pits, while around the center of interest naked children ran about, hindering and thinking they were helping, after the manner of children in all lands when future feasts are in preparation. there was a time when each grove of breadfruit had its owners, who guarded it for their own use, and even each tree had its allotted proprietor, or perhaps several. density of population everywhere causes each mouthful of food to be counted. i have known in ceylon an english judge who was called upon to decide the legal ownership of one th part of ten cocoanut-trees. but my friends who were filling the _popoi_ pits now might gather from any tree they pleased. there was plenty of breadfruit now that there were few people. great fern was culling from a grove on the mountain-side above my house. taking his stand beneath one of the stately trees whose freakish branches and large, glossy, dark-green leaves spread perhaps ninety feet above his head, he reached the nearer boughs with an _omei_, a very long stick with a forked end to which was attached a small net of cocoanut fiber. deftly twisting a fruit from its stem by a dexterous jerk of the cleft tip, he caught it in the net, and lowered it to the _kooka_ on the ground by his side. when the best of the fruit within reach was gathered, he climbed the tree, carrying the _omei_. each brown toe clasped the boughs like a finger, nimble and independent of its fellows through long use in grasping limbs and rocks. this is remarkable of the marquesans; each toe in the old and industrious is often separated a half inch from the others, and i have seen the big toe opposed from the other four like a thumb. my neighbors picked up small things easily with their toes, and bent them back out of sight, like a fist, when squatting. gripping a branch firmly with these hand-like feet, great fern wielded the _omei_, bringing down other breadfruit one by one, taking great care not to bruise them. the cocoanut one may throw eighty feet, with a twisting motion that lands it upon one end so that it does not break. but the _mei_ is delicate, and spoils if roughly handled. working in this fashion, great fern and his neighbors carried down to the _popoi_ pit perhaps four hundred breadfruit daily, piling them there to be prepared by the women. apporo and her companions busied themselves in piercing each fruit with a sharp stick and spreading them on the ground to ferment over night. in the morning, squatted on their haunches and chanting as they worked, the women scraped the rind from the fermented _mei_ with cowry shells, and grated the fruit into the pit which they had lined with banana leaves. from time to time they stood in the pit and tramped down the mass of pulp, or thumped it with wooden clubs. for two weeks or more the work continued. in the ancient days much ceremoniousness attended this provision against future famine, but to-day in atuona only one rule was observed, that forbidding sexual intercourse by those engaged in filling the pits. "to break that _tapu_," said great fern, "would mean sickness and disaster. any one who ate such _popoi_ would vomit. the forbidden food cannot be retained by the stomach." to vomit during the fortnight occupied in the task of conserving the breadfruit brought grave suspicion that the unfortunate had broken the _tapu_. when their own savage laws governed them, that unhappy person often died from fear of discovery and the wrath of the gods. to guard against such a fate those who were not strong and well took no part in the task. this curious connection between sex and the preparation of food applied in many other cases. a woman making oil from dried cocoanuts was _tapu_ as to sexual relations for four or five days, and believed that if did she sin, her labor would produce no oil. a man cooking in an oven at night obeyed the same _tapu_. i do not know, and was unable to discover, the origin of these prohibitions. like many of our own customs, it has been lost in the mist of ages. a tahitian legend of the origin of the breadfruit recounts that in ancient times the people subsisted on _araea_, red earth. a couple had a sickly son, their only child, who day by day slowly grew weaker on the diet of earth, until the father begged the gods to accept him as an offering and let him become food for the boy. from the darkness of the temple the gods at last spoke to him, granting his prayer. he returned to his wife and prepared for death, instructing her to bury his head, heart and stomach at different spots in the forest. "when you shall hear in the night a sound like that of a leaf, then of a flower, afterward of an unripe fruit, and then of a ripe, round fruit falling on the ground, know that it is i who am become food for our son," he said, and died. she obeyed him, and on the second night she heard the sounds. in the morning she and her son found a huge and wonderful tree where the stomach had been buried. the tahitians believe that the cocoanut, chestnut, and yam miraculously grew from other parts of a man's corpse. breadfruit, according to percy smith, was brought into these islands from java by the ancestors of the polynesians, who left india several centuries before christ. they had come to indonesia rice-eaters, but there found the breadfruit, "which they took with them in their great migration into these pacific islands two centuries and more after the beginning of this era." smith finds in the tahitian legend proof of this contention. in the polynesian language _araea_, the "red earth" of the tale, is the same as _vari_, and in indonesia there were the words _fare_ or _pare_, in malay _padi_ or _peri_, and in malagasy _vari_, all meaning rice. a rarotongan legend relates that in hawaiki two new fruits were found, and the _vari_ discarded. these fruits were the breadfruit and the horse-chestnut, neither of which is a native of polynesia. i related these stories of the _mei_ to great fern, who replied: "_aue!_ it may be. the old gods were great, and all the world is a wonder. as for me, i am a christian. the breadfruit ripens, and i fill the _popoi_ pit." great fern was my friend, and, as he said, a christian, yet i fear that he did not tell me all he knew of the ancient customs. there was an innocence too innocent in his manner when he spoke of them, like that of a child who would like one to believe that the cat ate the jam. and on the night when the _popoi_ pits were filled, pressed down and running over, when they had been covered with banana leaves and weighed with heavy stones, and the season's task was finished, something occurred that filled my mind with many vague surmises. i had been awakened at midnight by the crashing fall of a cocoanut on the iron roof above my head. often during the rainy nights i was startled by this sound of the incessantly falling nuts, that banged and rattled like round shot over my head. but on this night, as i composed myself to slumber again, my drowsy ears were uneasy with another thing, less a sound than an almost noiseless, thrumming vibration, faint, but disturbing. i sat up in my golden bed, and listened. exploding eggs was gone from his mat. the little house was silent and empty. straining my ears i heard it unmistakably through the rustling noises of the forest and the dripping of rain from the eaves. it was the far, dim, almost inaudible beating of a drum. old tales stirred my hair as i stood on my _paepae_ listening to it. at times i thought it a fancy, again i heard it and knew that i heard it. at last, wrapping a _pareu_ about me, i went down my trail to the valley road. the sound was drowned here by the splashing chuckle of the stream, but as i stood undecided in the pool of darkness beneath a dripping banana i saw a dark figure slip silently past me, going up toward the high place. it was followed by another, moving through the night like a denser shadow. i went back to my cabin, scouted my urgent desire to shut and barricade the door, and went to bed. after a long time i slept. when i awoke next morning exploding eggs was preparing my breakfast as usual, the sunlight streamed over breadfruit and palm, and the night seemed a dream. but there were rumors in the village of a strange dance held by the inhabitants of nuka-hiva, on another island, in celebration of the harvest of the _mei_. weird observances were hinted, rites participated in only by men who danced stark naked, praising the old gods. this was a custom of the old days, said great fern, with those too-innocent eyes opened artlessly upon me. it has ever been the ceremony of thanks-giving to the ancient gods, for a bountiful harvest, a propitiation, and a begging of their continued favor. as for him, he was a christian. such rites were held no more in atuona. i asked no more questions. thanks-giving to an omnipotent ruler for the fruits of the harvest season is almost universal. we have put in a proclamation and in church services and the slaughter of turkeys what these children do in dancing, as did saul of old. the season's task completed, great fern and apporo sat back well content, having provided excellently for the future. certain of their neighbors, however, filled with ambition and spurred on by the fact that there was plenty of _mei_ for all with no suspicion of greediness incurred by excessive possessions, continued to work until they had filled three pits. these men were regarded with admiration and some envy, having gained great honor. "he has three _popoi_ pits," they said, as we would speak of a man who owned a superb jewel or a velasquez. [illustration: a volunteer cocoanut grove, with trees of all ages] [illustration: climbing for cocoanuts] the grated breadfruit in the holes was called _ma_, and bore the same relation to _popoi_ as dough bears to bread. when the _ma_ was sufficiently soured apporo opened the pit each morning and took out enough for the day's provision, replacing the stones on the banana leaves afterward. the intrusion of insects and lizards was not considered to injure the flavor. i often sat on her _paepae_ and watched her prepare the day's dinner. putting the rancid mass of _ma_ into a long wooden trough hollowed out from a tree-trunk, she added water and mixed it into a paste of the consistency of custard. this paste she wrapped in _purua_ leaves and set to bake in a native oven of rocks that stood near the pit. apporo smoked cigarettes while it baked, perhaps to measure the time. marquesans mark off the minutes by cigarettes, saying, "i will do so-and-so in three cigarettes," or, "it is two cigarettes from my house to his." when the cigarettes were consumed, or when her housewifely instinct told apporo that the dish was properly cooked, back it went into the trough again, and was mashed with the _keatukipopoi_, the phallic pounder of stone known to all primitive peoples. a _pahake_, or wooden bowl about eighteen inches in diameter, received it next, and the last step of the process followed. taking a fistful of the mass, apporo placed it in another _pahake_, and kneaded it for a long time with her fingers, using oil from crushed cocoanuts as a lubricant. and at last, proudly smiling, she set before me a dish of _popoi kaoi_, the very best _popoi_ that can possibly be made. it is a dish to set before a sorcerer. i would as lief eat bill-poster's paste a year old. it tastes like a sour, acid custard. yet white men learn to eat it, even to yearn for it. captain capriata, of the schooner _roberta_, which occasionally made port in atuona bay, could digest little else. give him a bowl of _popoi_ and a stewed or roasted cat, and his corsican heart warmed to the giver. as bread or meat are to us, so was _popoi_ to my tawny friends. they ate it every day, sometimes three or four times a day, and consumed enormous quantities at a squatting. as the peasant of certain districts of europe depends on black bread and cheese, the poor irish on potatoes or stirabout, the scotch on oatmeal, so the marquesan satisfies himself with _popoi_, and likes it really better than anything else. many times, when unable to evade the hospitality of my neighbors, i squatted with them about the brimming _pahake_ set on their _paepae_, and dipped a finger with them, though they marveled at my lack of appetite. in the silence considered proper to the serious business of eating, each dipped index and second finger into the bowl, and neatly conveyed a portion of the sticky mass to his mouth, returning the fingers to the bowl cleansed of the last particle. little children, beginning to eat _popoi_ ere they were fairly weaned, put their whole hands into the dish, and often the lean and mangy curs that dragged out a wretched dog's existence about the _paepaes_ were not deprived of their turn. if one accept the germ theory, one may find in the _popoi_ bowl a cause for the rapid spread of epidemics since the whites brought disease to the islands. chapter xii a walk in the jungle; the old woman in the breadfruit tree; a night in a native hut on the mountain. atuona valley was dozing, as was its wont in the afternoons, when the governor, accompanied by the guardian of the palace, each carrying a shot-gun, invited me to go up the mountain to shoot _kukus_ for dinner. the _kuku_ is a small green turtle-dove, very common in the islands, and called also _u'u_ and _kukupa_. under any of these names the green-feathered morsel is excellent eating when broiled or fried. i did not take a gun, as, unless hunger demands it, i do not like to kill. we started out together, climbing the trail in single file, but the enthusiasm of the chase soon led my companions into the deeper brush where the little doves lured them, and only the sharp crack of an occasional shot wakening the echoes of the cliffs disturbed my solitude. the dark stillness of the deep valley, where the shadows of the mountains fell upon groves of cocoanuts and miles of tangled bush, recalled to me a cañon in new york city, in the center of the world of finance, gloomy even at noon, the sky-touching buildings darkening the street and the spirits of the dwellers like mountains. there, when at an unsual moment i had come from the artificially-lighted cage of a thousand slaves to money-getting, and found the street for a second deserted, no figure of animal or human in its sombre sweep, i had the same sensation of solitude and awe as in this jungle. suddenly a multitude of people had debouched from many points, and shattered the impression. but here, in atuona valley, the hoot of the owl, the _kouku_, which in malay is the ghost-bird, the _burong-hantu_, seemed to deepen the silence. does not that word _hantu_, meaning in malay an evil spirit, have some obscure connection with our american negro "hant," a goblin or ghost? certainly the bird's long and dismal "hoo-oo-oo" wailing through the shuddering forest evoked dim and chilling memories of tales told by candlelight when i was a child in maryland. here on the lower levels i was still among the cocoanut-groves. the trail passed through acres of them, their tall gray columns rising like cathedral arches eighty feet above a green mat of creeping vines. again it dipped into the woods, where one or two palms struggled upward from a clutching jungle. everywhere i saw the nuts tied by their natural stems in clumps of forty or fifty and fastened to limbs which had been cut and lashed between trees. these had been gathered by climbers and left thus to be collected for drying into copra. constantly the ripe nuts not yet gathered fell about me. these heavy missiles, many six or seven pounds in weight, fell from heights of fifty to one hundred feet and struck the earth with a dull sound. the roads and trails were littered with them. they fall every hour of the day in the tropics, yet i have never seen any one hurt by them. narrow escapes i had myself, and i have heard of one or two who were severely injured or even killed by them, but the accidents are entirely out of proportion to the shots fired by the trees. one becomes an expert at dodging, and an instinct draws one's eyes to the branch about to shed a _mei_, or the palm intending to launch a cocoanut. as i made my way up the trail, pausing now and then to look about me, i came upon an old woman leaning feebly on a tall staff. although it was the hour of afternoon sleep, she was abroad for some reason, and i stopped to say "_kaoha_," to her. a figure of wretchedness she was, bent almost double, her withered, decrepit limbs clad in a ragged _pareu_ and her lean arms clutching the stick that bore her weight. she was so aged that she appeared unable to hear my greeting, and replied only mutteringly, while her bleary eyes gleamed up at me between fallen lids. such miserable age appealed to pity, but as she appeared to wish no aid, i left her leaning on her staff, and moved farther along the trail, stopping again to gaze at the shadowed valley below while i mused on the centuries it had seen and the brief moment of a man's life. standing thus, i was like to lose my own, for suddenly i heard a whirr like that of a shrapnel shell on its murderous errand, and at my feet fell a projectile. i saw that it was a breadfruit and that i was under the greatest tree of that variety i had ever seen, a hundred feet high and spreading like a giant oak. in the topmost branches was the tottering beldame i had saluted, and in both her hands the staff, a dozen feet long. she was threshing the fruit from the tree with astounding energy and agility, her scanty rags blown by the wind, and her emaciated, naked figure in its arboreal surroundings like that of an aged ape. how she held on was a mystery, for she seemed to lean out from a limb at a right angle, yet she had but a toe-hold upon it. no part of her body but her feet touched the branch, nor had she any other support but that, yet she banged the staff about actively and sent more six-pounders down, so that i fled without further reflection. the score of houses strung along the upper reaches of atuona valley were silent at this hour, and everywhere native houses were decaying, their falling walls and sunken roofs remembering the thousands who once had their homes here. occasionally in our own country we see houses untenanted and falling to ruin, bearing unmistakable evidences of death or desertion, and i have followed armies that devastated a countryside and slew its people or hunted them to the hills, but the first is a solitary case, and the second, though full of horror, has at least the element of activity, of moving and struggling life. the rotting homes of the marquesan people speak more eloquently of death than do sunken graves. in these vales, which each held a thousand or several thousand when the blight of the white man came, the abandoned _paepaes_ are solemn and shrouded witnesses of the death of a race. the jungle runs over them, and only remnants remain of the houses that sat upon them. their owners have died, leaving no posterity to inhabit their homes; neighbors have removed their few chattels, and the wilderness has claimed its own. in every valley these dark monuments to the benefits of civilization hide themselves in the thickets. none treads the stones that held the houses of the dead. they are _tapu_; about them flit the _veinahae_, the _matiahae_, and the _etuahae_, dread vampires and ghosts that have charge of the corpse and wait to seize the living. well have these ghoulish phantoms feasted; whole islands are theirs, and soon they will sit upon the _paepae_ of the last marquesan. i reached the top of the gulch and paused to gaze at its extent. the great hills rose sheer and rugged a mile away; the cocoanuts ceased at a lower level, and where i stood the precipices were a mass of wild trees, bushes, and creepers. from black to lightest green the colors ran, from smoky crests and gloomy ravines to the stream singing its way a hundred feet below the trail. a hundred varieties of flowers poured forth their perfume upon the lonely scene. the frangipani, the red jasmine of delicious odor, and tropical gardenias, weighted the warm air with their heavy scents. beside the trail grew the _hutu_-tree with crimson-tasseled flowers among broad leaves, and fruit prickly and pear-shaped. it is a fruit not to be eaten by man, but immemorally used by lazy fishermen to insure miraculous draughts. streams are dammed up and the pears thrown in. soon the fish become stupified and float upon the surface to the gaping nets of the poisoners. they are not hurt in flavor or edibility. the _keoho_, a thorny shrub, caught at my clothes as i left the trail. its weapons of defence serve often as pins for the native, who in the forest improvises for himself a hat or umbrella of leaves. beside me, too, was the _putara_, a broad-leaved bush and the lemon hibiscus, with its big, yellow flower, black-centered, was twisted through these shrubs and wound about the trunk of the giant _aea_, in whose branches the _kuku_ murmured to its mate. often the flowering vine stopped my progress. i struggled to free myself from its clutch as i fought through the mass of vegetation, and pausing perforce to let my panting lungs gulp the air, i saw around me ever new and stranger growths--orchids, giant creepers, the _noni enata_, a small bush with crimson pears upon it, the _toa_, or ironwood, which gave deadly clubs in war-time, but now spread its boughs peacefully amidst the prodigal foliage of its neighbors. the umbrella fern, _mana-mana-hine_, was all about. the _ama_, the candlenut-tree, shed its oily nuts on the earth. the _puu-epu_, the paper mulberry, with yellow blossoms and cottony, round leaves, jostled pandanus and hibiscus; the _ena-vao_, a wild ginger with edible, but spicy, cones, and the lacebark-tree, the _faufee_, which furnishes cordage from its bark, contested for footing in the rich earth and fought for the sun that even on the brightest day never reached their roots. i staggered through the bush, falling over rotten trees and struggling in the mass of shrubs and tangled vines. away up here, hidden in the depths of the forest, there were three or four houses; not the blue-painted or whitewashed cabins of the settlement, but half-open native cots, with smoke rising from the fire made in a circle of stones on the _paepaes_. the hour of sleep had passed, and squatted before the troughs men and women mashed the _ma_ for the _popoi_, or idled on the platform in red and yellow _pareus_, watching the roasting breadfruit. there must be poverty-stricken folk indeed, for i saw that the houses showed no sign whatever of the ugliness that the marquesan has aped from the whites. yet neither were they the wretched huts of straw and thatch which i had seen in the valley and supposed to be the only remnants of the native architecture. as i drew nearer, i saw that i had stumbled upon such a house as the marquesan had known in the days of his strength, when pride of artistry had created wonderful and beautiful structures of native wood adorned in elegant and curious patterns. it was erected upon a _paepae_ about ten feet high, reached by a broad and smooth stairway of similar massive black rocks. the house, long and narrow, covered all of the _paepae_ but a veranda in front, the edge of which was fenced with bamboo ingeniously formed into patterns of squares. a friendly call of "_kaoha!_" in response to mine, summoned me to the family meeting-place, and i mounted the steps with eagerness. i was met by a stalwart and handsome savage, in earrings and necklace and scarlet _pareu_, who rubbed my nose with his and smelled me ceremoniously, welcoming me as an honored guest. several women followed his example, while naked children ran forward curiously to look at the stranger. learning the interest and admiration i felt for his house, my host displayed it with ill-concealed pride. its frame was of the largest-sized bamboos standing upright, and faced with hibiscus strips, all lashed handsomely and strongly with _faufee_ cordage. upon this framework were set the walls, constructed of canes arranged in a delicate pattern, the fastenings being of _purau_ or other rattan-like creepers, all tied neatly and regularly. as the residence was only about a dozen feet deep, through three times that length, these walls were not only attractive but eminently serviceable, the canes shading the interior, and the interstices between them admitting ample light and air. we entered through a low opening and found the one long chamber spacious, cool, and perfumed with the forest odors. there were no furnishings save two large and brilliantly polished cocoanut-tree trunks running the whole length of the interior, and between them piles of mats of many designs and of every bright hue that roots and herbs will yield. while i admired these, noting their rich colors and soft, yet firm, texture, a murmurous rustle on the palm-thatched roof announced the coming of the rain. it was unthinkable to my host that a stranger should leave his house at nightfall, and in a downpour that might become a deluge before morning. to have refused his invitation had been to leave a pained and bewildered household. _popoi_ bowls and wooden platters of the roasted breadfruit were brought within shelter, and while the hissing rain put out the fires on the _paepae_ the candlenuts were lighted and all squatted for the evening meal. breadfruit and yams, with a draught of cocoanut milk, satisfied the hunger created by my arduous climb. then the women carried away the empty bowls while my host and i lay upon the mats and smoked, watching the gray slant of the rain through the darkening twilight. few houses like his remained on hiva-oe, he said in reply to my compliments. the people loved the ways of the whites and longed for homes of redwood planks and roofs of iron. for himself, he loved the ways of his fathers, and though yielding as he must to the payments of taxes and the authority of new laws, he would not toil in the copra-groves or work on traders' ships. his father had been a warrior of renown. the _u'u_ was wielded no more, being replaced by the guns of the whites. the old songs were forgotten. but he, who had traveled far, who had seen the capital of the world, tahiti, and had learned much of the ways of the foreigner, would have none of them. he would live as his fathers had lived, and die as they had died. "it is not long. we vanish like the small fish before the hunger of the _mako_. the high places are broken, and the _pahue_ covers our _paepaes_. it does not matter. _e tupu te fau; e toro to farero, e mou te taata._ the hibiscus shall grow, the coral shall spread, and man shall cease. there is sleep on your eyelids, and the mats are ready." his hospitality would give me the place of honor, despite my protests, and soon i found myself lying between my host and his wife, while the other members of the household lay in serried rank beyond her on the mats that filled the hollow between the palm-trunks. all slept with the backs of their heads upon one timber, and the backs of their knees over the other, but i found comfort on the soft pile between them. my companions slumbered peacefully, as i have remarked that men do in all countries where the people live near, and much in, the sea. there was no snoring or groaning, no convulsive movement of arms or legs, no grimaces or frowns such as mark the fitful sleep of most city dwellers and of all of us who worry or burn the candle at both ends. i lay listening for some time to their quiet breathing and the sound of rain drumming on the thatch, but at last my eyes closed, and only the dawn awoke me. [illustration: splitting cocoanut husks in copra making process] [illustration: cutting the meat from cocoanuts to make copra] chapter xiii the household of lam kai oo; copra making; marvels of the cocoanut-groves; the sagacity of pigs; and a crab that knows the laws of gravitation. next morning, after bidding farewell to my hosts, i set out down the mountain in the early freshness of a sunny, rain-washed morning. i followed a trail new to me, a path steep as a stairway, walled in by the water-jeweled jungle pressing so close upon me that at times i saw the sky only through the interlacing fronds of the tree-ferns above my head. i had gone perhaps a mile without seeing any sign of human habitation, hearing only the conversation of the birds and the multitudinous murmuring of leaves, when a heavy shower began to fall. pressing on, hampered by my clinging garments and slipping in the path that had instantly become a miniature torrent, i came upon a little clearing in which stood a dirty, dark shanty, like a hovel in the outskirts of canton, not raised on a _paepae_ but squat in an acre of mud and the filth of years. two children, three or four years old, played naked in the muck, and flower, of the red-gold hair, reputed the wickedest woman in the marquesas, ironed her gowns on the floor of the porch. raising her head, she called to me to come in. this was the house of lam kai oo, the adopted father of flower. seventy-one years old, lam kai oo had made this his home since he left the employ of captain hart, the unfortunate american cotton planter, and here he had buried three native wives. his fourth, a woman of twenty years, sat in the shelter of a copra shed nursing a six-months' infant. her breasts were dark blue, almost black, a characteristic of nursing mothers here. both the mother and flower argued with me that i should make many daughters my wife during my stay in atuona, and if not the leper lass, then another friend they had chosen for me. flower herself had done me the honor of proposing a temporary alliance, but i had persuaded her that i was not worthy of her beauty and talents. any plea that it was not according to my code, of even that it was un-christian, provoked peals of laughter from all who heard it; sooth to say, the whites laughed loudest. beneath a thatch of palm-leaves lam kai oo was drying cocoanuts. his withered yellow body straddled a kind of bench, to which was fixed a sharp-pointed stick of iron-wood. seizing each nut in his claw-like hands, he pushed it against this point, turning and twisting it as he ripped off the thick and fibrous husk. then he cracked each nut in half with a well-directed blow of a heavy knife. for the best copra-making, the half-nuts should be placed in the sun, concave side up. as the meats begin to dry, they shrink away from the shell and are readily removed, being then copra, the foundation of the many toilet preparations, soaps and creams, that are made from cocoa-oil. as it rains much in the marquesas, the drying is often done in ovens, though sun-dried copra commands a higher price. lam kai oo was operating such an oven, a simple affair of stones cemented with mud, over which had been erected a shed of palm-trunks and thatch. the halved cocoanuts were placed in cups made of mud and laid on wooden racks above the oven. with the doors closed, a fire was built in the stone furnace and fed from the outside with cocoa-husks and brush. such an oven does not dry the nuts uniformly. the smoke turns them dark, and oil made from them contains undesirable creosote. hot-water pipes are the best source of heat, except the sun, but lam kai oo was paying again for his poverty, as the poor man must do the world over. forty-four years earlier he had left california, after having given seven years of his life to building american railways. the smoke of the civil war had hardly cleared away when captain hart had persuaded him, ah yu and other california chinese to come to hiva-oa, and put their labor into his cotton plantations. cannibalism was common at that date. i asked the old man if he had witnessed it. "my see plenty fella eatee," he replied. "kanaka no likee chineeman. him speak bad meatee." he told me how on one occasion the lord had saved him from drowning. with a lay brother of the catholic mission, he had been en route to vait-hua in a canoe with many natives. there was to be a church feast, and lam kai oo was carrying six hundred chile _piastres_ to back his skill against the natives in gambling; lam, of course, to operate the wheel of supposed chance. the boat capsized in deep water. the lay brother could not swim, but was lifted to the keel of the upturned boat, while the others clung to its edges. he prayed for hours, while the others, lifting their faces above the storming waves, cried hearty amens to his supplications. finally the waves washed them into shallow water. the brother gave earnest thanks for deliverance, but lam thought that the same magic should give him back the six hundred pieces of silver that had gone into the sea. "my savee plenty lord helpee you," said he. "allee samee, him hell to live when poor. him lord catchee chile money, my givee fitty dolla churchee." he sighed despairingly, and fed more cocoa-husks to his make-shift oven. the shower had passed, moving in a gray curtain down the valley, and picking my way through the mire of the yard, i followed it in the sunshine. my way led now through the cocoanut-groves that day and night make the island murmurous with their rustling. they are good company, these lofty, graceful palms, and i had grown to feel a real affection for them, such as a man has for his dog. like myself, they can not live and flourish long unless they see the ocean. their habit has more tangible reason than mine; they are dependent on air and water for life. the greater the column of water that flows daily up their stems and evaporates from the leaves, the greater the growth and productivity. evaporation being in large measure dependent on free circulation of air, the best sites for cocoanut plantations are on the seashore, exposed to the winds. they love the sea and will grow with their boles dipped at high tide in the salt water. these trunks, three feet in diameter at the base and tapering smoothly and perfectly to perhaps twelve inches at the top, are in reality no more than pipes for conveying the water to the thirsty fronds. cut them open, and one finds a vast number of hollow reeds, held together by a resinous pitch and guarded by a bark both thick and exceedingly hard. there is no branch or leaf except at the very tip of the trunk, where a symmetrical and gigantic bouquet of leaves appears, having plumes a dozen feet long or more, that nod with every zephyr and in storms sway and lash the tree as if they were living things. i used to wonder why these great leaves, the sport of the idlest breeze as well as the fiercest gale, were not torn from the tree, but when i learned to know the cocoanut palm as a dear friend i found that nature had provided for its survival on the wind-swept beaches with the same exquisite attention to individual need that is shown in the electric batteries and lights of certain fishes, or in the caprification of the fig. a very fine, but strong, matting, attached to the bark beneath the stalk, fastened half way around the tree and reaching three feet up the leaf, fixes it firmly to the trunk but gives it ample freedom to move. it is a natural brace, pliable and elastic. there is scarcely a need of the islander not supplied by these amiable trees. their wood makes the best spars, furnishes rafters and pillars for native houses, the knee- and head-rests of their beds, rollers for the big canoes or whale-boats, fences against wild pig, and fuel. the leaves make screens and roofs of dwellings, baskets, and coverings, and in the pagan temples of tahiti were the rosaries or prayer-counters, while on their stiff stalks the candlenuts are strung to give light for feasts or for feasting. when the tree is young the network that holds the leaves is a beautiful silver, as fine as india paper and glossy; narrow strips of it are used as hair ornaments and contrast charmingly with the black and shining locks of the girls. when older, this matting has every appearance of coarse cotton cloth, and is used to wrap food, or is made into bags and even rough garments, specially for fishermen. the white flowers are small and grow along a branching stalk, protected by a sheath, and just above the commencement of the leaf. from them is made the cocoanut-brandy that enables the native to forget his sorrows. flowers and nuts in every stage of development are on the same tree, a year elapsing between the first blossom and the ripe nut. long before it is ripe, but after full size has been attained, the nut contains a pint or even a quart of delicious juice, called milk, water, or wine, in different languages. it is clear as spring water, of a delicate acidity, yet sweet, and no idea of its taste can be formed from the half-rancid fluid in the ripe nuts sold in europe or america. it must be drunk soon after being taken from the tree to know its full delights, and must have been gathered at the stage of growth called _koie_, when there is no pulp within the shell. not long after this time the pulp, white as snow, of the consistency and appearance of the white of a soft-boiled egg, forms in a thin layer about the walls of the nut. this is a delicious food, and from it are made many dishes, puddings, and cakes. it is no more like the shredded cocoanut of commerce than the peach plucked from the tree is like the tinned fruit. the pulp hardens and thickens as time goes on, and finally is an inch in thickness. occasionally the meat when hard and ripe is broiled and eaten. i like it fairly well served in this fashion. if left on the tree, the nut will in time fall, and in due course there begins in it a marvelous process of germination. a sweet, whitish sponge forms in the interior, starting from the inner end of the seed enclosed in the kernel, opposite one of the three eyes in the smaller end of the nut. this sponge drinks up all the liquid, and, filling the inside, melts the hard meat, absorbs it, and turns it into a cellular substance, while a white bud, hard and powerful, pushes its way through one of the eyes of the shell, bores through several inches of husk, and reaches the air and light. this bud now unfolds green leaves, and at the same period two other buds, beginning at the same point, find their way to the two other eyes and pierce them, turning down instead of up, and forcing their way through the former husk outside the shell, enter the ground. though no knife could cut the shell, the life within bursts it open, and husk and shell decay and fertilize the soil beside the new roots, which, within five or six years, have raised a tree eight or nine feet high, itself bearing nuts to reproduce their kind again. all about me on the fertile soil, among decaying leaves and luxuriant vines, i saw these nuts, carrying on their mysterious and powerful life in the unheeded forest depths. here and there a half-domestic pig was harrying one with thrusting snout. these pigs, which we think stupid, know well that the sun will the sooner cause a sprouting nut to break open, and they roll the fallen nut into the sunlight to hasten their stomachs' gratification, though with sufficient labor they can get to the meat with their teeth. there is a crab here, too, that could teach even the wisest, sun-employing pig some tricks in economics. he is the last word in adaptation to environment, with an uncanny knowledge that makes the uninformed look askance at the tale-teller. these crabs climb cocoanut-trees to procure their favorite food. they dote on cocoanuts, the ripe, full-meated sort. they are able to enjoy them by various endeavors demanding strength, cleverness, an apparent understanding of the effect of striking an object against a harder one, and of the velocity caused by gravity. nuts that resist their attempts to open them, they carry to great heights, to drop them and thus break their shells. these crabs are called by the scientists _birgos latro_, by the marquesans _tupa_, by the paumotans _kaveu_, and by the tahitians, _ua vahi haari_. it was a never-failing entertainment on my walks in the paumotas to observe these great creatures, light-brown or reddish in color, more than two feet in length, stalking about with their bodies a foot from the ground, supported by two pairs of central legs. they can exist at least twenty-four hours without visiting the water, of which they carry a supply in reservoirs on both sides of the cephalothorax, keeping their gills moist. [illustration: a marquesan home on a _paepae_] [illustration: isle of barking dogs] they live in large deep burrows in the cocoanut-groves, which they fill with husks, so that the natives often rob them to procure a quick supply of fuel. these dens are contrived for speedy entry when pursued. terrifying as they appear when surprised on land, they scuttle for safety either to a hole or to the sea, with an agility astounding in a creature so awkward in appearance. though they may be seen about at all hours of the day, they make forays upon the cocoanuts only at night. darwin first saw these creatures in the indian ocean, and said that they seek the sea every night to moisten their branchiae. the young are hatched and live for some time on the sea-coast, venturing far from water only as they grow older. darwin said that their feat in entering the cocoanut "is as curious a case of instinct as was ever heard of, and likewise of adaptation in structure between two objects apparently so remote from each other in the scheme of nature, as a crab and a cocoanut-tree." when darkness descends and all is quiet, the robber crab ascends the tree by gripping the bark with his claws. the rays of my electric flash-light have often caught him high over my head against the gray palm. height does not daunt him. he will go up till he reaches the nuts, if it be a hundred feet. with his powerful nippers he severs the stem, choosing always a nut that is big and ripe. descending the palm, he tears off the fibrous husk, which, at first thought, it would seem impossible for him to do. he tears it fiber by fiber, and always from that end under which the three eye-holes are situated. with these exposed, he begins hammering on one of them until he has enlarged the opening so that he can insert one of the sharp points of his claw into it. by turning his claw backward and forward he scoops out the meat and regales himself luxuriously. this is his simplest method, along the line of least resistance, but let the nut be refractory, and he seizes it by the point of a claw and beats it against a rock until he smashes it. this plan failing, he will carry the stubborn nut to the top of the tree again and hurl it to the earth to crack it. and if at first he does not succeed, he will make other trips aloft with the husked nut, dropping it again and again until at last it is shattered and lies open to his claws. it is said that if a drop of oil be placed on the long and delicate antennae of these crabs they die almost instantly. we have a somewhat similar rumor with respect to salt and a bird's tail. seldom does a robber crab linger to be oiled, and so other means of destroying him, or, at least, of guarding against his depredations, are sought. with the rat, who bites the flower and gnaws the young nuts, this crab is the principal enemy of the planter. the tree owner who can afford it, nails sheets of tin or zinc around the tree a dozen feet from the earth. neither rat nor crab can pass this slippery band, which gives no claw-hold. thousands of trees are thus protected, but usually these are in possession of white men, for tin is costly and the native is poor. the ingenious native, however, employs another means of saving the fruit of his groves. he climbs the palm-trunk in the daytime, and forty feet above the ground encircles it with dirt and leaves. on his mat for the night's slumber, he smiles to think of the revenge he shall have. for the crab ascends and passes the puny barrier to select and fell his nuts, but when in his backward way he descends, he forgets the curious bunker he went over and, striking it again, thinks he has reached the ground. he lets go, and smashes on the rocks his crafty foe has piled below. chapter xiv visit of le moine; the story of paul gauguin; his house, and a search for his grave beneath the white cross of calvary. i rose one morning from my golden bed to find a stranger quietly smoking a cigarette on my _paepae_. against the jungle background he was a strangely incongruous figure; a frenchman, small, thin, meticulously neat in garments of faded blue denim and shining high boots. his blue eyes twinkled above a carefully trimmed beard, and as he rose to meet me, i observed that the fingers on the cigarette were long, slender, and nervous. this was monsieur charles le moine, the painter from vait-hua, whose studio i had invaded in his absence from that delightful isle. we sat long over breakfast coffee and cigarettes, i, charmed by his conversation, he, eager to hear news of the world he had forsaken. he had studied in paris, been governor of the gambier islands, and at last had made his final home among the palms and orchids of these forgotten isles. his life had narrowed to his canvases, on which he sought to interpret marquesan atmosphere and character, its beauty and savage lure. i said to him that it was a pity many great painters did not come here to put on canvas the fading glamor and charm of the marquesas. "our craft is too poor," he replied with a sigh. "a society built on money does not give its artists and singers the freedom they had in the old days in these islands, my friend. we are bound to a wheel that turns relentlessly. who can come from france and live here without money? me, i must work as gendarme and school-teacher to be able to paint even here. one great painter did live in this valley, and died here--paul gauguin. he was a master, my friend!" "paul gauguin lived here?" i exclaimed. i had known, of course, that the great modernist had died in the marquesas, but i had never heard in which valley, and no one in atuona had spoken of him. in florence i had met an artist who possessed two glass doors taken from madame charbonnier's house and said to have been painted by gauguin in payment for rent. i had been in paris when all artistic france was shuddering or going into ecstacies over gauguin's blazing tropic work, when his massive, crude figures done in violent tones, filled with sinister power, had been the conversation of galleries and saloons. strindberg wrote of gauguin's first exhibition and expressed dislike for the artist's prepossession with form, and for the savage models he chose. gauguin's reply was: "your civilization is your disease; my barbarism is my restoration to health. i am a savage. every human work is a revelation of the individual. all i have learned from others has been an impediment to me. i know little, but what i do know is my own." now i learned from the lips of le moine that this man had lived and died in my own valley of atuona, had perhaps sat on this _paepae_ where we were breakfasting. imagination kindled at the thought. "i will take you to his house," said le moine. we walked down the road past the governor's palace until opposite baufré's depressing abode, where, several hundred yards back from a stone wall, sunk in the mire of the swamp, had for ten years been gauguin's home and studio. nothing remained of it but a few faint traces rapidly disappearing beneath the jungle growth. while we stood in the shade of a cocoanut-palm, gazing at these, we were joined by baufré, the shaggy and drink-ruined frenchman, in his torn and dirty overalls. "this weather is devilish," said baufré, with a curse. "it is not as it used to be. the world goes to the devil. there were seven hundred people in atuona when i came here. they are all dead but two hundred, and there is nobody to help me in my plantation. if i pay three francs a day, they will not work. if i pay five francs, they will not work. suppose i give them rum? they will work hard for that, for it means forgetting, but when they drink rum they cannot work at all." "but you are a philosopher, and absinthe or rum will cure you," said le moine. "_mon dieu!_ i am not a philosopher!" retorted baufré. "of what good is that? gauguin was a philosopher, and he is dead and buried on calvary. you know how he suffered? his feet and legs were very bad. every day he had to tie them up. he could not wear shoes, but he painted, and drank absinthe, and injected the morphine into his belly, and painted. "_sapristi!_ he was a brave one! am i not here over thirty years, and have i met a man like gauguin? he never worried. he painted. the dealer in paris sent him five hundred francs a month, and he gave away everything. he cared only for paint. and now he is gone. _regardez_, here is where his house stood." we walked through the matted grass that sketched upon the fertile soil the shape of that house where gauguin had painted. it had been raised from the marsh six feet on trunks of trees, and was about forty-five feet long and twenty wide. the floor was of planks, and one climbed a stairway to reach the veranda. the frame of the house was of wood, but the sides all of split bamboo, with a row of windows of glass and a roof of cocoanut thatch. the light entered from the north, and except for a small chamber for sleeping and a closet for provisions, the entire house was a studio, a lofty, breeze-swept hall, the windows high up admitting light, but not the hot sunshine, and the expanse of bamboo filtering the winds in their eternal drift from south to north and north to south. below the floor, on the ground, was a room for work in sculpture, in which medium gauguin took much interest, using clay and wood, the latter both for bas-relief and full relief, gauguin being hampered, baufré said, by lack of plasticity in the native clay. next to this workroom was a shelter for the horse and cart, for gauguin had the only wheeled vehicle in the marquesas. baufré exhausted all his rhetoric and used four sheets of foolscap in his endeavor to make me see these surroundings of the artist, whom he evidently considered a great man. "five hundred francs a month, _mon ami_, whether he painted or not! but he was a worker. drunk or sober, he would paint. _oui_, i have seen him with a bottle of absinthe in him, and still he would paint. early in the morning he was at work at his easel in the studio or under the trees, and every day he painted till the light was gone. his only use for the cart was to carry him and his easel and chair to scenes he would paint. he would shoot that accursed morphine into his belly when the pain was too bad, and he would drink wine and talk and paint. "he had no wife or woman, but he took one in the way of the white man here now and then. he lived alone, save for a half-chinese boy who cooked and cleaned for him. he never said he was sick. there was no doctor on this island, for the government was then at nuka-hiva, and he had no time to go there. he suffered terribly, but he never complained. 'life is short,' he would say, 'and there is not long to paint.' "he would not talk politics, but after the light was gone he would sit at the organ in his studio and make one cry with his music. when at home he wore only a _pareu_, but he would put on trousers when he went out. he worked and drank and injected his morphine, and one morning when the boy came he found him dead, and he was smiling. "the government hated him because he cursed it for not letting the natives keep their customs. the church hated him because he ridiculed it. still, they buried him in the catholic cemetery. i went with the body, and four marquesans carried it up the trail. "the government sold his house to gedge, and gedge sold it to a native, who tore it down for the materials. it was of no use to any one, for it was built for an artist. "_vous savez; mon garçon_, i am not acquainted with pictures, and have never seen any but his, but i felt that they were good. they made one feel the sun. there was in them the soul of these islands. and you know that polonaise, with the one eye-glass, that lives in papeite, that krajewsky? _eh bien!_ he was here to buy these stone images of gods, and he said that in paris they were paying tens of thousands of francs for those things of gauguin's he would have given me for the asking. ah well! he had the head and he was a philosopher, but he lies up there in calvary." "perhaps," said le moine. "_mon ami_," said the shaggy man, "i go to church, and you and i and gauguin are the same kind of catholic. we don't do what we pray for. that man was smarter than you or me, and the good god will forgive him whatever he did. he paid everybody, and chassognal of papeite found seven hundred francs in a book where he had carelessly laid it. if he drank, he shared it, and he paid his women." "he was an atheist," persisted le moine. "atheist!" echoed baufré. "he believed in making beautiful pictures, and he was not afraid of god or of the mission. how do you know what god likes? mathieu scallamera built the church here and the mission houses, and he is dead, and all his family are lepers. did god do that? _non! non!_ you and i know nothing about that. you like to drink. your woman is tattooed, and we are both men and bad. come and have a drink?" we left him beside the road and walked slowly beneath the arch of trees toward the mountain whose summit was crowned by the white cross of calvary graveyard. "he drank too much, he took morphine, he was mortally ill, and yet he painted. those chaps who have to have leisure and sandal-wood censors might learn from that man," said le moine. "he was a pagan and he saw nature with the eyes of a pagan god, and he painted it as he saw it." i reminded him of james huneker's words about gauguin: "he is yet for the majority, though he may be the paint god of the twentieth century. paint was his passion. with all his realism, he was a symbolist, a master of decoration." past the governor's mansion, we turned sharply up the hill. apart from all other dwellings, on a knoll, stood a marquesan house. as we followed the steep trail past it, i called, "_kaoha!_" "_i hea?_" said a woman, "_karavario?_ where do you go? to calvary?" there was a sad astonishment in her tone, that we should make the arduous climb to the cemetery where no dead of ours lay interred. a fairly broad trail wound about the hill, the trail over which the dead and the mourners go, and the way was through a vast cocoanut-orchard, the trees planted with absolute regularity lifting their waving fronds seventy or eighty feet above the earth. there was no underbrush between the tall gray columns of the palms, only a twisted vegetation covered the ground, and the red volcanic soil of the trail, cutting through the green, was like a smear of blood. the road was long and hot. halting near the summit, we looked upward, and i was struck with emotion as when in the courtyard i saw the group of the crucifixion. a cross forty feet high, with a christ nailed upon it, all snow-white, stood up against the deep blue sky. it was like a note of organ music in the great gray cathedral of the palms. another forty minutes climbing brought us to the foot of the white symbol. a half-acre within white-washed palings, like any country graveyard, lay on the summit of the mountain. to find gauguin's grave we began at the entrance and searched row by row. the graves were those of natives, mounds marked by small stones along the sides, with crosses of rusted iron filigree showing skulls and other symbols of death, and a name painted in white, mildewing away. farther on were tombs of stone and cement, primitive and massive, defying the elements. upon one was graven, "_ci git daniel vaimai, kata-kita_, - . r.i.p." the grave of a catechist, a native assistant to the priests. beneath another lay "august jorss," he who had ordered the golden bed in which i slept. most conspicuous of all was a mausoleum surrounded by a high, black, iron railing brought from france. on this i climbed to read while perched on the points: "_ici repose mg. illustrissime et reverendissime_ rog. jh. martin," and much more in latin and french. it was the imposing grave of the bishop of uranopolis, vicar-apostolic to the marquesas, predecessor to bishop le cadre, who had no pride and whom all called plain father david. suddenly rain poured down upon us, and looking about to find a shelter we saw a straw penthouse over a new and empty grave lined with stones. we huddled beneath it, our faces toward the sea, and while the heavy rain splashed above our heads and water rushed down the slope, we gazed in silence at the magnificent panorama below. we were directly above the bay of traitors, that arm of the sea which curved into the little bays of taka-uka and atuona. at one side, a mere pinnacle through the vapor about his throat, rose the rugged head of temetiu, and ranged below him the black fastnesses of the valleys he commands. in the foreground the cocoas, from the rocky headlands to the gate of calvary, stood like an army bearing palms of victory. in rows and circles, plats and masses, the gray trunks followed one another from sea to mountain, yielding themselves to the storm, swaying gently, and by some trick of wind and rain seeming to march toward the cross-crowned summit. the flimsy thatch under which we crouched, put up only to keep the sun from the grave-digger, bent to north and south, and threatened to wing away. but suddenly the shower ran away in a minute, as if it had an engagement elsewhere, and the sun shone more brightly in the rain-washed air. we continued our search, but uselessly. hohine and mupui had advertisement of their last mortal residence, but not gauguin. we found an earring on one little tomb where a mother had laid her child, and on several those _couronnes des perles_, stiff, ugly wreaths brought from france, with "sincere regrets" in raised beads, speaking pityfully of the longing of the simple islanders to do honor to the memory of their loved ones. but the grave of gauguin, the great painter, was unmarked. if a board had been placed at its head when he was buried, it had rotted away, and nothing was left to indicate where he was lying. the hibiscus was blood-red on the sunken graves, and cocoanuts sprouted in the tangled grass. palms shut out from the half-acre had dropped their nuts within it, and the soil, rich in the ashes of man, was endeavoring to bring forth fairer fruit than headstones and iron crosses. the _pahue_, a lovely, long, creeping vine that wanders on the beaches to the edge of the tides, had crawled over many graves, and its flowers, like morning-glories, hung their purple bells on the humbler spots that no hand sought to clear. perhaps under these is the dust of the painter who, more than any other man, made the marquesas known to the world of europe. chapter xv death of aumia; funeral chant and burial customs; causes for the death of a race. on the _paepae_ of a poor cabin near my own lived two women, aumia and taipi, in the last stages of consumption. aumia had been, only a few months earlier, the beauty of the island. "she was one of the gayest," said haabunai, "but the _pokoko_ has taken her." she was pitifully thin when i first saw her, lying all day on a heap of mats, with taipi beside her, both coughing, coughing. an epidemic of colds had seized atuona, brought, most probably, by the schooner _papeite_, for no other had arrived since the _morning star_. aumia coughed at night, her neighbor took it up, and then, like laughter in a school, it became impossible to resist, and down to the beach and up to the heights the valley echoed with the distressing sounds. so, a breadfruit season ago, had aumia coughed for the first time, and the way she was going would be followed by many of my neighbors. i stopped every day to chat a moment with aumia, and to bring her the jam or marmalade she liked, and was too poor to buy from the trader's store. she asked me this day if i had seen her grave. she had heard i had visited the cemetery, and i must describe it to her. it was the grave over which le moine and i had crouched from the storm. aumia's husband and haabunai, with great fern, had dug it and paved it a couple of days ago, and her husband had given the others a pig for their work, slaughtering it on the tomb of the bishop of uranopolis. no thought of profanation had entered their minds; it was convenient to lay the pig over the imposing monument, with a man on either side holding the beast and the butcher free-handed. the carcass had been denuded of hair in a pail of hot water and buried underground with fire below and above him. when the meat was well done, i had a portion of it, and sister serapoline, who had come in her black nun's habit to console aumia with the promises of the church, ate with us, and accepted a haunch for the nun's house. "aumia is able to eat pig, and yet they have made her grave," i said. "oh, _c'est ça!_" replied the nun, holding the haunch carefully. "that is the custom. always they used to dig them near the house, so that the sick person might see the grave, and in its digging the sick had much to say, and enjoyed it. now, _grâce à dieu!_ if catholics, they are buried in consecrated ground where the body may rest serene until the trumpet sounds the final judgment. death is terrible, but these marquesans make no more of it than of a journey to another island, and much less than of a voyage to tahiti. they die as peacefully as a good catholic who is sure of his crown in heaven. and as they are children, only children, the wisest or the worst of them, the good god will know how to count their sins. it is those who scandalize them who shall pay dear, those wicked whites who have forsaken god, or who worship him in false temples." the coffin of aumia was then beside the house, turned over so that rain might not make it unpresentable. she had asked for it weeks before. to the marquesan his coffin is as important as, to us, the house the newly-married pair are to live in. these people know that almost every foot of their land holds the bones or dust of a corpse, and this remnant of a race, overwhelmed by tragedy, can look on death only as a relief from the oppression of alien and unsympathetic white men. they go to the land of the _tupapaus_ as calmly as to sleep. "i have never seen a marquesan afraid to die," said sister serapoline. "i have been at the side of many in their last moments. it is a terrible thing to die, but they have no fear at all." the husband of aumia, a jolly fellow of thirty, was practising on a drum for the entertainment of his wife. he said that the corpse of his grandfather, a chief, had been oiled and kept about the house until it became mummified. this, he said, had been quite the custom. the body was washed very thoroughly, and rubbed with cocoanut-oil. it was laid in the sun, and members of the family appointed to turn it many times a day, so that all parts might be subjected to an even heat. the anointing with oil was repeated several times daily. weeks or months of this process reduced the corpse to a mummified condition, and if it were the body of a chief it was then put in his canoe and kept for years in a ceremonial way. but no mark was ever placed to show where the dead were buried, and there were no funeral ceremonies. better that none knew where the body was laid and that the chosen friends who carried it to the sepulchre forgot the spot. in the very old days the marquesans interred the dead secretly in the night at the foot of great trees. or they carried the bodies to the mountains and in a rocky hole shaded by trees covered them over and made the grave as much as possible like the surrounding soil. the secret of the burial-place was kept inviolate. aumia's husband related an instance of a man who in the darkest night climbed a supposedly inaccessible precipice carrying the body of his young wife lashed to his back, to place it carefully on a lofty shelf and descend safely. these precautions came probably from a fear of profanation of the dead, perhaps of their being eaten by a victorious enemy. to devastate the cemeteries and temples of the foe was an aim of every invading tribe. it was considered that mutilating a corpse injured the soul that had fled from it. afraid of no living enemy nor of the sea, meeting the shark in his own element and worsting him, fearlessly enduring the thrust of the fatal spear when an accident of battle left him defenseless, the marquesan warrior, as much as the youngest child, had an unutterable horror of their own dead and of burial-places, as of the demons who hovered about them. christianity has made no change in this, for it, too, is encumbered with such fears. who of us but dreads to pass a graveyard at night, though even to ourselves we deny the fear? banshees, werwolves and devils, the blessed candles lit to keep away the evil one, or even to guard against wandering souls on certain feasts of the dead, were all part of my childhood. so to the marquesan are the goblins that cause him to refuse to go into silent places alone at night, and often make him cower in fear on his own mats, a _pareu_ over his head, in terror of the unknown. but death when it comes to him now is nothing, or it is a going to sleep at the end of a sad day. aumia, eating her burial meats and looking with pleasure at her coffin, carefully and beautifully built by her husband's hands, smiled at me as serenely as a child. but the melancholy sound of her coughing followed me up the trail to the house of the golden bed. it was barely daylight next morning when i awoke, a soft, delicious air stirring the breadfruit leaves. i plunged into the river, and returning to my house was about to dress--that is, to put on my _pareu_--when a shriek arose from the forest. it was sudden, sharp, and agonizing. "_aumia mate i havaii_" said exploding eggs, approaching to build the fire. literally he said, "aumia is dead and gone below," for the marquesans locate the spirit world below the earth's surface, as they do the soul below the belt. the wailing was accompanied shortly by a sound of hammering on boards. "the corpse goes into the coffin," said exploding eggs. the first nail had been driven but a moment after aumia's last breath. all day the neighborhood was melancholy with the cries from the house. all the lamentations were in a certain tone, as if struck from the same instrument by the hand of sorrow. each visitor to the house shrieked in the same manner, and all present accompanied her, so that for ten minutes after each new mourner arrived a chorus of loud wails and moans assailed my ears. i had never known such a heart-rending exhibition of grief. but the sorrow of these friends of aumia was not genuine. it could not be; it was too dramatic. when they left the house the mourners laughed and lit cigarettes and pipes. if no new visitor came they fell to chatting and smoking, but the sight of a fresh and unharrowed person started them off again in their mechanical, though nerve-racking, cry. i had known aumia well, and at noon, desiring to observe the proprieties, i stepped upon the _paepae_ of her home. "she loved the _menike!_" shouted the old women in chorus, and they threw themselves upon me and smelt me and made as if i had been one of the dead's husbands. the followed me up the trail to my cabin and sat on my _paepae_ wailing and shrieking. it was some time before i realized that their poignant sorrow should force consolation from me. there was not a moan as the rum went round. i had puzzled at the exact repetition of their plaint. harrowing as it was, the sounds were almost like a recitation of the alphabet. a woman who had adopted me as her nephew said they called it the "_ue haaneinei_" that, literally, is "to make a weeping on the side." the etiquette of it was intricate and precise. each vowel was memorized with exactness. it ran, as my adopted aunt repeated it over her shell of consolation, thus: "ke ke ke ke ke ke ke ke ke! a a a a a a a a a a a a a a! e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e! i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i! o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o! u u u u u u u u u u u u u u u!" to omit a vowel, to say too many, or to mix their order, would be disrespect to the spirit of the dead, and a reflection on the mourner. nine times the "ke," fourteen "a's," fifteen "e's," eighteen "i's" and fifteen "o's" and "u's." aumia was carried to calvary in the afternoon and put in the grave for which the pig had been paid. so strongly did the old feeling still prevail that only three or four of her friends could be persuaded by the nuns to accompany the coffin up the trail. exploding egg's consignment of aumia to havaii, the underworld, spoke strongly of the clinging of his people to their old beliefs in the destiny of the spirit after death. they share with the ainos of japan--a people to which they have many likenesses, being of the same division of man--a faith in a subterranean future. does not socrates, in the dialogues of plato, often speak of "going to the world below," where he hopes to find real wisdom? havaii or havaiki is, of course, the fabled place whence came the polynesians, as it is also the name of that underworld to which their spirits return after death. one might read into this fact a dim groping of the marquesan mind toward "from dust he came, to dust returneth," or, more likely, a longing of the exiled people for the old home they had abandoned. ethnologists believe that the name refers to java, the tarrying-point of the great migration of caucasians from south asia toward polynesia and new zealand, or to savaii, a samoan island whence the emigrants later dispersed. whatever the origin of the word, to-day it conveys to the marquesan mind only that vague region where the dead go. in it there is no suffering, either for good or bad souls. it is simply the place where the dead go. it is ruled by po, the darkness. there is, however, a paradise in an island in the clouds, where beautiful girls and great bowls of _kava_, with pigs roasted to a turn, await the good and brave. the old priests claimed to be able to help one from po to this happy abode, but the living relatives of the departed spirit had to pay a heavy price for their services. the christianized marquesan fancies that he finds these old beliefs revived when père david tells him of purgatory, from which prayers and certain good acts help one's friends, or may be laid up in advance against the day when one must himself descend to that middle state of souls. all marquesans live in the shadow of that day. they see it without fear, but with a melancholy so tragic and deep that the sorrow of it is indescribable. "i have seen many go as aumia has gone," said father david to me. "all these lovable races are dying. all polynesia is passing. some day the whites here will be left alone amid the ruins of plantations and houses, unless they bring in an alien race to take the places of the dead." a hundred years ago there were a hundred and sixty thousand marquesans in these islands. twenty years ago there were four thousand. to-day i am convinced that there remain not twenty-one hundred. a century ago an american naval captain reckoned nineteen thousand fighting men on the island of nuka-hiva alone. in a valley where three thousand warriors opposed him, there are to-day four adults. i visited hanamate, an hour from atuona, where fifty years ago hundreds of natives lived. not one survived to greet me. consumption came first to hanavave, on the island of fatu-hiva. one of the tribe of merciless american whaling captains having sent ashore a sailor dying of tuberculosis, the tattooed cannibals received him in a christ-like manner, soothed his last hours, and breathed the germs that have carried off more than four-fifths of their race, and to-day are killing the remnant. the white man brought the chinese, and with them leprosy. the chinese were imported to aid the white in stealing the native land of the marquesan, and to keep the chinese contented, opium was brought with him. finding it eagerly craved by the ignorant native, the foolish white fastened this vice also upon his other desired slave. the french government, for forty thousand francs, licensed an opium farmer to sell the drug still faster, and not until alarmed by the results and shamed by the outcry in europe, did it forbid the devastating narcotic. too late! smallpox came with a peruvian slave-ship that stole thousands of the islanders and carried them off to work out their lives for the white in his own country. this ship left another more dread disease, which raged in the islands as a virulent epidemic, instead of running the slow chronic course it does nowadays when all the world has been poisoned by it. the healthy marquesans had no anti-toxins in their pure blood to overcome the diseases which with us, hardened europeans and descendants of europeans, are not deadly. here they raged and destroyed hundreds in a few days or weeks. the survivors of these pestilences, seeing their homes and villages desolated, their friends dying, their people perishing, supposed that these curses were inflicted upon them by the god of the foreigners and by the missionaries, who said that they were his servant. in their misery, they not only refused to listen to the gospels, but accused the missionaries in prayer before their own god, begging to be saved from them. often when the missionaries appeared to speak to the people, the deformed and dying were brought out and laid in rows before them, as evidences of the evilness and cruelty of their white god. but after one has advanced all tangible reasons and causes for the depopulation of the marquesas, there remains another, mysterious, intangible, but it may be, more potent than the others. the coming of the white has been deadly to all copper-colored races everywhere in the world. the black, the yellow, the malay, the asiatic and the negro flourish beside the white; the polynesian and the red races of america perished or are going fast. the numbers of those dead from war and epidemics leave still lacking the full explanation of the fearful facts. seek as far as you will, pile up figures and causes and prove them correct; there still remains to take into account the shadow of the white on the red. prescott says: the american indian has something peculiarly sensitive in his nature. he shrinks instinctively from the rude touch of a foreign hand. even when this foreign influence comes in the form of civilization, he seems to sink and pine under it. it has been so with the mexicans. under the spanish domination their numbers have silently melted away. their energies are broken. they live under a better system of laws, a more assured tranquillity, a purer faith. but all does not avail. their civilization was of the hardy character that belongs to the wilderness. their hardy virtues were all their own. they refused to submit to european culture--to be engrafted on a foreign stock. free! understand that well, it is the deep commandment, dimmer or clearer, of our whole being, to be free. freedom is the one purpose, wisely aimed at or unwisely, of all man's struggles, toilings, and sufferings, in this earth. i am persuaded that the polynesians, from hawaii to tahiti, are dying because of the suppression of the play-instinct, an instinct that had its expression in most of their customs and occupations. their dancing, their tattooing, their chanting, their religious rites, and even their warfare, had very visible elements of humor and joyousness. they were essentially a happy people, full of dramatic feeling, emotional, and with a keen sense of the ridiculous. the rule of the trader crushed all these native feelings. to this restraint was added the burden of the effort to live. with the entire marquesan economic and social system disrupted, food was not so easily procurable, and they were driven to work by commands, taxes, fines, and the novel and killing incentives of rum and opium. the whites taught the men to sell their lives, and the women to sell their charms. happiness and health were destroyed because the white man came here only to gratify his cupidity. the priests could bring no inspiration sufficient to overcome the degradation caused by the traders. the marquesan saw that jesus had small influence over their rulers. civilization lost its opportunity because it gave precept, but no example. even to-day, one white man in a valley sets the standard of sobriety, of kindness, and honor. jensen, the frank and handsome dane who works for the germans at taka-uka who was in the breadline in new york and swears he will never return to civilization, told me that when he kept a store in hanamenu, near atuona, to serve the bare handful of unexterminated tribesmen there, the people imitated him in everything, his clothes, his gestures, his least-studied actions. "i was the only white. i planted a fern in a box. every one came to my store and, feigning other reasons, asked for boxes. soon every _paepae_ had its box of ferns. i asked a man to snare four or five goats for me in the hills. they were the first goats tethered or enclosed in the valley. within a week the mountains were harried for goats, and the village was noisy with their bleating. i ate my goats; they ate theirs. not one was left. when i forsook hanamenu, the whole population moved with me. sure, i was decent to them, that was all. "i never want to see the white man's country again. i have starved in the big cities, and worked like a dog for the banana trust in the west indies. i have begged a cup of coffee in san francisco, and been fanned by a cop's club. here i make almost nothing, i have many friends and no superiors, and i am happy." had these lovable savages had a few fine souls to lead them, to shield them from the dregs of civilization heaped on them for a century, they might have developed into a wonder race to set a pace in beauty, courage, and natural power that would have surprised and helped europe. they needed no physical regeneration. they were better born into health and purity--bloody as were some of their customs--than most of us. their bodies had not become a burden on the soul, but, light and strong and unrestrained, were a part of it. they did not know that they had bodies; they only leaped, danced, flung themselves in and out of the sea, part of a large, happy, and harmonious universe. if to that superb, almost perfect, physical base that nature had given these marquesans, to that sweetness simplicity, generosity, and trust acknowledged by all who know them, there could have been added a knowledge of the things we have learned; if by example and kindness they could have been given rounded and informed intelligence, what living there would have been in these islands! all they needed was a brother who walked in the sunlight and showed the way. chapter xvi a savage dance, a drama of the sea, of danger and feasting; the rape of the lettuce. drums were beating all the morning, thrilling the valley and mountain-sides with their barbaric _boom-boom_. the savage beat of them quickened the blood, stirring memories older than mankind, waking wild and primitive instincts. toho's eyes gleamed, and her toes curled and uncurled like those of a cat, while she told me that the afternoon would see an old dance, a drama of the sea, of war, and feasting such as the islands had known before the whites came. the air thrummed with the resonance of the drums. all morning i sat alone on my _paepae_, hearing them beat. the sound carried one back to the days when men first tied the skins of animals about hollow tree-trunks and thumped them to call the naked tribes together under the oaks of england. those great drums beaten by the hands of haabunai and song of the nightingale made one want to be a savage, to throw a spear, to dance in the moonlight. erase thirty years, and hear it in atuona when the "long pig that speaks" was being carried through the jungle to the dark high place! then it was the thunder of the heavens, the voice of the old gods hungry for the flesh of their enemies. we who have become refined and diverse in our musical expression, using a dozen or scores of instruments to interpret our subtle emotions, cannot know the primitive and savage exaltation that surges through the veins when the war-drum beats. to the marquesans it has ever been a summons to action, an inspiration to daring and bloody deeds, the call of the war-gods, the frenzy of the dance. born of the thunder, speaking with the voice of the storm and the cataract, it rouses in man the beast with quivering nostrils and lashing tail who was part of the forest and the night. music is ever an expression of the moods and morals of its time. the bugle and the fife share with the drum the rousing of martial spirit in our armies to-day, but to our savage ancestors the drum was supreme. primitive man expressed his harmony with nature by imitating its sounds. he struck his own body or a hollow log covered with skin. uncivilized peoples crack their fingers, snap their thighs, or strike the ground with their feet to furnish music for impromptu dancing. in tonga they crack their fingers; in tahiti they pound the earth with the soles of their feet; here in atuona they clap hands. the marquesans have, too, bamboo drums, long sections of the hollow reed, slit, and beaten with sticks. for calling boats and for signaling they use the conch-shell, the same that sounded when "the tritons blew their wreathed horn." they also have the jew's-harp, an instrument common to all polynesia; sometimes a strip of bark held between the teeth, sometimes a bow of wood strung with gut. [illustration: the _haka_, the marquesan national dance] [illustration: hot tears (on the left) with vai etienne] civilization is a process of making life more complex and subtle. we have the piano, the violin, the orchestra. yet we also have rag-time, which is a reaction from the nervous tension of american commercial life, a swinging back to the old days when man, though a brute, was free. there is release and exhilaration in the barbaric, syncopated songs and in the animal-like motions of the jazz dances with their wild and passionate attitudes, their unrestrained rhythms, and their direct appeal to sex. these rag-time melodies, coming straight from the jungles of africa through the negro, call to impulses in man that are stifled in big cities, in factory and slum and the nerve-wearing struggle of business. so in the dance my marquesan neighbors returned to the old ways and expressed emotions dying under the rule of an alien people. with the making light of their reverenced _tapus_, the proving that their gods were powerless, and the ending of their tribal life, the dance degraded. they did not care to dance now that their joy in life was gone. but the new and jolly governor, craving amusement, sought to revive it for his pleasure. so the drums were beating on the palace lawn, and afternoon found the trails gay with _pareus_ and brilliant shawls as the natives came down from their _paepaes_ to the seat of government. chief kekela avaua, adopted son of the old kekela, and head man of the paamau district, called for me. he was a dignified and important man of forty-five years, with handsome patterns in tattooing on his legs, and dundreary whiskers. he was quite modishly dressed in brown linen, beneath which showed his bare, prehensile-toed feet. kirio patuhamane, a marvelous specimen of scrolled ink-marks from head to foot, who sported burnside whiskers, an english cricket cap, and a scarlet loin-cloth, accompanied us down the road. a hundred natives were squatting in the garden of the palace, and rum and wine were being handed out when we arrived. haabunai and song of the nightingale, the man under sentence for making palm brandy, were once more the distributors, and took a glass often. the people had thawed since the dance at the governor's inauguration. as kirio patuhamane explained, they had waited to observe the disposition of their new ruler, the last having been severe, dispensing no rum save for his own selfish gain, and having a wife who despised them. my tawny feminine friends resented keenly white women's airs of superiority, and many were the cold glances cast by malicious gossip, apporo, and flower at the stiffly gowned madame bapp, who sat on the veranda drinking absinthe. they scorned her, because she beat her husband if he but looked at one of them, though he owned a store and desired their custom. poor madame bapp! she thought her little man very attractive, and she lived in misery because of the openly-displayed charms of his customers. she loved him, and when jealous she sought the absinthe bottle and soon was busy with whip and broom on the miserable bapp, who sought to flee. it was useless; she had looked to doors and windows, and he must take a painful punishment, the while the crockery smashed and all atuona valley listened on its _paepaes_, laughing and well knowing that the little man had given no cause for jealousy. she greeted me with cold politeness when i mounted to the veranda, and the governor dispensed glasses of "dr. funk," a drink known to all the south seas. its secret is merely the mixing of a stiff drink of absinthe with lemonade or limeade. the learned man who added this death-dealing potion to the pleasures of the thirsty was stevenson's friend, and attended him in his last illness. i do not know whether dr. funk ever mixed his favorite drink for r.l.s., but his own fame has spread, not as a healer, but as a dram-decocter, from samoa to tahiti. "dr. funk!" one hears in every club and bar. its particular merits are claimed by experts to be a stiffening of the spine when one is all in; an imparting of courage to live to men worn out by doing nothing. the governor in gala attire was again the urban host, assisted by andré bauda, now his close friend and confidant. bauda himself had been in the island only a few months, and knew no more marquesan speech than the governor. both these officials were truly hospitable, embarrassingly so, considering my inability to keep up with them in their toasts. soon the demijohn of rum had been emptied into the glasses passing from hand to hand in the garden; haabunai and song of the nightingale again evoked the thrumming beat of the great drums, and the dance began. this was a tragedy of the sea, a pantomine of danger and conflict and celebration. for centuries past the ancestors of these dancers had played it on the forbidden height. even the language in which they chanted was archaic to this generation, its words and their meanings forgotten. the women sat upon the grass in a row, and first, in dumb show, they lifted and carried from its house to the beach a long canoe. the straining muscles of their arms, the sway of their bodies, imitated the raising of the great boat, and the walking with its weight, the launching, the waiting for the breakers and the undertow that would enable them to pass the surf line, and then the paddling in rough water. meantime at a distance the men chanted in chorus, giving rhythmic time to the motions of the dancers and telling in the long-disused words the story of the drama. and the drums beat till their rolling thunder resounded far up the valley. after the canoe was moving swiftly through the water the women rested. it seemed to me that the low continued chant of the men expressed a longing for freedom, for a return to nature, and a melancholy comment on the days of power and liberty gone forever. though no person present understood the ancient language of the song, there was no need of words to interpret the exact meaning of the dance. though no word had been uttered, the motions of the women would have clearly told the tale. when they began again, the sea grew more agitated. now the wail of the men reproduced the sound of waves beating on the canoe, and the whistling of the wind. the canoe was tossed high by the pounding sea; it slid dizzily down into the troughs of waves and rocked as the oarsmen fought to hold it steady. the squall had grown into a gale, roaring upon them while they tried to hold it steady. the canoe began to fill with water, it sank deeper and deeper, and in another moment the boatsmen were flung into the ocean. there they struggled with the great seas; they swam; they regained the canoe; they righted it, climbed into it. the storm subsided, the seas went down. again the women rested, their arms and bodies shining with perspiration. all this time they had remained immobile from the waist downward; their naked legs folded under them like those of statues. the chant of the men was quieter now, expressing a memory of the old gaiety now crushed by the inhibitions of the whites, by ridicule of island legends, and by the stern denunciations of priests and preachers. yet it was full of suggestion of days gone by and the people who had once sailed the seas among these islands. again the dancers raised their arms, and the canoe sailed over sunny waters. at length it touched at an isle, it was carried through the breakers to a resting place on the sand. its oarsmen rejoiced, they danced a dance of thanksgiving to their gods, and wreathed the _ti_ leaves in their hair. at this moment haabunai, master of ceremonies, gave a cry of dismay and ceased to beat his drum. with an anguished glance at the assembled spectators, he dashed around the corner of the house, to reappear in an instant with his hands full of green leaves. "_mon dieu!_" cried the governor. "_mon salade! mon salade!_" haabunai, busied with his duties, had forgotten to provide the real and sacred _ti_. in despair at the last moment he had raided and utterly destroyed the governor's prized lettuce bed, the sole provision for salad-making in atuona. he hastily divided the precious leaves among the dancers, and with wilting lettuce enwreathed in their tresses the oarsmen launched the canoe once more in the waves and returned to their own isle, praising the gods. all relaxed now, to receive the praises of the governor and the brimming glasses once more offered by the diligent haabunai and song, aided by the gendarme. a gruesome cannibal chant followed, accompanied by the booming of the drums, and then, warmed by the liquor that fired their brains, the dancers began the _haka_, the sexual dance. inflamed by the rum, they flung themselves into it with such abandon as i have never seen, and i saw a _kamaaina_ in hawaii and have seen caroline, miri, and mamoe, most skilled dancers of the hawaiian islands. with the continued passing of the cup, the _hurahura_ soon became general. the men and women who had begun dancing in rows, in an organized way, now broke ranks and danced freely all over the lawn. men sought out the women they liked, and women the men, challenging each other in frenzied and startling exposition of the ancient ways. the ceaseless booming of the drums added incitement to the frenzy; the grounds of the governor's palace were a chaos of twisting brown bodies and agitated _pareus_, while from all sides rose cries, shouts, hysterical laughter, and the sound of clapping hands and thumping feet. here and there dancers fell exhausted, until by elimination the dance resolved itself into a duet, all yielding the turf to many daughters, the little, lovely leper, and kekela avaua, chief of paumau. these left the lawn and advanced to the veranda, where so contagious had become the enthusiasm that the governor was doing the _hurahura_ opposite bauda, and ah yu danced with apporo, while song, the prisoner, and flag, the gendarme, madly emulated the star performers. kekela, who led the rout, was a figure at which to marvel. a very big man, perhaps six feet four inches in height, and all muscle, his contortions and the frenzied movements of his muscles exceeded all anatomical laws. many daughters, her big eyes shining, her red lips parted, followed and matched his every motion. her entire trunk seemed to revolve on the pivot of her waist, her hips twisting in almost a spiral, and her arms akimbo accentuating and balancing her lascivious mobility. the governor and the commissionaire, ah yu and apporo, monsieur bapp with song of the nightingale and flag, made the palace tremble while the _thrum_ of the great drums maddened their blood. exhausted at last, they lay panting on the boards. song was telling me that the liquor of the governor's giving surpassed all his illicit make, and that when his sentence expired he would remain at the palace as cook. ah yu, in broken english, sang a ditty he had heard forty years earlier in california, "shoo-fle-fly-doan-bodder-me." apporo, overcome by the rum and the dance, was lying among the rose-bushes. many others were flung on the sward, and more rose again to the dance, singing and shouting and demanding more rum. the girls came forward to be kissed, as was the custom, and madame bapp drove them away with sharp words. soon the hullabaloo became too great for the dignity of the governor. he gave orders to clear the grounds, and bauda issued commands from the veranda while song and flag lugged away the drums and drove the excited mob out of the garden and across the bridge. all in all, this sunday was typical of atuona under the new régime. after a quiet bath in the pool below my cabin i got my own dinner, unassisted by exploding eggs, and went early to bed to forestall visitors. the crash of a falling cocoanut awakened me at midnight, and i saw on my _paepae_ apporo, flower, water, and chief kekela avaua, asleep. the chief had hung his trousers over the railing, and was in his _pareu_, his pictured legs showing, while the others lay naked on my mats. there was no need to disturb them, for it is the good and honored custom of these hospitable islands to sleep wherever slumber overtakes one. the night was fine, the stars looked down through the breadfruit-trees, and temetiu, the giant mountain, was dark and handsome in the blue and gold sky. two sheep were huddled together by my trail window, the horses were lying down in the brush, and a nightingale lilted a gay love song in the cocoanut-palms above the house of the golden bed. next morning all atuona had a tight handkerchief bound over its forehead. i met twenty men and women with this sign of repentance upon their brows. watercress, the chief of atuona, who guards the governor's house, was by the roadside. "you have drunk too much," i remarked, as i spied the rag about his head. "not too much, but a great deal," he rejoined. "_faufau_," i said further, which means that it is a bad thing. "_hana paopao_" he said sadly. "it is disagreeable to work. one likes to forget many things." there was bitterness and sorrow in his tone. his father was a warrior, under the protection of toatahu, the god of the chiefs, and led many a victorious foray when watercress was a child. the son remembers the old days and feels deeply the degradation and ruin brought by the whites upon his people. a distinguished-looking man, dignified and haughty, he was one of half a dozen who were working out taxes by repairing the roads, and he was one of the few who worked steadily, saying little and seldom smiling. chapter xvii a walk to the forbidden place; hot tears, the hunchback; the story of behold the servant of the priest, told by malicious gossip in the cave of enamoa. it was a drowsy afternoon, and coming up the jungle trail to my cabin i saw le brunnec, the trader, accompanied by mouth of god and tahiapii, half-sister to malicious gossip. le brunnec, a breton, intelligent, honest, and light-hearted, owned the store below the governor's palace on the road to atuona beach. he lived above it, alone save for a boy who cooked for him, and all the marquesans were his friends. he had come this afternoon to take me for a walk up atuona valley, and on the main road below my house le moine, jimmy kekela, hot tears, the hunchback, and malicious gossip awaited us. we waded the river and found a trail that wandered along it crossed it now and then and hung in places on the high banks above it. the trail had been washed by freshets often and was rough and stony, overhung with trees and vines. along it, a hundred feet or so from the river, were houses sparsely scattered in the almost continuous forest of cocoanut and breadfruit. oranges and bananas, mangoes and limes, surrounded the cabins, most of which were built of rough planks and roofed with iron. here and there i saw a native house of straw matting thatched with palm leaves, a sign of a poverty that could not reach the hideous, but admired, standard of the whites. many people sitting on their _paepaes_ called to us, and one woman pointed to me and said that she wished to take my name and give me her own. this is their custom with one to whom they are attracted, but i affected not to understand. i did not want, so early in my residence in atuona, to lose a name that had served me well for many years, and besides, if i took another i would have to abide by whatever it might be and be known by it. it would be pleasant to be called "blue sky" or "killer of sharks," but how about "drowned in the sea" or "noise inside"? "keep your name to yourself, _mon ami_," said le moine. "they expect much from you if you give them yours. they will give you heaps of useless presents, but you alone have the right to buy rum." following a curve in the stream, we came upon teata (miss theater), the acknowledged beauty of atuona, waist-deep in a pool, washing her gowns. she was a vision of loveliness, large-eyed, tawny, her hair a dark cascade about her fair face and bare shoulders, the crystal water lapping her slender thighs and curling into ripples about her, the heavy jungle growth on the banks making an emerald background to her beauty. "they are like the ancient greeks," said le moine, "with the grace of accustomed nudity and the poise of the barefooted. you must not judge them by the present standards of europe, but by the statues of greece or egypt. m'a'mselle theater there in the brook would have been renowned in the golden age of pericles. i must paint her before she is older. they are good models, for they have no nerves and will sit all day in a pose, though they dislike standing, and must have their pipe or cigarette. you have seen vanquished often, in my own valley of vait-hua, whom i have painted so much. ah, there is beauty! one will not find her like in all the world. paris knows nothing like her." teata waved her hand at us from the brook, and flung her heavy hair backward over her shoulder as she went on with her task. looking back at her before the trail wound again into the forest, i saw that her features in repose were hard and semi-savage, the lines still beautiful, but cast in a severe and forbidding mold. we climbed steadily, jumping from rock to rock and clinging to the bushes. a mile up the valley we came suddenly upon a plateau, and saw before us the remains of an ancient _pekia_, or high place, a grim and grisly monument of the days of evil gods and man-eating. this, in the old days, was the _paepae tapu_, or forbidden height, the abode of dark and terrible spirits. upon it once stood the temple and about it in the depths of night were enacted the rites of mystery, when the priests and elders fed on the "long pig that speaks," when the drums beat till dawn and wild dances maddened the blood. when it was built, no man can say. centuries have looked upon these black stones, grim as the ruins of karnak, created by a mysterious genius, consecrated to something now gone out of the world forever. for ages hidden in the gloom of the forest, it was swept and polished by hands long since dust; it was held in reverence and dread. it was _tapu_, devoted to terrible deities, and none but the priests or the chiefs might approach it except on nights of ghastly feasting. [illustration: the old cannibal of taipi valley] [illustration: enacting a human sacrifice of the marquesans] it stood in a grove of shadowy trees, which even at mid-afternoon cast a gloom upon the ponderous black rocks of the platform and the high seats where chiefs and wizards once sat devouring the corpses of their foes. above them writhed and twisted the distorted limbs of a huge banian-tree, and below, among the gnarled roots, there was a deep, dark pit. we paused in a clear space of green turf delicately shaded by mango-trees walled in with ferns and grass and flowering bushes, and gazed into the gloom. this was forbidden ground until the french came. no road led to it then; only a narrow and dusky trail, guarded by demons of po and trod by humans only in the whispering darkness of the jungle night, brought the warriors with the burdens of living meat to the place of the gods. but the french, as if to mock the sacred things of the conquered, made two roads converge in this very spot, from which one wound its way over the mountains to hanamenu and the other followed the river to an _impasse_ in the hills. "my forefathers and mothers ate their fill of 'long pig' here and danced away the night," said hot tears, the hunchback, as he lighted a cigarette and sat upon the stone pulpit that once had been a wizard's. his heavy face, crushed down upon his crooked chest, showed not the slightest trace of fear; a pale imp danced in each of his narrowed eyes as he looked up at me. "that banian-tree, my grandfather said, held the _toua_, the cord of cocoanut fiber that held the living meat suspended above the baking pit. there, you see, among the roots--that was the oven, above which the prisoners hung. here stood the great drums, and the servants of the priests beat them, till the darkness was filled with sound and all the valleys heard. "_aue!_" the hunchback leaped to the edge of the pit. he raised his thin arms in the air, and i seemed to see, amidst the contorted limbs of the aged banian, fifty feet above, the quivering bodies swaying. "the _toua_ breaks! they fall. here on the rocks. they are killed with blows of the _u'u_, thus! and thus the meat is cut, and wrapped in the _meika aa_. light the fire! pile in the wood! it roasts!" his ghoulish laughter rose in the dark stillness of the jungle, and the hair stirred on my scalp. to my vision the high black seats were filled with shadowy figures, the light of candlenut torches fell on tattooed faces and gleaming eyes. when the hunchback moved from the tree of death, feigning to carry a platter, first to the great seats of the chiefs, then to the wide platform below, the flesh crawled on my bones. "_ai!_ they dance! _ai! ai! ai!_ they danced, and they loved! all night the drums beat. the drums! the drums! the drums!" he flung his twisted body on the green and laughed madly, till the old banian itself answered him. for a moment he writhed in a silence even more ghastly than his laughter, then lay still. "_au!_" he said, turning over on his back. "my grandfather believed this pekia to be the abode of demons." he paused. "as for me, i believe in none of them, or in any other gods." and he blew out his breath contemptuously. le moine surveyed the scene critically. "what a picture at night, with torches flickering, and the seats filled with men in red _pareus_! _mais, c'est terrible!_" he got off a hundred feet and squinted through a roll of paper. "i wish i could paint it," he said. "it must be a big canvas, and all dark but the torches and a few faces. _mon dieu!_ magnificent!" is cannibalism in the marquesas a thing of the past? do those grim warriors who survive the new régime ever relapse? who can say? it is not probable, for the population of the valleys is so small and the movements of the people so limited that absence is quickly detected. yet every once in awhile some one is missing. "_haa mate_. he has leaped into the sea. he was _paopao_. life was too long." or, if the disappearance was in crossing from one valley to another, it is said that a rock or a fall of earth had swept the absent one over a cliff. these are reasonable explanations, yet there persist whispers of foul appetitites craving gratification and of old rites revived by the _moke_, the hermits who hide in the mountains. two such dissappearances had occurred during my brief stay in atuona, and i had made little of the whispers. but now, with the hideous laughter of the hunchback still ringing in my ears, they slipped darkly through my mind, and i never felt the sunshine sweeter or tasted the mountain air with more delight than when we left that unholy place and were out on the trail again. our destination was a waterfall, with a pool in which we might bathe, and after leaving the _pekia_ we followed the stream, climbing higher and higher from the sea. in the marquesas all the rivers begin in the high mountains, where from the precipices leap the torrents in times of rain. as the valleys are mere ravines at their heads, the waters collect in their depths and roll to the ocean, rippling gently on sunny days, but after a downpour raging, rolling huge boulders over and over and tearing away cliffs. these streams are the life of the people in the upper valleys. in the old days of warfare many of these mountain dwellers never knew the sea; they were prevented from reaching it by the beach clansmen who claimed the fishing for their own and made it death for the hill people to venture down to the shore. all the people of a single valley, six or perhaps a dozen clans, united to war against other valleys, its people risking their lives if they trespassed beyond the hills. yet under a wise and powerful chief a whole valley lived in amity and knew no class or clan divisions. "we are going to _vaihae_, the waters of the great desire," said malicious gossip. "it was a sacred place once upon a time." we climbed painfully, le moine and i suffering keenly from the sharp edges of the stones that cut even through the thick soles of our shoes. the others, who were barefooted, made nothing of them, walking as easily and lithely as panthers on the jagged trail. soon we heard the crash of the _vaihae_, and sliding down the mountain-side a hundred feet we came into a depths of a gorge a yard or two wide, a mere crack in the rocks, filled with the boom and roar of rushing water. the rain-swollen stream, cramped in the narrow passage, flung itself foaming high on the spray-wet cliffs, and dashed in a mighty torrent into a deep howl riven out of the solid granite twenty feet below. we put off our clothes and leaped into the pool, enjoying intensely the coolness of the swirling water after the sweat of our climb. malicious gossip and her sister would not go in at first, but when i had climbed the face of a slippery rock twenty feet high to dive, and remained there gazing at the melancholy grandeur of the scene, malicious gossip put off her tunic and swam through the race, bringing me my camera untouched by the water. she was a naiad of the old mythologies as she slipped through the green current, her hair streaming over her shoulders and her body moving effortlessly as a fish. once wetted, she remained in the water with us, and she told me there was a cave behind the waterfall, hidden by the glassy sheet of water. "it is called _enamoa_ (behold the servant of the priest) and it has a terrible history," said malicious gossip. "follow me and we will enter it." she swam across the pool and turning lithely in the water curved out of sight beneath the surface of the vortex. _kekela_ followed her, and i made several attempts, but each time was flung back, bruised and breathless. it was not until kekela, finding a long stick in the cave, thrust it through the white foam, that by catching its end in the whirling water i was able to fight through the roaring and smashing deluge. the cave was obscure and damp, its only light filtering through the moving curtain of green water. black and crawling things squirmed at our feet, and darkness filled the recesses of the cavern. malicious gossip's body was a blur in the dimness, and her low soft voice was like an overtone of the deep organ notes of the torrent. "the tale of the cave of _enamoa_ is not a legend," she said, "for it is more. it was a happening known to our grandfathers. there were two warriors who coveted a woman, and she was _tapu_ to them. she was a _taua vehine_, a priestess of the old gods. but they coveted her, and they were friends, who shared their wives as they divided their _popoi_." "_panalua_," said kekela. "that is 'dear friend custom.' we had it in hawaii. brothers shared their wives, and sisters their husbands." "these two were name-brothers, and loved as though they were brothers by blood," said malicious gossip. "and their hearts were consumed with flame when they looked on this girl. it was evil of them, for it was against the will of the gods. she was of their own clan, and the priests had made her _tapu_ until she had reached a certain age. her brother was the servant of the priests, and she was consecrated to the gods. she was guarded by most sacred custom. it was forbidden to touch her or her food. "yet these warriors, _toa_ they were, and renowned in battle, coveted her with a desire that ate their sleep. and at last when they had drunk the fiery _namu enata_ till their brains were filled with flames, they lay in wait for her. "she came down to this pool to bathe. the pool itself was _tapu_ save for those consecrated to the gods, yet this wretched pair crept through the lantana there on the bank, and watched her. she stood on the rock above the pool and put off her _pae_, her cap of gauze, her long robe, and her _pareu_, all of finest tree-cloth, for in those days before the whites came our people were properly clothed. all naked then in the sunlight, she lifted her arms toward the sky and laughed, and sat down on a rock to bathe her feet. "suddenly the lustful warriors sprang upon her, and stopping her cries with her own _pae_ they swam with her into this cave. thought and breath had left her; she lay as one dead, and before they had attained their will they heard a sound of one approaching and singing on the rocks. they had no time to kill her, as they had intended, that she might not bring death to them. they left her and fled along the cliffs, barely escaping before the other man came. "he had seen from the corner of his eye a sight of some one fleeing from the cave. he was curious, and swam to it. it was late in the day, for the priestess had come for the evening bath. the sun had hidden himself behind temetiu and the cave was dark. the man came, then, stepping with care, and his feet found in the darkness a living body, warm and soft and perfumed with flowers. "then in the darkness, finding her very sweet, he yielded to the demon. but when he brought her at last through the falling water to the evening light, he cried aloud. he was the _moa_, the servant of the high priest, and this was his sister whom he loved. "he screamed thrice, so that all the valley heard him, and then he flung her into the pool to drown. the people saw him fleeing to the heights. he never returned to them. he became a _moke_, a sorcerer, who lived alone in the forest, dreaded by all. he was heard shrieking in the night, and then the storms came. his eyes were seen through the leaves on jungle trails, and he who saw died. "then the people gave the cave a name, the name of _enamoa_, behold the servant of the priest. it was much larger then than now, as large as a grove. but one night the people heard the noise of the falling of great rocks, and in the morning the cave was small as now. the _moke_ was never seen again. he had brought down the walls of the cave upon himself, because it had seen his sin." malicious gossip, having finished her tale, slipped again beneath the green curtain of the waterfall. when i had fought through the blinding, crashing waters and floated with aching lungs on the surface of the pool, she was donning her tunic on the rocks above it, and soon, with our clothes over our wet bodies, we strolled back to atuona, tahiapii smoking kekela's pipe. [illustration: interior of island of fatu-hiva, where the author walked over the mountains] [illustration: the plateau of ahoa] chapter xviii a search for rubber-trees on the plateau of ahoa; a fight with the wild white dogs; story of an ancient migration, told by the wild cattle hunters in the cave of the spine of the chinaman. i went one day with le brunnec, the french trader, in search of rubber trees on the plateau of ahao, above hanamenu, on the other side of hiva-oa island. mounted on small, but sturdy, mountain ponies, we followed the trail across the river and up the steep mountain-side clad with impenetrable jungle, climbing ever higher and higher above deep gorges and dizzying precipices, until at noon we crossed the loftiest range and dipped downward to the wide plateau. a thousand feet above the valley, level as a prairie, and indescribably wild and deserted, the plain stretched before us. at some distance to our right a long and narrow mound rose five hundred feet from the plateau, a hill that did not mar the vast level expanse, but seemed instead a great earthwork piled upon it by man. its green terrace was a wild garden of flowers and fruit growing in luxuriant confusion, watered by a stream that leaped sparkling among tall ferns. there was no breadfruit, for it will live only where man is there to tend it, and in all the extent of the tableland there was no human being or sign of habitation. wild cattle and boars moved in droves among the scattered trees, or stood in the shallow stream watching us with curiosity as we passed. thousands of guinea-pigs scampered before our horses' feet, and the free descendants of house-trained cats from the cities of europe and america perched upon lofty branches to gaze down at our cavalcade. i have seen the garden of allah, and the garden of eden,--if i can believe the arab sheik whose camel i bought for the journey,--i have been in nikko at its best, and known johore and kandy _en fête_, but for the hours in which i looked upon it this plateau of ahao was the most exquisite spot upon the earth. the wilderness of its tropic beauty, the green of its leafage, the rich profusion and splendor of its flowers, the pale colors that shimmered along its far horizon, and the desolate grandeur of temetiu's distant summit wrapped in thunderous clouds, gave it an aspect primitive, mysterious, and sublime. upon the trees hundreds of orchids hung like jewels, and vines were swung in garlands. flowers of every hue spread a brilliant carpet beneath the horses' hoofs; the hart's-tongue, the _manamana-o-hina_, the _papa-mako_ and the parasol-plant, with mosses of every description and myriads of ferns, covered the sward. some were the giant tree-ferns, tall as trees, others uncurled snaky stems from masses of rusty-colored matting, and everywhere was spread the delicate lace of the _uu-fenua_, a maiden-hair beside which the florist's offering is clumsy and insignificant. we made our own way through the tall grass and tangles of flowering shrubs, for there were no trails save those made by the great herds of wild cattle that wandered across the plain. three thousand head at least i saw grazing on the luxuriant herbage, or pausing with lifted heads before they fled at our approach. "they are descendants of a few left by shipmasters decades ago," said le brunnec. "twenty years ago they roamed in immense herds all over the islands. i have chased them out of the trail to hanamenu with a stick. like the goats left by the american captain, porter, on nuka-hiva, they thrived and multiplied, but like the goats they are being massacred. "both cattle and goats were past reckoning when, with peace fully established and the population dwindling, the french permitted the marquesans to buy guns. the natives hunt in gangs. fifteen or twenty men, each with rifle or shot-gun, go on horseback to the grazing grounds. the beasts at the sound of the explosions rush to the highest point of the hills. knowing their habits, the natives post themselves along the ridges and kill all they can. they eat or take away three or four, but they kill thirty or forty. they die in the brush, and their bones strew the ground." i told him of the buffalo, antelope, and deer that formerly filled our woods and covered our prairies; of alexander wilson, who in kentucky in estimated one flight of wild carrier pigeons as two thousand millions, and of there being not one of those birds now left in the world so far as is known. le brunnec sighed, for he was a true sportsman, and would not kill even a pig if he could not consume most of its carcass. often he half-lifted the shot-gun that lay across the pommel, but let it drop again, saying, "we will have a wild bird for supper." we pitched our tent as the moon hung her lantern over the brow of the hill. never was tent raised in a spot lonelier or lovelier. we chose for our camp the shelter of a _moto_ tree, one of the most lordly of all the growths of these islands. not ten of them were left in all the marquesas, said le brunnec as i admired its towering column and magnificent spread of foliage. "the whites who used the axe in these isles would have made firewood of the ark of the covenant." we made a fire before our tent and cooked a wild chicken he had shot, which, with pilot-biscuit and bordeaux wine, made an excellent dinner. darkness closed around us while we ate, the wide plateau stretched about us, mysterious in the light of the moon, and the night was cool and pleasant. we lay in lazy comfort, enjoying the fresh light air of that altitude and smoking "john's" mixture from los angeles, till sleepiness spilled the tobacco. our numbed senses scarcely let us drag our mats into the tent before unconsciousness claimed us. i was wakened by the blood-chilling howls of a wolf-pack in full cry, and a shout from le brunnec, "the dogs!" he stood by the open flap of the tent, a black silhouette of man and gun. when i had clutched my own rifle and reached his side i saw in the moonlight a score of huge white beasts, some tangled in a snarling heap over the remains of our supper, others crouching on their haunches in a ring, facing us. one of them sprang as le brunnec fired, and its hot breath fanned my face before my own finger pressed the trigger. the two wounded brutes struggled on the ground until a second shot finished them, and the rest made off to a little distance, where le brunnec kept them with an occasional shot while i brought up the terrified ponies, snorting and plunging. more wood thrown on the coals spread a circle of firelight about us, and le brunnec and i took turns in standing guard until morning, while the white dogs sat like sheeted ghosts around us and made the night hideous with howls. one or the other of us must have dozed, for during the night the beasts dragged away the two dead and picked their bones. these, le brunnec said, were the sons and daughters of dogs once friendly to humanity, and like the wild cats we had seen, they bore mute testimony to the numbers of people who once lived on this plateau. when dawn came the mountain rats were scurrying about the meadows, but the dogs had gone afar, leaving only the two heaps of bones and the wreckage of all outside the tent to tell of their foray. the sun flooded the mesa, disclosing myriad fern-fronds and mosses and colored petals waving in the light breeze as le brunnec and i went down to the stream to bathe. alas! i lolled there on the bank, thinking to gaze my fill at all this loveliness, and sat upon the _puke_, a feathery plant exquisite to the eye, but a veritable bunch of gadflies for pricking meanness. it is a sensitive shrub, retreating at man's approach, its petioles folding from sight, but with all its modesty it left me a stinging reminder that i had failed to respect its privacy. at noon we came to the hill that rises from the plateau, and found at its base a cistern, the sole token we had seen of the domain of man, except the dogs and cats that had returned to the primitive. it was a basin cut in the solid rock, and doubtless had been the water supply of the tribes that dwelt here hemmed in by enemies. there was about it the vague semblance of an altar, and in the brush near it we saw the black remains of a mighty _paepae_ like that giant marai of papara in tahiti, which itself seemed kin to the great pyramid temple of borobodo in java. melancholy memorials these of man, who is so like the gods, but who passes like a leaf in the wind. lolling in the stream that overflowed the edge of the ancient cistern, we discussed our plans. le brunnec was convinced that the _eva_, which we had found in considerable numbers, was a rubber-tree. he said that rubber was obtained from many trees, vines, roots, and plants, and that the sap of the _eva_, when dried and treated, had all the necessary bouncing qualities. we were to estimate the number of _eva_ trees on the plateau and size up the value of the land for a plantation. thus we might turn into gold that poison tree whose reddish-purple, alluring fruit has given so many marquesans escape from life's bitterness, whose juice wounded or mutilated warriors drank to avoid pain or contempt. idling thus in the limpid water, we heard a voice and started up surprised. a group of natives looked down upon us from the hill above, and their leader was asking who were the strange _haoe_ who had come to their valley. le brunnec shouted his name--proneka, in the native tongue--and after council they shouted down an invitation to breakfast. we had no guns, or, indeed, any other clothing than a towel, our horses being tethered at some distance, but we climbed the hill. half way up the steep ascent we were confronted by a wild sow with eight piglets. le brunnec said that one of them would be appreciated by our hosts, but the mother, surmising his intention, put her litter behind her and stood at bay. to attempt the rape of the pork, naked, afoot, and unarmed, would have meant grievous wounds from those gnashing tusks, so we abandoned the gift and approached our hosts empty-handed. we found them waiting for us in the grotto of the spine of the chinaman, a shallow cave in the side of the hill. there were seven of them, naked as ourselves, thick-lipped, their eyes ringed with the blue _ama_-ink and their bodies scrolled with it. they had killed a bull the day before and had cooked the meat in bamboo tubes, steaming it in the earth until it was tender and tasty. we gorged upon it, and then rested in the cool cave while we smoked. they were curious to know why we were there, and asked if we were after beef. i disclaimed this intention, and said that i was wondering if ahao had not held many people once. "ai! _e mea tiatohu hoi!_ do you not know of the piina of fiti-nui? of the people that once were here? _aoe?_ then i will tell you." while the pipe went from mouth to mouth, kitu, the leader of the hunters, related the following: "the piina of fiti-nui had always lived here on the plateau of ahao. the wise men chronicled a hundred and twenty generations since the clan began. that would be before iholomoni built the temple in iudea, that the priests of the new white gods tell us of. the high place of the piina of fiti-nui was old before iholomoni was born. "but, old as was the clan, there came a time when it grew small in number. for longer than old remembered they had been at war with the piina of hana-uaua, who lived in the next valley below this plateau. these two peoples were kinsman, but the hate between them was bitter. the enemy gave the piina of fiti-nui no rest. their _popoi_ pits were opened and emptied, their women were stolen, and their men seized and eaten. month after month and year after year the clan lost its strength. "they had almost ceased to tattoo their bodies, for they asked what it served them when they were so soon to bake in the ovens of the hana-uaua people. they could not defeat the hana-uaua, for they were small in number and the hana-uaua were great. the best fighters were dead. the gods only could save the last of the tribe from the _veinahae_, the vampire who seizes the dead. "the _taua_ went into the high place and besought the gods, but they were deaf. they made no answer. then in despair the chief, atituahuei, set a time when, if the gods gave no counsel, he would lead every man of the tribe against the foe, and die while the war-clubs sang. "atituahuei went with the _taua_ to the giant rock, meae-topaiho, the sacred stone shaped like a spear that stood between the lands of the warring peoples, and there he said this vow to the gods. and the people waited. "they waited for the space of the waxing and waning of the moon, and the gods said nothing. then the warriors made ready their _u'u_ of polished ironwood, and filled their baskets with stones, and made ready the spears. on the darkest night of the moon the piina of fiti-nui was to go forth to fight and be killed by the hana-uaua. "but before the moon had gone, the _taua_ came down from the high place, and said that the gods had spoken. they commanded the people to depart from ahao, and to sail beyond the isle of barking dogs until they came to a new land. the gods would protect them from the waves. the gods had shown the _taua_ a hidden valley, which ran to the beach, in which to build the canoes. "for many months the piina of fiti-nui labored in secret in the hidden valley. they built five canoes, giant, double canoes, with high platforms and houses on them, the kind that are built no more. in these canoes they placed the women and children and the aged, and when all was ready, the men raided the village of the piina of hana-uaua, and in the darkness brought all their food to the canoes. "at daybreak the fiti-nui embarked in four of the canoes, but one they must leave behind for the daughter of the chief, who expected to be delivered of a child at any hour, and for the women of her family, who would not leave her. the hidden valley was filled with the sound of lamentation at the parting, but the gods had spoken, and they must go. "when the four canoes were in the sea beyond the village of hana-uaua, all their people beat their war-drums and blew the trumpets of shell. the people of hana-uaua heard the noise, and said that strangers had come, but whether for a fight or a feast they did not know. they rushed to the shore, and there they saw on the sea the people of the fiti-nui, who called to them and said that they were going far away. "then the hana-uaua tribe wept. for they remembered that they were brothers, and though they had fought long, the warriors of fiti-nui had been good fighters and brave. also many fiti-nui women had been taken by the men of hana-uaua, and captured youths had been adopted, and the tribes were kin by many ties. "the two tribes talked together across the waves, and the tribe of hana-uaua begged their brothers not to go. they said that they would fight no more, that the prisoners who had not been eaten should be returned to their own valley, that the two clans would live forever in friendship. "then the people of fiti-nui wept again, but they said that the gods had ordered them to sail away, and they must go. "'but,' said the chief of the fiti-nui, 'you will know that we have reached a new land safely when the meae-topaiho falls, when the great spear is broken by the gods, you will know that your brothers are in a new home.' "then they departed, the four canoes, but the daughter of the chief did not go, for her child was long in being born. she lived with the people of hana-uaua in peace and comfort. and when the season of the breadfruit had come and gone, one night when the rain and the wind made the earth tremble and slip, the people of hana-uaua heard a roaring and a crashing. "'the gods are angry,' they said. but the daughter of the chief said, 'my people have found their home.' and in the morning they found that the meae-topaiho had fallen, the blade of the spear was broken, and the prophecy fulfilled. "that was four generations ago, and ever since that time the people of hana-uaua have looked for some sign from their brothers who went away. their names were kept in the memories of the tribe. ten years ago many men were brought here to work on the plantations, from puka-puka and na-puka in the paumotas, and they talked with the people. "_aue!_ they were the children's children of the piina of fiti-nui. in those low islands to which their fathers and mothers went, they kept the words and the names of old. they had kept the memory of the journey. and one old man was brought by his son, and he remembered all that his father had told him, and his father was the son of the chief, atituahuei. "these people did not look like our men. the many years had made them different. but they knew of the spear rock, and of the prophecy, and they were in truth the lost brothers of the hana-uaua people. "but the hana-uaua people, too, were dying now. none was left of the blood of the chief's daughter. no man was left alive on the plateau of ahao. "their _popoi_ pits are the wallows of the wild boar; on their _paepaes_ sit the wild white dogs. the horned cattle wander where they walked. _hee i te fenua ke!_ they are gone, and the stranger shall have their graves." chapter xix a feast to the men of motopu; the making of _kava_, and its drinking; the story of the girl who lost her strength. the vagabond, kivi, who lived near the high place, came down to my _paepae_ one evening to bid me come to a feast given in atuona valley to the men of motopu, who had been marvelously favored by the god of the sea. months of storms, said kivi, had felled many a stately palm of taka-uka and washed thousands of ripe cocoanuts into the bay, whence the current that runs swift across the channel had swept the fruitage of the winds straight to the inlet of motopu, on the island of tahuata. the men of that village, with little effort to themselves, had reaped richly. now they were come, bringing back the copra dried and sacked. seven hundred francs they had received for a ton of it from kriech, the german merchant of taka-uka, from whose own groves it had been stolen by the storms. on the morrow, their canoes laden with his goods, they would sail homeward. one day they had tarried to raft redwood planks of california from the schooner in the bay to the site of kivi's new house. so that night in gratitude he would make merry for them. there would be much to eat, and there would be _kava_ in plenty. he prayed that i would join them in this feast, which would bring back the good days of the _kava_-drinking, which were now almost forgotten. [illustration: kivi, the _kava_ drinker with the _hetairae_ of the valley] [illustration: a pool in the jungle] i rose gladly from the palm-shaded mat on which i had lain vainly hoping for a breath of coolness in the close heat of the day, and girded the red _pareu_ more neatly about my loins. often i had heard of the _kava_-drinking days before the missionaries had insisted on outlawing that drink beloved of the natives. the traders had added their power to the virtuous protests of the priests, for _kava_ cost the islanders nothing, while rum, absinthe, and opium could be sold them for profit. so _kava_-drinking had been suppressed, and after decades of knowing more powerful stimulants and narcotics, the natives had lost their taste for the gentler beverage of their forefathers. the french law prohibited selling, exchanging, or giving to any marquesan any alcoholic beverage. but the law was a dead letter, for only with rum and wine could work be urged upon the marquesans, and i failed to reprove them even in my mind for their love of drink. one who has not seen a dying race cannot conceive of the prostration of spirit in which these people are perishing. that they are courteous and hospitable--and that to the white who has ruined them--shows faintly their former joy in life and their abounding generosity. now that no hope is left them and their only future is death, one cannot blame them for seizing a few moment's forgetfulness. some years earlier, in the first bitterness of hopeless subjugation, whole populations were given over to drunkenness. in many valleys the chiefs lead in the making of the illicit _namu enata_, or cocoanut-brandy. in the philippines, where millions of gallons of cocoanut-brandy are made, it is called _tuba_, but usually its name is arrack throughout tropical asia. fresh from the flower spathes of the cocoanut-tree, _namu_ tastes like a very light, creamy beer or mead. it is delicious and refreshing, and only slightly intoxicating. allowed to ferment and become sour, it is all gall. its drinking then is divided into two episodes--swallowing and intoxication. there is no interval. "forty-rod" whiskey is mild compared to it. i had seen the preparation of _namu_, which is very simple. the native mounts the tree and makes incisions in the flowers, of which each palm bears from three to six. he attaches a calabash under them and lets the juice drip all day and night. the process is slow, as the juice falls drop by drop. this operation may be repeated indefinitely with no injury to the tree. in countries where the liquor is gathered to sell in large quantities, the natives tie bamboo poles from tree to tree, so that an agile man will run through the forest tending the calabashes, emptying them into larger receptacles, and lowering these to the ground, all without descending from his lofty height. the _namu_ when stale causes the marquesans to revert to wickedest savagery, and has incited many murders. under the eye of the gendarme its making ceases, but a hundred valleys have no white policemen, and the half score of people remaining amid their hundreds of ruined _paepaes_ give themselves over to intoxication. i have seen a valley immersed in it, men and women madly dancing the ancient nude dances in indescribable orgies of abandonment and bestiality. _namu enata_ means literally "man booze." the persian-arabic word, _nam_, or _narm-keffi_, means "the liquid from the palm flower." from this one might think that asia had taught the marquesans the art of making _namu_ during their prehistoric pilgrimage to the islands, but the discoverers and early white residents in polynesia saw no drunkenness save that of the _kava_-drinking. it was the european, or the asiatic brought by the white, who introduced comparatively recently the more vicious cocoanut-brandy, as well as rum and opium, and it is these drinks that have been a potent factor in killing the natives. it has ever been thus with men of other races subjugated by the whites. benjamin franklin in his autobiography tells that when he was a commissioner to the indians at carlisle, pennsylvania, he and his fellow-commissioners agreed that they would allow the indians no rum until the treaty they earnestly sought was concluded, and that then they should have plenty. he pictures an all-night debauch of the red men after they had signed the treaty, and concludes: "and, indeed, if it be the design of providence to extirpate these savages in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, it seems not improbable that rum may be the appointed means. it has annihilated all the tribes who formerly inhabited the sea-coast." it was not for me to speculate upon the designs of providence with respect to the marquesans. _kava_ had been the drink ordained by the old gods before the white men came. its making was now almost a lost art; i knew no white man who had ever drunk from the _kava_-bowl. so it was with some eagerness that i followed kivi down the trail. broken plate, a sturdy savage in english cloth cap and whale's-teeth earrings, stood waiting for us in the road below the house of the golden bed, and together the three of us went in search of the _kava_ bush. while we followed the narrow trail up the mountain-side, peering through masses of tangled vines and shrubs for the large, heart-shaped leaves and jointed stalks we sought, kivi spoke with passion of the degenerate days in which he lived. let others secretly make incisions in the flower of the cocoanut and hang calabashes to catch the juice, said he. or let them crook the hinges of the knee that rum might follow fawning on the whites. not he! the drink of his fathers, the drink of his youth, was good enough for him! agilely he caught aside a leafy branch overhanging the trail, and in the flecks of sunshine and shade his naked, strong brown limbs were like the smooth stems of an aged manzanita tree. he had not the scaly skin or the bloodshot eyes of the _kava_ debauchee, whose excesses paint upon their victim their own vivid signs. i remembered a figure caught by the rays of my flashlight one might on a dark trail--a withered creature whose whole face and body had turned a dull green, and at the memory of that grisly phantom i shuddered. but broken plate, on the trail ahead, called back to us that he had found a goodly bush, and without more words we clambered to it. the _kava_, a variety of the pepper-plant, grows to more than six feet in height, and the specimen we had found thrust above our heads its many jointed branches rustling with large, flat leaves. the decoction, kivi explained, comes from the root, and we set to work to dig it. it was huge, like a gigantic yam, and after we had torn it from the stubborn soil it taxed the strength and agility of two of us to carry it to the _paepae_ of broken plate, where the feast was to be. a dozen older women, skilled in grating the breadfruit for _popoi_ making, awaited us there, squatting in a ring on the low platform. the root, well washed in the river, was laid on the stones, and the women attacked it with cowry-shells, scraping it into particles like slaw. it was of the hardness of ginger, and filled a large _tanoa_, or wooden trough of ironwood. the scraping had hardly well begun, while broken plate and i rested from our labors, smoking pandanus-leaf cigarettes in the shade, when up the road came half a dozen of the most beautiful young girls of the village, clothed in all their finery. teata, with all the arrogance of the acclaimed beauty, walked first, wearing a tight-fitting gown with insertions of fishnet, evidently copied from some stray fashion-book. she wore it as her only garment, and through the wide meshes of the novel lace appeared her skin, of the tint of the fresh-cooked breadfruit. she passed us with a coquettish toss of her shapely head and took her place among her envious companions. they sat on mats around the iron-wood trough and chewed the grated root, which, after thorough mastication, they spat out into banana-leaf cups. this chewing of the aram-root is the very being of _kava_ as a beverage, for it is a ferment in the saliva that separates alkaloid and sugar and liberates the narcotic principle. only the healthiest and loveliest of the girls are chosen to munch the root, that delectable and honored privilege being refused to those whose teeth are not perfect and upon whose cheeks the roses do not bloom. nevertheless, as i smoked at ease in my _pareu_ upon the _paepae_ of my simple hosts i felt some misgivings rise in me. yet why cavil at the vehicle by which one arrives at nirvana? had i not tasted the _chicha_ beer of the andes, and found it good? and vague analogies and surmises floated before me in the curls of smoke that rose in the clear evening light. what hidden clue to the remotest beginnings of the human race lies in the fact that two peoples, so far apart as the marquesans and the south american indians, use the same method of making their native beverage? in the andes corn takes the place of the _kava_ root, and young girls, descendants of the ancient incas, chew the grains, sitting in a circle and with a certain ceremoniousness, as among these marquesans. the marquesas islands are on the same parallel of latitude as peru. were these two peoples once one race, living on that long-sunken continent in which darwin believed? dusk fell slowly while i pondered on the mysteries in which our life is rooted, and on the unknown beginnings and forgotten significances of all human customs. the iron-wood trough was filled with the masticated root, and in groups and in couples the girls slipped away to bathe in the river. there they were met by arriving guests, and the sound of laughter and splashing came up to us as darkness closed upon the _paepae_ and the torches were lit. lights were coming out like stars up the dark valley as each household made its vesper fire to roast breadfruit or broil fish, and lanterns were hung upon the bamboo palisades that marked the limits of property or confined favorite pigs. a cool breeze rose and rustled the fronds of cocoanut and bamboo, bringing from forest depths a clean, earthy odor. the last bather came from the brook, refreshed by the cooling waters and adorned with flowers. all were in a merry mood for food and fun. half a dozen flaring torches illuminated their happy, tattooed faces and dusky bodies, and caught color from the vivid blossoms in their hair. the ring of light made blacker the rustling cocoanut grove, the lofty trees of which closed in upon us on every side. under the gaze of many sparkling eyes kivi pierced green cocoanuts brought him fresh from the climbing, and poured the cool wine of them over the masticated _kava_. he mixed it thoroughly and then with his hands formed balls of the oozy mass, from which he squeezed the juice into another _tanoa_ glazed a deep, rich blue by its frequent saturation in _kava_. when this trough was quite full of a muddy liquid, he deftly clarified it by sweeping through it a net of cocoanut fiber. all the while he chanted in a deep resonant voice the ancient song of the ceremony. "_u haanoho ia te kai, a tapapa ia te kai!_" he called with solemnity when the last rite was performed. "come to supper; all is ready." "_menike_," he said to me, "you know that to drink _kava_ you must be of empty stomach. after eating, _kava_ will make you sick. if you do not eat as soon as you have drunk it, you will not enjoy it. take it now, and then eat, quickly." he dipped a shell in the trough, tossed a few drops over his shoulder to propitiate the god of the _kava_-drinking, and placed the shell in my hands. ugh! the liquor tasted like earth and water, sweetish for a moment and then acrid and pungent. it was hard to get down, but all the men took theirs at a gulp, and when kivi gave me another shellful, i followed their pattern. "_kai! kai._ eat! eat!" kivi shouted then. the women hurried forward with the food, and we fell to with a will. pig and _popoi_, shark sweetbreads, roasted breadfruit and sweet potatoes, fruits and cocoanut-milk leaped from the broad leaf platters to wide-open mouths. hardly a word was spoken. the business of eating proceeded rapidly, in silence, save for the night-rustling of the palms and the soft sound of the women's hastening bare feet. only, as he saw any slackening, kivi repeated vigorously, "_kai! kai!_" i sat with my back against the wall of the house of broken plate, as i ate quickly at the mandate of my host, and soon i felt the need of this support. the feast finished, the guests reclined upon the mats. women and children were devouring the remnants left upon the leaf platters. the torches had been extinguished, all but one. its flickering gleam fell upon the aged face of kivi, and the whites of his eyes caught and reflected the light. the tattooing that framed them appeared like black holes from which the sparks glinted uncannily, and the _kava_ mounting to his brain or to mine gave those sparks a ghastliness that fascinated me in my keen, somnolent state. from the shadows where the women crouched the face of teata rose like an eerie flower. she had adorned the two long black plaits of her hair with the brilliant phosphorescence of ear of the ghost woman, the strange fungus found on old trees, a favored evening adornment of the island belles. the handsome flowers glowed about her bodiless head like giant butterflies, congruous jewels for such a temptress of such a frolic. the mysterious light added a gleam to her velvet cheek and neck that made her seem like the ghost-woman of old legend, created to lead the unwary to intoxicated death. the palaver came to me out of the darkness, like voices from a phonograph-horn, thin and far away. one told the tale of tahiapepae, the girl who lost her strength. famine had come upon atuona valley. children died of hunger on the _paepaes_, and the breasts of mothers shrunk so that they gave forth no milk. therefore the warriors set forth in the great canoes for motopu. meat was the cry, and there was no other meat than _puaa oa_, the "long pig." then in the darkness the hungry fighting men of atuona silently beached their canoes and crept upon the sleeping village of motopu. seven were killed before they could fly to the hills, and one was captured alive, a slender, beautiful girl of ten years, whom they tied hands and feet and threw into the canoe with the slain ones. back they came from their triumph, and landed on the shore here, within spear's-throw from the _paepae_ of broken plate. their people met them with drum-beating and with chanting, bringing rose-wood poles for carrying the meat. the living girl was slung over the shoulder of the leader, still bound and weeping, and in single file heroes and their people marched up the trail past the catholic mission. tohoaa, great sea slug, chief of atuona and grandfather of flag, the gendarme, was foremost, and over his massive shoulder hung the girl who had lost her strength. then from the mission came père orens, crucifix in hand. tall he stood in his garment of black, facing the great sea slug, and lifting on high his hand with the crucifix in it. père orens had been made _tapu_ by great sea slug, to whom he had explained the wonders of the world, and given many presents. to touch him was death, for great sea slug had given him a feast and put upon him the white _tapa_, emblem of sacredness. powerful was the god of père orens, and could work magic. in his pocket he carried always a small god, that day and night said "_mika! mika!_" and moved tiny arms around and around a plate of white metal. this man stood now before the great sea slug, and the chief paused, while his hungry people came closer that they might hear what befell. "where are you going?" said père orens. "to pekia, the high place, to cook and eat," said great sea slug. then for a space père orens remained silent, holding high the crucifix, and the chief heard from his pocket the voice of the small god speaking. "give to me that small piece of living meat," said père orens then. "_me mamai oe_. if it is your pleasure, take it," said great sea slug. "it is a trifle. we have enough, and there is more in motopu." with these words he placed his burden upon the shoulder of the priest, and heading his band again led them past the mission, over the river and to the high place, where all night long the drums beat at the feasting. but the girl who lost her strength remained in the house of père orens, who cut her bonds, fed her, and nursed her to strength again. baptized and instructed in the religion of her savior, she was secretly returned to her surviving relatives. there she lived to a good age, and died four years ago, grateful always to the god that had preserved her from the oven. he who spoke was her son, and here at the _kava_ bowl together were the men of motopu and the men of atuona, enemies no longer. the voice of the motopu man died away. a ringing came in my ears as when one puts a seashell to them and hears the drowsy murmur of the tides. my cigarette fell from my fingers. a sirocco blew upon me, hot, stifling. kivi laughed, and dimly i heard his inquiry: "_veavea?_ is it hot?" "_e, mahanahana_. i am very warm," i struggled to reply. my voice sounded as that of another. i leaned harder against the wall and closed my eyes. "he goes fast," said broken plate, gladly. a peace passing the understanding of the _kava_-ignorant was upon me. life was a slumbrous calm; not dull inertia, but a separated activity, as if the spirit roamed in a garden of beauty, and the body, all suffering, all feeling past, resigned itself to quietude. i heard faintly the chants of the men as they began improvising the after-feasting entertainment. i was perfectly aware of being lifted by several women to within the house, and of being laid upon mats that were as soft to my body as the waters of a quiet sea. it was as if angels bore me on a cloud. all toil, all effort was over; i should never return to care and duty. dimly i saw a peri waving a fan, making a breeze scented with ineffable fragrance. i was then a giant, prone in an endless ease, who stretched from the waterfall at the topmost point of the valley to the shore of the sea, and about me ran in many futile excitements the natives of atuona, small creatures whose concerns were naught to me. that vision melted after eons, and i was in the oti dance in the paumotas, where those old women who pose and move by the music of the drums, in the light of the burning cocoanut husks, leap into the air and remain so long that the white man thinks he sees the law of gravitation overcome, remaining fixed in space three or four feet from the ground while one's heart beats madly and one's brain throbs in bewilderment. i was among these aged women; i surpassed them all, and floated at will upon the ether in an eternal witches' dance of more than human delight. the orchestra of nature began a symphony of celestial sounds. the rustling of the palm-leaves, the purling of the brook, and the song of the _komoko_, nightingale of the marquesas, mingled in music sweeter to my _kava_-ravished ears than ever the harp of apollo upon mount olympus. the chants of the natives were a choir of voices melodious beyond human imaginings. life was good to its innermost core; there was no struggle, no pain, only an eternal harmony of joy. * * * * * i slept eight hours, and when i awoke i saw, in the bright oblong of sunlight outside the open door, kivi squeezing some of the root of evil for a hair of the hound that had bitten him. [illustration: the pekia, or place of sacrifice, at atuona] [illustration: marquesan cannibals, wearing dress of human hair] chapter xx a journey to taaoa; kahuiti, the cannibal chief, and his story of an old war caused by an unfaithful woman. it was a chance remark from mouth of god that led me to take a journey over the hills to the valley of taaoa, south of atuona. malicious gossip and her husband, squatting one evening on my mats in the light of the stars, spoke of the marquesan custom in naming children. "when a babe is born," said mouth of god, "all the intimates of his parents, their relatives and friends, bestow a name upon the infant. all these names refer to experiences of the child's ancestors, or of the namers, or of their ancestors. my wife's names--a few of them--are tavahi teikimoetetua tehaupiimouna. these words are separate, having no relation one to another, and they mean malicious gossip, she sleeps with god, the golden dews of the mountain. "my first three names are vahatetua heeafia timeteo. vahatetua is mouth of god; heeafia, one who looks about, and timeteo is marquesan for timothee, the bible writer. "my uncle, the catechist, is tioakoekoe, man whose entrails were roasted on a stick, and his brother is called pootuhatuha, meaning sliced and distributed. that is because their father, tufetu, was killed at the stinking springs in taaoa, and was cooked and sent all over that valley. you should see that man who killed him, kahuiti! he is a great man, and strong still, though old. he likes the 'long pig' still, also. it is not long since he dug up the corpse of one buried, and ate it in the forest." when i said that i should indeed like to see that man, mouth of god said that he would send a word of introduction that should insure for me the friendliness of the chief who had devoured his grandfather. mouth of god bore the diner no ill-will. the eating was a thing accomplished in the past; the teachings of that stern calvinist, his mother, forbade that he should eat kahuiti in retaliation, therefore their relations were amicable. the following morning, attended by the faithful exploding eggs, i set out toward taaoa valley. the way was all up and down, five miles, wading through marshy places and streams, parting the jungle, caught by the thorns and dripping with sweat. miles of it was through cocoanut forests owned by the mission. the road followed the sea and climbed over a lofty little cape, otupoto, from which the coast of hiva-oa, as it curves eastward, was unrolled, the valleys mysterious caverns in the torn, convulsed panorama, gloomy gullies suggestive of the old bloody days. above them the mountains caught the light and shone green or black under the cloudless blue sky. seven valleys we counted, the distant ones mere faint shadows in the expanse of varied green, divided by the rocky headlands. to the right, as we faced the sea, was the point of teaehoa jutting out into the great blue plain of the ocean, and landward we looked down on the valley of taaoa. this was the middle place, the scene of tufetu's violent end. a great splotch of red gleamed as a blot of blood on the green floor of the hollow. "_vai piau!_" said exploding eggs. he made a sign of lifting water in his hands, of tasting and spitting it out. the stinking springs where tufetu was slain! they were in a fantastic gorge, through which ran a road blasted from solid rock, stained brown and blue by the minerals in the water that bubbled there and had carved the stone in eccentric patterns. bicarbonate of soda and sulphur thickened the heavy air and encrusted the edges of the spring with yellow scum. a fitting scene for a deadly battle, amid smells of sulphur and brimstone! but it was no place in which to linger on a tropic day. taaoa valley was narrow and deep, buried in perpetual gloom by the shadows of the mountains. perhaps thirty houses lined the banks of a swift and rocky torrent. as we approached them we were met by a sturdy taaoan, bare save for the _pareu_ and handsomely tattooed. his name, he said, was strong in battle, and i, a stranger, must see first of all a tree of wonder that lay in the forest nearby. through brush and swamp we searched for it, past scores of ruined _paepaes_, homes of the long-dead thousands. we found it at length, a mighty tree felled to the earth and lying half-buried in vine and shrub. "this tree is older than our people," said strong in battle, mournfully regarding its prostrate length. "no man ever remembered its beginning. it was like a house upon a hill, so high and big. our forefathers worshipped their gods under it. the white men cut it to make planks. that was fifty years ago, but the wood never dies. there is no wood like it in the marquesas. the wise men say that it will endure till the last of our race is gone." i felt the end of the great trunk, where the marks of the axe and saw still showed, and struck it with my fist. the wood did indeed seem hard as iron, though it seemed not to be petrified. so far as i could ascertain from the fallen trunk, it was of a species i had never seen. "twenty years ago i brought a man of peretane (england) here to see this tree, and he cut off a piece to take away. no white man has looked on it since that time," said strong in battle. he brought an axe from a man who was dubbing out a canoe from a breadfruit log, and hacked away a chip for me. we returned to the village and entered an enclosure in which a group of women were squatting around a _popoi_ bowl. "what does the _menike_ seek?" they asked. "he wants to see the footprint of hoouiti," said my guide. on one of the stones of the _paepae_ was a footprint, perfect from heel to toe, and evidently not artificially made. "hoouiti stood here when he hurled his spear across the island," said strong in battle. "he was not a big man, as you see by his foot's mark." "fifteen kilometers! a long hurling of a spear," said i. "_aue!_ he was very strong. he lived on this _paepae_. these whom you see are his children's children. would you like to meet my wife's father-in-law, kahuiti? he has eaten many people. he talks well." _eo!_ would i! i vowed that i would be honored by the acquaintance of any of the relatives of my host, and specially i desired to converse with old, wise men of good taste. "that man, kahauiti, has seen life," said strong in battle. "i am married to the sister of great night moth, who was a very brave and active man, but now foolish. but kahauiti! o! o! o! ai! ai! ai! there he is." i never solved the puzzle of my informant's relation to the man who was his wife's father-in-law, for suddenly i saw the man himself, and knew that i was meeting a personage. kahauiti was on the veranda of a small hut, sitting turk fashion, and chatting with another old man. both of them were striking-looking, but, all in all, i thought kahauiti the most distinguished man in appearance that i had seen, be it in new york or cairo, london or pekin. he had that indefinable, yet certain, air of superiority, of assured position and knowledge, that stamps a few men in the world--a yuan shih kai, rabindranath tagore, sitting bull, and porfirio diaz. he wore only a _pareu_, and was tattooed from toenails to hair-roots. a solid mass of coloring extended from his neck to the hip on the left side, as though he wore half of a blue shirt. the _tahuna_ who had done the work seemed to have drawn outlines and then blocked in the half of his torso. but remembering that every pin-point of color had meant the thrust of a bone needle propelled by the blow of a mallet, i realized that kahauiti had endured much for his decorations. no iron or victoria cross could cost more suffering. the bare half of his bosom, cooperish-red, contrasted with this cobalt, and his face was striped alternately with this natural color and with blue. two inches of the _ama_ ink ran across the eyes from ear to ear, covering every inch of lid and eyebrow, and from this seeming bandage his eyes gleamed with quick and alert intelligence. other stripes crossed the face from temple to chin, the lowest joining the field of blue that stretched to his waist. his beard, long, heavy, and snow-white, swept downward over the indigo flesh and was gathered into a knot on his massive chest. it was the beard of a prophet or a seer, and when kahauiti rose to his full height, six feet and a half, he was as majestic as a man in diadem and royal robes. he had a giant form, like one of buonarroti's ancients, muscular and supple, graceful and erect. when i was presented as a _menike_ who loved the marquesans and who, having heard of kahauiti, would drink of his fountain of recollections, the old man looked at me intently. his eyes twinkled and he opened his mouth in a broad smile, showing all his teeth, sound and white. his smile was kindly, disarming, of a real sweetness that conquered me immediately, so that, foolishly perhaps, i would have trusted him if he had suggested a stroll in the jungle. he took my extended hand, but did not shake it. so new is handshaking and so foreign to their ideas of greeting, that they merely touch fingers, with the pressure a rich man gives a poor relation, or a king, a commoner. his affability was that of a monarch to a courtier, but when he began to talk he soon became simple and merry. motioning me to a seat on the mat before him, he squatted again in a dignified manner, and resumed his task of plaiting a rope of _faufee_ bark, a rope an inch thick and perfectly made. "mouth of god, of the family of sliced and distributed and man whose entrails were roasted on a stick, has told me of the slaying of tufetu, their ancestor," i ventured, to steer our bark of conversation into the channel i sought. at the names of the first three, kahauiti smiled, but when tufetu was mentioned, he broke into a roar. i had evidently recalled proud memories. on his haunches, he slid nearer to me. "_afu! afu! afu!_" he said, the sound that in his tongue means the groan of the dying. "you came by the _fatueki?_". "i tasted the water and smelled the smell," i answered. "it was there that tufetu died," he observed. "i struck the blow, and i ate his arm, his right arm, for he was brave and strong. that was a war!" "what caused that war?" i asked the merry cannibal. "a woman, _haa teketeka_, an unfaithful woman, as always," replied kahauiti. "do you have trouble over women in your island? yes. it is the same the world over. there was peace between atuona and taaoa before this trouble. when i was a boy we were good friends. we visited across the hills. many children were adopted, and taaoa men took women from atuona, and atuona men from here. some of these women had two or three or five men. one husband was the father of her children in title and pride, though he might be no father at all. the others shared the mat with her at her will, but had no possession or happiness in the offspring. [illustration: tepu, a marquesan girl of the hills, and her sister her ancestry is tattooed on her arms] [illustration: a tattooed marquesan with carved canoe paddle] "now pepehi (beaten to death) was of taaoa, but lived in atuona with a woman. he had followed her over the hills and lived in her house. he was father to her children. there was a man of atuona, kaheutahi, who was husband to her, but of lower rank. he was not father to her children. therefore one night he swung his war-club upon the head of beaten to death, and later invited a number of friends to the feast." kahuiti smiled gently upon me. take off his tattooing, make him white, and clothe him! with his masterful carriage, his soft, cultivated voice, and his attitude of absolutism, he might have been leopold, king of the belgians, a great ambassador, a man of power in finance. nevertheless, i thought of the death by the stinking springs. how could one explain his benign, open-souled deportment and his cheery laugh, with such damnable appetites and actions? yet generals send ten thousand men to certain and agonized death to gain a point toward a goal; that is the custom of generals, by which they gain honor among their people. "killed by the war-club of kaheutahi and eaten by his friends, beaten to death was but a ghost, and kaheutahi took his place and became father of the children of the house. he said they were his in fact, but men were ever boastful." the other old man, who said nothing, but was all attention, lit a pipe and passed it to kahuiti, who puffed it a moment and passed it to strong in battle. the tale lapsed for a smoking spell. "beaten to death perished by the club? he was well named," said i. "his father was a prophet." kahuiti began to chant in a weird monotone. "_va! va! a tahi a ta! va! a tahi va! a ua va! a tou va!_" was his chant. "thus said the war-club as it crashed on the skull of beaten to death. that is the speech of the war-club when it strikes. the bones of beaten to death were fishhooks before we knew of his death. all taaoa was angry. the family of beaten to death demanded vengeance. the priest went into the high place, and when he came out he ran all day up and down the valley, until he fell foaming. war was the cry of the gods, war against atuona. "but there was too much peace between us, too many men with atuona women, too many atuona children adopted by taaoa women. the peace was happy, and there was no great warrior to urge." "you had brave men and strong men then," i said, with a sigh for the things i had missed by coming late. "_tuitui!_ you put weeds in my mouth!" exclaimed kahuiti. "i cannot talk with your words. _ue te etau!_ by the great god of the dead! i am born before the french beached a canoe in the marquesas. our gods were gods then, but they turned to wood and stone when the tree-guns of the _farani_ roared and threw iron balls and fire into our valleys. the christian god was greater than our gods, and a bigger killer of men." "but beaten to death--?" i urged. "beaten to death was in the stomachs of the men of atuona, and they laughed at us. our high priest said that the _euututuki_, the most private god of the priests, commanded us to avenge the eating of beaten to death. but the season of preserving the _mei_ in pits was upon us. also the women of atuona among us said that there should be peace, and the women of taaoa who had taken as their own many children from atuona. therefore we begged the most high gods to excuse us." "women had much power then," i said. kahuiti chuckled. "the french god and the priests of the _farani_ have taken it from them," he commented. "i have known the day when women ruled. she had her husbands,--two, four, five. she commanded. she would send two to the fishing, one to gathering cocoanuts or wood, one she would keep to amuse her. they came and went as she said. that was _mea pe_! sickening! _pee!_ there are not enough men to make a woman happy. many brave men have died to please their woman, but--" he blew out his breath in contempt. strong in battle said aside, in french: "he was never second in the house. kahauiti despised such men. he was first always." "so the slaying of beaten to death was unavenged?" i asked. "_epo!_ do not drink the cocoanut till you have descended the tree! i have said the warriors were withheld by the women, and there was no great man to lead. yet the drums beat at night, and the fighting men came. you know how the drums speak?" his face clouded, and his eyes flashed against their foil of tattooing. "'_ohe te pepe! ohe te pepe! ohe te pepe!_' said the drum called peepee. '_titiutiuti! titiutiuti!_' said the drum called umi. _aue!_ then the warriors came! they stood in the high place at the head of the valley. mehitete, the chief, spoke to them. he said that they should go to atuona, and bring back bodies for feasting. many nights the drums beat, and the chief talked much, but there was no war. "the high priest went to the _pekia_ again, and when he came away he ran without stopping for two days and a night, till he fell without breath, as one dead, and foam was on his mouth. the gods were angry. still there was no war. "then came tomefitu from vait-hua. he was chief of that valley, having been adopted by a woman of vait-hua, but his father and his mother were of taaoa. he had heard of the slaying of beaten to death, his kinsman, and he was hot in the bowels. _aue!_ the thunder of the heavens was as the voice of tomefitu when angered. the earth groaned where he walked. he knew the _farani_ and their tricks. he had guns from the whalers, and he was afraid of nothing save the ghost woman of the night. again the warriors came to the high place, and now there were many drums." kahuiti sprang to his feet. he struck the corner post of the hut with his fist. his eyes burned. "'kaputuhe! kaputuhe! kaputuhe! teputuhe! teputuhe! teputuhe! tuti! tuti! tutuituiti!" "that was what the war drums said. the sound of them rolled from the pekia, and every man who could throw a spear or hold a war-club came to their call." kahuiti's soul was rapt in the story. his voice had the deep tone of the violoncello, powerful, vibrant, and colorful. he had lived in that strange past, and the things he recalled were precious memories. the sound of the drums, as he echoed them in the curious tone-words of marquesan, thrilled me through. i heard the booming of the ten-foot war-drums, their profound and far-reaching call like the roaring of lions in the jungle. i saw the warriors with their spears of cocoanut-wood and their deadly clubs of ironwood carved and shining with oil, their baskets of polished stones slung about their waists, and their slings of fiber, dancing in the sacred grove of the pekia, its shadows lighted by the blaze of the flickering candlenuts and the scented sandalwood. "'i am the wind that lays low the mighty tree. i am the wave that fills the canoe and delivers the people to the sharks!' said tomefitu. 'the flesh of my kinsman fills the bellies of the men of atuona, and the gods say war! "'there is war!' said tomefitu. 'we must bring offerings to the gods. five men will go with me to otoputo and bring back the gifts. i will bring back to you the bodies of six of the atuona pigs. prepare! when we have eaten, the chiefs of atuona will come to taaoa, and then you will fight! "'make ready with dancing. polish spears and gather stones for the slings. koe, who is my man, will be obeyed while i am gone. i have spoken,' said tomefitu. that night tomefitu and i, with four others, went silently to otoputo, the dividing rock that looks down on the right into the valley of taaoa and on the left into atuona. there we lay among rocks and bushes and spied upon the feet of the enemy. that man who separated himself from others and came our way to seek food, or to visit at the house of a friend, him we secretly fell upon, and slew. "thus we did to the six named by tomefitu, and as we killed them, we sent them back by others to the high place. there the warriors feasted upon them and gained strength for battle. "then, missing so many of their clan, the head men of atuona came to otoputo, and shouted to us to give word of the absent. we shouted back, saying that those men had been roasted upon the fire and eaten, and that thus we would do to all men of atuona. and we laughed at them." kahuiti emitted a hearty guffaw at thought of the trick played upon those devoured enemies. "but tufetu, the grandfather of my friend mouth of god?" i persisted. "_epo!_ there was war. the men of atuona gathered at otupoto, and rushed down upon us. we met them at the stinking springs, and there i killed tufetu, uncle of sliced and distributed and man whose entrails were roasted on a stick. i pierced him through with my spear at a cocoanut-tree's length away. i was the best spear-thrower of taaoa. we drove the atuonans through the gorge of the stinking springs and over the divide, and i ate the right arm of tufetu that had wielded the war-club. that gives a man the strength of his enemy." he turned again to plaiting the rope of _faufee_. "_o ia aneihe_, i have finished," he said. "will you drink _kava_?" "no, i will not drink _kava_," i said sternly. "kahuiti, is it not good that the eating of men is stopped?" the majestic chief looked at me, his deep brown eyes looking child-like in their band of blue ink. for ten seconds he stared at me fixedly, and then smiled uncertainly, as may have peter the fisherman when he was chided for cutting off the ear of one of judas' soldiers. he was of the old order, and the new had left him unchanged. he did not reply to my question, but sipped his bowl of _kava_. chapter xxi the crime of huahine for love of weaver of mats; story of tahia's white man who was eaten; the disaster that befell honi, the white man who used his harpoon against his friends. during my absence in taaoa there had been crime and scandal in my own valley. andré bauda met me on the beach road as i returned and told me the tale. the giant tahitian sailor of the schooner _papeite_, huahine, was in the local jail, charged with desertion; a serious offense, to which his plea was love of a woman, and that woman weaver of mats, who had her four names tattooed on her right arm. huahine, seeing her upon the beach, had felt a flame of love that nerved him to risk hungry shark and battering surf. carried from her even in the moment of meeting, he had resisted temptation until the schooner was sailing outside the bay of traitors, running before a breeze to the port of tai-o-hae, and then he had flung himself naked into the sea and taken the straight course back to atuona, reaching his sweetheart after a seven-hour's struggle with current and breaker. flag, the gendarme, found him in her hut, and brought him to the calaboose. the following morning i attended his trial. he came before his judge elegantly dressed, for, besides a red _pareu_ about his middle, he wore a pink silk shawl over his shoulders. both were the gift of weaver of mats, as he had come to her without scrip or scrap. he needed little clothing, as his skin was very brown and his strong body magnificent. he was an acceptable prisoner to bauda, who had charge of the making and repair of roads and bridges, so huahine was quickly sentenced and put to work with others who were paying their taxes by labor. weaver of mats moved with him to the prison, where they lived together happily, cooking their food in the garden and sleeping on mats beneath the palms. on all the _paepaes_ it was said that huahine would probably be sent to tahiti, as there are strict laws against deserting ships and against vagabondage in the marquesas. meantime the prisoner was happy. many a tahitian and white sailor gazes toward these islands as a haven from trouble, and in huahine's exploit i read the story of many a poor white who in the early days cast away home and friends and arduous toil to dwell here in a breadfruity harem. "there is a tale told long ago by a man of hanamenu to a traveler named christian," i said to haabunai, the carver, while we sat rolling pandanus cigarettes in the cool of the evening. "it runs thus: "some thirty years ago a sailor from a trading schooner that had put into the bay for sandalwood was badly treated by his skipper, who refused him shore-leave. so, his bowels hot with anger, this sailor determined to desert his hard and unthanked toil, wed some island heiress, and live happy ever after. therefore one evening he swam ashore, found a maid to his liking, and was hidden by her until the ship departed. "now tahia was a good wife, and loved her beautiful white man; all that a wife could do she did, cooking his food, bathing his feet, rolling cigarettes for him all day long as he lay upon the mats. but her father in time became troubled, and there was grumbling among the people, for the white man would not work. "he would not climb the palm to bring down the nuts; he lay and laughed on his _paepae_ in the meinui, the season of breadfruit, when all were busy; and when they brought him rusty old muskets to care for, he turned his back upon them. sometimes he fished, going out in a canoe that tahia paddled, and making her fix the bait on the hook, but he caught few fish. "'_aue te hanahana, aua ho'i te kaikai_,' said his father-in-law. 'he who will not labor, neither shall he eat.' but the white man laughed and ate and labored not. "a season passed and another, and there came a time of little rain. the bananas were few, and the breadfruit were not plentiful. one evening, therefore, the old men met in conference, and this was their decision: 'rats are becoming a nuisance, and we will abate them.' "next morning the father sent tahia on an errand to another valley. then men began to dig a large oven in the earth before tahia's house, where the white man lay on the mats at ease. presently he looked and wondered and looked again. and at length he rose and came down to the oven, saying, 'what's up?' "'plenty _kaikai_. big pig come by and by,' they said. "so he stood waiting while they dug, and no pig came. then he said, 'where is the pig?' and at that moment the _u'u_ crashed upon his skull, so that he fell without life and lay in the oven. wood was piled about him, and he was baked, and there was feasting in hanamenu. "in the twilight tahia came over the hills, weary and hungry, and asked for her white man. 'he has gone to the beach,' they said. "he will return soon, therefore sit and eat, my daughter," said her father, and gave her the meat wrapped in leaves. so she ate heartily, and waited for her husband. and all the feasters laughed at her, so that little by little she learned the truth. she said nothing, but went away in the darkness. "and it is written, haabunai, that searchers for the _mei_ came upon her next day in the upper valley, and she was hanging from a tall palm-tree with a rope of _purau_ about her neck." "that may be a true story," said haabunai. "though it is the custom here to eat the _eva_ when one is made sick by life. and very few white men were ever eaten in the islands, because they knew too much and were claimed by some woman of power." he paused for a moment to puff his cigarette. "now there was a sailor whom my grandfather ate, and he was white. but there was ample cause for that, for never was a man so provoking. "he was a harpooner on a whale-ship, a man who made much money, but he liked rum, and when his ship left he stayed behind. they sent two boats ashore and searched for him, but my grandfather sent my father with him into the hills, and after three days the captain thought he had been drowned, and sailed away without him. "my grandfather gave him my father's sister to wife, and like that man of whom you told, he was much loved by her, though he would do nothing but make _namu enata_ and drink it and dance and sleep. grandfather said that he could dance strange dances of the sailor that made them all laugh until their ribs were sore. "this man, whose name was honi--" "honi?" said i. "i do not know that word." "nor i. it is not marquesan. it was his name, that he bore on the ship." "honi?" i repeated incredulously, and then light broke. "you mean jones?" "it may be. i do not know. honi was his name, as my grandfather said it. and this honi had brought from the whale-ship a gun and a harpoon. this harpoon had a head of iron and was fixed on a spear, with a long rope tied to the head, so that when it was thrust into the whale he was fastened to the boat that pursued him through the water. there was no weapon like it on the island, and it was much admired. "honi fought with us when our tribe, the papuaei, went to war with the tiu of taaoa. he used his gun, and with it he won many battles, until he had killed so many of the enemy that they asked for peace. honi was praised by our tribe, and a fine house was built for him near the river, in the place where eels and shrimp were best. "in this large house he drank more than in the other smaller one. he used his gun to kill pigs and even birds. my grandfather reproved him for wasting the powder, when pigs could easily be killed with spears. but honi would not listen, and he continued to kill until he had no more powder. then he quarreled with my grandfather, and one day, being drunk, he tried to kill him, and then fled to the kau-i-te-oho, the tribe of redheaded people at hanahupe. "learning that honi was no longer with us, the tiu tribe of taaoa declared war again, and the red-headed tribe had an alliance with them through their chief's families intermarrying, so that honi fought with them. his gun being without powder, he took his harpoon, and he came with the tui and the kau-i-te-oho to the dividing-line between the valleys where we used to fight. "where the precipices reared their middle points between the valleys, the tribes met and reviled one another. "'you people with hair like cooked shrimp! are you ready for the ovens of our valley?' cried my grandfather's warriors. "'you little men, who run so fast, we have now your white warrior with us, and you shall die by the hundreds!' yelled our enemies." this picture of the scene at the line was characteristic of polynesian warfare. it is almost exactly like the meeting of armies long ago in palestine and syria, and before the walls of troy. goliath slanged david grossly, threatening to give his body to the fowls of the air and the beasts of the field, and david retorted in kind. so, when ulysses launched his spear at soccus, he cried: "ah, wretch, no father shall they corpse compose, thy dying eye no tender mother close; but hungry birds shall tear those balls away, and hungry vultures scream around their prey." "for a quarter of an hour," said haabunai, "my grandfather's people and the warriors of the enemy called thus to each other upon the top of the cliffs, and then honi and the brother of my grandfather, head men of either side, advanced to battle. "the first time honi threw his harpoon, he hooked my great-uncle. he hooked him through the middle, and before he could be saved, a half dozen of the tiu men pulled on the rope and dragged him over the line to be killed and eaten. "two more of our tribe honi snared with this devilish spear, and it was not so much death as being pulled over to them and roasted that galled us. all day the battle raged, except when both sides stopped by agreement to eat _popoi_ and rest, but late in the afternoon a strange thing happened. "honi had thrown his harpoon, and by bad aim it entered a tree. the end of the line he had about his left arm, and as he tried to pull out the spear-head from the wood, his legs became entangled in the rope, and my grandfather, who was very strong, seized the rope near the tree, dragged the white man over the line, and killed him with a rock. "the enemy ran away then, and that night our people ate honi. grandfather said his flesh was so tough they had to boil it. there were no _tipoti_ (standard-oil cans) in those days, but our people took banana leaves and formed a big cup that would hold a couple of quarts of water, and into these they put red-hot stones, and the water boiled. grandfather said they cut honi into small pieces and boiled him in many of these cups. still he was tough, but nevertheless they ate him. "honi was tattooed. not like marquesans, but like some white sailors, he had certain marks on him. grandfather saved these marks, and wore them as a _tiki_, or amulet, until he died, when he gave it to me. he had preserved the skin so that it did not spoil." haabunai yawned and said his mouth was parched from much talking, but when a shell of rum was set before him and he had drunk, he fetched from his house the _tiki_. it was as large as my hand, dark and withered, but with a magnifying glass i could see a rude cross and three letters, i h s in blue. "grandfather became a christian and was no longer an _enata ttaikaia_, an eater of men, but he kept the _tiki_ always about his neck, because he thought it gave him strength," said my guest. i handed him back the gruesome relic, though he began advances to make it my property. for the full demijohn he would have parted with the _tiki_ that had been his grandfather's, but i had no fancy for it. one can buy in paris purses of human skin for not much more than one of alligator hide. "honi must have been very tough," i said. "he must have been," haabunai said regretfully. "grandfather had his teeth to the last. he would never eat a child. like all warriors he preferred for vengeance's sake the meat of another fighter." he had not yet sprung the grim jest of almost all cannibalistic narratives. i did not ask if honi's wife had eaten of him, as had tahia of her white man. it is probable that she did, and that they deceived her. it was the practical joke of those days. i had seen apporo, my landlady, staggering homeward a few days earlier in a pitiful state of intoxication. some one had given her a glass of mixed absinthe, vermuth, and rum, and with confidence in the giver she had tossed it down. that is the kind of joke that in other days would have been the deluding of some one into partaking of the flesh of a lover or friend. reasoning from our standpoint, it is easy to assume that cannibalism is a form of depravity practised by few peoples, but this error is dispelled by the researches of ethnologists, who inform us that it was one of the most ancient customs of man and began when he was close brother to the ape. livingstone, when he came upon it on the dark continent, concluded that the negroes came to that horrible desire from their liking for the meat of gorillas, which so nearly approach man in appearance. herodatus, writing twenty-five hundred years ago, mentions the massagetae who boiled the flesh of their old folks with that of cattle, both killed for the occasion. cannibalism marked the life of all peoples in days of savagery. plutarch says that cataline's associates gave proof of their loyalty to that agitator and to one another by sacrificing and eating a man. achilles expressed his wish that he might devour hector. the kafirs ate their own children in the famine of , and the germans ate one another when starvation maddened them, long after maryland and massachusetts had become thriving settlements in the new world. there is a historic instance of a party of american pioneers lost in the mountains of california in the nineteenth century, who in their last extremity of hunger ate several of the party. to devour dead relatives, to kill and eat the elders, to feast upon slaves and captives, even for mothers to eat their children, were religious and tribal rites for many tens of thousands of years. we have records of these customs spread over the widest areas of the world. undoubtedly cannibalism began as a question of food supply. in early times when man, emerging from the purely animal stage, was without agricultural skill, and lived in caves or trees, his fellow was his easiest prey. the great beasts were too fierce and powerful for his feeble weapons except when luck favored him, and the clan or family, or even the single brave hunter, sought the man-meat by stealth or combat, or in tunes of stress ate those nearest and dearest. specially among peoples whose principal diet is heavy, starchy food, such as the breadfruit, the demand for meat is keen. i saw marquesan women eating insects, worms, and other repellant bits of flesh out of sheer instinct and stomachic need. when salt is not to be had, the desire for meat is most intense. in these valleys the upper tribes, whose enemies shut them off from the sea with its salt and fish, were the most persistent cannibals, and the same condition exists in africa to-day, where the interior tribes eat any corpse, while none of the coast tribes are guilty. as the passion for cannibalistic feasts grew,--and it became a passion akin to the opium habit in some,--the supply of other meat had little to do with its continuance. in new britain human bodies were sold in the shops; in the solomon islands victims were fattened like cattle, and on the upper congo an organized traffic is carried on in these empty tenements of the human soul. although cannibalism originated in a bodily need, man soon gave it an emotional and spiritual meaning, as he has given them to all customs that have their root in his physical being. two forms of cannibalism seem to have existed among the first historic peoples. one was concerned with the eating of relatives and intimates, for friendship's sake or to gain some good quality they possessed. thus when babies died, the chavante mothers, on the uruguay, ate them to regain their souls. russians ate their fathers, and the irish, if strabo is to be credited, thought it good to eat both deceased parents. the lhopa of sikkim, in tibet, eat the bride's mother at the wedding feast. but maori cannibalism, with its best exposition in the marquesas, was due to a desire for revenge, cooking and eating being the greatest of insults. it was an expression of jingoism, a hatred for all outside the tribe or valley, and it made the feud between valleys almost incessant. it was in no way immoral, for morals are the best traditions and ways of each race, and here the eating of enemies was authorized by every teaching of priest and leader, by time-honored custom and the strongest dictates of nature. white men and chinese, in fact, all foreigners, were seldom eaten here. there were exceptions when vengeance impelled, such at that of honi or jones, whom haabunai's grandfather ate, but as a rule they were spared and indeed cherished, as strange visitors who might teach the people useful things. only their own depravity brought them to the oven. at such times, the feast was even a disagreeable rite. it is a fact that the marquesan disliked the flesh of a white man. they said he was too salty. hundreds of years ago the aztecs, according to bernal diaz, who was there, complained that "the flesh of the spaniards failed to afford even nourishment, since it was intolerably bitter." this, though the indians were dying of starvation by hundreds of thousands in the merciless siege of mexico city. standards of barbarity vary. horrible and revolting as the very mention of cannibalism is to us, it should be remembered that it rested upon an attitude toward the foreigner and the slave that in some degree still persists everywhere in the world. outside the tribe, the savage recognized no kindred humanity. members of every clan save his own were regarded as strange and contemptible beings, outlandish and barbarous in manners and customs, not to be regarded as sharers of a common birthright. this attitude toward the stranger did not at all prevent the cannibal from being, within his own tribe, a gentle, merry, and kindly individual. even toward the stranger the marquesan was never guilty of torture of any kind. though they slew and ate, they had none of the refinements of cruelty of the romans, not even scalping enemies as did the scythians, visigoths, franks, and anglo-saxons. in their most bloody wars they often paused in battle to give the enemy time to eat and to rest, and there is no record of their ever ringing a valley about with armed warriors and starving to death the women and children within. victims for the gods were struck down without warning, so that they might not suffer even the pangs of anticipation. the thumb-screw and rack of christendom struck with horror those of my cannibal friends to whom i mentioned them. chapter xxii the memorable game for the matches in the cocoanut-grove of lam kai oo. parables are commonly found in books. in a few words on a printed page one sees a universal problem made small and clear, freed from those large uncertainties and whimsies of chance that make life in the whole so confusing to the vision. it was my fortune to see, in the valley of atuona on hiva-oa, a series of incidents which were at the time a whirl of unbelievable merriment, yet which slowly clarified themselves into a parable, while i sat later considering them on the leaf-shaded _paepae_ of the house of the golden bed. they began one afternoon when i dropped down to the palace to have a smoke with m. l'hermier des plantes, the governor. as i mounted the steps i beheld on the veranda the governor, stern, though perspiring, in his white ducks, confronting a yellowish stranger on crutches who pleaded in every tone of anguish for some boon denied him. "_non!_ no! _ned!_" said the governor, poly-linguistically emphatic. "it cannot be done!" he dropped into a chair and poured himself an inch of pernod, as the defeated suitor turned to me in despair. he was short and of a jaundiced hue, his soft brown eyes set slightly aslant. although lame, he had an alertness and poise unusual in the sea's spawn of these beaches. in tahitian, marquesan, and french, with now and then an english word, he explained that he, a tahitian marooned on hiva-oa from a schooner because of a broken leg, wished to pass the tedium of his exile in an innocent game of cards. "i desire a mere permission to buy two packs of cards at the chinaman's," he begged. "i would teach my neighbors here the _jeu de_ pokaree. i have learned it on a voyage to san francisco. it is americaine. it is like life, not altogether luck. one must think well to play it. i doubt not that you know that game." now gambling is forbidden in these isles. it is told that throughout the southern oceans such a madness possessed the people to play the white men's games of chance that in order to prevent constant bloodshed in quarrels a strict interdiction was made by the conquerors. of course whites here are always excepted from such sin-stopping rules, and merchants keep a small stock of cards for their indulgence. "but why two packs?" i asked the agitated tahitian. "_mais, monsieur_, that is the way i was taught. we played with ten or fourteen in the circle, and as it is merely _pour passer le temps_, more of my poor brother kanakas can enjoy it with two packs." he was positively abased, for no tahitian says "_kanaka_" of himself. it is a term of contempt. he might call his fellow so, but only as an american negro says "nigger." i looked at him closely. some gesture, the suggested slant of his brows, the thin lips, reminded me of a certain "son of ah cum" who guided me into disaster in canton, saying, "mis'r rud kippeling he go one time befo'." "your name?" i asked in hope of confirmation. "o lalala," he replied, while the smile that started in his eyes was killed by his tightening lips. "i am french, for my grandfather was of annam under the tri-color, and my mother of tahiti-iti." now fourteen-handed poker, with o lalala as instructor to those ignorant of the game, the code of which was written by a united states diplomat, appealed to me as more than a passing of the time. it would be an episode in the valley. my patriotism was stimulated. i called the governor aside. "this poker," i said, "is not like écarté or baccarat. it is a study of character, a matching of minds, a thing we call bluff, we americans. these poor marquesans must have some fun. let him do it! no harm can come of it. it is far to paris, where the laws are made." the governor turned to o lalala. "no stakes!" he said. "_mais, non!_ not a _sou_!" the lame man promised. "we will use only matches for counters. _merci, merci, monsieur l'administrateur!_ you are very good. please, will you give me now the note to ah you?" as he limped away with it, the governor poured me an inch of absinthe. "_sapristi!_" he exclaimed. "o lalala! o, la, la, la!" he burst into laughter. "he will play ze bloff?" i spent that evening with kriech, the german trader of taka-uka. over our hellaby beef and munich beer we talked of copra and the beautiful girls of buda-pesth, of the contemplated effort of the french government to monopolize the island trade by subsidizing a corporation, and of the incident of the afternoon. "the _herr doktor_ is new," said kriech, with a wag of his head. "that o lalala! i have heard that that poker iss very dansherous. that prince hanoi of papeite lose his tam headt to a chinaman. something comes of this foolishnesses!" at midnight i had again gained the house of the golden bed and had lain down to sleep when on the breeze from up the valley there came a strangely familiar sound to my upper ear. i sat up, listening. in the dark silence, with no wind to rustle the breadfruit and cocoanut-trees, and only the brook faintly murmuring below, i heard a low babble of voices. no word was distinguishable, not even the language, yet curiously the sound had a rhythm that i knew. i have heard from a distance preaching in many languages. though only the cadences, the pauses, and rhythm reached me, i had no difficulty in knowing their origin and meaning. thought casts the mold of all speech. now my drowsy mind harked back to american days, to scenes in homes and clubs. i rose, and wrapping the loin-cloth about me, set out with a lantern in search of that sound. it led me down the trail, across the brook, and up the slope into the dense green growth of the mountain-side. beyond i saw lights in the cocoanut-grove of lam kai oo. my bare feet made no noise, and through the undergrowth i peered upon as odd a sight as ever pleased a lover of the bizarre. a blaze of torches lighted a cleared space among the tall palm columns, and in the flickering red glow a score of naked, tattooed figures crouched about a shining mat of sugar-cane. about them great piles of yellow-boxed swedish matches caught the light, and on the cane mat shone the red and white and black of the cards. o lalala sat facing me, absorbed in the game. at his back the yellow boxes were piled high, his crutch propped against them, and continually he speeded the play by calling out, "passy, calley or makum bigger!" "comely center!" or, "ante uppy!" these were the sounds that had swept my memory back to civilization and drawn me from my golden bed. o lalala had all the slang of poker--the poker of the waterfronts of san francisco and of shanghai--and evidently he had already taught his eager pupils that patois. they crouched about the mat, bent forward in their eagerness, and the flickering light caught twisting mouths and eyes ringed with tattooing. over their heads the torches flared, held by breathless onlookers. the candlenuts, threaded on long spines of cocoanut-leaves, blazed only a few seconds, but each dying one lit the one beneath as it sputtered out, and the scores of strings shed a continuous though wavering light upon the shining mat and the cards. the midnight darkness of the enclosing grove and the vague columns of the palms, upholding the rustling canopy that hid the sky, hinted at some monstrous cathedral where heathen rites were celebrated. i pushed through the fringe of onlookers, none of whom heeded me, and found apporo and exploding eggs holding torches. the madness of play was upon them. the sad placidity of every day was gone; as in the throes of the dance they kept their gleaming eyes upon the fluctuations of fortune before them. twice i spoke sharply before they heard me, and then in a frenzy of supplication apporo threw herself upon me. would i not give her matches--the packets of matches that were under the golden bed? she and her husband, great fern, had spent but an hour in the magic circle ere they were denuded of their every match. couriers were even now scouring the valley for more matches. quick, hasten! even now it might be that the packets under the golden bed were gone! "surely, then, come," i said, struck by an incredible possibility. could it be that the crafty o lalala--absurd! but apporo, hurrying before me down the lantern-lighted trail, confirmed my suspicions. o lalala had stated and put into effect the prohibition of any other stakes other than the innocent matches--mere counters--which he had mentioned to the governor. but swift messengers had heralded throughout the valley that there would be gambling--authorized _par gouvernement_--in lam kai go's plantation, and already the cards had been shuffled for seven or eight hours. throughout all atuona matches had been given an extraordinary and superlative value. to the farthest huts on the rim of the valley the cry was "matches!" and as fast as they arrived, o lalala won them. we hastened into my cabin, and apporo was beneath the golden bed ere the rays of my lantern fell upon the floor. the packets had disappeared. "exploding eggs!" cried apporo, her dark eyes tolling in rage. "but--he is honest," i objected. in such a crisis, she muttered, all standards were naught. exploding eggs had been one of the first squatters at the sugar-cane mat. "the bishop himself would trade the holy-water fonts for matches, were he as thirsty to play as i am!" there were no more matches in the valleys of atuona or taka-uka, she said. every dealer had sold out. every house had been invaded. the losers had begged, borrowed, or given articles of great value for matches. the accursed tahitian had them all but a few now being waged. defeated players were even now racing over the mountains in the darkness, ransacking each hut for more. the reputation of hiva-oa, of the island itself, was at stake. a foreigner had dishonored their people, or would if they did not win back what he had gained from them. she was half chinese; her father's soul was concerned. he had died in this very room. to save his face in death she would give back even her interest in the golden bed, she would pledge all that great fern possessed, if i would give her only a few matches. her pleas could only be hopeless. there was not a match in the cabin. together we returned to the cocoanut-grove. o lalala still sat calmly winning the matches, the supply of which was from time to time replenished by panting newcomers. he swept the mat clean at every valuable pot. his only apparent advantage was that he made the rules whenever questions arose. he was patient in all disputes, yielding in small matters, but he was as the granite rocks of the mountain above him when many matches were at stake. with solemnity he invoked the name of hoy-lee, the mysterious person who had fixed immutably the _tapus_ of pokaree. he made an occult sign with his thumb against his nose, and that settled it. if any one persisted in challenging this _tiki_ he added his other thumb to the little finger of his first symbol, and said, "got-am-to-hellee!" as a last recourse, he would raise his crutch and with public opinion supporting him would threaten to invoke the law against gambling and stop the game if disputation did not cease. steadily the pile of swedish _toendstikkers_ grew behind him. all through the night the game raged beneath the light of the candlenuts, in a silence broken only by the hoarse breathing of the crouching brown men, the sandy-sounding rustle of the palm-fronds overhead, and cries of "ante uppy!" or "comely center!" when dawn came grayly through the aisles of the grove, they halted briefly to eat a bowl of _popoi_ and to drink the milk of freshly gathered nuts. o lalala, relaxing against the heap of his winnings, lifted a shell to his lips and over its rim gave me one enigmatic look. whistling softly, i went down to the house of the golden bed, breakfasted there without the aid of exploding eggs, and then sought the governor. he had gone by the whale-boat of special agent bauda to an adjoining deserted island to shoot _kuku_. hiva-oa was without a government. all day the madness raged in the cocoanut-grove. in the afternoon the vicar apostolic of the roman catholic church, supported by the faithful deacon fariuu, himself toiled up the slope to stop the game. the bishop was received in sullen silence by regular communicants. a catechist whom he had found squat before the mat paid no attention to his objurgations, save to ask the bishop not to stand behind him, as o lalala had said that was bad luck. the churchmen retired in a haughty silence that was unheeded by the absorbed players. later the deacon returned, bringing with him the very matches that had been kept in the church to light the lamps at night service. these he stacked on the sugarcane mat. the vicar bishop followed him to call down the anathema maranatha of high heaven upon this renegade who had robbed the cathedral and the priests' house of every _toendstikker_ they had held, and when he had again retired, the deacon, dropping his last box on the woven table, elevated his hands toward the skies and fervently asked the giver of all good things to aid his draw. but he received a third ace, only to see o lalala put down four of the damnable bits of paper with three spots on each one. at three o'clock next morning the game lapsed because the tahitian had all the counters. these he sent to his house, where they were guarded by a friend. for a day he sat waiting by the sugar-cane mat, and the monte carlo was not deserted. o lalala would not budge to the demands of a hundred losers that he sell back packages of matches for cocoanuts or french francs or any other currency. pigs, fish, canned goods, and all the contents of the stores he spurned as breaking faith with the kindly governor, who would recognize that while matches were not gambling stakes, all other commodities were. on the fourth day the canoes that had paddled and sailed to every other island of the archipelago began to return. some brought fifty packets, some less. dealers had tossed their prices sky-ward when asked to sell their entire stocks. [illustration: a chieftess in _tapa_ garments with _tapa_ parasol] [illustration: launching the whale-boat] now the game began again with the fierceness of the typhoon after the center has passed. men and women stood in line for the chance to redeem their fortunes, to slake their rage, to gain applause. once they thought they had conquered the tahitian. he began to lose, and before his streak of trouble ended, he had sent more than thirty packages from his hut to the grove. but this was the merest breath of misfortune; his star rose again, and the contents of the canoes were his. on the fifth day it became known that the shan-shan syndicate of cantonese had a remaining case of _toendstikkers_. they claimed that until now they had overlooked this case. it held a hundred packages, or twelve hundred boxes. it was priceless as the sole possible barrier against the absolute ending of the game. the shan-shan people were without heart. they demanded for the case five francs a packet. many of the younger marquesans counselled giving the cantonese a taste of the ancient _u'u_, the war-club of a previous generation. desperate as was the plight of the older gamesters, they dared not consent. the governor would return, the law would take its course, and they would go to noumea to work out their lives for crime. no, they would buy the case for francs, but they would not risk dividing it among many, who would be devoured piecemeal by the diabolical o lalala. "kivi, the vagabond, the drinker of _kava_, is the chief to lead our cause," said great fern. "he has never gone to the christian church. he believes still in the old gods of the high place, and he is tattooed with the shark." kivi was the one man who had not played. he cared nothing for the pleasures of the _farani_, the foolish whites. after palaver, his neighbors waited on him in a body. they reasoned with him, they begged him. he consented to their plan only after they had wept at their humbling. then they began to instruct him. they told him of the different kinds of combinations, of straights and of flushes, and of a certain occasional period when the tahitian would introduce a mad novelty by which the cards with one fruit on them would "runnee wil'ee." they warned him against times when without reason the demon would put many matches on the mat, and after frightening out every one would in the end show that he had no cards of merit. immediately after sunset, when the _popoi_ and fish had been eaten, and all had bathed in the brook, when the women had perfumed their bodies and put the scarlet hibiscus in their hair, and after kivi had drunk thrice of _kava_, the game began. the valley was deserted, the _paepaes_ empty. no fires twinkled from the mountainsides. only in the cocoanut-grove the candlenuts were lit as the stars peeped through the roof of the world. a throng surrounded the pair of combatants. the worn cards had been oiled and dried, and though the ominous faces of the _tiki_ upon them shone bravely, doubtless they were weary of strife. the pipe was made to smoke; kivi puffed it and so did all who had joined in the purchase of the case from the thieves of cantonese. then the cards were dealt by kivi, who had won the cut. o lalala and he eyed each other like japanese wrestlers before the grapple. their eyes were slits as they put up the ante of five packets each. o lalala opened the pot for five packets and kivi, nudged by his backers, feverishly balanced them. he took three cards, o lalala but one. standing behind the tahitian, i saw that he had no cards of value, but coolly he threw thirty packets upon the mat. the others shuddered, for kivi had drawn deuces to a pair of kings. they made the pipe glow again. they puffed it; they spat; they put their heads together, and he threw down his cards. then calmly the tahitian laid down his own, and they saw that they could have beaten him. they shouted in dismay, and withdrew kivi, who after some palaver went away with them into the darkness. one or two candlenut torches dimly illumined the figures of the squatting women who remained. upon the sugar-cane mat o lalala stretched himself at ease, closing his eyes. a silence broken only by the stealthy noises of the forest closed upon us. teata, her dark eyes wide, looked fearfully over her shoulder and crept close to me. in a low voice she said that the absent players had thrown earth over their shoulders, stamped, and called upon po, the marquesan deity of darkness, yet it had not availed them. now they went to make magic to those at whose very mention she shuddered, not naming them. we waited, while the torches sputtered lower, and a dank breath of the forest crept between the trees. o lalala appeared to sleep, though when apporo attempted to withdraw a card he pinned it with his crutch. it was half an hour before the players returned. kivi crouched to his place without a word, and the others arranged themselves behind him in fixed array, as though they had a cabalistic number-formation in mind. fresh torches were made, and many disputed the privilege of holding them, as they controlled one's view of the mat. o lalala sat imperturbable, waiting. at last all was ready. the light fell upon the giant limbs and huge torsos of the men, picking out arabesques of tattooing and catching ruddy gleams from red _pareus_. the women, in crimson gowns caught up to the waist, their luxuriant hair adorned with flowers and phosphorescent fungus, their necks hung with the pink peppers of chile, squatted in a close ring about the players. the lame man took up the pack, shuffled it, and handed it to kivi to cut. then kivi solemnly stacked before him the eighty-five packets of matches, all that remained in the islands. five packs went upon the mat for ante, and kivi very slowly picked up his cards. he surveyed them, and a grim smile of incredulity and delight spread over his ink-decorated countenance. he opened for ten packets. o lalala quickly put down as many, and thirty more. kivi chuckled as one who has his enemy in his hand, but stifles his feelings to hide his triumph. he then carefully counted his remaining wealth, and with a gesture of invitation slid the entire seventy packets about his knees. they were a great bulk, quite boxes of matches, and they almost obscured the curving palms of blue tattooed on his mighty thighs. again he chuckled and this time put his knuckles over his mouth. "patty!" said great fern for him, and made a gesture disdaining more cards. o lalala scrutinized his face as the sailor the heavens in a storm, and then studied the visages of all his backers. he closed his eyes a moment. then, "my cally!" he said, as he pushed a great heap of _toendstikkers_ onto the cane mat. the _kava_-drinkers grew black with excitement. kivi hesitated, and then, amid the most frightful curses of his company, laid down only a pair of kings, a six, a nine, and a jack. o lalala, without a smile, disclosed a pair of aces and three meaningless companions. the game was over. the men of hiva-oa had thrown their last spear. magic had been unavailing; the demon foreigner could read through the cards. kivi fell back helpless, grief and _kava_ prostrating him. the torches died down as the winner picked up his spoils and prepared to retire. at this moment a man dashed madly through the grove, displaying two boxes and a handful of separate matches. o lalala at first refused to play for this trifling stake, but in a storm of menacing cries consented to cut the pack for double or nothing, and in a twinkling extinguished the last hope. the last comer had looted the governor's palace. the ultimate match in the marquesas had been lost to the tahitian. he now had the absolute monopoly of light and of cooking. soberly the rest of the valley dwellers went home to unlighted huts. next morning, after a cold breakfast, i was early afoot in the valley. on the way to the trader's store i beheld the complacent winner in his cabin. through the open door i saw that every inch of the walls was covered with stacked boxes of matches, yellow fronts exposed. on his mat in the middle of this golden treasury o lalala reclined, smoking at his leisure, and smiling the happy smile of midas. outside a cold wind swept down from calvary peak, and a gray sky hid the sun. i paused in the reek of those innumerable matches, which tainted the air a hundred feet away, and exchanged morning greetings with their owner, inquiring about his plans. he said that he would make a three days' vigil of thanks, and upon the fourth day he would sell matches at a franc a small box. i bade him farewell, and passed on. the valley people were coming and going about their affairs, but sadly and even morosely. there was no match to light the fire for roasting breadfruit, or to kindle the solacing tobacco. o lalala would not give one away, or sell one at any price. neither would he let a light be taken from his own fire or pipe. the next schooner was not expected for two months, as the last was but a fortnight gone. le brunnec had not a match, nor kriech. the governor had not returned. the only alternatives were to go lightless and smokeless or to assault the heartless oppressor. many dark threats were muttered on the cheerless _paepaes_ and in the dark huts, but in variety of councils there was no unity, and none dared assault alone the yellow-walled hut in which o lalala smiled among his gains. on the second day there was a growing tension in the atmosphere of the valley. i observed that there were no young men to be seen on the beach or at the traders' stores. there were rumors, hints hardly spoken, of a meeting in the hills. the traders looked to their guns, whistling thoughtfully. there was not a spark of fire set in all atuona, save by o lalala, and that for himself alone. so matters stood until the second night. then old kahuiti, that handsomest of cannibals, who lived in the valley of taaoa, strolled into atuona and made it known that he would hold a meeting in the high place where of old many of his tribe had been eaten by atuona men. exploding eggs, malicious gossip, and i climbed the mountain early. the population of the valley, eager for counsel, was gathered on the old stone benches where half a century earlier their sorcerers had sat. in the twilight kahuiti stood before us, his long white beard tied in a psyche knot on his broad, tattooed chest. his voice was stern. we were fools, he said, to be denied food and smoke by the foreigner. what of matches before the french came? had he known matches in his youth? _aue!_ the peoples of the islands must return to the ways of their fathers! he leaped from the top of the pekia, and seizing his long knife, he cut a five-foot piece of _parua_-wood and shaped it to four inches in width. with our fascinated gaze upon him, he whittled sharp a foot-long piece of the same wood, and straddled the longer stick. holding it firmly between his two bare knees he rubbed the shorter, pointed piece swiftly up and down a space of six inches upon his mount. gradually a groove formed, in which the dust collected at one end. soon the wood was smoking hot, and then the old man's hands moved so rapidly that for several moments i could not follow them with the eye. the smoke became thicker, and suddenly a gleam of flame arose, caught the dust, and was fed with twigs and cocoanut-husks by scores of trembling brown hands. in a few minutes a roaring fire was blazing on the sward. pipes sprang from loin-cloths or from behind ears, and the incense of tobacco lifted on the still air of the evening. brands were improvised and hurried home to light the fires for breadfruit-roasting, while kahuiti laughed scornfully. "a hundred of this tribe i have eaten, and no wonder!" he said as he strode away toward taaoa. the monopoly of o lalala was no more. atuona valley had turned back the clock of time a hundred years, to destroy the perfect world in which he sat alone. he heard the news with amazement and consternation. for a day he sat disconsolate, unable to credit the disaster that had befallen his carefully made plans. then he offered the matches at usual traders' prices, and the people mocked him. all over the island the fire-ploughs, oldest of fire-making tools in the world, were being driven to heat the stones for the _mei_. atuona had no need of matches. the governor on his return heard the roars of derision, gathered the story from a score of mirthful tongues, seized and sold the matches, and appropriated the funds for a barrel of bordeaux. and for many weeks the unhappy o lalala sat mournfully on the beach, gazing at the empty sea and longing for a schooner to carry him away. chapter xxiii mademoiselle n----. the _jeanne d'arc_, a beautiful, long, curving craft manned by twelve oarsmen, came like a white bird over the blue waters of the bay of traitors one saturday afternoon, bringing père victorien to atuona. he was from hatiheu, on the island of nuka-hiva, seventy miles to the north. a day and a night he had spent on the open sea, making a slow voyage by wind and oar, but like all these priests he made nothing of the hardships. they come to the islands to stay until they die, and death means a crown the brighter for martyrdom. he looked a tortured man in his heavy and smothering vestments when i met him before the mission walls next morning. his face and hands were covered with pustules as if from smallpox. "the _nonos_ (sand-flies) are so furious the last month," he said with a patient smile. "i have not slept but an hour at a time. i was afraid i would go mad." news of his coming brought all the valley catholics to eight o'clock mass. the banana-shaded road and the roots of the old banian were crowded with worshippers in all their finery, and when they poured into the mission the few rude benches were well filled. i found a chair in the rear, next to that of baufré, the shaggy drunkard, and as the chanting began, i observed an empty _prie-dieu_, specially prepared and placed for some person of importance. "mademoiselle n----" said baufré, noticing the direction of my glance. "she is the richest woman in all the marquesas." at the gospel she came in, walking slowly down the aisle and taking her place as though unaware of the hundred covert glances that followed her. wealth is comparative, and mademoiselle n----, with perhaps a few hundred thousand dollars in cash and cocoanut-grove, stood to the island people as rockefeller to us. money and lands were not all her possessions, for though she had never traveled from her birthplace, she was very different in carriage and costume from the girls about her. she wore a black lace gown, clinging, and becoming her slender figure and delicately charming face. her features were exquisite, her eyes lustrous black pools of passion, her mouth a scarlet line of pride and disdain. a large leghorn hat of fine black straw, with chiffon, was on her graceful head, and her tiny feet were in silk stockings and patent leather. she held a gold and ivory prayer-book in gloved hands, and a jeweled watch hung upon her breast. she might have passed for a creole or for one of those beautiful filipino _mestizas_, daughters of spanish fathers and filipino mothers. i suppose coquetry in woman was born with the fig-leaf. this dainty, fetching heiress, born of a french father and a savage mother, had all the airs and graces of a ballroom belle. where had she gained these fashions and desires of the women of cities, of europe? i had but to look over the church to feel her loneliness. teata, many daughters, weaver of mats, and flower, savagely handsome, gaudily dressed, were the only companions of her own age. flower, of the red-gold hair, was striking in a scarlet gown of sateen, a wreath of pink peppers, and a necklace of brass. she had been ornamented by the oarsmen of the _jeanne d'arc_, fortunately without père victorien's knowledge. teata, in her tight gown with its insertions of fishnet revealing her smooth, tawny skin, a red scarf about her waist, straw hat trimmed with a bright blue chinese shawl perched on her high-piled hair, was still a picture of primitive and savage grace. they were handsome, these girls, but they were wild flowers. mlle. n---- had the poise and delicacy of the hothouse blossom. her father had spent thirty years on hiva-oa, laboring to wring a fortune from the toil of the natives, and dying, he had left it all to this daughter, who, with her laces and jewels, her elegant, slim form and haughty manner, was in this wild abode of barefooted, half-naked people like a pearl in a gutter. she was free now to do what she liked with herself and her fortune. what would she do? it was the question on every tongue and in every eye when, after mass, she passed down the lane respectfully widened for her in the throng on the steps and with a black-garbed sister at her side, walked to the nuns' house. "if only she had a religious vocation," sighed sister serapoline. "that would solve all difficulties, and save her soul and happiness." vainly the nuns and priests had tried during the dozen years of her tutelage in their hands to direct her aspirations toward this goal, but one had only to look into her burning eyes or see the supple movement of her body, to know that she sought her joy on earth. liha-liha, the natives called her father, which means corporal, and that they had hated and yet feared him when hiva-oa was still given over to cannibalism outlined his character. he had lived and died in his house near the stinking springs on the road to taaoa. the sole white man in that valley, he had lorded it over the natives more sternly than had their old chiefs. he had fought down the wilderness, planted great cocoanut-plantations, forced the unwilling islanders to work for him, and dollar by dollar, with an iron will, he had wrung from their labor the fortune now left in the dainty hands of his half-savage daughter. song of the nightingale, the convict cook of the governor, gave me light on the man. "i loved his woman, piiheana (climber of trees who was killed and eaten), who was the mother of mademoiselle n----," said song of the nightingale. "one night he found me with her on his _paepae_. he shot me; then he had me condemned as a robber, and i spent five years in the prison at tai-o-hae." "and climber of trees who was killed and eaten?" "he beat her till her bones were broken, and sent her from him. then he took daughter of a piece of tattooing, to whom he left in his will thirty-five thousand francs. it was she who brought up mademoiselle." mademoiselle herself walked daintily down to the road, where her horse was tied, and i was presented to her. she gave me her hand with the air of a princess, her scarlet lips quivering into a faint smile and her smouldering, unsatisfied eyes sweeping my face. with a, conciliating, yet imperious, air, she suggested that i ride over the hills with her. picking up her lace skirt and frilled petticoat, she vaulted into the man's saddle without more ado, and took the heavy reins in her small gloved hands. her horse was scrubby, but she rode well, as do all marquesans, her supple body following his least movement and her slim, silk-stockinged legs clinging as though she were riding bareback. when the swollen river threatened to wet her varnished slippers, she perched herself on the saddle, feet and all, and made a dry ford. over the hills she led the way at a gallop, despite wretched trail and tripping bushes. down we went through the jungle, walled in by a hundred kinds of trees and ferns and vines. now and then we came into a cleared space, a native plantation, a hut surrounded by breadfruit-, mango- and cocoanut-, orange- and lime-trees. no one called "_kaoho!_" and mademoiselle n---- did not slacken her pace. we swept into the jungle again without a word, my horse following her mount's flying feet, and i ducking and dodging branches and noose-like vines. in a marshy place, where patches of _taro_ spread its magnificent leaves over the earth, we slowed to a walk. the jungle tangle was all about us; a thousand bright flowers, scarlet, yellow, purple, crimson, splashed with color the masses of green; tall ferns uncurled their fronds; giant creepers coiled like snakes through the boughs, and the sluggish air was heavy with innumerable delicious scents. i said to mademoiselle n---- that the beauty of the islands was like that of a fantastic dream, an arabian night's tale. "yes?" she said, with a note of weariness and irony. the feet of the horses made a sucking sound on the oozy ground. "i am half white," she said after a moment, and as the horses' hoofs struck the rocky trail again, she whipped up her mount and we galloped up the slope. after a time the trail widened into a road and i saw before us a queer enclosure. at first sight i thought it a wild-animal park. there were small houses like cages and a big, box-like structure in the center, all enclosed in a wire fence, a couple of acres in all. drawing nearer, i saw that the houses were cabins painted in gaudy colors, and that the white box was a marble tomb of great size. each slab of marble was rimmed with scarlet cement, and the top of the tomb, under a corrugated iron roof, was covered with those abominable bead-wreaths from paris. like the humbler marquesans who have their coffins made and graves dug before their passing, mademoiselle n----'s father had seen to it that this last resting-place was prepared while he lived, and he had placed it here in the center of his plantation, before the house that had been his home for thirty years. with something of his own crude strength and barbaric taste, it stood there, the grim reminder of her white father to the girl in whose veins his own blood mingled with that of the savage. she looked at it without emotion, and after i had surveyed it, we dismounted and she led me into her house. it was a neat and showily-furnished cottage, whose nottingham-lace curtains, varnished golden-oak chairs and ingrain carpet spoke of attempts at mail-order beautification. sitting on a horse-hair sofa, hard and slippery, i drank wine and ate mangoes, while opposite me mademoiselle n----'s mother sat in stiff misery on a chair. she was a withered marquesan woman, barefooted and ugly, dressed in a red cotton garment of the hideous night-gown pattern introduced by the missionaries, and her eyes were tragedies of bewilderment and suffering, while her toothless mouth essayed a smile and she struggled with a few words of bad french. though mademoiselle n---- was most hospitable, she was not at ease, and i knew it was because of the appearance of her mother, this woman whom her father had discarded years before, but to whom the daughter had shown kindness since his death. the mother appeared more at ease with her successor, a somewhat younger marquesan woman, who waited on us as a servant, and seemed contented enough. doubtless the two who had endured the moods of liha-liha had many confidences now that he was gone. i had to describe america to mademoiselle n----, and the inventions and social customs of which she had read. she would not want to live in such a big country, she said, but tahiti seemed to combine comfort with the atmosphere of her birthplace. perhaps she might go to tahiti to live. as i took my hat to leave, she said: "i have been told that they are separating the lepers in tahiti and confining them outside papeite in a kind of prison. is that so?" "not a prison," i replied. "the government has built cottages for them in a little valley. don't you think it wise to segregate them?" she did not reply, and i rode away. a week later i met her one evening at otupoto, that dividing place between the valleys of taaoa and atuona, where kahuiti and his fellow warriors had trapped the human meat. i had walked there to sit on the edge of the precipice and watch the sun set in the sea. she came on horseback from her home toward the village, to spend sunday with the nuns. she got off her horse when she saw me, and lit a cigarette. "what do you do here all alone?" she asked in french. she never used a word of marquesan to me. i replied that i was trying to imagine myself there fifty years earlier, when the meddlesome white sang very low in the concert of the island powers. "the people were happier then, i suppose," she said meditatively, as she handed me her burning cigarette in the courteous way of her mother's people. "but it does not attract me. i would like to see the world i read of." she sat beside me on the rock, her delicately-modeled chin on her pink palm, and gazed at the colors fading from vivid gold and rose to yellow and mauve on the sky and the sea. the quietness of the scene, the gathering twilight, perhaps, too, something in the fact that i was a white man and a stranger, broke down her reserve. "but with whom can i see that world?" she said with sudden passion. "money--i have it. i don't want it. i want to be loved. i want a man. what shall i do? i cannot marry a native, for they do not think as i do. i--i dread to marry a frenchman. you know _le droit du mari_? a french wife has no freedom." i cited madame bapp, who chastised her spouse. "he is no man, that _criquet!_" she said scornfully. "i would be better off not to marry, if i had a real man who loved me, and who would take me across the sea! what am i saying? the nuns would be shocked. i do not know--oh, i do not know what it is that tears at me! but i want to see the world, and i want a man to love me." "your islands here are more beautiful than any of the developed countries," i said. "there are many thieves there, too, to take your money." "i have read that," she answered, "and i am not afraid. i am afraid of nothing. i want to know a different life than here. i will at least go to tahiti. i am tired of the convent. the nuns talk always of religion, and i am young, and i am half french. we die young, most of us, and i have had no pleasure." i saw her black eyes, as she puffed her cigarette, shining with her vision. some man would put tears in them soon, i thought, if she chose that path. would she be happy in tahiti? if she could find one of her own kind, a half-caste, a paragon of kindness and fidelity, she might be. with the white she would know only torture. there is but one american that i know who has made a native girl happy. lovina, who keeps the tiare hotel in papeite and who knows the gossip of all the south seas, told me the story one day after he had come to the hotel to fetch two dinners to his home. he had a handsome motor-car, and the man himself was so clean-looking, so precise in every word and motion, that i spoke of the contrast to the skippers, officials, and tourists who lounged about lovina's bar. "he is a strange one, that man," said lovina. "two years ago i have nice girl here, wait on bar, look sweet, and i make her jus' so my daughter. i go america for visit, and when i come back that girl ruin'. that american take her 'way, and he come tell me straight he couldn't help it. he jus' love her--mad. he build her fine house, get automobile. she never work. every day he come here get meals take home." that tall, straight chap, his hair prematurely gray, his face sad, had made the barmaid the jewel of a golden setting. he devoted himself and his income solely to her. stranger still, he had made her his legal wife. but she is an exception rare as rain in aden. these native girls of mixed blood, living tragedies sprung from the uncaring selfishness of the whites, struggle desperately to lift themselves above the mire in which the native is sinking. they throw themselves away on worthless adventurers, who waste their little patrimony, break their hearts, and either desert them after the first flush of passion passes, or themselves sink into a life of lazy slovenliness worse than that of the native. all these things i pondered when mlle. n---- spoke of her hope of finding happiness in tahiti. i was sure that, with her wealth, she would have many suitors,--but what of a tender heart? "it is love i want," she said. "love and freedom. we women are used to having our own way. i know the nuns would be horrified, but i shall bind myself to no man." the last colors of the sunset faded slowly on the sea, and the world was a soft gray filled with the radiance of the rising moon. i rose and when mile. n---- had mounted i strolled ahead of her horse in the moonlight. i was wearing a tuberose over my ear, and she remarked it. "you know what that signifies? if a man seeks a woman, he wears a white flower over his ear, and if his love grows ardent, he wears a red rose or hibiscus. but if he tires, he puts some green thing in their place. _bon dieu!_ that is the depth of ignominy for the woman scorned. i remember one girl who was made light of that way in church. she stayed a day hidden in the hills weeping, and then she threw herself from a cliff." there was in her manner a melancholy and a longing. "tahitians wear flowers all the day," i said. "they are gay, and life is pleasant upon their island. there are automobiles by the score, cinemas, singing, and dancing every evening, and many europeans and americans. with money you could have everything." "it is not singing and dancing i desire!" she exclaimed. "_pas de tout!_ i must know more people, and not people like priests and these copra dealers. i have read in novels of men who are like gods, who are bold and strong, but who make their women happy. do you know an officer of the _zelee_, with hair like a ripe banana? he is tall and plays the banjo. i saw him one time long ago when the warship was here. he was on the governor's veranda. oh, that was long ago, but such a young man would be the man that i want." her marquesan blood was speaking in that cry of the heart, unrestrained and passionate. they are not the cold, chaste women of other climes, these women of the marquesas; with blood at fever heat and hearts beating like wild things against bars, they listen when love or its counterfeit pours into their ears those soft words with nothing in them that make a song. they have no barriers of reserve or haughtiness; they make no bargains; they go where the heart goes, careless of certified vows. "_mon dieu!_" mademoiselle n---- exclaimed and put her tiny hand to her red lips. "what if the good sisters heard me? i am bad. i know. _eh bien!_ i am marquesan after all." we were about to cross the stream by my cabin, and i mounted the horse behind her to save a wetting. she turned impulsively and looked at me, her lovely face close to mine, her dark eyes burning, and her hot breath on my cheek. "write to me when you are in tahiti, and tell me if you think i would be happy there?" she said imploringly. "i have no friends here, except the nuns. i need so much to go away. i am dying here." coming up my trail a few days later, i found on my _paepae_ a shabbily dressed little bag-of-bones of a white man, with a dirty gray beard and a harsh voice like that of baufré. he had a note to me from le brunnec, introducing m. lemoal, born in brest, a naturalized american. the note was sealed, and i put it carefully away before turning to my visitor. it read: "cher citoyen: "i send you a specimen of the marquesan beaches, so that you can have a little fun. this fellow have a very tremendous life. he is an old sailor, pirate, gold-miner, chinese-hanger, thief, robber, honest-man, baker, trader; in a word, an interesting type. with the aid of several glasses of wine i have put him in the mood to talk delightfully." a low-browed man was lemoal, sapped and ruthless, but certainly he had adventured. was the bella union theater still there in frisco? did they still fight in bottle meyers, and was his friend tasset on the police force yet? his memories of san francisco ante-dated mine. he had been a hoodlum there, and had helped to hang chinese. he had gone to tahiti in and made a hundred thousand francs keeping a bakery. that fortune had lasted him during two years' tour of the world. "now i'm bust," he said bitterly. "now i got no woman, no children, no friends, and i don't want none. i am by myself and damn everybody!" i soothed his misanthropy with two fingers of rum, and he mellowed into advice. "i saw you with that daughter of liha-liha," he said, using the native name of the dead millionaire. "you be careful. one time i baked bread in taaoa. my oven was near his plantation. i saw that girl come into the woods and take off her dress. she had a mirror to see her back, and i looked, and the sun shone bright. what she saw, i saw--a patch of white. she is a leper, that rich girl." his eyes were full of hate. "you don't like her," i said. "why?" "why? why?" he screamed. "because her father was an accursed villian. he was always kissing the dirty hands of the priests. he used to give his workmen opium to make them work faster, and then he would go to church. he made his money, yes. he was damn hypocrite. and now his daughter, with all that rotten money, is a leper. i tell everybody what i saw. everybody here knows it but you. everybody will know it in tahiti if she goes there." the man was like a snake to me. i threw away the glass he had drunk from. and yet--was it idle curiosity, or was it fear of being shut away in the valley outside papeite by the quarantine officers, that made her ask me that question about the segregation of lepers? liha-liha had spent thirty years making money. he had coined the sweat and blood and lives of a thousand marquesans into a golden fortune, and he had left behind him that fortune, a marble tomb, and mlle. n----. chapter xxiv a journey to nuka-hiva; story of the celebration of the fête of joan of arc, and the miracles of the white horse and the girl. père victorien said that i must not leave the marquesas before i visited the island of nuka-hiva seventy miles to the northward and saw there in tai-o-hae, the capital of the northern group of islands, a real saint. "a wonderful servant of christ," he said, "père simeon delmas. he is very old, and has been there since the days of strife. he has not been away from the islands for fifty years, but god preserves him for his honor and service. père simeon would be one of the first in our order were he in europe, but he is a martyr and wishes to earn his crown in these islands and die among his charges. he is a saint, as truly as the blessed ones of old. "it was he who planned the magnificent celebration of the feast of joan of arc some years ago, and as to miracles, i truly believe that the keeping safe of the white horse during the terrible storm and perhaps even the preservation of a maiden worthy to appear in the armor of the maid, are miracles as veritable as the apparition at lourdes. _pour moi_, i am convinced that joan is one of the most glorious saints in heaven, and that père simeon himself is of the band of blessed martyrs." "ah, père victorien, i would like nothing better than to meet that good man," i said, "but i am at a loss to get to tai-o-hae. the _roberta_, capriata's steamer, will not be here for many weeks, and there is no other in the archipelago just now." "you shall return with me in the _jeanne d'arc_," he replied quickly. "it may be an arduous voyage for you, but you will be well repaid." a fortnight later his steersman came running to my cabin to tell me to be ready at one o'clock in the morning. the night was a myriad of stars on a vast ebon canopy. one could see only shadows in denser shadows, and the serene sure movements of the men as they lifted the whale-boat from bauda's shed and carried it lightly to the water were mysterious to me. their eyes saw where mine were blind. père victorien and i were seated in the boat, and they shoved off, breast-deep in the turmoil of the breakers, running alongside the bobbing craft until it was in the welter of foam and, then with a chorus, in unison, lifting themselves over the sides and seizing the oars before the boat could turn broadside to the shore. "he-ee nuka-hiva!" they sang in a soft monotone, while they pulled hard for the mouth of the bay. the priest and i were fairly comfortable in the stern, the steersman perched behind us on the very edge of the combing, balancing himself to the rise and fall of the boat as an acrobat on a rope. i laid my head on my bag and fell asleep before the sea had been reached. the last sound in my ears was the voice of père victorien reciting his rosary. i awoke to find a breeze careening our sail and the _jeanne d'arc_ rushing through a pale blue world--pale blue water, pale blue sky, and, it seemed, pale blue air. no single solid thing but the boat was to be seen in the indefinite immensity. sprawling on its bottom in every attitude of limp relaxation, the oarsmen lay asleep; only père victorien was awake, his hands on the tiller and his eyes gazing toward the east. "_bonjour!_" said he. "you have slept well. your angel guardian thinks well of you. the dawn comes." i asked him if i might relieve him of tiller and sheet, and he, with an injunction to keep the sail full and far, unpocketed his breviary, and was instantly absorbed in its contents. our tack was toward the eastern distance, and no glimpse of land or cloud made us aught but solitary travelers in illimitable space. the sun was beneath the deep, but in the hush of the pale light one felt the awe of its coming. slowly a faint glow began to gild a line that circled the farthest east. gold it was at first, like a segment of a marriage ring, then a bolt of copper shot from the level waters to the zenith and a thousand vivid colors were emptied upon the sky and the sea. roses were strewn on the glowing waste, rose and gold and purple curtained the horizon, and suddenly, without warning, abrupt as lightning, the sun beamed hot above the edge of the world. the marquesans stirred, their bodies stretched and their lungs expanded in the throes of returning consciousness. then one sat up and called loudly, "_a titahi a atu!_ another day!" the others rose, and immediately began to uncover the _popoi_ bowl. they had canned fish and bread, too, and ate steadily, without a word, for ten minutes. the steersman, who had joined them, returned to the helm, and the priest and i enjoyed the bananas and canned beef with water from the jug, and cigarettes. all day the _jeanne d'arc_ held steadily on the several tacks we steered, and all day no living thing but bird or fish disturbed the loneliness of the great empty sea. père victorien read his breviary or told his beads in abstracted contemplation, and i, lying on the bottom of the boat with my hat shielding my eyes from the beating rays of the sun, pondered on what i knew of tai-o-hae, the port on the island of nuka-hiva, to which we were bound. for two hundred years after the discovery of the southern group--the islands we had left behind us--the northern group was still unknown to the world. captain ingraham, of boston, found nuka-hiva in , and called the seven small islets the washington islands. twenty years later, during the war of , porter refitted his ships there to prey upon the british, and but for the perfidy,--or, from another view, the patriotism,--of an englishman in his command, porter might have succeeded in making the marquesas american possessions. tai-o-hae became the seat of power of the whites in the islands; it waxed in importance, saw admirals, governors, and bishops sitting in state on the broad verandas of government buildings, witnessed that new thing, the making of a king and queen, knew the stolid march of convicts, white and brown, images of saints carried in processions, and schools opened to regenerate the race of idol-worshippers. tai-o-hae saw all the plans of grandeur wane, saw saloons and opium, vice and disease, fastened upon the natives, and saw the converted, the old gods overthrown, the new god reigning, cut down like trees when the fire runs wild in the forest. the dream of minting the strength and happiness of the giant men of the islands into gold for the white labor-kings dissolved into a nightmare as the giants perished. it was hard to make the free peoples toil as slaves for foreign masters, so the foreign masters brought opium. to get this "cause of wonder sleep," of more delight than _kava_, the marquesan was taught to hoe and garner cotton, to gather copra and even to become the servant of the white man. the hopes of the invaders were rosy. they faded quickly. the marquesans faded faster. the saloons of tai-o-hae were gutters of drunkenness. the _paepaes_ were wailing-places for the dead. no government arrested vice or stopped the traffic in death-dealing drugs until too late. then, with no people left to exploit, the colonial ministers in paris forgot the marquesas. in the lifetime of a man, tai-o-hae swelled from a simple native village with thousands of healthy, happy people, to the capital of an archipelago, with warships, troops, prisons, churches, schools, and plantations, and reverted to a deserted, melancholy beach, with decaying, uninhabited buildings testifying to catastrophe. since kahuiti, my man-eating friend of taaoa, was born, the cycle had been completed. i was on my way now to see, in tai-o-hae, a man who was giving his life to bring the white man's religion to the few dying natives who remained. at dusk the wind died, and we put out the oars. hour after hour the rowers pulled, chanting at times ancient lays of the war-canoes, of the fierce fights of their fathers when hundreds fed the sharks after the destruction of their vessels by the conquerors, and of the old gods who had reigned before the white men came. père victorien listened musingly. "they should be singing of the blessed mother or of joan," he said with sorrow. "but when they pull so well i cannot deny them a thread of that old pagan warp. those devils whom they once worshipped wait about incessantly for a word of praise. they hate the idea that we are hurrying to the mission, and they would like well to delay us." whatever the desires of those devils, they were balked, for the wind came fair during the second night, and when the second dawning came we were in the bay of tai-o-hae. it was a basin of motionless green water, held in the curve of a shore shaped like a horseshoe, with two huge headlands of rock for the calks. the beach was a rim of white between the azure of the water and the dark green of the hills that rose steeply from it. above them the clouds hung in varying shapes, here lit by the sun to snowy fleece, there black and lowering. on the lower slopes a few houses peeped from the embowering _parau_ trees, and on a small hill, near the dismantled fort, the flag of france drooped above the gendarme's cabin. by eight o'clock in the morning, when we reached the shore, the beach was shimmering in the sunlight, the sand gleaming under the intense rays as if reflecting the beams of gigantic mirrors. heat-waves quivered in the moist air. this was the beach that had witnessed the strange career of john howard, a yankee sailor who had fled a yankee ship fifty years before and made his bed for good and all in the marquesas. lying bill pincher had told me the story. howard, known to the natives as t'yonny, had been welcomed by them in their generous way, and the _tahuna_ had decorated him from head to foot in the very highest style of the period. in a few years, what with this tattooing and with sunburn, one would have sworn him to be a polynesian. he was ambitious, and by alliances acquired an entire valley, which he left to his son, t'yonny junior. mr. howard, senior, garbed himself like the natives and was like them in many ways, but he retained a deep love for his country and its flag, and when he saw an american man-of-war entering the harbor, he went aboard with his many tawny relatives-in-law. the captain was amazed to hear him talking with the sailors. "'e was blooming well knocked off 'is pins," said lying bill. "'blow me!' 'e sez, 'if that blooming cannibal don't talk the king's english as if 'e was born in new york!' 'e 'ad 'im down in the cabin to 'ave a drink, thinking 'e was a big chief. 'oward took a cigar and smoked it and drank 'is whiskey with a gulp and a wry face like all americans. "'i must say,' sez the captain, 'you're the most intelligent 'eathen i've seen in the 'ole blooming run.' "'eathen?' sez 'oward. 'me a 'eathen! i was born in iowa, and i'm a blooming good american.'" "'what, you an american citizen?' sez the captain. 'born in my own state, and painted up like sitting bull on the warpath? get off this ship,' sez 'e, wild, 'get off this ship, or i'll put you in irons and take you back to the blooming jail you escaped from!' "'oward leaped over the side and swum ashore." an avenue ran the length of the beach, shaded by trees, and crossing a gentle stream. along this avenue was all the life and commerce of tai-o-hae. two traders' shops, empty offices, a gendarme, a handful of motley half-castes lounging under the trees--this was all that was left of former greatness. only nature had not changed. it flung over the broken remnants of the glory and the dream its lovely cloak of verdure and of flower. man had almost ceased to be a figure in the scene he had dominated for untold centuries. crossing the stepping-stones of the brook we met a darkish, stout man in overalls. "good morn'," he said pleasantly. i looked at him and guessed his name at once. "good-morning," i answered. "you are the son of t'yonny." "my father, mist' howard, dead," he said. "you _menike_ like him?" before i could answer something entered my ear and something my nose. these somethings buzzed and bit fearsomely. i coughed and sputtered. an old woman on the bank was sitting in the smudge of a fire of cocoanut husks. she was scratching her arms and legs, covered with angry red blotches. "the _nonos_ never stop biting," she said in french. these _nonos_ are the dread sand-flies that père victorien had run from to get some sleep in atuona. they are a kind of gadfly, red-hot needles on wings. we sauntered along the road, tormented by the buzzing pests at which we constantly slapped and, crossing a tiny bridge over the brook, approached the mission of tai-o-hae, that once pompous and powerful center of the diffusion of the faith throughout the marquesas. the road was lined with guavas, mangos, cocoanuts, and tamarinds, all planted with precision and care. the ambitious fathers who had begun these plantings scores of years before had provided the choicest fruits for their table. all over the world the members of the great religious orders of europe have carried the seeds of the best varieties of fruits and flowers, of trees and shrubs and vegetables; more than organized science they deserve the credit for introducing non-native species into all climes. about the mission grounds was a stone wall, stout and fairly high, which had assured protection when orgies of indulgence in rum had made the natives brutal. the clergy must survive if souls are to be saved. within the wall stood the church, the school, and a rambling rectory, all made beautiful by age and the artistry of tropical nature. mosses and lichens, mosaics of many shades of green, faint touches of red and yellow mould, covered the old walls which were fast decaying and falling to pieces. by the half-unhinged door stood an old man of venerable figure, his long beard still dark, though his hair was quite white. he wore a soiled soutane down to the ankles of his rusty shoes, a sweaty, stained, smothering gown of black broadcloth, which rose and fell with his hurried respiration. his eyes of deepest brown, large and lustrous, were the eyes of an old child, shining with simple enthusiasms and lit with a hundred memories of worthy accomplishments or efforts. [illustration: père simeon delmas' church at tai-o-hae] [illustration: gathering the _feis_ in the mountains] père victorien presented me, saying that i was a lover of the marquesas, and specially interested in joan of arc. père simeon seized me by the hand and, drawing me toward him, gave me the accolade as if i were a reunited brother. then he presented me to a marquesan man at his side, "_le chef de l'isle de huapu_," who was waiting to escort him to that island that he might say mass and hear confession. the chief was for leaving at once, and père simeon lamented that he had no time in which to talk to me. i said i had heard it bruited in my island of hiva-oa that the celebration of the fete of joan of arc had been marked by extraordinary events indicating a special appreciation by the heavenly hosts. tears came into the eyes of the old priest. he dismissed the chief at once, and after saying farewell to père victorien, who was embarking immediately for his own island of haitheu, père simeon and i entered his study, a pitifully shabby room where rickety furniture, quaking floor, tattered wall-coverings, and cracked plates and goblets spelled the story of the passing of an institution once possessing grandeur and force. seated in the only two sound chairs, with wine and cigarettes before us, we took up the subject so dear to père simeon's heart. "i am glad if you cannot be a frenchman that at least you are not an englishman," he said fervently. "god has punished england for the murder of jeanne d'arc. that day at rouen when they burned my beloved patroness ended england. now the english are but merchants, and they have a heretical church. "you should have seen the honors we paid the maid here. _mais, monsieur_, she has done much for these islands. the natives love her. she is a saint. she should be canonized. but the opposition will not down. there is reason to believe that the devil, satan himself, or at least important aides of his, are laboring against the doing of justice to the maid. she is powerful now, and doubtless has great influence with the holy virgin in heaven, but as a true saint she would be invincible." the old priest's eyes shone with his faith. "you do not doubt her miraculous intercession?" i asked. père simeon lit another cigarette, watered his wine, and lifted from a shelf a sheaf of pamphlets. they were hectographed, not printed from type, for he is the human printing-press of all this region, and all were in his clear and exquisite writing. he held them and referred to them as he went on. "she was born five hundred years ago on the day of the procession in tai-o-hae. that itself is a marvel. such an anniversary occurs but twice in a millennium. after all my humble services in these islands that i should be permitted to be here on such a wonderful day proves to me the everlasting mercy of god. here is the account i have written in marquesan of her life, and here the record of the fête upon the anniversary." as he showed me the brochures written beautifully in purple and red inks, recording the history of the maid of orleans, with many canticles in her praise, learned dissertations upon her career and holiness, maps showing her march and starred at oleane, kopiegne, and rua to indicate that great things had occurred at orleans, compiègne, and rouen, père simeon pointed out to me that it was of supreme importance that the marquesan people should be given a proper understanding of the historical and geographical conditions of england and france in joan's time. he had spent months, even years, in preparing for the celebration of her fête-day. "and _monsieur_, by the blessed grace of joan, only the whites got drunk. not a marquesan was far gone in liquor throughout the three days of the feast. there was temptation in plenty, for though i gave only the chiefs and a few intimates any wine, several of the europeans in their enthusiasm for our dear patroness distributed absinthe and rum to those who had the price. there was a moment when it seemed touch and go between the devil and joan. but, oh, how she came to our rescue! i reproached the whites, locked up the rum, and joan did the rest. it was a three-days' feast of innocence." "but there are not many whites here?" i asked. "no," he replied. "there are one hundred and twenty people in tai-o-hae now, and but a few are whites. alas, _mon ami_, they do not set a good example. they mean well; they are brave men, but they do not keep the commandments. here is a chart i drew showing the rise of the church since peter. it is divided into twenty periods, and i have allotted the fifteenth to joan. she well merits a period." my mind continually harked back to the prompting of père victorien concerning the horse and the girl of the jubilee. "there were signs at the commemoration?" i interposed. père simeon glanced at me eagerly. his naivete was not of ignorance of men and their motives. he had confessed royalty, cannibals, pirates, and nuns. the souls of men were naked under his scrutiny. but his faith burned like a lambent flame, and to win to the standard of the maid of orleans one who would listen was a duty owed her, and a rare chance to aid a fellow mortal. he rose and brushed the cigarette ashes down the front of his frayed cassock as an old native woman responded to his call and brought another bottle of bordeaux. the _nonos_ were incessantly active. i slapped at them constantly and sucked at the wounds they made. but he paid no attention to them at all except when they attacked him under his soutane; then he struck convulsively at the spot. "god sends us such trials to brighten our crown," he said comfortingly. "i have seen white men dead from the _nonos_. they were not here in the old days, but since the jungle has overrun us because of depopulation, they are frightful. during the mass, when the priest cannot defend himself, they are worst, as if sent by the devil who hates the holy sacrifice. but, _mon vieux_, you were asking about those signs. _alors_, i will give the facts to you, and you can judge." he poured me a goblet of the wine; i removed my cotton coat, covered my hands with it, against the gadflies, and prepared to listen. "seven years before the great anniversary," said père simeon, sipping his wine, "i thought out my plan. there would be masses, vespers, benedictions, litanies, and choirs. but my mind was set upon a representation of the maid as she rode into rheims to crown the king after her victories. she was, you will remember, clothed all in white armor and rode a white horse, both the emblems of purity. that was the note i would sound, for i believe too much had been made of joan the warrior, joan the heroine, and not enough of joan the saint. oh, _monsieur_, there have been evil forces at work there!" he clasped his thigh with both hands and groaned, and i knew that though a _nono_ had bitten him there, his anguish was more of soul than body. i lighted his cigarette, as he proceeded: "two things were needful above all; a handsome white horse and a marquesan girl of virtue. three years before the jubilee i was enabled, through a gift inspired by joan, to buy a horse of that kind in hiva-oa. i had this mare pastured on that island until the time came for bringing her here. "now as to the girl, i found in the nun's school a child who was beautiful, strong, and good. her father was the captain of a foreign vessel and had dwelt here for a time; he was of your country. of the mother i will not speak. the girl was everything to be desired. but this was seven years before the day of the fête. that was a difficulty. "i stressed to the good sisters the absolute necessity of bringing up the child in the perfect path of sanctity. i had her dedicated to joan, and special prayers were said by me and by the nuns that the evil one would not trap her into the sins of other marquesan girls. also she was observed diligently. for seven years we watched and prayed, and _monsieur_, we succeeded. i will not say that it was a miracle, but it was a very striking triumph for joan. "that for the human; now for the beast. a month before the fête i commissioned captain capriata to bring the mare to tai-o-hae in his schooner. the animal came safely to the harbor. she was still on deck when a storm arose, and capriata thought it best for him to lift his anchor and go to the open sea. the wind was driving hard toward the shore, and there was danger of shipwreck." the old priest stood up and, leading me to a window, pointed to the extreme end of the horseshoe circle of the bay. "see that point," he said. "right there, just as capriata swung his vessel to head for the sea, the mare broke loose from her halter, and in a bound reached the rail of the schooner and leaped into the waves. capriata could do nothing. the schooner was in peril, and he, with his hand upon the wheel and his men at the sails, could only utter an oath. he confesses he did that, and you will find no man more convinced of the miracle than he." the aged missionary paused, his eyes glowing. the _nonos_ that settled in a swarm on his swollen, poisoned hands were nothing to him in the rapture of that memory. "this happened at night. throughout the darkness the schooner stayed outside the bay, returning only at daylight. immediately after anchoring, the captain hastened to inform me of the misfortune, and found me saying mass. it was one of the few times he had ever been in the sacred edifice." père simeon smiled, and held up one finger to emphasize my attention. "as soon as mass was finished, capriata told me of what had happened, and his certainty that the mare was drowned. i fell on my knees and said a despairing prayer to joan. that instant we heard a neigh outside, and rushing out of the church, we saw, cropping the grass in the mission enclosure, the white mare that was destined to bear the figure of joan in the celebration of her fete." i could not restrain an exclamation of amazement. "_vraiment?_" "_absolument_," answered père simeon. "unbelievers might explain that waves swept the mare ashore, and that through some instinct she found her way along the beach or over the hills. but that she should come to the mission grounds, to the very spot where her home was to be, though she had never seen the islands before--no, my friend, not even the materialist could explain that as less than supernatural. i have sent the proofs to our order in belgium. they will form part of the evidence that will one day be offered to bring about the canonization of joan." "and the procession, was it successful?" i inquired. "_mais oui!_ it was magnificent. when it started there was a grand fanfare of trumpets, drums, fireworks, and guns. never was there such a noise here since the days of battle between the whites and the natives. there were four choirs of fifty voices each, the natives from all these nearby islands, each with a common chant in french and particular _himines_ in marquesan. i walked first with the blessed sacrament; then came captain capriata with the banner of the mission, and then, proceeded by a choir, came the virgin on the white horse. "she was all in silver armor, as was the mare. two years before i had sent to france for the pasteboard and the silver paper, and had made the armor. the helmet was the _pièce de résistance_. the girl wore it as the maid herself, and sat the horse without faltering, despite the _nonos_ and the heat. it was a wonderful day for joan and for the marquesas." he sat for a moment lost in the vision. "so it was all as you had planned?" "_mon ami_, it was not i, but joan herself, to whom all honor belongs. there was a moment--captain capriata had taken absinthe with his morning _popoi_, and was unsteady. he stumbled. i called to him to breathe a prayer to his patron saint--he is of ajaccio in corsica--and to call upon joan for aid. he straightened up at once, after one fall, and bore the white banner of the maid in good style from the mission to the deserted inn by the leper-house. "we had three superb feasts, one on each day of the fête. we had speeches and songs, three masses a day to accommodate all, four first communicants, and two marriages. i will tell you, though it may be denied by the commercial missionaries, that five protestants attended and recanted." père simeon's eyes flashed as he recalled those memorable days. he fell into a reverie, scratching his legs after the _nonos_ and letting his cigarette go out. i arose to depart. he must go to huapu with the chief, who was again at the door, "and did the fête help the parish?" i asked with that bromidic zeal to please that so often discloses the fly just when the ointment's smell is sweetest. "alas!" he replied, with a sorrowful shake of his beard. "even the girl who had worn the white armor leaped from the mast of a ship to escape infamy and was drowned. yet there was grandeur of sacrifice in that. but for the others, they die fast, too. some day the priest will be alone here without a flock." he picked up a garment or two, placed the holy sacrament with pious care in his breast, and we walked together through the mournful and decaying village, passing a few melancholy natives. i said to père simeon as he stepped into the canoe, "you are like a shepherd who pursues his sheep wherever they may wander, to gather them into the fold at last." "_c'est vrai_," he smiled sadly. "the bishop himself had to go to hiva-oa from here, because there were really not enough people left alive for the seat of his bishopric. at least, there will be some here when i die, for i am old. ah, thirty years ago, when i came here, there were souls to be saved! thousands of them. but i love the last one. there are still a hundred left on huapu. there is work yet, for the devil grows more active yearly." chapter xxv america's claim to the marquesas; adventures of captain porter in ; war between haapa and tai-o-hae, and the conquest of typee valley. america might have been responsible for the death of the marquesan race had not the young nation been engaged in a deadly struggle with great britain when an american naval captain, david porter, seized nuka-hiva. a hundred years ago the stars and stripes floated over the little hill above the bay, and american cannon upon it commanded the village of tai-o-hae. beneath the verdure is still buried the proclamation of porter, with coins of the young republic, unless the natives dug up the bottle after the destruction of the last of porter's forces. they witnessed the ceremony of its planting, which must have appeared to them a ritual to please the powerful gods of the whites. unless respect for the _tapu_ placed on the bottle by "opotee" restrained them, they probably brought it to the light and examined the magic under its cork. the adventures of porter here were as strange and romantic as those of any of the hundreds of the gypsies of the sea who sailed this tropic and spilled the blood of a people unused to their ways and ignorant of their inventions and weapons of power. porter had left the united states in command of the frigate _essex_, to destroy british shipping, capture british ships, and british sailors. porter, son and nephew of american naval officers, destined to be foster-father of farragut, the first american admiral, and father of the great admiral porter, was then in his early thirties and loved a fight. he harried the british in the atlantic, doubled cape horn without orders, and did them evil on the high seas, and at last, with many prisoners and with prize crews aboard his captures, he made for the marquesas to refresh his men, repair his ships, and get water, food, and wood for the voyage home. in tai-o-hae bay he moored his fleet, and was met by flocks of friendly canoes and great numbers of the beautiful island women, who swam out to meet the strangers. among them he found wilson, an englishman who had long been here and who was tattooed from head to foot. on first seeing this man porter was strongly prejudiced against him, but found him extremely useful as an interpreter, and concluded that he was an inoffensive fellow whose only failing was a strong attachment to rum. with wilson's eagerly offered help, porter made friends with the people of tai-o-hae, established a camp on shore, and set about revictualing his fleet. the tribes of tai-o-hae, or tieuhoy, as porter called it, were annoyed by the combative hapaa tribe, or collection of tribes, which dwelt in a nearby valley, and these doughty warriors came within half a mile of the american camp, cut down the breadfruit trees, and made hideous gestures of derision at the white men. in response, porter landed a six-pound gun, tremendously heavy, and said that if the tai-o-hae tribe would carry it to the top of a high mountain overlooking the hapaa valley, he would drive the hapaas from the hills where they stood and threatened to descend. to porter's amazement, the tai-o-hae men, surmounting incredible difficulties, laid the gun in position, and as the hapaas scorned the futile-looking contrivance and declared that they would not make peace with the whites, porter sent his first assistant with forty men, armed with muskets and accompanied by natives carrying these weapons and ammunition for the cannon. the battle began with a great roar of exploding gunpowder, and from the ships the americans saw their men driving from height to height the hapaas, who fought as they retreated, daring the enemy to follow them. a friendly native bore the american flag and waved it in triumph as he skipped from crag to crag, well in the rear of the white men who pursued the fleeing enemy. in the afternoon the victorious forces descended, carrying five dead. the hapaas, fighting with stones flung from slings and with spears, had taken refuge, to the number of four or five thousand, in a fortress on the brow of a hill. not one of them had been wounded, and from their impassable heights they threw down jeers and showers of stones upon the retiring tai-o-haes and their white allies. this was intolerable. on the second day, with augmented forces, the americans stormed the height and took the fort, killing many hapaas, who, knowing nothing of the effect of musket bullets, fought till dead. the wounded were dispatched with war-clubs by the tai-o-haes, who dipped their spears in the blood. wilson said the tai-o-haes would eat the corpses. porter, horrified, interrogated his allies, who denied any such horrid appetite, so that porter was not sure what to believe. the hapaas were now become lovers of the whites, and sent a deputation to complain that the taipis (typees), in another valley, harrassed them and, being their traditional enemies, were contemplating raiding hapaa valley. the typees were the most terrible of all the nuka-hivans, with four thousand fighting men, with strongest fortifications and the most resolute hearts. the typees were informed that they must be peaceful, also that they must send many presents as proof of friendliness, or the white men would drive them from their valley. the typees replied that if porter were strong enough, he could come and take them. they said the americans were white lizards; they could not climb the mountains without marquesans to carry their guns, and yet they talked of chastising the typees, who had never fled before an enemy and whose gods were unbeatable. they dared the white men to come among them. at this juncture porter faced treachery in his own camp. he had many english prisoners captured from british ships, and these made a plot to escape by poisoning the rum of the americans. porter learned of this, and finding an american sentry asleep he shot him with his own hand, and ordered every englishman put in irons. he was also troubled by mutinies among his own men, who were loth to face any more battles, being contented as they were with plenty of drink, the best of food, and the passionate devotion of the native women, who thronged the camp day and night. with no light hand porter put down revolt and mutiny, and prepared to begin war on the typees. first he built a strong fort, assisted by the tai-o-haes and hapaas, and there he took possession of the marquesas in the name of the united states. on november , , the american flag was run up over the fort, a salute of seventeen guns was fired from the artillery mounted there and answered from the ships in the bay. rum was freely distributed, and standing in a great concourse of wondering natives, with the englishman, wilson, at his side interpreting his words, porter read the following proclamation: it is hereby made known to the world that i, david porter, a captain in the navy of the united states of america, now in command of the united states frigate _essex_, have, on the part of the united states, taken possession of the island called by the natives nooaheevah, generally known by the name of sir henry martin's island, but now called madison's island. that by the request and assistance of the friendly tribes residing in the valley of tieuhoy, as well as of the tribes residing on the mountains, whom we have conquered and rendered tributary to our flag, i have caused the village of madison to be built, consisting of six convenient houses, a rope-walk, bakery, and other appurtenances, and for the protection of the same, as well as for that of the friendly natives, i have constructed a fort calculated for mounting sixteen guns, whereon i have mounted four, and called the same fort madison. our rights to this island being founded on priority of discovery, conquest, and possession, cannot be disputed. but the natives, to secure to themselves that friendly protection which their defenseless situation so much required, have requested to be admitted into the great american family, whose pure republican policy approaches so near their own. and in order to encourage these views to their own interest and happiness, as well as to render secure our claim to an island valuable on many considerations, i have taken on myself to promise them that they shall be so adopted; that our chief shall be their chief; and they have given assurances that such of their brethren as may hereafter visit them from the united states shall enjoy a welcome and hospitable reception among them and be furnished with whatever refreshments and supplies the island may afford; that they will protect them against all their enemies and as far as lies in their power prevent the subjects of great britain from coming among them until peace shall take place between the two nations. there followed a list of the tribes from whom porter had received presents, to the number of thirty-one tribes, and the document continued: influenced by considerations of humanity, which promise speedy civilization to a race of men who enjoy every mental and bodily endowment which nature can bestow, and which requires only art to perfect, as well as by views of policy, which secure to my country a fruitful and populous island possessing every advantage of security and supplies for ships, and which of all others is most happily situated as respects climate and local position, i do declare that i have, in the most solemn manner, under the american flag displayed in fort madison and in the presence of numerous witnesses, taken possession of the said island for the use of the united states. to the guileless natives, made happy with rum, listening to the necessarily imperfect translation of these words, the ceremony may well have been a strange magic to unknown gods, but it is not difficult to imagine the feelings of wilson, the tattooed englishman, as he translated this proclamation giving the rich and happy islands to a country at war with his own. he listened and repeated, however, with patriotic protests unuttered, and prepared to assist porter in his contemplated war against the typees. a week later one of the warships, with five boats and ten war-canoes, sailed for the typee beach. ten canoes of hapaas joined them there. the tops of all the neighboring mountains were thronged with friendly warriors armed with clubs, spears, and slings, and altogether not less than five thousand men were in the forces under porter, among them thirty-five americans with guns, which he thought enough. the typees pelted them with stones as they sat at breakfast, and porter sent a native ambassador, offering peace at the price of submission. he came back, running madly and bruised by his reception. porter then ordered the advance. the company advanced into the bushes, and were received by a veritable rain of stones and spears. not an enemy was in sight. on all sides they heard the snapping sound of the slings, the whistling of the stones, the sibilant hiss of the spears that at every step fell in increasing numbers, but they could not see whence they came, and no whisper or rustle of underbrush revealed the lurking typees. they pushed on, hoping to get through the thicket, which wilson had assured them was of no great extent. lieutenant down's leg was shattered by a stone, and porter had to send a party with him to the rear. this left but twenty-four white men. the native allies did no fighting, but merely looked on. they were not going to make bitterer enemies of the typees if the godlike whites could not whip them. the situation was desperate. however, porter chose to go on. they crossed a river, and in a jungle had to crawl on their hands and knees to make progress. they thought themselves happy to make their way through this, but immediately found themselves confronted by a high wall of rock, beyond which the enemy took their stand and showered down stones. the cartridges were almost exhausted. porter sent four men to the ship for more, and, with three men knocked senseless by stones, was reduced to sixteen men. there was nothing to do but run for safety, and pursued by the sneering foe, they gained the beach. thence he sent another messenger to the typees offering them another chance to surrender and pay tribute. the typees returned word that they "had driven the whites before them, that their guns missed fire often, that bullets were not as painful as stones or spears, that they had plenty of men to spare and the whites had not. they had counted the boats, knew the number they would carry, and laughed at the whites." the hapaas and other allies came down from the hills and began to discuss the victory of the typees, with fear in their voices and a certain disdain of the whites. porter ordered his men into the boats to return to the ship, but scarcely had they reached it when the typees rushed on the hapaas and drove them into the water. porter returned to tai-o-hae. there he saw no alternative but to whip the typees soundly. this time he determined to lack no force, and to go without allies. he selected two hundred men from his ships and prizes, and, with guides, upon a moonlight evening started to march overland to typee valley. at midnight they heard the drums beating in typee valley. they had had a fearful march over mountain and dale and around yawning precipices. silently they had struggled on, so as to give no hint of their intention to typee sentinels or even to a hapaa village. numbers of the tai-o-hae had followed them, but quietly, and these now told porter that the songs floating up from the typee settlements were rejoicings at their victory over the whites and prayers to the gods to send rain to spoil the guns. porter was for descending at once, but the tai-o-haes warned him that the path was so steep and dangerous that even in daylight it would take all their skill to go down it. to attempt it at night would be inviting death. the americans lay down to rest on this height, which commanded typee valley, and shortly rain began to fall in torrents. cries of joy and praise to their gods arose from the typees. porter and his men, huddled in puddles, unable to find shelter, and fearful that every blast of the storm might hurl them from their slippery height, tried in vain to keep muskets and powder dry. at daybreak they found half the ammunition useless, and themselves wearied, while the steepness of the track to the valley, and its treacherous condition after the rain made it wise to seek the hapaas for rest and food. but, first, they fired a volley to let friendly tribes know they still had serviceable weapons, and as threat and warning to the typees. they heard the echo in the blowing of war-conches, shouts of defiance, and the squealings of the pigs which the typees began to catch for removal to the rear. the hapaas were none too pleasant to the whites, and had to be forced by threats to bringing and cooking hogs and breadfruit. all day the americans rested and prepared their arms, at night they slept, and at the next daybreak they stood again to view the scene of their approaching battle. the valley lay far below them, about nine miles in length and three in width, surrounded on every side, except at the beach, by lofty mountains. the upper part was bounded by a precipice many hundred feet in height, from which a handsome waterfall dropped and formed a meandering stream that found its outlet in the sea. villages were scattered here and there, in the shade of luxuriant cocoanut- and breadfruit-groves; plantations were laid out in good order, enclosed within stone walls and carefully cultivated; roads hedged with bananas cut across the spread of green; everything spoke of industry, abundance, and happiness. a large force of typee warriors, gathered beside the river that glided near the foot of the mountain, dared the invaders to descend. in their rear was a fortified village, secured by strong stone walls. nevertheless, the whites started down, and in a shower of stones captured the village, killed the chief typee warrior, and chasing his men from wall to wall, slew all who did not escape. few fled, however; they charged repeatedly, even to the very barrels of the muskets and pistols. porter realized that he would have to fight his way over every foot of the valley. he cautioned conservation of cartridges, and leaving two small parties behind to guard the wounded, he, with the main body, marched onward, followed by hordes of tai-o-hae and hapaa men, who dispatched the wounded typees with stones and spears. they burned and destroyed ten villages one by one as they were reached, until the head of the valley was reached. at the foot of the waterfall they turned and began the nine-mile tramp to the bay. again they had to meet spear and stone as they burned temples and homes, great canoes, and wooden gods. finally porter attained the fort that had stopped him during the first fight, and found it a magnificent piece of construction, of great basaltic slabs, impregnable from the beach side. he saw that if he had tried that entrance to the valley again, he would have failed as before. only heavy artillery could have conquered that mighty stronghold. from the beach the americans climbed by an easier ascent into the mountains, leaving a desolated valley behind them, and after feasting with the hapaas, they marched back to tai-o-hae almost dead with fatigue. the typees sued for peace, and when asked for four hundred hogs sent so many that porter released five hundred after branding them. he had made peace between all the tribes; war was at an end; and with the island subdued, porter sailed again to make war on british shipping. he left behind him three captured ships in charge of three officers and twenty men, with six prisoners of war, ordering them to remain five months and then go to chile if no word came from him. within a few days the natives began again to show the spirit of resistance and were brought to courtesy by a show of force. then another difficulty arose. all but eight of the crew joined with the english prisoners in seizing the officers, and put lieutenant gamble, the commander, with four loyal seamen, adrift in a small boat, while the mutineers went to sea in one of the english ships. the five men reached another of the ships in the bay, where they learned that wilson had instigated the mutiny. the worst had not come, for very soon the natives, perhaps also urged on by the englishman, murdered all the others but gamble, one seaman, one midshipman, and five wounded men. of the eight survivors, only one was acquainted with the management of a ship, and all were sufferings from wounds or disease. with these men lieutenant gamble put to sea. after incredible hardship, he succeeded in reaching hawaii, only to be captured by a british frigate which a few weeks earlier had assisted in the capture of the _essex_ and captain porter. the united states never ratified porter's occupation of nuka-hiva, and it was left for the french thirty years later to seize the group. at about the same time herman melville, an american sailor, ventured overland into typee valley, and was captured and treated as a royal guest by the typee people. he lived there many months, and heard no whisper of the havoc wrought by his countrymen a little time before. the typees had forgiven and forgotten it; he found them a happy, healthy, beautiful race, living peacefully and comfortably in their communistic society, coveting nothing from each other as there was plenty for all, eager to do honor to a strange guest who, they hoped, would teach them many useful things. chapter xxvi a visit to typee; story of the old man who returned too late. i said, of course, that i must visit typee, the scene of porter's bloody raid and herman melville's exploits, and while i was making arrangements to get a horse in tai-o-hae i met haus ramqe, supercargo of the schooner _moana_, who related a story concerning the valley. "i was working in the store of the socéité comerciale de l'ocean in tai-o-hae when the _tropic bird_, a san francisco mail-schooner, arrived. that was ten years ago. an old man, an american, came into our place and asked the way to typee. "'ah,' i said, 'you have been reading that book by melville.' he made no reply, but asked me to escort him to the valley. we set out on horseback, and though he had not said that he had ever been in these islands before, i saw that he was strangely interested in the scenes we passed. he was rather feeble with age, and he grew so excited as we neared the valley that i asked him what he expected to see there. "he stopped his horse, and hesitated in his reply. he was terribly agitated. "'i lived in typee once upon a time,' he said slowly. 'could there by chance be a woman living there named manu? that was a long time ago, and i was young. still, i am here, and she may be, too.' "i looked at him and could not tell him the truth. it was evident he had made no confidant of the captain or crew of the _tropic bird_, for they could have told him of the desolation in typee. i hated, though, to have him plump right into the facts. "'how many people were there in your day?' i asked him. he replied that there were many thousands. "'i lived there three years,' he said. 'i had a sweetheart named manu, and i married her in the marquesan way. i was a runaway sailor, and one night on the beach i was captured and taken away on a ship. i have been captain of a great american liner for years, always meaning to come back, and putting it off from year to year. all my people are dead, and i thought i would come now and perhaps find her here and end my days. i have plenty of money.' "he seemed childish to me--perhaps he really had lost mental poise by age. i hadn't the courage to tell him the truth. we came on it soon enough. you must see typee to realize what people mean to a place. "the _nonos_ were simply hell, but as i had lived a good many years in tai-o-hae i was hardened to them. the old man slapped at them occasionally, but made no complaint. he hardly seemed to feel them, or to realize what their numbers meant. it was when we pushed up the trail through the valley, and he saw only deserted _paepaes_, that he began to look frightened. "'are they all gone?' he inquired weakly. "'no,' i said, 'there are fifteen or twenty here.' we came to a clearing and there found the remnant of the typees. i questioned them, but none had ever heard of him. there had been many manus,--the word means bird,--but as they were the last of the tribe, she must have been dead before they were born, and they no longer kept in their memories the names of the dead, since there were so many, and all would be dead soon. "the american still understood enough marquesan to understand their answers, and taking me by the arm he left the horses and led me up the valley till he came to a spot where there were fragments of an old _paepae_, buried in vines and torn apart by their roots. "'we lived here,' he said, and then he sat on the forsaken stones and cried. he said that they had had two children, and he had been sure that at least he would find them alive. his misery made me feel bad, and the damned _nonos_, too, and i cried--i don't know how damn sentimental it was, but that was the way it affected me. the old chap seemed so alone in the world. "'it is three miles from here to the beach,' he said, 'and i have seen men coming with their presents for the chief, walking a yard apart, and yet the line stretched all the way to the beach.' "he could hardly ride back to tai-o-hae, and he departed with the _tropic bird_ without saying another word to any one." typee, they told me, was half way to atiheu and a good four miles by horse. the road had been good when the people were many, and was still the main road of the island, leading through the valley of hapaa. my steed was borrowed of t'yonny howard, who, though he owned a valley, poured cement for day's wages. "what i do?" he asked, as if i held the answer. "nobody to help me work there. i cannot make copra alone. even here they bring men from other place do work. marquesan die too fast." if t'yonny revered his father's countrymen, his horse did not. these island horses are unhappy-looking skates, though good climbers and sliders. "you don't need person go with you," said the son of the former living picture. "that horsey know. you stay by him." the saddle must have been strange to the horsey, for uneasiness communicated itself from him to me as we set out, an uneasiness augmented to me by the incessant vicious pricks of the ever-present _nonos_. the way led ever higher above the emerald bay of tai-o-hae set in the jade of the forest, and valley after valley opened below as the trail edged upward on the face of sheer cliffs or crossed the little plateaus of their summits. hapaa lay bathed in a purple mist that hid from me the mute tokens of depopulation; hapaa that had given porter its thousands of naked warriors, and that now was devoid of human beings. dipping slightly downward again, the trail lay on the rim of a deep declivity, a sunless gulf in which the tree-tops fell away in rank below rank into dim depths of mistiness. there was no sign of human passing on the vine-grown trail, a vague track through a melancholy wilderness that seemed to breathe death and decay. a spirit of gloom seemed to rise from the shadowed declivity, from the silence of the mournful wood and the damp darkness of the leaf-hidden earth. i had given myself over to musing upon the past, but suddenly in the narrowest part of the trail the beast i rode turned and took my canvas-covered toes in his yellow teeth. a vague momentary flash of horror came over me. did i bestride a metempsychosized man-eater, a revenant from the bloody days of nuka-hiva? in those wicked eyes i saw reflected the tales of transmigatory vengeance, from the wolf of little red riding hood to the ass that one becomes who kills a brahman. i gave vent at the same second to a shriek of anguish and struck the animal upon the nose, the tenderest part of his anatomy within reach. he released my foot, whirled, cavorted, and, as i seized a tree fern on the bank, went heels over head over the cliff. t'yonny had said to "stay by horsey," but he could not have foreseen the road he would take. i was sorry for him as i heard the reverberations of his crashing fall. no living thing could escape death in such a drop, for though the cliff down which he had disappeared was not absolutely perpendicular, it was nearly so. peering over it, i could not see his corpse, for fern and tree-top hid all below. at least, i thought, he had surcease of all ills now. and so i descended the steep trail on foot--mostly on one foot--until i reached the vale of typee. i found myself in a loneliness indescribable and terrible. no sound but that of a waterfall at a distance parted the somber silence. the trail was through a thicket of ferns, trees, and wild flowers. the perfume of _hinano_, of the _vaovao_, with its delicate blue flowers, and the _vaipuhao_, whose leaves are scented like violets, filled the heavy air, and i passed acres of _kokou_, which looks like tobacco, but has a yellow fruit of delicious odor. it was such a garden as the prince who woke the _sleeping beauty_ penetrated to reach the palace where she lay entranced, and something of the same sense of dread magic lay upon it. humanity was not so much absent as gone, and a feeling of doom and death was in the motionless air, which lay like a weight upon leaf and flower. the thin, sharp buzzing of the _nonos_ was incessant. they had come when man departed; there were none when porter devastated the valley, nor when melville spent his happy months here thirty years later. one must move briskly to escape them now, and i was pushing through the bushes that strove to obliterate the trail when i came upon a native. he was so old that he must have been a youth in the valley when it was visited by the american-liner captain as a boy. he was quite nude save for a ragged cincture, and his body had shrunk and puckered, and his skin had folded and discolored until he looked as if life had ebbed away from him and left him high and dry between the past and the hereafter. a ragged chin beard, ashen in hue, hung below his gaping, empty mouth. but there was a spirit in his bosom still, for upon his head he wore a circle of bright flowers to supplement the sparse locks. his eyes were barely openable, and his face, indeed, his whole body, was a coppery green, the soot of the candlenut, black itself, but blue upon the flesh, having turned by age to a mottled and hideous color. only the striking patterns, where they branched from the biceps to the chest, were plain. that he had been one of the great of nuka-hiva was certain; the fact was stamped indelibly upon his person, and though worn and faded to the ghastly green of old copper, it remained to proclaim his lineage and his rank. "_kaoha te iki!_" said this ancient, as he stood in the path. "_kaoha e!_" i saluted him. "_puaka piki enata_" he said further, and pointed down the trail. what could he mean? _puaka_ is pig, _piki_ is to mount or climb, and _enata_ is man. a great white light beat about my brow. "the pig men climb?" could he mean rozinante, the steed to whom t'yonny had entrusted me, and who had so basely deserted his trust over a cliff? i hurried on incredulous, and, in a clearing where there were three or four horses, beheld the suicide grazing upon the luscious grass. he had lost much cuticle, and the saddle was in shreds, but the _puaka piki enata_ was evidently in fairly good health. the old man had slowly followed me down the trail, and he stood within the doorway of a rude hut, blinking in the sun as he watched my movements. in the houses were altogether fewer than a dozen people. they sat by cocoanut-husk fires, the acrid smoke of which daunted the _nonos_. the reason any human beings endure such tortures to remain in this gloomy, deserted spot can only be the affection the marquesan has for his home. not until epidemics have carried off all but one or two inhabitants in a valley can those remaining be persuaded to leave it. this dozen of the taipi clan are the remainder of the twenty ramqe saw with the heartbroken american. they have clung to their lonely _paepaes_ despite their poverty of numbers and the ferocity of the _nonos_. they had clearings with cocoanuts and breadfruit, but they cared no longer to cultivate them, preferring rather to sit sadly in the curling fumes and dream of the past. one old man read aloud the "gospel of st. john" in marquesan, and the others listlessly listened, seeming to drink in little comfort from the verses, which he recited in the chanting monotone of their _uta_. nine miles in length is typee, from a glorious cataract that leaps over the dark buttress wall where the mountain bounds the valley, to the blazing beach. and in all this extent of marvelously rich land, the one-time fondly cherished abode of the most valiant clan of the marquesas, of thousands of men and women whose bodies were as beautiful as the models for the statues the greeks made, whose hearts were generous, and whose minds were eager to learn all good things, there are now this wretched dozen too old or listless to gather their own food. in the ruins of a broken and abandoned _paepae_, in the shadow of an acre-covering banian, i smoked and asked myself what a christ would think of the havoc wrought by men calling themselves christians. chapter xxvii journey on the _roberta_; the winged cockroaches; arrival at a swiss paradise in the valley of oomoa. i sailed from tai-o-hae for an unknown port, carried by the schooner _roberta_, which had brought the white mare from atuona and whose skipper had bore so well the white banner of joan in the procession that did her honor. the _roberta_ was the only vessel in those waters and, sailing as she did at the whim of her captain and the necessities of trade, none knew when she might return to nuka-hiva, so i could but accept the opportunity she offered of reaching the southern group of islands again, and trust to fortune or favor to return me to my own island of hiva-oa. the _roberta_ lay low in the water, not so heavily sparred as the _morning star_, or with her under-cut stern, but old and battered, built for the business of a thief-catcher, and with a history as scarred as her hull and as slippery as her decks. was she not once the _herman_, and before that something else, and yet earlier something else, built for the russians to capture the artful poachers of the smoky sea? and later a poacher herself, and still later stealing men, a black-birder, seizing the unoffending natives of these south seas and selling them into slavery of mine or plantation, of guano-heap and sickening alien clime. her decks have run blood, and heard the wailing of the gentle savage torn from his beloved home and lashed or clubbed into submission by the superior white. name and color and rig had changed time and again, owners and masters had gone to davy jones's locker; the old brass cannon on her deck had raked the villages of the marquesans and witnessed a thousand deeds of murder and rapine. i pulled myself aboard by a topping-lift, climbed upon the low cabin-house, and jumped down to the tiny poop where jerome capriata held the helm. this corsican, with his more than sixty years, most of them in these waters, was a marquesan in his intuitive skill in handling his schooner in all weather, for knowing these islands by a glimpse of rock or tree, for landing and taking cargo in all seas. old and worn, like the _roberta_, he was known to all who ranged the southern ocean. what romances he had lived and seen were hidden in his grizzled bosom, for he said little, and nothing of himself. the supercargo, henry lee, a norwegian of twenty-five years, six of which he had passed among the islands, set out the rum and wine and a clay bottle of water. he introduced me to père olivier, a priest of the mission, whose charge was in the island of fatu-hiva. from him i learned that the _roberta_ was bound for oomoa, a port of that island. that i had not been given the vaguest idea what our first landfall would be was indicative of the secrecy maintained by these traders in the competition for copra. the supply being limited, often it is the first vessel on the spot after a harvest that is able to buy it, and captains of schooners guard their movements as an army its own during a campaign. the traders trust one another as a cat with a mouse trusts another cat. the priest was sitting on a ledge below the taffrail, and i spoke to him in spanish, as i had heard it was his tongue. his _buenos dias_ in reply was hearty, and his voice soft and rich. a handsome man was padre olivier, though in sad disorder. his black soutane, cut like the woolen gown of our grandmothers, was soaking wet, and his low rough shoes were muddy. a soiled bandana was about his head. his finely chiseled features, benign and intelligent, were framed by a snow-white beard, and his eyes, large and limpid, looked benevolence itself. he was all affability, and eager to talk about everything in the world. the rain, which all day had been falling at intervals, began again, and as the _roberta_ entered the open sea, she began to kick up her heels. our conversation languished. when the supercargo called us below for dinner, pride and not appetite made me go. the priest answered with a groan. padre olivier was prostrate on the deck, his noble head on a pillow, his one piece of luggage, embroidered with the monogram of jesus, mary, and joseph, the needlework of the nuns of atuona. "i am seasick if i wade in the surf," said the priest, in mournful jest. the _roberta's_ cabin was a dark and noisome hole, filled with demijohns and merchandise, with two or three untidy bunks in corners, the air soaked with the smells of thirty years of bilge-water, sealskins, copra, and the cargoes of island traffic. capriata, harry lee, and i sat on boxes at a rough table, which we clutched as the _roberta_ pitched and rolled. [illustration: near the mission at hanavave] [illustration: starting from hanavave for oomoa] when the ragged cook brought the first dish, unmistakably a cat swimming in a liquid i could have sworn by my nose to be drippings from an ammonia tank, i protested a lack of hunger for any food. my ruse passed for the moment, but was exposed by a flock or swarm of cockroaches, which, scenting a favorite food, suddenly sprang upon the table and upon us, leaping and flying into the plates and drawing corsican curses from capriata and norwegian maledictions from lee. i did not wait to see them throwing the invaders from the battlements of the table into the moat of salt water and spilt wine below, but quickly, though feebly, climbed to the deck and laid myself beside père olivier, nor could cries that the enemy had been defeated and that "only a few" were flying about, summon me below again. père olivier and i stayed prone all night in alternate pelting rain and flooding moonlight, as a fair wind bowled us along at six knots an hour. padre olivier, between naps, recited his rosary to take his mind from his woes. i could tell when he finished a decade by his involuntary start as he began a new one. i had no such comfort as beads and prayers, and the flight of those schooner griffins had struck me in the solar plexus of imagination. "accept them as stations of the cross," said the priest. "this life is but a step to heaven." i replied with some comments indicating my belief that cockroaches belonged on a still lower rung, and going in an opposite direction. "i know those _blattes_, those _saligauds_," he said with sympathy. "they are sent by satan to provoke us to blasphemy. i never go below." those pests of insects can hardly be estimated at their true dreadfulness by persons unacquainted with the infamous habits of the nocturnal beetle of the tropics. sluggish creatures in the temperate zone, in warm countries they develop the power of flying, and obstacles successfully interposed to their progress in countries where they merely crawl are ineffectual here. they had entire possession of the _roberta_. the supercargo, lee, was not to be blamed, for he told me that once he had taken time in port to capture by poisonous lures a number he calculated at eight thousand, and that within a month those who had escaped had repopulated the old schooner as before. then he despaired, and let them have sway. to sleep or eat among them was not possible to me, and the voyage was a nightmare not relieved by an incident of the second night. capriata, whose feet were calloused from going bare for years, awoke from a deep slumber that had been aided by rum, to find that the cockroaches in his berth had eaten through the half inch or more of hard skin and had begun to devour his flesh. with blasphemous and blood-chilling yells he bounded on deck, where he sat treating the wounds and cursing unrestrainedly for some time before joining père olivier and me in democratic slumber on the bare boards. several weeks later his feet had not recovered from their envenomed sores. when eight bells sounded the hour of four, i got upon my feet and in the mellow dawn saw a panorama of peak and precipice, dark and threatening, the coast of fatu-hiva and the entrance to oomoa bay, the southernmost island of the marquesas, and the harbor in which the first white men who saw the islands anchored over three hundred years ago. those spaniards, on whose ships the cross was seen in cabin and forecastle, on gun and halberd, murdered many marquesans at oomoa to glut their taste for blood. the standard of death the white flew then has never been lowered. oomoa and hanavave, the adjacent bay and village, were resorts for whalers, who brought a plague of ills that reduced the population of fatu-hiva from many thousands to less than three hundred. consumption was first brought to the islands by one of these whalers, and made such alarming inroads on the people of hanavave that most of the remainder forsook their homes and crossed to the island of tahuata, to escape the devil the white man had let loose among them. we sailed on very slowly after the mountains had robbed us of the breeze, and when daylight succeeded the false dawn, we dropped our mud hooks a thousand feet from the beach. on it we could see a little wooden church and two dwellings, dwarfed to miniature by the grim pinnacles of rock, crude replicas of the towers of the alhambra, slender minarets beside the giant cliffs, which were clothed with creeping plants in places and in places bare as the sides of a living volcano. the fantastic and majestic assemblage of rock shapes on the shores of fatu-hiva appeared as if some herculean sculptor with disordered brain and mighty hand had labored to reproduce the fearful chimeras of his dreams. the priest and i, with the supercargo, went ashore in a boat at six o'clock, and reached a beach as smooth and inviting as that of atuona. a canoe was waiting for père olivier; he climbed into it at once, his black wet robe clinging to him, and called "_adios!_" as his men paddled rapidly for hanavave, where he was to say mass and hear confessions. lee and i took a road lined with a wall of rocks, and passing many sorts of trees and plants entered an enclosure through a gate. after a considerable walk through a thrifty plantation, we were in front of a european house which gave signs of comfort and taste. at the head of a flight of stairs on the broad veranda was a man in gold-rimmed eye-glasses and a red breechclout. his well-shaped, bald head and punctilious manner would have commanded attention in any attire. i was introduced to monsieur françois grelet, a swiss, who had lived here for more than twenty years, and who during that time had never been farther away than a few miles. not even tahiti had drawn him to it. since he arrived, at the age of twenty-four years, he had dwelt contentedly in oomoa. after we had chatted for a few moments he invited me to be his guest. i thought of the _roberta_ and those two kinds of cockroaches, the blatta orientalis and the blatta germanica, who raid by night and by day respectively; i looked at grelet's surroundings, and i accepted. while the _roberta_ gathered what copra she could and flitted, i became a resident of oomoa until such time as chance should give me passage to my own island. twenty years before my host had planted the trees that embowered his home. with the swiss farmer's love of order, he had neglected nothing to make neat, as nature had made beautiful, his surroundings. "i learned agriculture and dairying on my father's farm in switzerland," said grelet. "at school i learned more of their theory, and when i had seen the gay cities of europe, i went to the new world to live. i was first at pecos city, new mexico, where i had several hundred acres' of government land. i brought grape-vines from fresno, in california, but the water was insufficient for the sterile soil, and i was forced to give up my land. from san francisco i sailed on the brig _galilee_ for tahiti. i have never finished the journey, for when the brig arrived at tai-o-hae i left her and installed myself on the _eunice_, a small trading-schooner, and for a year i remained aboard her, visiting all the islands of the marquesas and becoming so attached to them that i bought land and settled down here." grelet looked about him and smiled. "it isn't bad, _hein_?" it was not. from the little cove where his boat-house stood a road swept windingly to his house through a garden of luxuriant verdure. mango and limes, breadfruit and cocoanut, _pomme de cythère_, orange and papaws, banana and alligator-pear, candlenut and chestnut, mulberry and sandalwood, _tou_, the bastard ebony, and rosewood, the rose-apple with purple tasseled flowers and delicious fruit, the pistachio and the _badamier_, scores of shrubs and bushes and magnificent tree-ferns, all on a tangled sward of white spider-lilies, great, sweet-smelling plants, an acre of them, and with them other ferns of many kinds, and mosses, the nodding _taro_ leaves and the _ti_, the leaves which the fatu-hivans make into girdles and wreaths; all grew luxuriantly, friendly neighbors to the swiss, set there by him or volunteering for service in the generous way of the tropics. the lilies, oranges, and pandanus trees yielded food for the bees, whose thatched homes stood thick on the hillside above the house. grelet was a skilled apiarist, and replenished his melliferous flocks by wild swarms enticed from the forests. the honey he strained and bottled, and it was sought of him by messengers from all the islands. orchard and garden beyond the house gave us valencia and mandarin oranges, lemons, _feis_, guinea cherries, pineapples, barbadoes cherries, sugar-cane, sweet-potatoes, watermelons, cantaloups, chile peppers, and pumpkins. watercress came fresh from the river. cows and goats browsed about the garden, but grelet banned pigs to a secluded valley to run wild. one of the cows was twenty-two years old, but daily gave brimming buckets of milk for our refreshment. beef and fish, breadfruit and _taro_, good bread from american flour, rum, and wine both red and white, with bowls of milk and green cocoanuts, were always on the table, a box of cigars, packages of the veritable scaferlati supérieur tobacco, and the job papers, and a dozen pipes. no king could fare more royally than this swiss, who during twenty years had never left the forgotten little island of fatu-hiva. his house, set in this bower of greenery, of flowers and perfumes, was airy and neat, whitewashed both inside and out, with a broad veranda painted black. two bedrooms, a storeroom in which he sold his merchandise, and a workroom, sufficed for all his needs. the veranda was living-room and dining-room; raised ten feet from the earth on breadfruit-tree pillars placed on stone, it provided a roof for his forge, for his saddle-and-bridle room, and for the small kitchen. the ceilings in the house were of wood, but on the veranda he had cleverly hung a canvas a foot below the roof. the air circulated above it, bellying it out like a sail and making the atmosphere cool. under this was his dining-table, near a very handsome buffet, both made by grelet of the false ebony, for he was a good carpenter as he was a crack boatsman, farmer, cowboy, and hunter. here we sat over pipe and cigarette after dinner, wine at our elbows, the garden before us, and discussed many things. grelet had innumerable books in french and german, all the great authors old and modern; he took the important reviews of germany and france, and several newspapers. he knew much more than i of history past and present, of the happenings in the great world, art and music and invention, finances and politics. he could name the cabinets of europe, the characters and records of their members, or discuss the quality of caruso's voice as compared with jean de reszke's, though he had heard neither. twenty-two years ago he had left everything called civilization, he had never been out of the marquesas since that time; he lived in a lonely valley in which there was no other man of his tastes and education, and he was content. "i have everything i want; i grow it or i make it. my horses and cattle roam the hills; if i want meat, beef or goat or pig, i go or i send a man to kill an animal and bring it to me. fish are in the river and the bay; there is honey in the hives; fruit and vegetables in the garden, wood for my furniture, bark for the tanning of hides. i cure the leather for saddles or chair-seats with the bark of the rose-wood. do you know why it is called rose-wood? i will show you. its bark has the odor of roses when freshly cut. yes, i have all that i want. what do i need from the great cities?" he tamped down the tobacco in his pipe and puffed it meditatively. "a man lives only a little while, _hein_? he should ask himself what he wants from life. he should look at the world as it is. these traders want money, buying and selling and cheating to get it. what is money compared to life? their life goes in buying and selling and cheating. life is made to be lived pleasantly. me, i do what i want to do with mine, and i do it in a pleasant place." his pipe went out while he gazed at the garden murmurous in the twilight. he knocked out the dottle, refilled the bowl and lighted the tobacco. "you should have seen this island when i came. these natives die too fast. ah, if i could only get labor, i could make this valley produce enough for ten thousand people. i could load the ships with copra and cotton and coffee." he was twenty-two years and many thousands of miles from the great cities of europe, but he voiced the wail of the successful man the world over. if he could get labor, he could turn it into building his dreams to reality, into filling his ships with his goods for his profit. but he had not the labor, for the fruits of a commercial civilization had killed the islanders who had had their own dreams, their own ships, and their own pleasures and profits in life. chapter xxviii labor in the south seas; some random thoughts on the "survival of the fittest." "i pictured myself cultivating many hundreds of acres when i first came here," said grelet. "i laid out several plantations, and once shipped much coffee, as good, too, as any in the world. i gather enough now for my own use, and sell none. i grew cotton and cocoanuts on a large scale. i raise only a little now. "there were hundreds of able-bodied men here then. i used to buy opium from the chinese labor-contractors and from smugglers, and give it to my working people. a pill once a day would make the marquesans hustle. but the government stopped it. they say that the book written by the englishman, stevenson, did it. we must find labor elsewhere soon, chinese, perhaps. those two paumotans brought by begole are a godsend to me. i wish some one would bring me a hundred." the two paumotan youths, tennonoku and kedeko-lio, lay motionless on the floor of the veranda twenty feet away. they had been sold to grelet for a small sum by begole, captain of a trading-schooner. in passing the paumotan islands, many hundred miles to the south, begole had forgotten to leave at pukatuhu, a small atoll, a few bags of flour he had promised to bring the chief on his next voyage, and the chief, seeing the schooner a mile away, had ordered these boys to swim to it and remind the skipper of his promise. begole meanwhile had caught a wind, and the first he knew of the message was when the boys climbed aboard the schooner many miles to sea. he did not trouble to land them, but brought them on to the marquesas and sold them to grelet. they spoke no marquesan, and grelet had difficulty in making them understand that they must labor for him, and in enforcing his orders, which they could not comprehend. there was little copra being made in the rainy weather, and they lay about the veranda or squatted on the _paepae_ of the laborers' cookhouse, making a fire of cocoanut-husks twice a day to roast their breadfruit. their savage hearts were ever in their own atoll, the home to which the native clings so passionately, and their eyes were dark with hopeless longing. no doubt they would die soon, as so many do when exiled, but grelet's copra crop would profit first. the dire lack of labor for copra-making, tree-planting, or any form of profitable activity is lamented by all white men in these depopulated islands. average wages were sixty cents a day, but even a dollar failed to bring adequate relief. the marquesan detests labor, which to him has ever been an unprofitable expenditure of life and did not gain in his eyes even when his toil might enrich white owners of plantations. since every man had a piece of land that yielded copra enough for his simple needs, and breadfruit and fish were his for the taking, he could not be forced to work except for the government in payment for taxes. the white men in the islands, like exploiters of weaker races everywhere in the world, were unwilling to share their profits with the native. they were reduced to pleading with or intoxicating the marquesan to procure a modicum of labor. they saw fortunes to be made if they could but whip a multitude of backs to bending for them, but they either could not or would not perceive the situation from the native's point of view. in america i often heard men who were out of employment, particularly in bad seasons, in big cities or in mining camps, argue the right to work. they could not enforce this alleged natural right, and in their misery talked of the duty of society or the state in this direction. but they were obliged to content themselves with the thin alleviation of soup-kitchens, charity wood-yards, and other easers of hard times, and with threats of sabotage or other violence. here in the islands, where work is offered to unwilling natives, the employers curse their lack of power to drive them to the copra forests, the kilns and boats. thus, as in highly civilized countries we maintain that a man has no inherent or legal right to work, in these islands the employer has no weapon by which to enforce toil. but had the whites the power to order all to do their bidding, they would create a system of peonage as in mexico. an acquaintance of mine in these seas took part in, and profited largely by, the removal to a distant place of the entire population of an island on which the people had led the usual life of the polynesian. he and his associates sold three hundred men to plantation labor, which they hated and to which they were unaccustomed. within a year two hundred and fifty of them had died as fast as disease could sap their grief-stricken bodies. their former home, which they died longing to see again, was made a feeding-place for sheep. the merchants reaped a double toll. they were paid well for delivering the owners of the land to the plantations, and in addition they got the land. now, my acquaintance is a man of university education, a quoter of haeckel and darwin, with "survival of the fittest" as his guiding motto since his jena days. says he, quoting a scotchman: "tone it down as you will, the fact remains that darwinism regards animals as going up-stairs, in a struggle for individual ends, often on the corpses of their fellows, often by a blood-and-iron competition, often by a strange mixture of blood and cunning, in which each looks out for himself and extinction besets the hindmost." further says my stern acquaintance, specially when in his cups: "the whole system of life-development is that of the lower providing food for the higher in ever-expanding circles of organic existence, from protozoea to steers, from the black african to the educated and employing man. we build on the ribs of the steers, and on the backs of the lower grade of human." scientific books have taken the place of the bible as a quotation-treasury of proof for whatever their reader most desires to prove. now i am no scientist and take, indeed, only the casual interest of the average man in the facts and theories of science. but it appears to me that in his theory of the survival of the fittest my acquaintance curiously overlooks the question of man's own survival as a species. if we are to base our actions upon this cold-blooded and inhuman view of the universe, let us consider that universe as in fact inhuman, and having no concern for man except as a species of animal very possibly doomed to extinction, as many other species of animal have been doomed in the past, unless he proves his fitness to survive not as an individual, but as a species. now man is a gregarious animal; he lives in herds. the characteristic of the herd is that within it the law of survival of the fittest almost ceases to operate. the value of a herd is that its members protect each other instead of preying upon each other. nor, in what we are pleased to call the animal kingdom, do herds of the same species prey upon each other. they rather unite for the protection of their weaker members. so far as i am informed, mankind is the only herd of which this is not true. cattle and horses unite in protecting the young and feeble; sheep huddle together against cold and wolves; bees and ants work only for the welfare of the swarm, which is the welfare of all. this, we are told, is the reason these forms of life have survived. but ship officers beat sailors because sailors have no firearms and fear charges of mutiny. policemen club prisoners who are poorly dressed. employees make profits from the toil of children. strong nations prey on weak peoples, and the white man kills the white man and the black and brown and yellow man in mine, plantation, and forest the world over. he defends this murder of his own kind by the pat phrase "survival of the fittest." but man is not a solitary animal, he is a herd animal, and within the herd nature's definition of fitness does not apply. the herd is a refuge against the law of tooth and fang. importing within the herd his own interpretation of that law, man is destroying the strength of his shelter. by so much as one man preys upon or debases another man, he weakens the strength of the man-herd. and for man it is the herd, not the individual, that must meet that stern law of "the survival of the fittest" on the vast impersonal arena of the universe. "bully 'ayes was the man to make the kanakas work!" said lying bill pincher. "i used to be on penryn island and that was 'is old 'ang-out. 'ayes was a pleasant man to meet. 'e was 'orspitable as a 'ungry shark to a swimming missionary. bald he was as a bloomin' crab, stout and smiling. "'e 'ad two white wives a-setting in his cabin on the schooner, and they called it the parlor. smart wimmen they was, and saved 'is life for 'im more 'n once. 'e 'd get a couple of chiefs on board by deceiving 'em with rum, and hold 'em until 'is bloomin' schooner was chock-a-block with copra. the 'ole island would be working itself to death to free the chiefs. then when 'e 'ad got the copra, 'e 'd steal a 'undred or two kanakas and sell 'em in south america. "'e was smart, and yet 'e got 'is'n. 'is mate seen him coming over the side with blood in his eye, and batted 'im on 'is conch as 'is leg swung over the schooner's bul'ark. 'ayes dropped with 'is knife between 'is teeth and 'is pistols in both 'ands. "'e'd murdered 'undreds of white and brown and black men, and 'e was smart, and 'e got away with it. but 'e made the mistake of not having made a friend of 'is right 'and man." chapter xxix the white man who danced in oomoa valley; a wild-boar hunt in the hills; the feast of the triumphant hunters and a dance in honor of grelet. grelet had gone in a whale-boat to oia, a dozen miles away, to collect copra, and i was left with an empty day to fill as i chose. the house, the garden, and the unexplored recesses of oomoa valley were mine, with whatever they might afford of entertainment or adventure. every new day, wherever spent, is an adventure, but when to the enigmatic morning is added the zest of a strange place, it must be a dull man who does not thrill to it. i began the day by bathing in the river with the year-old tamaiti, grelet's child. her mother was hinatiaiani, a laughing, beautiful girl of sixteen years, and the two were cared for by pae, a woman of forty, ugly and childless. hinatiaiani was her adopted daughter, and pae had been sorely angered when grelet, whose companion she had been for eighteen years, took the girl. but with the birth of tamaiti, pae became reconciled, and looked after the welfare of the infant more than the volatile young mother. tamaiti had never had a garment upon her sturdy small body, and looked a plump cherub as she played about the veranda, crawling in the puddles when the rain drove across the floor. "the infant has never been sick," grelet had said. "one afternoon i was starting for the river to bathe, when that girl was making herself a bed of cocoanut-leaves under the house. she said she expected the baby, as, when she climbed a cocoanut-tree a moment earlier, she had felt a movement. she would not lie in a bed, but, like her mother before her, must make her a nest of cocoanut-leaves. when i returned from my bath, tamaiti was born. she was chopping wood next day--the mother, i mean." though scarcely a twelve-month old, the baby swam like a frog in the clear water of the river, gurgling at intervals scraps of what must have been marquesan baby-talk, unintelligible to me, but showing plainly her enjoyment. something of european caution, however, still remained with me and, perhaps unnecessarily, i picked up the dripping little body and carried her up the garden path to the house when i returned for breakfast. pae received her with no concern, and gave her a piece of cocoanut to suck. i saw the infant, clutching it in one hand, toddling and stumbling river-ward again when after breakfast i set out for a walk up oomoa valley. oomoa was far wilder than atuona, more lonely, with hundreds of vacant _paepaes_. miles of land, once cultivated, had been taken again by the jungle, as estates lapsed to nature after thousands of years of man. still, even far from the houses, delicate trees had preserved themselves in some mysterious way, and oranges and limes offered themselves to me in the thickets. the river that emptied into the bay below grelet's plantation flowed down the valley from the heights, and beside it ran the trail, a road for half a mile, then a track growing fainter with every mile, hardly distinguishable from the tangle of trees and bushes on either side. here and there i saw a native house built of bamboo and matting, very simple shelters with an open space for a doorway, but wholesome, clean, and, to me, beautiful. i met no one, and most of the huts were on the other side of the river, but from one nearer the track a voice called to me, "_kaoha! manihii, a tata mai!_ greeting, stranger, come to us!" the hut, which, by measurement, was ten feet by six, held six women and girls, all lying at ease on piles of mats. it was a rendezvous of gossips, a place for siestas and scandal. one had seen and hailed me, and when i came to their _paepae_, they all filed out and surrounded me, gently and politely, but curiously. obviously they had seen few whites. the six were from thirteen to twenty years of age, four of them strikingly beautiful, with the grace of wild animals and the bright, soft eyes of children. smiling and eager to be better acquainted with me, they examined my puttees of spiral wool, my pongee shirt, and khaki riding-breeches, the heavy seams of which they felt and discussed. they discovered a tiny rip, and the eldest insisted that i take off the breeches while she sewed it. as this was my one chance to prevent the rip growing into a gulf that would ultimately swallow the trousers, i permitted the stitch in time, and having nothing in my pockets for reward, i danced a jig. i cannot dance a step or sing a note correctly, but in this archipelago i had won inter-island fame as a dancer of strange and amusing measures, and a singer of the queer songs of the whites. recalling the cake-walks, sand-sifting, pigeon-winging, and juba-patting of the south, the sailor's hornpipe, the sword-dance of the scotch, and the metropolitan version of the tango, i did my best, while the thrilled air of oomoa valley echoed these words, yelled to my fullest lung capacity: "there was an old soldier and he had a wooden leg, and he had no tobacco, so tobacco did he beg. said the soldier to the sailor, 'will you give me a chew?' said the sailor to the soldier, 'i'll be damned if i do! keep your mind on your number and your finger on your rocks, and you'll always have tobacco in your old tobacco box.'" dancing and singing thus on the flat stones of the _paepae_ of the six fatu-hiva ladies, i gave back a thousand-fold their aid to my disordered trousers. they laughed till they fell back on the rocks, they lifted the ends of their _pareus_ to wipe their eyes, and they demanded an encore, which i obligingly gave them in a song i had kept in mind since boyhood. it was about a young man who took his girl to a fancy ball, and afterward to a restaurant, and though he had but fifty cents and she said she was not hungry, she ate the menu from raw oysters to pousse-café, and turned it over for more. it went with a kerry jig that my grandfather used to do, and if grandfather, with his rare ability, ever drew more uproarious applause than i, it must have been a red-letter day for him, even in ireland. my hearers screamed in an agony of delight, and others dwelling far away, or passing laden with breadfruit and bananas, gathered while i chortled and leaped, and made the mountain-side ring with marquesan bravos. with difficulty i made my escape, but my success pursued me. "_menike haka!_" came the cry from each house i passed, for the news had been called over the distance, and to the farthest reaches of the valley it was known that an american, the american who had come on the _roberta_, with a box that wrote, was dancing along the route. as in the old days of war or other crisis, the cry had been raised, and was echoed from all directions, and from hut to cocoanut-tree to crag the call was heard, growing fainter and more feeble, dying gradually from point to point, echoing farther and yet farther in the distance. this was the ancient telegraph-system of the islanders, by which an item of information sped in a moment to the most remote edges of the valley. unwittingly, in my gratitude, i had raised it, and now i pursued my way in the glare of a pitiless publicity. i was met almost immediately by a score of men and women who had left the gathering of fruit or the duties of the household to greet me. fafo, the leader, besought me earnestly to accompany them to a neighboring _paepae_ and dance for them. he had the finest eyes i have ever seen in a man's head, dark brown, almond-shaped, large and lustrous, wells of melancholy. there was something exquisite about the young man, his lemon-colored skin, his delicate hands and feet, his slender, though strong, body, and his regular, brilliant teeth. some spanish don had bred him, or some moody italian with music in his soul, for he was a latin in face and figure. his eyes had that wistfulness as they sought mine which the tahitians have put well in one of their picture-words, _ano-ano'uri_, "the yearning, sorrowful gaze of a dog watching his master at dinner." a belated shrinking from renown, however, made me reject his pleas, and perceiving a pool near at hand, i softened refusal by a suggestion that we bathe. the pool, i learned, was famous in the valley, for one could swim forty feet in it, and on the other side the hill rose straight, with banana-trees overhanging the water forty feet above. we climbed this rocky face and dived into the water again and again, rejoicing in its coolness and in that sheer pagan delight of the dive, when in the air man becomes all animal, freed from every restraint and denied every safeguard save the strength of his own muscle and nerve. we saw at last, on the edge of the bank, one of grelet's dogs, whining for attention. he was badly wounded in two places, blood dripped on the rocks from open cuts three inches long, and one paw hung helpless, while with eager cries and beseeching looks he urged us to avenge him in his private feud with a boar. assured of our interest, he stayed not to be comforted or cured, but hobbled eagerly up the trail, begging us with whines to accompany him. five men and several other dogs followed the wounded hound, and i went with them. the marquesans had war-clubs and long knives like undersized machetes. every islander carries such a knife for cutting underbrush or cocoanut-stems, and usually it is his only tool for building native houses, so that he becomes very expert with it, as the filipino with his bolo or the cuban with his machete. for several hours we climbed the slopes, until we came upon a narrow trail cut in the side of a cliff, a path perhaps two feet wide, with sheer wall of rock above and abrupt precipice below. on this the chief hunter stationed himself and two men while the others scouted below. this leader was a man of sixty, tattooed from toes to scalp on one side only, so that he was queerly parti-colored, and capping this odd figure, he wore a pair of steel-rimmed spectacles. he motioned to me to take my place in a niche of the cliff, where i could stand and sweep the trail with my eyes, secure from assault. he had given directions to the others and intended to provide for me a rare sight, and to gain for himself a trifle of the glory that had been his as a young man in wars against neighboring valleys. for an hour we waited and smoked, hearing from time to time the clamor of men and dogs in the thickets below. the common way of hunting boars, said the chief, was to chase them through the woods and kill them by throwing tomahawks at them. this method allows the hunter to have a tree always within a short run, and about these trees he dodges when pursued, or if too closely pressed, climbs one. it is dangerous sport, as only a cool and experienced man can drive a knife into a vital part of a boar in full career, and no wound in non-vital parts will cause the desperate beast even to falter. gradually the cries of the men and the barking of the dogs grew nearer, and suddenly, bursting from the bushes some distance down the trail, we saw ten bristling hogs. they had been driven upward until they reached the artificial shelf, and behind them hounds and hunters cut off all escape. "_apau! aia oe a!_" shouted the rear-guard as the boars took the trail. "lo! prepare to strike!" the three slayers gripped their clubs and braced their feet. i was above the chief, who was the last of the trio. where he planted his feet, the path was most narrow, so that two could not pass. his knife was in his _pareu_, which, to leave his legs unhampered, he had rolled and tucked in until it was no more than a g-string. his muscles were like the cordage of the _faufee_--the vine that strangles--and his chest like a great buckler, half blue and half copper. "_peo! pepo! huepe! huope!_" yelled the scouts, in the "tally-ho!" cry of marquesan, and the boars struck the trail with hatred hot in their eyes and with gnashing tusks. the three slayers were five hundred feet apart. the first struck at all ten, as singly they rushed past him. three he stopped. the second man laid prostrate four. the three remaining were, naturally, the fittest. they were huge, hideous, snarling beasts, bared teeth gleaming in a slather of foam, eyes bloodshot and vicious. the old chief saw them coming; he saw, too, that i had shrunk to a plaster on the wall while he faced the danger like a warrior in the spear-test of their old warfare. "_aia! aia!_" he said to encourage me. his club of ironwood, its edge sharp and toothed, he grasped with both hands; he widened his foothold and threw his body forward to withstand a shock. he calculated to an inch the arrival of the first boar, and swung his _u'u_ on its head with precision. the boar crumpled up and fell down the hillside. the second he struck as unerringly, but the third he chose to kill with his knife. [illustration: _feis_, or mountain bananas man in _pareu_, native loin cloth] [illustration: where river and bay meet at oomoa, island of fatu-hiva] he laid down the _u'u_ and drew the knife with one motion, and as the powerful brute rushed at him, stepped aside in the split second between his gauge of its position and its leap. his knife was thrust straight out. it met the boar with perfect and delicate accuracy. the beast fell, quivered a moment, and lay still. it was a perfection of butchery, for one slash of those tusks, ripping the chief's legs, and he would have been down, crashing over the cliff, and dead. i was almost in chants of admiration for his nerve and accuracy. "ah, if this had been war, and these had been enemies!" the dead boars were slung on poles, but a half dozen had to be left on branches of trees for the morrow, and it was late in the day when we reached grelet's house for the feast. pae, the elder woman of the household, received us joyously. in the master's absence she had become a different being from the sulky, contrary one i had seen while he was at home. usually she and hinatiaiani, the mother of the baby, ate their food squatting beside the cook-house; they rarely came upon the veranda, never sat upon a chair, and never were asked to our table. now they were in complete possession of the house and pae was transformed into a jolly soul, her kinsfolk about her on the veranda and the bottles emptying fast. she celebrated our arrival with the boars by bringing out two quarts of _crème de menthe_ and a bottle of absinthe, so that the mice with the big cat away played an uncorking air right merrily. all was now a bustle of preparation for the feast. while many prepared the earth-oven for the pig, the head cook made fire in their primitive way, using the fire-plough of _purau_-wood braced against a pillar of the veranda. meantime the oven was dug, sides and bottom lined with stones, and sticks piled within it for the fire. a top layer of stones was placed on the flames and when it had grown red-hot, the pig was pulled and hauled over it until the bristles were removed. the carcass was then carried to the river, the intestines removed, and inside and outside thoroughly washed in a place where the current was strong. the oven was made ready for its reception by removing the upper layer of stones and the fire, and placing banana-leaves all about the bottom and sides, in which the pig, his own interior filled with hot stones wrapped in leaves, was placed, with native sweet-potatoes and yams beside him. more leaves covered all, and another layer of red hot stones. a surface of dirt sealed the oven. a young dog was also part of the fare, and was cooked in the same manner as the pig. the marquesans are fond of dogs. this particular one had been brought to this valley from another and was not on friendly terms with any of his butchers. in fact, his death was due more to revenge than to hunger for his flesh. he had bitten the leg of a man who lived in the upper part of oomoa, and when this man came limping to the banquet, he brought the biter as his contribution. those who would turn up their noses at towser must hear captain cook, who was himself slain and dismembered in hawaii: "the flesh of the south sea dog is a meat not to be despised. it is next to our english lamb." personally i am willing to let it be next to lamb at every meal, and i shall always take its neighbor, but it argues a narrow taste not to concede that the dishes of our foreign friends may have a relish all their own. dog has been a maori tidbit for thousands of years. it was introduced into new zealand from these islands. the aborigines had a fierce, undomesticated dog, which they hunted for its flesh. it was a sort of fox, but disappeared before the polynesians reached the islands. all polynesians have liked dogs, liked them as pets, as they do to-day, and liked them as grub. if one asks how one can pet fido monday and eat him tuesday, i will reply that we, the highest types of civilization, pet calves and lambs, chickens and rabbits, and find them not a whit the less toothsome. the marquesan loves his pig as we love our dog, cuddles him, calls him fond names, believes that he goes to heaven,--and nevertheless roasts him for dinner. the yams, potatoes, breadfruit, and other accompaniments of the dog, pig, and chicken were all ready at six o'clock, when cries of delight summoned us idlers. the earth had been cleared from the oven, the leaves removed, and the pig was lifted into the air, cooked to a turn, succulent, steaming, delicious. the feast was spread in a clearing, so that the sun, sinking slowly in the west, might filter his rays through the lofty trees and leave us brightened by his presence, but cool in the shadows. for me a roman couch of mats was spread, while the natives squatted in the comfort of men whose legs are natural. the women waited upon us, passing all the food in leaves, in cleanly fashion. pae herself, though hostess, could not eat till all the men were satisfied, for the _tapu_ still holds, though without authority. knives nor forks hindered our free onslaught upon the edibles, and there were cocoanut-shells beside each of us for washing our hands between courses, a usual custom. _piahi_, the native chestnuts shelled and cooked in cocoanut-milk, were an appetizer, followed by small fish, which we ate raw after soaking them in lime juice. there is no dish that the white man so soon learns to crave and so long remembers when departed. some of the guests did not like the sauce, but took their small fish by the tail, dripping with salt water, and ate it as one might eat celery, bones, and all. with the main course were served dried squid and porpoise, and fresh flying-fish and bonito and shrimp. the feast was complete with mangoes, oranges, and pineapples, also bananas ripened in the expeditious way of the marquesas. they bury them in a deep hole lined with cracked candlenuts and grass and cover all with earth. in several days--and they know the right time to an hour--the bananas are dug up, yellow and sweet. [illustration: sacred banyan tree at oomoa] [illustration: elephantiasis of the legs] pae furnished a limited quantity of rum for the fete, and a cocoanut-shell filled with _namu_ was passed about. every one was already enthusiastic, and after several drinks of the powerful sugar-distillation pipes were lit and palaver began. i had to tell stories of my strange country, of the things called cities, large villages without a river through them, so big that they held _tini tini tini tini mano mano mano mano_ people, with single houses in which more people worked than there were in all the islands. such a house might be higher than three or four cocoanut trees stood one on the other, and no one walked up-stairs, but rode in boxes lifted by ropes. "how many men to a rope?" asked pae. the old men told me about their battles, much as at a reunion of the grand army of the republic the veterans fight again the civil war. one man, whose tattooing striped his body like the blue bands of a convict's suit, said that it was the custom on fatu-hiva for the leader or chief on each side to challenge the enemy champion. "our army stood thirty or forty feet away from the other army," said he, "and our chief stood still while the other threw his spear. if it struck our chief, at once the warriors rushed into battle; if it missed, our chief had the right to go close to the other and thrust a spear through his heart. the other stood firm and proud. he smiled with scorn. he looked on the spear when it was raised, and he did not tremble. but sometimes he was saved by his courage, for our chief after looking at him with terrible eyes, said, 'o man of heart, go your way, and never dare again to fight such a great warrior as i!' "that ended the war. the other chief was ashamed, and led his men down to their own valley. but if our chief had killed him, then there was war; at once we struck with the _u'u_ and ran forward with our spears. these battles gave many names to children, names remembering the death or wounding of the glorious deeds of the warriors. to await calmly the spear of the other chief, the head raised, the eyes never winking, to look at the spear as at a welcome gift--that was what our chiefs must do. death was not so terrible, but to leave one's body in the hands of the foe, to be eaten, to know that one's skull would be hung in a tree, and one's bones made into tattoo needles or fish-hooks--! _toomanu!_ "we are not the men we were. we do not eat the 'long pig' any more, but we have not the courage, the skill, or the strength. when the spears were thrown, and each man had but one, then the fight was with the _u'u_, hand to hand and eye to eye. that was a fight of men! the gun is the weapon of cowards. it is the gun that fights, not the man. "our last fight we brought back four bodies. meat spoils quickly. we had our feast right here where we sit now." excited barking of the dogs announced the arrival of grelet with several men. they had rowed all the way to oia and had sailed back, arriving by chance in time to share the abundance of our feast. after the twelve-mile pull in the blazing sun and the toilsome journey back by night this feast was their reward, and all their pay. pae, reduced once more to sullen servitude, poured the rum, generous portions of it in cocoanut-shells, which the newcomers emptied as they ate, hastening soon to join the other guests on the broad veranda, where late at night a chant began. half a dozen men, tattooed from toes to waist and some to the roots of their hair, sat on a mat on the floor, all naked except for their _pareus_, the red and yellow of which shone in the light of the oil-lamps in brightening contrast to brown skins and dark blue ink. one was far gone with _fefe_, his legs almost as large as those of an elephant. he was a grotesque in hideous green. the blue of the candlenut-ink, in bizzare designs upon body and legs, had turned a scaly greenish hue from age and _kava_ excesses. revealed in the yellow light, he was like a ghastly bronze monstrosity that had known the weathering of a century. he was the leader of the chant and, like all the others, had drunk plenty of grelet's rum. the pipe was passing, and grelet took his pull at it in the circle. the chant was of the adventures of the day. the hunters and specially namu ou mio, the slayer of the three boars, told of the deed of prowess on the cliff-side, while the others sang of their journey and the sea. squatting on the mat, they bent and swayed in pantomime, telling the tales, lifting their voices in praises of their own deeds and of the virtues of grelet. that thrifty swiss, in red breech-clout and spectacles, the lamplight shining on his bald head, sat in the midst of them, familiar by a score of years with their chants. pae filled the pipe and the bowls and joined in the chorus, while the paumotan boys, in a shadowy recess, sipped their rum and rolled their eyes in astonished appreciation of the first joviality of their lives. when the leader began the ancient cannibal chant, the song of war and of feasting at the high place, the tattooed men forgot even the rum. the nights of riot after return from the battle, the fighting qualities of their fathers, the cheer of the fires, the heat of the ovens, and the baking of the "long pig," and the hours when the most beautiful girls danced naked to win the acclaim of the multitude and to honor their parents; all these they celebrated. the leader gave the first line in a dramatic tone, and the others chanted the chorus. most of the verses they knew by rote, but there were improvisations that brought applause from all. at midnight the man with the elephantiasis removed his _pareu_ to free his enormous legs for dancing, and he and the others, their hands joined, moved ponderously in a tripping circle before the couch on which i lay. the chant was now a recital of my merits, the chief of which was that i was a friend of grelet, that mighty man wiser than iholomoni (solomon), with more wives than that great king, and stronger heart to chase the wild bull. he steers a whale-boat with a finger, but no wave can tear the helm from his grasp. long has he been in oomoa, just and brave and generous has he been, and his rum is the best that is made in the far island of tahiti. so passed the night and the rum, in a pandemonium of voices, gyrating tattooed bodies, flashes of red and yellow and blue _pareus_, rolling eyes, curls of smoke drifting under the gently moving canvas ceiling, while from the garden came the scent of innumerable dewy flowers; and at intervals in the chanting i heard from the darkness of the bay the sound of a conch-shell blown on some wayfaring boat. i dozed, and wakened to see grelet asleep. pae was still filling the emptied cocoanut-shells, and the swollen green man postured before me like some horrid figment of a dream. i roused myself again. pae had locked up the song-maker, and all the tattooed men slumbered where they sat, the paumotan boys with sunbonnets tied about their heads lay in their corner, dreaming, perhaps, of their loved home on pukaruha. i woke again to find the garden green and still in the gray morning, and the veranda vacant. the marquesans were all in the river, lying down among the boulders to cool their aching heads. the _fefe_ sufferer stood like a slime-covered rock in the stream. his swollen legs hurt him dreadfully. rum is not good for _fefe_. "guddammee!" he said to me in his one attempt at our cultured language, and put his body deep in a pool. chapter xxx a visit to hanavave; père olivier at home; the story of the last battle between hanahouua and oi, told by the sole survivor; the making of _tapa_ cloth, and the ancient garments of the marquesans. grelet said that the conch i had heard at night sounding off oomoa must have been in a canoe or whale-boat bound for hanavave, a valley a dozen miles away over the mountains, but only an hour or so by sea. it might have brought a message of interest, or perhaps would be a conveyance to my own valley, so in mid-forenoon we launched grelet's whale-boat for a journey to hanavave. eight men carried the large boat from its shelter to the water, slung on two short thick poles by loops of rope through holes in prow and stern. it was as graceful as a swan, floating in the edge of the breakers. driving it through the surf was cautious, skilful work, at which grelet was a master. haupupuu, who built the boat, a young man with the features of bonaparte and a _blase_ expression, was at the bow, and three other marquesans, with the two paumotan boys, handled the oars. there was no wind and they rowed all the way, spurting often for love of excitement. we skirted a coast of almost vertical cliffs crowned by cocoas, the faces of the rock black or covered above the waterline with vines and plants, green and luxuriant. long stretches of white curtains and huge pictures in curious outlines were painted on the sable cliffs by encrusted salt. the sea surged in leaping fountains through a thousand blow-holes carved from the black basalt, and the ceaseless wash of the waves had cut the base of the precipices into _paniho_, or teeth, as the marquesans say. there were half a dozen indentations in the bleak and rugged coast, each a little valley guarded by cliffs on both sides, the natural obstacle to neighborliness that made enemies of the clans. inhabitants of plains are usually friendly. mountains make feuds. we passed the valley of hana ui, inhabited when grelet came, and full of rich cotton-fields, now a waste with never a soul in it. we passed eue, utea, tetio, nanifapoto, hana puaea and mata utuoa, all empty of the living; graveyards and deserted _paepaes_. thousands made merry in them when the missionaries first recorded their numbers. death hung like a cloud over the desolate wilderness of these valleys, over the stern and gloomy cliffs, black and forbidding, carved into monstrous shapes and rimmed with the fantastic patterns made by the unresting sea. near matu utuoa was a great natural bridge, under which the ocean rushed in swirling currents, foam, and spray. turning a shoulder of the cliff, we entered the bay of virgins and were confronted with the titanic architecture of hanavave, alps in ruins, once coral reefs and now thrust up ten thousand feet above the sea. fantastic headlands, massive towers, obelisks, pyramids, and needles were an extravaganza in rock, monstrous and portentous. towering structures hewn by water and wind from the basalt mass of the island rose like colossi along the entrance to the bay; beyond, a glimpse of great black battlements framed a huge crater. a dangerous bay in the lee wind with a bad holding-ground. we manoeuvered for ten minutes to land, but the shelving beach of black stone with no rim of sand proved a puzzle even to grelet. we reached the stones again and again, only to be torn away by the racing tide. at last we all jumped into the surf and swam ashore, except one man who anchored the whale-boat before following us. the canoe that had sounded the conch off oomoa was lying on the shale, and those who had come in it were on the stones cooking breadfruit. the village, half a dozen rude straw shacks, stretched along a rocky stream. beyond it, in a few acres enclosed by a fence, were a tiny church, two wretched wooden cabins, a tumbling kiosk, five or six old men and women squatting on the ground amid a flock of dogs and cats. this was the catholic mission, tumbledown and decayed, unpainted for years, overgrown by weeds, marshy and muddy, passing to oblivion like the race to which it ministered. grelet and i found père olivier sweeping out the church, cheerful, humming a cradle-song of the french peasants. he was glad to see us, though my companion was avowedly a pagan. dwelling alone here with his dying charges, the good priest could not but feel a common bond with any white man, whoever he might be. the kiosk, to which he took us, proved to be père olivier's eating-place, dingy, tottering, and poverty-stricken, furnished with a few cracked and broken dishes and rusty knives and forks, the equipment of a miner or sheep-herder. père olivier apologized for the meager fare, but we did well enough, with soup and a tin of boiled beef, breadfruit, and _feis_. the soup was of a red vegetable, not appetizing, and i could not make out the native name for it, _hue arahi_, until grelet cried, "ah, _j'ai trouvé le mot anglais!_ ponkeen, ponkeen!" it was a red pumpkin. [illustration: removing the pig cooked in the _umu_, or native oven] [illustration: the _koina kai_ or feast in oomoa] "_la soupe maigre de missionaire_," murmured the priest. i led the talk to the work of the mission. "we have been here thirty-five years," said père olivier, "and i, thirty. our order first tried to establish a church at oomoa, but failed. you have seen there a stone foundation that supports the wild vanilla vines? frère fesal built that, with a raratonga islander who was a good mason. the two cut the stones and shaped them. the valley of oomoa was drunk. rum was everywhere, the palm _namu_ was being made all the time, and few people were ever sober. there was a hawaiian protestant missionary there, and he was not good friends with frère fesal. there was no french authority at oomoa, and the strongest man was the law. the whalers were worse than the natives, and hated the missionaries. one day when the valley was crazed, a native killed the raratonga man. you will find the murderer living on tahuata now. frère fesal buried his assistant, and fled here. "that date was about the last hanavave suffered from cannibalism and extreme sorcery. the _taua_, the pagan priest, was still powerful, however, and his gods demanded victims. the men here conspired with the men of hanahouua to descend on oi, a little village by the sea between here and oomoa. they had guns of a sort, for the whalers had brought old and rusty guns to trade with the marquesans for wood, fruit, and fish. frère fesal learned of the conspiracy, but the men were drinking rum, and he was helpless. the warriors went stealthily over the mountains and at night lowered themselves from the cliffs with ropes made of the _fau_. there were only thirty people left in oi, and the enemy came upon them in the dark like the wolf. only one man escaped--there he is now, entering the mission. we will ask him to tell the story." he stood in the rickety doorway and called, "tutaiei, come here!" an old and withered man approached, one-eyed, the wrinkles of his face and body abscuring the blue patterns of tattooing, a shrunken, but hideous, scar making a hairless patch on one side of his head. "i was on the beach pulling up my canoe and taking out the fish i had speared," said this wreck of a man. "half the night was spent, and every one was asleep except me. we were a little company, for they had killed and eaten most of us, and others had died of the white man's curse. in the night i heard the cries of the hanavave and hanahouua men who had lowered themselves down the precipice and were using their war-clubs on the sleeping. "i was one man. i could do nothing but die, and i was full of life. in the darkness i smashed with a rock all the canoes on the beach save mine. in my ears were the groans of the dying, and the war-cries. i saw the torches coming. i put the fish back in my canoe, and pushed out. "they were but a moment late, for i have a hole in my head into which they shot a nail, and i have this crack in my head upon which they flung a stone. they could not follow me, for there were no canoes left. i paddled to oomoa after a day, during which i did what i have no memory of." "they had guns?" i asked him. "they had a few guns, but they used in them nails or stones, having no balls of metal. their slings were worse. i could sling a stone as big as a mango and kill a man, striking him fair on the head, at the distance those guns would shoot. we made our slings of the bark of the cocoanut-tree, and the stones, polished by rubbing against each other, we carried in a net about the waist." "but if that stone broke your head, why did you not die?" "a _tatihi_ fixed my head. the nail in my leg he took out with a loop of hair, and cured the wound." "did you not lie in wait for those murderers?" tutaiei hemmed and cast down his eye. "the french came then with soldiers and made it so that if i killed any one, they killed me; the law, they call it. they did nothing to those warriors because the deed was done before the french came. i waited and thought. i bought a gun from a whaler. but the time never came. "all my people had died at their hands. six heads they carried back to feast on the brains. they ate the brains of my wife. i kept the names of those that i should kill. there was kiihakia, who slew moariniu, the blind man; nakahania, who killed hakaie, husband of tepeiu; niana, who cut off the head of tahukea, who was their daughter and my woman; veatetau should die for tahiahokaani, who was young and beautiful, who was the sister of my woman. i waited too long, for time took them all, and i alone survive of the people of oi, or of those who killed them." "the vendetta between valleys--called _umuhuke_, or the vengeance of the oven,--thus wiped out the people of oi," commented père olivier. "the skulls were kept in banian-trees, or in the houses. frère fesal started the mission here and built that little church. there were plenty of people to work among. but now, after thirty years i have been here, they are nearly finished. they have no courage to go on, that is all. _c'est un pays sans l'avenir._ the family of the dying never weep. they gather to eat the feast of the dead, and the crying is a rite, no more. these people are tired of life." it was stevenson who though that "the ending of the most healthful, if not the most humane, of field sports--hedge warfare--" had much to do with depopulation. either horn of the dilemma is dangerous to touch. it is unthinkable, perhaps, that white conquerors should have allowed the marquesans to follow their own customs of warfare. but changes in the customs of every race must come from within that race or they will destroy it. the essence of life is freedom. any one who has read their past and knows them now must admit that the marquesans have not been improved in morality by their contact with the whites. alien customs have been forced upon them. and they are dying for lack of expression, nationally and individually. disease, of course, is the weapon that kills them, but it finds its victims unguarded by hope or desire to live, willing to meet death half way, the grave a haven. [illustration: beach at oomoa] [illustration: putting the canoe in the water] in the old days this island of fatu-hiva was the art center of the marquesas. the fame of its tattooers, carvers in wood and stone, makers of canoes, paddles, and war-clubs, had resounded through the archipelago for centuries. now it is one of the few places where even a feeble survival of those industries give the newcomers a glimpse of their methods and ideals now sinking, like their originators, in the mire of wretchedness. outside the mission gates, in the edge of the jungle, père olivier and i came upon two old women making _tapa_ cloth. shrunken with age, toothless, decrepit, their only covering the ragged and faded _pareus_ that spoke of poverty, they sat in the shade of a banian-tree, beating the fibrous inner bark of the breadfruit-tree. over the hollow log that resounded with the blows of their wooden mallets the cloth moved slowly, doubling on the ground into a heap of silken texture, firm, thin, and soft. this paper-cloth was once made throughout all the south sea islands. breadfruit, banian, mulberry, and other barks furnished the fiber. the outer rough bark was scraped off with a shell, and the inner rind slightly beaten and allowed to ferment. it was then beaten over a tree-trunk with mallets of iron-wood about eighteen inches long, grooved coarsely on one side and more finely on the other. the fibers were so closely interwoven by this beating that in the finished cloth one could not guess the process of making. when finished, the fabric was bleached in the sun to a dazzling white, and from it the marquesans of old wrought wondrous garments. for their caps they made remarkably fine textures, open-meshed, filmy as gauze, which confined their abundant black hair, and to which were added flowers, either natural or beautifully preserved in wax. their principal garment, the _cahu_, was a long and flowing piece of the paper-cloth, of firmer texture, dyed in brilliant colors, or of white adorned with tasteful patterns. this hung from the shoulders, where it was knotted on one shoulder, leaving one arm and part of the breast exposed. much individual taste was expressed in the wearing of this garment; sometimes the knot was on one shoulder, sometimes on the other, or it might be brought low on the chest, leaving the shoulders and arms bare, or thrown behind to expose the charms of a well-formed back or a slender waist. beneath it they wore a _pareu_, which passed twice around the waist and hung to the calves of the legs. clean and neat as these garments always were, shining in the sun, leaving the body free to know the joys of sun and air and swift, easy motion, it would be difficult to imagine a more graceful, beautiful, modest, and comfortable manner of dressing. for dyeing these garments in all the hues that fancy dictated, the women used the juices of herb and tree. candlenut-bark gave a rich chocolate hue; scarlet was obtained from the _mati_-berries mixed with the leaves of the _tou_. yellow came from the inner bark of the root of the _morinda citrifolia_. hibiscus flowers or delicate ferns were dipped in these colors and impressed on the _tapas_ in elegant designs. the garments were virtually indestructible. did a dress need repairing, the edges of the rent were moistened and beaten together, or a handful of fiber was beaten in as a patch. often for fishermen the _tapas_ were made water-proof by added thicknesses and the employment of gums, and waterproof cloth for wrappings was made thick and impervious to rain as the oilcloth it resembled. hardly one of these garments survives in the marquesas to-day. they have been driven out by the gaudy prints of germany and england brought by the traders, and by the ideas of dress which the missionaries imported together with the barrels of hideous night-gown garments contributed by worthy ladies of american villages. the disappearance of these native garments brought two things, idleness and the rapid spread of tuberculosis. the _tapa_ cloth could not be worn in the water or the rain, as it disintegrated. marquesans therefore left their robes in the house when they went abroad in stormy weather or bathed in the sea. but in their new calicos and ginghams they walked in the rain, bathed in the rivers, and returned to sleep huddled in the wet folds, ignorant of the danger. as the _tapa_ disappeared, so did the beautiful carvings of canoes and paddles and clubs, superseded by the cheaper, machine-made articles of the whites. little was left to occupy the hands or minds of the islanders, who, their old merrymakings stopped, their wars forbidden, their industry taken from them, could only sit on their _paepaes_ yawning like children in jail and waiting for the death that soon came. the marquesans never made a pot. they had clay in their soil, as gauguin proved by using it for his modeling, but they had no need of pottery, using exclusively the gourds from the vines, wooden vessels hollowed out, and temporary cups of leaves. this absence of pottery is another proof of the lengthy isolation of the islands. the tongans had earthen ware which they learned to make from the fijians, but the polynesians had left the mainland before the beginning of this art. thus they remained a people who were, despite their startling advances in many lines, the least encumbered by useful inventions of any race in the world. until hardly more than a hundred years ago the natives were like our forefathers who lived millenniums ago in europe. but being in a gentler climate, they were gentler, happier, merrier, and far cleaner. one can hardly dwell in a spirit of filial devotion upon the relation of our forefathers to soap and water, but these marquesans bathed several times daily in dulcet streams and found soap and emollients to hand. it was curious to me to reflect, while père olivier and i stood watching the two aged crones beating out the _tapa_ cloth, upon what slender chance hung the difference between us. far in the remote mists of time, when a tribe set out upon its wanderings from the home land, one man, perhaps, hesitated, dimly felt the dangers and uncertainties before it, weighed the advantages of remaining behind, and did not go. had he gone, i or any one of caucasian blood in the world to-day, might have been a marquesan. it would be interesting, i thought, to consider what the hundred thousand years that have passed since that day have given us of joy, of wealth of mind and soul and body, of real value in customs and manners and attitude toward life, compared to what would have been our portion in the islands of the south seas before his white cousin fell upon the marquesan. chapter xxxi fishing in hanavave; a deep-sea battle with a shark; red chicken shows how to tie ropes to shark's tails; night-fishing for dolphins, and the monster sword-fish that overturned the canoe; the native doctor dresses red chicken's wounds and discourses on medicine. grelet returned to oomoa in the whale-boat, but i remained in hanavave for the fishing. my presence had stimulated the waning interest of the few remaining marquesans, and the handful of young men and women went with me often to the sea outside the bay of virgins, where we lay in the blazing sunshine having great sport with spear or hook and line. we speared a dozen kinds of fish, specially the cuttlefish and sunfish, the latter more for fun and practice than food. they are huge masses, these pig-like, tailless clowns among the graceful families of the ocean, with their small mouths and clumsy-looking bodies, but they made a fine target at which to launch harpoon or spear from the dancing bow of a canoe. keeping one's balance is the finest art of the marquesan fisherman, and he will stand firm while the boat rises and falls, rolls and pitches, his body swaying and balancing with the nice adjustment that is second nature to him. it is an art that should be learned in childhood. many were the splashes into the salt sea that fell to my lot as i practised it, one moment standing alert with poised spear in the sunlight, the next overwhelmed with the green water, and striking out on the surface again amid the joyous, unridiculing laughter of my merry companions. wearying of the spear, we trolled for swordfish with hook and line, or used the baitless hook to entice the sportful albicore, or dolphin, whose curving black bodies splashed the sea about us. a piece of mother-of-pearl about six inches long and three-quarters of an inch wide was the lure for him. carefully cut and polished to resemble the body of a fish, there was attached to it on the concave side a barb of shell or bone about an inch or an inch and a half in length, fastened by _faufee_ fiber, with a few hog's bristles inserted. the line was drove through the hole where the barb was fastened and, being braided along the inner side of the pearl shank, was tied again at the top, forming a chord to the arch. thus when the beguiled dolphin took the hook and strained the line, he secured himself more firmly on the barb. this is the best fish-hook, as it is perhaps the oldest, ever invented, and i have found it in many parts of the south seas, but never more artfully made than here on hanavave. it needs no bait, and is a fascinating sight for the big fish, who hardly ever discover the fraud until too late. the line was attached to a bamboo cane about fifteen feet long, and standing in the stern of the canoe, i handled this rod, allowing the hook to touch the water, but not to sink. behind me my companions, in their red and yellow _pareus_, pushed the boat through the water with gentle strokes of their oars. when i saw a fish approaching, they became active, the canoe raced across the sparkling sea, and the hook, as it skimmed along the surface, looked for all the world like a flying fish, the bristles simulating the tail. soon the hastening dolphin fell upon it, and then became the tug-of-war, bamboo pole straining and bending, the line now taut, now relaxing, as the fish lunged, and the paddlers watching with cries of excitement until he was hauled over the side, wet and flopping, a feast for half a dozen. one never-to-be-forgotten afternoon we ran unexpectedly upon a whole school of dolphins a few miles outside the bay, and before the sun sank i had brought from the sea twenty-six large fish. some of these were magnificent food-fish, weighing to pounds. we had to send for two canoes to help bring in this miraculous draught, and all the population of the valley rejoiced in the supply of fresh and appetizing food. the marquesan methods of fishing are not so varied to-day as when their valleys were filled with a happy people delighting in all forms of exercise and prowess and needing the fish to supplement a scanty diet. for many weeks before i came, they said, no man had gone fishing. there were so few natives that the trees supplied them all with enough to eat, and the melancholy marquesan preferred to sit and meditate upon his _paepae_ rather than to fish, except when appetite demanded it. there is a polynesian word that means "hungry for fish," and to-day it is only when this word rises to their tongues or thoughts that they go eagerly to the sea or to the tooth-like base of the cliffs. often we took large quantities of fish among these caves and rocks by capturing them in bags, using a wooden fan as a weapon. the sport called for a cool head, marvelous lungs, and skill. it was extremely dangerous, as the sharks were numerous where fish were plentiful, and the angler must needs be under the water, in the shark's own domain. [illustration: pascual, the giant paumotan pilot and his friends] [illustration: a pearl diver's sweetheart] the best hand and head for this sport in all hanavave was a girl, kikaaki, a name which means miss impossibility. she was not handsome, save with the beauty of youth and abounding health, but her wide mouth and bright eyes were intelligent and laughter-loving. starting early in the morning, we would go to the edge of the bay, where the coral rises from the ocean floor in fantastic shapes and builds strange grottoes and cells at the feet of the basalt rocks. while i held the canoe, miss impossibility would remove her shapeless calico wrapper, and attired only in scarlet _pareu_, her hair piled high on her head and tied with the white filet of the cocoanut-palm, she would go overboard in one curving dive, a dozen feet or more beneath the sea. when the water was quiet and shadowed by the cliffs, i could see her through its green translucence, swimming to the coral lairs of the fish that gleamed in the reflected, penetrating sunlight. walking on the sandy bottom, a hand net of straw in one hand, and a stick shaped like a fan in the other, she would cover a crevice with the net and with the fan urge the fish into it. foolish as was their conduct, the fish appeared to be deceived by the lure, or made helpless by fear, for they streamed into the receptacle as miss impossibility beat the water or the coral. she would have seemed to me well named had i never seen her at the sport. she would usually stay beneath the water a couple of minutes, rising with her catch to rest for a moment or two with her hand on the edge of the boat, breathing deeply, before she went down again. losing sight of her among the under-water caves one day, i waited for what seemed an eternity. i cannot say how long she was gone, for as the time lengthened seconds became minutes and hours, while i was torn between diving after her and remaining ready for emergency in the boat. when at last she came to the surface, she was nearly dead with exhaustion, and i had to lift her into the canoe. she said her hair had been caught in the branching coral, and that she had been barely able to wrench it free before her strength was gone. i went down with her several times, but could not master the art of entrapping the fish, and was overcome with fear when i had entered one of the dark caves and heard a terrible splashing nearby, as if a shark had struck the coral in attempting to enter my hazardous refuge. even miss impossibility had not the courage to face a shark; yet every time she dived she risked meeting one. red chicken had killed one at this very spot a few weeks earlier. the danger even to a man armed with a knife was that the shark would obstruct from a cave, or come upon him suddenly from behind. often we had with us in the fishing a paumotan, pascual, the pilot of the ship _zelee_, who was in hanavave visiting a relative. he was the very highest physical and mental type of the paumotan, a honey-comb of good-nature, a well of laughter, and a seaman beyond compare. to be a pilot in the isles of the labyrinth demands many strong qualities, but to be the pilot of the only warship in this sea was the very summit of pilotry. he had an accurate knowledge of forty harbors and anchorages, and spoke english fluently, french, paumotan, tahitian, marquesan, and other polynesian tongues. from boyhood until he took up pilotage he was a diver in the lagoons for shell and in harbors for the repair of ships. "i have killed many sharks," he said, "and have all but fed them more than once. i had gone one morning a hundred feet. the water is always colder below the surface, and i shivered as i pulled at a pair of big shells under a ledge. it was dark in the cavern, and i was both busy and cold, so that as i stooped i did not see a shark that came from behind, until he plumped into my spine. "i turned as he made his reverse to bite me, and passed under him, out to better light. i knew i had but a second or two to fight. i seized his tail quickly, and as he swept around to free himself i had time to draw the knife from my _pareu_ and stab him. he passed over me again, and this time his teeth entered my shoulder, here--" he opened his shirt and showed me a long, livid scar, serrated, the hall-mark of a fighter of _mako_. "but by fortune--you may be sure i called on god--i got my knife home again, and sprang up for the air, feeling him in the water behind me. twice i drove the blade into him on the way, for he would not let me go. my friend in the canoe, who saw the struggle, jumped down to my aid, and being fresh from the air, he cut that devil to pieces. i was not too strong when i reached the outrigger and hung my weight upon it. we ate the liver of that _mako_, and damned him as we ate. i had fought him from the ledge upward at least eighty feet of the hundred." "_aue!_" said red chicken, hearing me exclaim at the tale. "you have never seen a man fight the _mako_? _epo!_ to-morrow we shall show you." on the following day when the sun was shining brightly, several of us went in a canoe to a place beneath the cliffs haunted by the sharks, and there prepared to snare one. a rope of hibiscus was made fast to a jagged crag, and a noose at the other end was held by red chicken, who stood on the edge of a great boulder eagerly watching while others strewed pig's entrails in the water to entice a victim from the dark caves. at length a long gray shape slid from the shadows and wavered below our feet. instantly red chicken slipped from the rock, slid noiselessly beneath the water, and slipped the noose over the shark's tail before it knew that he was nearby. the others, whose hands were on the rope, tightened it on the instant, and with a yell of triumph hauled the lashing, fighting demon upon the rocks, where he struggled gasping until he died. there was still another way of catching sharks, red chicken said, and being now excited with the sport and eager to show his skill, he insisted upon displaying it for my benefit, though i, who find small pleasure in vicarious danger, would have dissuaded him. for this exploit we must row to the coral caves, where the man-eating fish stay often lying lazily in the grottoes, only their heads protruding into the sun-lit water. here we maneuvered until the long, evil-looking snout was seen; then red chicken went quietly over the side of the canoe, descended beside the shark and tapped him sharply on the head. the fish turned swiftly to see what teased him, and in the same split-second of time, over his fluke went the noose, and red chicken was up and away, while his companions on a nearby cliff pulled in the rope and killed the shark with spears in shallow water. red chicken said that he had learned this art from a samoan, whose people were cleverer killers of sharks than the marquesans. it could be done only when the shark was full-fed, satisfied, and lazy. i had seen the impossible, but i was to hear a thing positively incredible. while red chicken sat breathing deeply in the canoe, filled with pride at my praises, and the others were contriving means of carrying home the shark meat, i observed a number of fish swimming around and through the coral caves, and jumped to the conclusion that from their presence red chicken had deduced the well-filled stomachs and thoroughly satisfied appetite of the shark. red chicken replied, however, that they were a fish never eaten by sharks, and offered an explanation to which i listened politely, but with absolute unbelief. imagine with what surprise i found red chicken's tale repeated in a book that i read some time later when i had returned to libraries. there is a fish, the diodon antennatus, that gets the better of the shark in a curious manner. he can blow himself up by taking in air and water, until he becomes a bloated wretch instead of the fairly decent thing he is in his normal moments. he can bite, he can make a noise with his jaws, and can eject water from his mouth to some distance. besides all this, he erects papillae on his skin like thorns, and secretes in the skin of his belly a carmine fluid that makes a permanent stain. despite all these defences, if the shark is fool enough to heed no warning and to eat diodon, the latter puffs himself up and eats his way clean through the shark to liberty, leaving the shark riddled and leaky, and, indeed, dead. should this still be doubted, my new authority is charles darwin. after his display of skill and daring--and, as i thought, vivid imagination--red chicken became my special friend and guide, and on one occasion it was our being together, perhaps, saved his life, and afforded me one of the most thrilling moments of my own. he and i had gone in a canoe after nightfall to spear fish outside the bay of virgins. night fishing has its attractions in these tropics, if only for the freedom from severe heat, the glory of the moonlight or starlight, and the waking dreams that come to one upon the sea, when the canoe rests tranquil, the torch blazes, and the fish swim to meet the harpoon. the night was moonless, but the sea was covered with phosphorescence, sometimes a glittering expanse of light, and again black as velvet except where our canoe moved gently through a soft and glamorous surface of sparkling jewels. a night for a lover, a lady, and a lute. our torch of cocoanut-husks and reeds, seven feet high, was fixed at the prow, so that it could be lifted up when needed to attract the fish or better to light the canoe. red chicken, in a scarlet _pareu_ fastened tightly about his loins, stood at the prow when we had reached his favorite spot off a point of land, while i, with a paddle, noiselessly kept the canoe as stationary as possible. light is a lure for many creatures of land and sea and sky. the moth and the bat whirl about a flame; the sea-bird dashes its body against the bright glass of the lonely tower; wild deer come to see what has disturbed the dark of the forest, and fish of different kinds leap at a torch. red chicken put a match to ours when we were all in readiness. the brilliant gleam cleft the darkness and sent across the blackness of the water a beam that was a challenge to the curiosity of the dozing fish. they hastened toward us, and red chicken made meat of those who came within the radius of his harpoon, so that within an hour or two our canoe was heaped with half a dozen kinds. far off in the path of the flambeau rays i saw the swordfish leaping as they pursued small fish or gamboled for sheer joy in the luminous air. they seemed to be in pairs. i watched them lazily, with academic interest in their movements, until suddenly one rose a hundred feet away, and in his idle caper in the air i saw a bulk so immense and a sword of such amazing size that the thought of danger struck me dumb. he was twenty-five feet in length, and had a dorsal fin that stood up like the sail of a small boat. but even these dimensions cannot convey the feeling of alarm his presence gave me. his next leap brought him within forty feet of us. i recalled a score of accidents i had seen, read, and heard of; fishermen stabbed, boats rent, steel-clad ships pierced through and through. red chicken held the torch to observe him better, and shouted: "_apau!_ look out! paddle fast away!" i needed no urging. i dug into the glowing water madly, and the sound of my paddle on the side of the canoe might have been heard half a mile away. it served no purpose. suddenly half a dozen of the swordfish began jumping about us, as if stirred to anger by our torch. i called to red chicken to extinguish, it. he had seized it to obey when i heard a splash and the canoe received a terrific shock. a tremendous bulk fell upon it. with a sudden swing i was hurled into the air and fell twenty feet away. in the water i heard a swish, and glimpsed the giant espadon as he leaped again. i was unhurt, but feared for red chicken. he had cried out as the canoe went under, but i found him by the outrigger, trying to right the craft. together we succeeded, and when i had ousted some of the water, red chicken crawled in. "_papaoufaa!_ i am wounded slightly," he said, as i assisted him. "the spear of the sea has thrust me through." the torch was lost, but i felt a big hole in the calf of his right leg. blood was pouring from the wound. i made a tourniquet of a strip of my _pareu_ and, with a small harpoon, twisted it until the flow of blood was stopped. then, guided by him, i paddled as fast as i could to the beach, on which there was little trouble in landing as the bay was smooth. red chicken did not utter a complaint from the moment of his first outcry, and when i roused others and he was carried to his house, he took the pipe handed him and smoked quietly. "the aavehie was against him," said an old man. aavehie is the god of fishermen, who was always propitiated by intending anglers in the polytheistic days, and who still had power. [illustration: spearing fish in marquesas islands] [illustration: pearl shell divers at work] there was no white doctor on the island, nor had there been one for many years. there was nothing to do but call the _tatihi_, or native doctor, an aged and shriveled man whose whole body was an intricate pattern of tattooing and wrinkles. he came at once, and with his claw-like hands cleverly drew together the edges of red chicken's wound and gummed them in place with the juice of the _ape_, a bulbous plant like the edible _taro_. red chicken must have suffered keenly, for the _ape_ juice is exceedingly caustic, but he made no protest, continuing to puff the pipe. over the wound the _tatihi_ applied a leaf, and bound the whole very carefully with a bandage of _tapa_ cloth folded in surgical fashion. about the mat on which red chicken lay the elders of the village congregated in the morning to discuss the accident and tell tales while the pipe circulated. one had seen his friend pierced through the chest by a sword-fish and instantly killed. numerous incidents of their canoes being sunk by these savage spears of the sea were recited by the wise men who, with no books to bother them or written records to dull their memories, preserved the most minute recollections of important events of the past. for my part, on the subject of the demoniacal work of the swordfish, i regaled them with accounts of damage wrought to big ships; of how a bony sword had penetrated the hull of the _fortune_, of plymouth, cutting through copper, an inch of under-sheathing, a three-inch plank of hard wood, twelve inches of solid, white-oak timber, two and a half inches of hard oak ceiling, and the head of an oil cask; of the sloop _morning star_, which had to be convoyed to port with a leak through a hole in eight and a half inches of white oak; of the united states fish commission sloop, _red hot_, rammed and sunk; of the british dreadnaught, which was pumped to colombo where the leak made by the fish was found, and , francs insurance paid. "our fathers never went fishing until they had implored the favor of the gods," said red chicken. "i am a catholic, but it may be the sea is so old, older than christ, that the devils there obey the old gods we used to worship. if that largest spear of the sea that we saw had attacked me or our boat, he would have killed us and sunk the canoe, for he was four fathoms long, and his weapon was as tall as i am." the _tatihi_ nodded his head gravely. his soul was still in the keeping of the gods of his fathers, and-he saw in red chicken's wound the vengeance of the un-appeased aavehie. i was amazed to find that red chicken had no fever, and was recovering rapidly. without modern medicine or knowledge of it, the _tatihi_ had healed the sufferer, and i drew him on to talk of his skill. his surgical knowledge was excellent; he knew the location of the vital organs quite accurately from frequent cutting up of bodies for eating. he had treated successfully broken bones, spear-wounds through the body, holes knocked in skulls by the vicious, egg-sized sling-stones. if the skull was merely cracked, with no smashing of the bone, he drilled holes at the end of each crack to prevent further cleavage and, replacing the skin he had folded back, bound the head with cooling leaves and left nature to cure the break. if there was pressure on the brain or a part of the skull was in bits, his custom was to remove all these and, trimming the edges of the hole in the brainpan, to fit over it a neat disk of cocoanut-shell, return the scalp, and nurse the patient to health. he had known of cases when injured brain matter was replaced with pig-brains, but admitted that the patient in such cases became first violently angry and then died. lancing boils and abscesses with thorns had been his former habit, but he favored a nail for the purpose nowadays. fearing lest fever should attack red chicken, he had prepared a decoction from the hollow joints of the bamboo, which he administered in frequent doses from a cocoanut-shell. it was milk-white, and became translucent in water, like that beautiful variety of opal, the hydrophane. there was a legend, said the _tatihi_, that the knowledge of this medicine had been gleaned from a dark man who had come on a ship many years before, and with this clue i recognized it as _tabasheer_, a febrifuge long known in india. a fire had been built outside the straw hovel in which red chicken lay, and stones were heating in it, so that if milder medicine did not avail the patient might be laid on a pile of blazing stones covered with protecting leaves, and swathed in cloths until perspiration conquered fever. the patient would then be rushed to the sea or river and plunged into cold water. but this procedure was not necessary. red chicken got well rapidly, and in a few days was walking about as usual, though with a thoughtful look in his eye that promised a soul-struggle with père olivier, whose new gods had not protected the fisherman against the gods of the sea. chapter xxxii a journey over the roof of the world to oomoa; an encounter with a wild woman of the hills. père olivier tried to dissuade me from walking back to oomoa, and offered me his horse, but i determined to go afoot and let orivie, a native youth, be my mounted guide. orivie is named for père olivier; there being no "l" in the marquesan language, the good priest's name is pronounced as if spelled in english oreeveeay. the horse, the usual small, tough mountain-pony, was caught, and upon him we strapped the saddle with cow-skin stirrups, hairy and big, and a rope bridle. orivie, handsomely dressed in wrinkled denim trousers, a yellow _pareu_ and an aged straw hat, mounted the beast, and bidding farewell to the friends i had made, we began to climb the trail through the village. at each of the dozen houses we passed i had to stop and say _kaoha_ to the occupants. in these islands there is none of that coldness toward the casual passer-by which is common in america, where one may walk through the tiniest village and receive no salutation unless the village constable sees a fee in arresting the wayfarer for not having money or a job. all the elders were tattooed, and as every island and even every valley differed in its style of skin decoration, these people had new patterns and pictures of interest to me. i made it a point to linger a little before each house, praising the appearance of these tattooed old people, both because it pleased them and because it is a pity that this national art expression should die out at the whim of whites who substitute nothing for it. by this deprivation, as by a dozen others, the marquesans have been robbed of racial pride and clan distinction, and their social life destroyed. despite this delay, orivie and i were soon past the houses. as population has decreased in all the valleys the people have moved down from the upper heights to districts nearer the sea, for neighborliness and convenience. only a few in some places have remained in the further glens, and these are the non-conformists, who retain yet their native ways of thought and living and their ancient customs. this i knew, but i pursued my way behind the climbing little horse, enjoying the many sights and perfumes of the jungle, in happy ignorance of an experience soon to befall me with one of these residents of the heights. it fell upon me suddenly, the most embarrassing of several experiences that have divided me between fear and laughter. perhaps a mile above the village, in a wilderness of shrubbery, trees, and giant ferns, we came upon a cross-trail, a thin line of travel hardly breaking the dense growth, and saw a woman appear from among the leaves. she was large, perhaps five feet, ten inches, tall; a juno figure, handsome and lithe. such a woman of her age, about twenty-two years, does the work of a man, makes copra, fells trees, lifts heavy stones, and is a match for the average man in strength. she was dark, as are all marquesans who live a hardy and vigorous life unsheltered from sun and wind, and in the half shadow of the forest she seemed like an animal, wild and savage. her scarlet _pareu_ and necklace of red peppers added color to a picture that struck me at once as bizarre and memorable. the horse had passed her, and turning about in the saddle orivie replied to her greeting, while i added a courteous "_kaoha!_" she looked at me with extraordinary attention, which i ascribed to my white ducks and traveling cap, while she asked who i was. orivie replied that i was a stranger on my way over the mountains. she advanced into the main trail then, letting slip from her shoulders a weight of packages, tea, and other groceries, and suddenly embraced me, smelling my face and picking me up in a bear hug that, startled as i was, nearly choked me. "take care!" cried orivie, in a tone between alarm and amusement. i backed hastily away, and sought to take refuge beside a boulder, but she vaulted after me, and seizing me again, resumed her passionate attack. "she is a woman of the mountains! she will take you away to her _paepae_!" my excited guide yelled warningly. that was her intention. there was no doubt about it. she seized me by the arm and tried to drag me away from the boulder to which i clung. for several moments i was engaged in a struggle more sincere than chivalrous on my part and ardently demonstrative on hers. but as i absolutely would not accede to her desire to give me a home in the hills, she was forced to give up hope after a final embrace, which i ended rudely, but scientifically. rising to her feet again, she picked up her burden, which must have weighed fully a hundred pounds, and went her way. "she is a _hinenao pu_," said orivie. that means literally a coquette without reason. i did not seek for double meaning in the remark, but expressed my opinion of all _hinenaos_ as i replaced my cap and readjusted my garments. "these women of the heights are all like that," said my guide. "they have no sense and no shame. if they see a stranger near their home, they will seize him, as men do women. if they are in the mood, they will not take no for an answer. it has always been their custom, as that of the hill men capturing the valley women. it is shameful, but it has never changed. she would give you food and treat you with kindness as a man does his bride. you know, in the old days the strong women had more than one husband; sometimes four or five, and they chose them in this way. if you were nearer where tepu lives, she would make you a prisoner. they have often done that." "do we go near her home?" said i. "no; we see no more _paepaes_," replied orivie. "then," i said, "let us hasten onward." we mounted at every foot, and soon were above the cocoanuts. the trail was a stream interspersed with rocks, for in these steep accents the path, worn lower than its borders, becomes in the rainy season the natural bed of the trickle or torrent that runs to the valley. the horse leaped from rock to rock, planting his back feet and springing upward to a perch, upon which he hung until he got balance for another leap. i followed the animal, knowing him wiser in such matters than i. from time to time orivie urged me to ride and when i refused gave me the knowing look bestowed upon the witless, the glance of the asylum-keeper upon the lunatic who thinks himself a billiard ball. we were soon so high that i saw below only a big basin, in which was a natural temple, the vast ruin of a gigantic minster, it seemed, and across the basin a rugged, saw-like profile of the mountain-top. eons ago the upper valley was a volcano, when the island of fatu-hiva was under the sea. once the fire burst through the crater side toward the present beach, and after the explosion there was left a massive gateway of rock, through which we had come from the village. towering so high that they were hardly perceptible when we had been beside them, they showed from this height their whole formation, like the wrecked walls of a stupendous basilica. up and up we went. the way was steeper than any mountain i have ever climbed, except the sheer sides of chasms where ropes are necessary, or the chimneys of narrow defiles. i have climbed on foot vesuvius, halaakela, kilauea, fuji, and mayon, and the mountains of america, asia, and south america, though i know nothing by trial of the terrors of the alps. however, the horse could and did go up the steep, though it taxed him to the utmost, and these horses are like mountain-goats, for there is hardly any level land in the marquesas. [illustration: catholic church at hanavave frère fesal on left, père olivier on right] [illustration: a canoe in the surf at oomoa] unexpectedly, the sea came in view, with the catholic church and its white belfry, but in another turn it disappeared. i fell again and again; the horse floundered among the stones in the trough and fell, too, orivie seizing trees or bushes that lined the banks to save himself. rocks as large as hundred-ton vessels were on the mountainside above, held from falling only by small rocks interposed, feeble obstacles to an avalanche. beetling precipices overhung the village. i thought they might fall at any moment, and the marquesans recount many such happenings. in tai-o-hae three hundred natives were entombed forever by a landslide, and orivie pointed out the tracks of such slides, and immense masses of rock in the far depths below, beside strips of soft soil brought down by the rains. the wild guava and the thorny _keoho_, the taro, the pandanus and the banian, all the familiar and useful trees and plants were left behind. we toiled onward in a wilderness of stone. i climbed around the edge of a precipice, and stood above the sea. the blue ocean, as i looked downward, was directly under my eyes, and i could see the fishing canoes like chips on the water. it was a thousand feet straight down; the standing-place was but three feet wide, wet and slippery. the mighty trade-wind swept around the crags and threatened to dislodge me. that demoniacal impulse to throw oneself from a height took possession of me. almost a physical urging of the body, as if some hidden mephistopheles not only poured into the soul his hellish advice to end your life, but pushed you to the brink. as never before the evil desire to fall from that terrible height attacked me, and the world became a black dizziness. struggling, i threw out my hand; the unconscious grip upon a stunted fern, itself no barrier against falling, gave me a mental grip upon myself, and the crisis was passed. on hands and knees i crept around the ledge, for the wind was a gale, and a slip of a foot might mean a drop of a fifth of a mile. the next valley, tapaatea, came in view, and hanavave a cleft in the mountains, the stream a silver cord. a cascade gleamed on the opposite side against the namana hills. it is vaieelui, the youth orivie informed me, as we went higher, still on the dangerous ledge that binds the seaward precipice. all the valleys converged to a point, and nothing below was distinct. higher we went, and were level with the jagged ridge of the faeone mountains toward the north, and could look through the pierced mountain, laputa; through the hole, _tehavaiinenao_, that is like a round window to the sky, framed in black, about which legends are raised. orivie smiled indulgently as i explained to him that that hole was made by sea-currents when laputa was under the ocean. he knew that a certain warrior, half god and half man, threw his spear through the mountain once upon a time. we came then to the veriest pitch of the journey, like the roof of the world, and it was necessary to crawl about another ledge that permitted a perpendicular view of feet, so desperate in its attraction that had i known the name of that saint who is the patron of alpenstock buyers i would have offered him an _ave_. this was the apex. once safely past it, the trail went downward to a plateau. i caught up with orivie and the horse, and my muscles so rejoiced at the change of motion in descent that almost involuntarily i took a few steps of a jig and uttered the first verses of "i only had fifty cents." mosses and ferns by the billion covered every foot of the small plateau. there were no trees. the trail was a foot deep in water, like an irrigation ditch. one still might easily break one's neck. and i reflected that père olivier crosses many times a year between oomoa and hanavave, in his black soutan and on his weary horse, in all weathers, alone; it is a fact to treasure for recalling when one hears all missionaries included in the accusation of selfishness that springs so often to the lips of many men. we reached the plane of cocoanuts, and i asked orivie to fetch down a couple, after essaying to perform that feat myself and failing dismally besides scratching my nose and hands. bare feet are a requisite--bare and tough as leather. the marquesans cut notches in the trees after they reach maturity, to make the climbing easier, a custom they have in many parts of asia, but not in tahiti. these footholds are made every three feet on opposite sides. they are cut shallowly, inclining downward and outward, in order not to wound the wood of the tree or to form pockets in which water would collect and rot it. with these aids they climb with ease, using a rope of _purau_ bark tied about the wrists, and by these they pull themselves from notch. i have seen a child of six years reach the top of a sixty-foot tree in a minute or so, and i have seen a man or woman stop on the way, fifty feet from the earth, and light a cigarette. slim, fat, chiefs or commoners, all learn this knack in infancy. men who puff along the road because of their bulk will attain the branches of a palm with the agility of monkeys. orivie had no notches to assist him, but tied his ankles together with a piece of tough vine, leaving about ten inches of play, and with this band, pressed tightly against the tree, giving firm support while his arms, clasping the trunk above, drew him upward a yard at a time, he was at the crest of a fifty-foot tree in a minute, and threw down two drinking nuts. they were as big as foot-balls and weighed about five pounds each. we had no knife, but broke in the tops with stones, and holding up the shining green nuts, let the wine flow down our throats. never was a better thirst-quencher or heartener! the hottest noon on the hottest beach, when the coral burns the feet, this nectar is cool. after the most arduous climb, when lungs and muscles ache with weariness, it freshens strength and lifts the spirit. by the cocoanut-grove ran a level stream shaded with pandanus, and following it, we commenced again to mount on a pathway arched by small trees, down which the stream coursed. the cocoanuts fell away as we went up the ridge and emerged upon a tableland covered with ferns, some green and some dead and dry, carpeting the flat expanse as far as eye could see with a mat of lavender, the green and the brown melting into that soft color. we were further on the broad roof on the mountains, in the middle now and not on the edge, so we ran and galloped and shouted. wild horses fled from us, and we heard the grunt of boar in the fern thickets. the fan-palms, dwarfs, but graceful, intermingled with magnificent tree-ferns, while above them curved the _huetu_, the immense mountain plantain, called _fei_ in tahiti, where they are the bread of the people; they have ribbed, emerald leaves, as big as a man. feeders of dark people in many lands for thousands of years, theirs is the same golden fruit i had eaten at breakfast with père olivier, three thousand feet below. they grow only in the mountains, and the men who bring them into the villages have feet shaped like a hand spread out to its widest, with toes twisted curiously by climbing rocks and grasping roots for support. the rain began to fall again, and the wind came stronger, but now we were going down in earnest. the sea shone again, but it was on the oomoa side. we passed under trees hung with marvelous orchids, the _puaauetaha_, orivie said, parasitic vines related to the vanilla as the lion is related to the kitten, cousins, but with little family likeness. the trail became very dangerous at this point, a rocky slide, with steps a foot or two apart like uneven stairs, and all a foot, or sometimes two, under running water. i jumped and slid and slipped, following the unhappy plunging horse. darkness came on quickly with the blinding rain, and the descent was often at an angle of forty-five degrees, over rocks, eroded hills, along the edge of a precipice. i fell here, and saved myself by catching a root in the trail and pulling myself up again. i would have dropped upon the roof of the gendarme's house a thousand feet below. we heard the sound of the surf, and letting the horse go, orivie led me, by that sense we surrender for the comforts of civilization, down the bed of a cascade to the river of oomoa, which we waded, and then arrived at grelet's house. we had come thirteen miles. i was tired, but orivie made nothing of the journey. covered with mud as i was, i went to the river and bathed in the rain and, returning to the house, looked after my health. a half ounce of rum, a pint of cocoanut-milk from a very young nut, the juice of half a lime just from the tree, two lumps of sugar, and i had an invigorating draught, long enough for a golf player after thirty-six holes, and delicate enough for a debutante after her first cotillion. the paumotan boys and pae looked on in horror, saying that i was spoiling good rum. chapter xxxiii return in a canoe to atuona; tetuahunahuna relates the story of the girl who rode the white horse in the celebration of the féte of joan of arc in tai-o-hae; proof that sharks hate women; steering by the stars to atuona beach. the canoe we had followed to hanavave stopped in oomoa on its way to hiva-oa, my home, for i had bargained with tetuahunahuna, its owner, for my conveyance to atuona. grelet would eventually have transported me, but so great was his aversion to leaving fatu-hiva that i felt it would be asking too much of him. he reminded me that kant, the great metaphysician, had lived eighty years in his birthplace and never stirred more than seven miles from it. the canoe had come to hanavave to bring back two young women. one was dark, a voluptuous figure in a pink satin gown over a lace petticoat. a leghorn hat, trimmed with shells and dried nuts, sat coquettishly upon her masses of raven hair. upon her neck, rounded as a young cocoanut-tree, was a necklace of pearls that an empress might have envied her, had they been real and not the synthetic gift of some trader. small and shapely feet, bare, peeped from under her filmy frills. her eyes were the large, limpid orbs of the typical marquesan, like sepia, long-lashed; her nose straight and perfect, her mouth sensuous and demanding. ghost girl, her name signified, and she flitted about the islands like a sprite. "she levies tribute on all whom she likes," said grelet. "her devotions are rum and tobacco." on meeting me she squatted and spat through her fingers to show her thirst, as do all marquesans whose manners have not been corrupted by strangers. the other girl, younger, in a scarlet tunic with a wreath of hibiscus flowers on her head, startled me by appearing with all her body that i could see colored a brilliant yellow. she had decked herself for the journey with a covering of _ena_-paste, perfumed with saffron, a favorite cosmetic of island beauties. the sun was white on oomoa beach as we came down to it from the grateful shade of grelet's plantation. against the blinding glimmer of it the half-naked boatsmen, bearing bunches of bananas, dozens of drinking nuts, bread, and wine, the gifts of my host, were dark silhouettes outlined against the blue sea. behind them walked tetuahunahuna. calm, unburdened, and without a tattoo mark on his straight brown body, he looked the commander of men that he was, a man whose word none would think to question or to doubt. indifferent alike to the dizzying heat and to the admiring glances of the women, he set at once to ordering the loading of the boat that lay upon the sands beyond the reach of the breakers. a dozen women lounged in the ancient public place beneath the banian tree, a mighty platform of black stone on which the island women had sat for centuries to watch their men come and go in canoes to the fishing or to raids on neighboring bays, and where for decades they have awaited the landing of their white sailor lovers. "_tai, menino!_ a pacific sea!" they called to us as we passed them, and their eyes followed with envy the progress of ghost girl and sister of anna. the boat was already well loaded when i reached it. the fermented breadfruit wrapped in banana-leaves, the pig dug from the pit that morning and packed in sections of bamboo, the calabashes of river water, the bananas and drinking nuts, were all in place. with difficulty my luggage was added to the cargo, and we found cramped places for ourselves and bade farewell to grelet, while the oarsmen held the boat steady at the edge of the lapping waves. tetuahunahuna, watching the breakers, gave a quick word of command, and we plunged through the foam. the boat leaped and pitched in the flying spray. the oarsmen, leaping to their places, struck out with the oars. a sharp "_haie!_" of alarm rose behind me, and i saw that an oar had snapped. but tetuahunahuna, waist-deep in the water at our stern, gave a mighty push, and we were safely afloat as he clambered over the edge and stood dripping on the steersman's tiny perch, while the men, holding the boat head-on to the rolling waves, drove us safely through to open water. outside the bay they put by their oars and we waited for a breeze to give the signal for hoisting mast and sail. the beach lay behind us, a narrow line of white beyond the whiter curve of surf. the blue sky burned above us, and to the far shimmering horizon stretched the blue calm of a windless sea. we rolled idly, the sun scorching us. in an hour i was so hot that i began to wonder if i could endure the torment. the buckle on my trousers burned my flesh, and i could not touch my clothes without pain. the marquesans lay comfortably on the seats and bundles, enjoying their pandanus-leaf cigarettes. every few moments the bow-oar skillfully rolled one, took a few puffs and handed it to the next man, who, after taking his turn, passed it down the waiting line. from time to time tetuahunahuna, squatting in the stern, made a sign, and a fresh cigarette passed untouched through eight hands to his. he smoked serenely, gazing at the smooth swells of water and waiting with inexhaustible patience for the wind. at his feet the fifteen-year-old girl, sister of anne, disposed her saffron-colored body upon oars laid across the thwarts and slept. ghost girl, beside me, laid her glossy head in my lap to doze more comfortably. jammed against the unyielding thwarts, i passed miserable hours, unable to move more than a few inches in the narrow space. at noon, with the vertical eye of the evil sun staring down upon us, my clothes were so hot that i had to hold them off my body. i meditated leaping into the ocean and swimming awhile. ghost girl saw my intention when i stirred, and pulled me back beside her. "_mako!_" she cried. "_puaa hae!_" she pointed to starboard. a gray fin moved slowly through the water twenty feet away. "a shark, and a wicked beast he is!" she reached to pick up an opened cocoanut and tossed some of the milk over her shoulder to appease the demon. "_mako!_" she repeated. "_puaa hae!_" "_requin!_" echoed tetuahunahuna in french. "the devil of the marquesas!" "but you are not afraid of them. you swim where they are," said i. "few of us are bitten by sharks," said tetuahunahuna, sizing up a puff of wind that brought a faint hope. it died, and he continued. "we are often in the sea, and do not fear the _mako_ enough to make us weak against him. i have killed many with a knife. i have tied ropes about their bellies and made them feel silly as we pulled them in. i have tickled their bellies with the point of the knife that slit them later. they are awkward, they must turn over to bite, and they are afraid of a man swimming. but they are devils, and hate women. they do not like men, but women they will go far to kill." he took the cigarette ghost girl handed him and, squatting on the rudder deck, looked at me to see if i were interested. wretched as i felt, i returned his glance, and said "_tiatohoa?_" which means, "is that so?" and showed that i was attentive. "it is so," he replied. "there are reasons for this. in times before the memory of man a shark-god was deceived by a woman. in his anger he overturned an island, but this did not appease his hate. since that time all sharks have preyed on women." sister of anne moved restlessly in her sleep and put her _ena_-covered feet across my knees, feet as hot as an iron pump-handle on a july noon. "_hakaia!_" exclaimed ghost girl, and hung the feet over the side. "sharks will let men live to kill women," tetuahunahuna resumed. "there are many proofs of this, but most convincing is a happening that every one in tai-o-hae and nuka-hiva knows, because it happened only a few years ago. i saw that happening." i looked at him with attention, and after a few puffs of smoke he continued. "you may think, you who use the iron fingers that make words, that the shark does not know the difference between men and women. i have seen it, and i will tell you honestly. i have thought often of it, for all who live in tai-o-hae know that woman, and her foster-sister sits there with the _ena_ upon her. she does not lie in the cemetery, this girl of whom i speak, nor is her body beside that of her fathers in the _ua tupapau_. her name was anna, a name for your country, _fenua menike_, for her father was captain of a vessel with three masts that came from newbeddifordimass, a place where all the menike ships that hunt the whale came from. her mother was o take oho, of the valley of hapaa, whose father was eaten by the men of tai-o-hae in the war with that white captain, otopotee. "_ue!_ those big ships that hunt the whale come no more. the _paaoa_ spouts with none to strike him. standireili makes the lanterns burn in menike land, and they send it here in tipoti, the big cans. the old days are gone. "the father of anna saw her first when she was one year old and could barely swim. he came in his ship from newbeddifordimass, and he said that it was for the last time, for the whaling was done. he was a young man, strong and a user of strong words, but he looked with pride on the little anna, and kept her with her with her mother on his ship for many weeks, while the men of the ship danced with the girls. he would bathe on the beach in the bay of tai-o-hae, and the little anna would swim to him through the deep water. he gave her a small silver box with a silver chain, for the _tiki_ of bernadette, on the day that he sailed away. "he did not come again to tai-o-hae, nor atuona, nor hanavave. we heard that he traded with tahiti, and had given up the chase of the _paaoa_. i have never been in tahiti. they say that it is beautiful and that the people are joyous. they have all the _namu_ they can drink. the government is good to them." tetuahunahuna sighed, and looked at my bag, in which was the bottle of rum grelet had given me. i poured a drink into the cocoanut-shell ghost girl had emptied, and gave it to him. "_kaoha!_" he said and, having swallowed the rum, went on. "when anna had fourteen years she was _mot kanahua_, as beautiful as a great pearl. she was tall for her age as are the daughters of the great. her hair was of red and of gold, like that of titihuti of autuona. her eyes were the color of the _mio_, the rosewood when freshly cut, and her breasts like the milk-cocoanut husked for drinking. "many young men, marquesan men and all the white men, and george washington, the black american, tried to capture anna, but père simeon, the priest, had given her to the blessed maria peato, and the sisters guarded her carefully. from the time she played naked on the beach she wore the tiki of bernadette in the silver box given her by her father, and she said the prayers père simeon taught her from the book. she wore a blue _pareu_, and that was strange, for only old people, and few of them, wear any but the red or yellow loin-cloth. but blue, said little anna, is the color of maria peato, mother of christ." the others were listening curiously. ghost girl crossed herself and muttered, "_kaoha_, maria peato!" "when she had fourteen years, then, anna was different from all other girls on these beaches. all men sighed for her, but she was one who would not follow the custom of our girls since always. she was made different by her mother, by the prayers of père simeon, and by something strange in her _kuhane_--what do you say? soul. she cared nothing for drink or _pipi_, the trinkets girls adore. she spoke of herself always as the daughter of a menike captain, a father who would come for her and take her away. her mother had kept this always in her mind, and anna never joined the dances. "her mother, who lived on the beach and waited for the sailors, saw her seldom, for père simeon had taken anna away, and kept her in the nuns' house, and they guarded her. he had put a _tapu_ upon her." i sat up suddenly, struck by a memory. "it was she who rode the white horse, and bore the armor of joan in the great parade?" "it was she. the nuns would have had her live in the nun's house forever, and become one of them. but anna told me on the beach when she came hiding to see her mother, that she would live in the nuns' house only until her menike father came to take her away. she kept the _tiki_ of bernadette in its silver box upon her neck, and it was her god to whom she said her prayers." "_epo!_" i said, sitting up, dumfounded. "go on, tetuahunahuna. tell me more." "there came the great day of the blessed joan," said tetuahunahuna, after tasting a fresh cigarette. "there were drums and chants, and rum for all. père simeon took away the rum, alas! and only the menike sailors on the ships could have enough. anna wore a garment that shone like the sun on the waves, and sat upon a white horse, riding from the mission to the house of lepers on the beach. père simeon walked before her carrying the tiki of the sacrament, and there were banners white as the new web of the cocoanut. anna did not look to right or to left as she sat upon the horse, but when she stood on the sand by the house of lepers, she looked long at a new ship in the bay. "anna said that this ship might be that of her white father, but the name was different, and this ship was not from newbeddifordimass. she said she would swim to this ship to see her father, but her mother said no. her mother told her that the waters were full of sharks, and that not even a _tiki_ of bernadette would save her. then came the nuns, and took anna away. anna wept as she went with them, for she desired to stay and look at the ship. "that night the boats of the ship could not land on the beach of tai-o-hae, for the sea was too great, so that they came and went from peikua, the staircase in the rocks. the sailors had leave to do what they wished and they had plenty of rum given them by the captain who was born that day forty years before. i went then to the ship to drink the captain's rum and to buy tobacco. i am of hiva-oa, and the ship was large, and new to me." tetuahunahuna's gesture brought quickly to him a fresh cigarette, and he savored its rank smoke with satisfaction. the slender canoe swung like a hammock in the long, sluggish rollers. the sun blazed pitilessly upon us, and no slightest ruffle of white broke the surface of the calm, unrelenting sea that held us prisoner. "at night there was nobody on the ship not drunk. some of the men had seized several women on the road that leads to tai-o-hae, and had forced them to the boat and carried them aboard. among these women was anna, who had fled from the nuns to seek word of her father. she fought like a wild woman of the hills when they held her in jest to make her swallow the rum, but the strong ship men conquered her, and the sound of their laughter and her cries was so great that the captain himself came forward. when he saw her he claimed her as the youngest, as is the custom. "she went with him weeping. when they came to his cabin, we heard her crying aloud to maria peato. we heard the shouts of the captain, enraged, subduing her with blows. there was much rum, and the women were dancing. there was much noise, but i had drunk little, having just come to the ship, and i heard the crying and weeping of anna." "after a time came anna, running across the deck. it was a large vessel, and it was a dark night. the captain pursued her. she climbed the rigging, and the captain ordered two men to go aloft and bring her to him. [illustration: the gates of the valley of hanavave] [illustration: a fisherman's house of bamboo and cocoanut leaves] "every one came to look, with yells and with songs. the sailors climbed after her, and she went higher and higher, until near the top of that tall mast, taller than the greatest cocoanut-tree in atuona. there she held to the wood, calling upon maria peato. the captain was like a man mad with _namu_. he called to the sailors to climb higher. but when one reached to take her by the foot, she threw herself into the air and fell a great distance into the water. "the captain cried that he would give four litres of rum to the man that brought her back. some ran to get the boat, others dived after her. i was one of these. "i have said that it was a black night. when in the water we could get no sight of her. then on the ship one turned a bright lantern on the sea, and all of us saw her arm as it was raised to swim. she was a hundred feet before us, and swimming with great swiftness. the sailors meantime had set out in the boat, but they had drunk much rum, and rowed around and around. we three men swimming in the beams of the lantern came closer to her at every stroke. "almost my hand was upon her, when the largest shark i have ever seen rose beside her. you know it is at night that these devils look for their prey. anna saw the _mako_ at the same moment, and made a great splashing. i heard her call out the name of bernadette the blessed. "the men with me turned about, but i kept on. i cried to the boat to hurry to us. i could see the _mako_ turn in the water, as he must do to take anything into his mouth. i kicked him and i struck him, and i cursed him by the name of _manu-aiata_, the shark god. if i had had a knife i could have killed him easily. "but, menike, i could do nothing. he did not want me. the boat came, but not in time. i saw the devil take her in his jaws as the wild boar takes a bird that is helpless, and i felt him descend into the depths of the sea. i could do nothing." a cat's-paw stole across the sea from the southeast, the boat rolled hard, and tetuahunahuna sprang erect. "_a toi te ka!_ make sail!" he said. they raised the slender mast, a rose-wood tree, roughly shaped in the forest, and fastened it to either thwart with three ropes. through a ring at its head was passed the lift, and the sail of mats, old and worn, was set, men and women all fastening the strings to the boom. two sheets were used, one cleated about five feet from the rudder, the other at the disposition of the steersman, who let out the boom according to the wind. the breeze sprang up and died, and sprang up again. at last the deathly calm, the sickening heat, were over, and we sped across the freshening waves. mast and sail out of the way, we stretched ourselves in the boat with more comfort, enjoying the cooling current of air. tetuahunahuna, the sheet in his hand, squatted again on his narrow perch. "you returned to that ship when the boat picked you up?" i asked. "_aue!_" he replied. "the captain was crazed with anger. he cursed me, and said that the girl has swum ashore." "'no, the shark has taken anna,' i said. 'she will look for her white father no more.' "the captain had a glass of rum at his mouth, but he put it down. he would have me tell him again her name. when i did so, he shook as if with cold, and he swallowed the rum quickly. "'where was she born?' he said next. "'at hapaa. her mother is o take oho, whose father was eaten by the men of tai-o-hae,' i said, and looking at his face i saw that his eyes were the color of the _mio_, the rosewood when freshly cut. "the captain went to his cabin, and soon he leaped up the stairs, falling over the thing they look at to steer the ship, and there, lying on the deck, he cried again and again that i had done wrong not to tell him earlier. "he held in his hand the _tiki_, the silver box that anna had always worn about her neck, that her father had given her. "he was like a wild bull in the hills, that ship's captain, when he arose, roaring and cursing me. i feared that he would shoot me, for he had a revolver in his hand and said that he would kill himself. but he did not. "a marquesan who was as hateful to himself would have eaten the _eva_, but this man had not the courage, with all his cries. i swam ashore when he became maddened as a _kava_ drinker who does not eat. the mother of atuona, whom i told in tai-o-hae, went to see him, but he did not know her, and she took the _tiki_ from his cabin when she found him praying to it. he was _paea_, his stomach empty of thought. when the ship left, he was tied with the irons they have for sailors, and the second chief sailed the vessel." the ghost girl shook the _ena_-covered maiden. "_oi vii!_" she said petulantly. "take in your feet. do you want the _mako_ to eat them? do you not remember your sister?" the shark still moved a few fathoms away. we were now in the open sea, with forty miles to go to the bay of traitors. the boat lay over at an angle, the boom hissed through the water when close-hauled, and when full-winged, its heel bounced and splashed on the surface, as we made our six knots. there was twice too much weight in the canoe, but these islanders think nothing of loads, and for hours the company sat to windward or on the thwart while we took advantage of every puff of wind that blew. the six oarsmen took turns in bailing, using a heavy carved wooden scoop, but in the frequent flurries the waves poured over the side. the island of fatu-hiva faded behind us, and raised moho-tani, the isle of barking dogs, a small, but beautifully regular, islet, like a long emerald. no soul dwells there. the moi-atiu clan peopled it before a sorcerer dried up the water sources. a curse is upon it, and while the cocoanuts flourish and all is fair to the eye, it remains a shunned and haunted spot. tahuata, that lovely isle of the valley of vait-hua, rose on our left, with the cape _te hope e te keko_, a purple coast miles away, which as the dusk descended grew darker and was lost. the shadowy silhouettes of the mountains of hiva-oa projected themselves on the horizon. night fell like a wall, and nothing was to be seen but the glow of the pipe that passed as if by spirit hands around our huddled group. the head of ghost girl was on my knees, and among the sons and daughters of cannibals peace enveloped me as at twilight in a grove. more in tune with the moods of nature, the rhythm of sea and sky, the breath of the salt breeze, than we who have sold our birthright for arts, these savages sat silent for a little while as if the spirit of the hour possessed their souls. then the stars began to take their places in heaven to do their duty toward the poor of earth, and i saw the bright and inspiring faces of many i knew. the wind shifted and freshened, the sail was drawn nearer, and our speed became perilous. the waves grew, but tetuahunahuna, seeing nothing, but feeling with sheet and helm the temper of changing air and water, kept the canoe's prow steady, and the men, in emergencies, threw themselves half over the starboard gunwale. i was on the edge of the steersman's perch, enjoying the mist of the flying spray and watching the stars appear one by one. tetuahunahuna pointed toward the northern sky. "_miope!_ i steer by the star the color of the rosewood tree," he said. there was our own mars, redder than the sunsets over mariveles. northwest he was, this god of war and fertility, and our bow beacon. turning and gazing toward fatu-hiva i saw the southern cross, low in the sky, brilliant, and splendid. "_mataike fetu!_" ghost girl named the constellation. "the small eyes." "miope has rivers like taka-uku and atuona," i said, relying on the alleged canals of mars to save my soul. "i have seen through a _karahi mea tiohi i te fetu_, the mirror thing through which one looks at the stars, long as a tree and big around as a pig. miope has people upon it." "are they marquesans?" "they must be marquesans for there are islands," i replied. "and _popoi_ and pigs?" demanded the _ena_-perfumed one. "_namu?_ have they rum?" whispered the ghost girl, and nestled closer, remembering that soon we would be at my own house. i had confidence in tetuahunahuna's stars. the polynesians have always had an excellent working knowledge of the heavens and were deeply interested in astronomy. they knew the relative positions of the stars, their changes and phases. they predicted weather changes accurately, and kept in their memories periodicity charts so that they are able to form estimates of what will be, by considering what has been. they had a wonderful art of navigation, considering that they had no compass, sextant, or other instrument, and that their vessels were always comparatively small. the handling of canoes, like swimming, is instinctive with them, and no white ever compares with them in skill. our boat doubled point teachoa, and we were in the bay of traitors. the wind suddenly fell flat, and we rowed several miles to the beach. a score of lights moved about on the dark waters of the bay, and fishermen shouted to us to come to them. we found great fern, my landlord, with apporo, broken plate with the vagabond, and they had several canoes full of fish. they were delighted at my return, and rubbed noses with me over the gunwales. getting ashore at the stone steps of taka-uka was a task worthy of such boatsmen, in the darkness, the sea beating madly against the cliffs. tetuahunahuna listened to the smashing waves and peered for the blacker outlines of the stairway and the faint gleam of the foam. the boat approached; the sea leaped to break it against the rocks. the steersman held it a second, and in that second you had to leap. it is touch and go, and heaven help you! if you miss, you fall into the sea, or the boat crushes you against the rocks. the swell sweeps the place you land on, and you must ascend quickly to safety or find hold against the suck of the retiring water. tetuahunahuna ran to the nearest house for a lantern and poles, and while two remained in the boat to hold it off the rocks, the others carried my luggage to atuona. i took the lead in a drizzling rain, carrying the light, mighty glad to stretch my legs after more than a dozen hours of cramp. passing the house of the chief-of-police, i heard laughter and the clink of glasses. bauda halted me with a leveled revolver, thinking we were a rum-smuggling gang. that brave african soldier was ever dramatic, and _d'artagnan_ could not have struck a finer attitude as he thrust the gun in my face and called out, "_halte là_!" "_ah, c'est le yahnk' doodl'. mais tonnerre de dieu_, you have been away a long time!" chapter xxxiv sea sports; curious sea-foods found at low tide; the peculiarities of sea-centipedes and how to cook and eat them. with what delight i returned to lazy days in atuona valley, lounging on the black _paepae_ of my own small blue cabin in the shadow of temiteu, idling on the sun-warm sands of the familiar beach, walking the remembered road between banana hedges heavy with yellowing fruit! the heart of man puts down roots wherever it rests; it is perhaps this sense of home that gives the zest to wandering, for new experiences gain their value from contrast with the old, and one must have felt the bondage, however light, of emotion and habit before he can know the joy of freedom from it. still a man leaves part of himself in every home he makes, and the wanderer, free of the one strong cord that would hold him to one place, feels always the urge of a thousand slender ties pulling him back to the thousand temporary homes he has made everywhere on the world. so the old routine closed around me pleasantly; mornings in the shade of my palms and breadfruit, eating the breakfasts prepared for me by exploding eggs over the fire of cocoanut husks, baths in the clear pool of the river with my neighbors, afternoons spent in the cocoanut-groves or with merry companions on the beach. exploding eggs directed the surf board with a sure hand, lying flat, kneeling or even standing on the long plank as he came in on the crest of the breakers. i had now and again succeeded in being carried along while flat on my stomach on the board, but failed many times oftener than i succeeded. now i set myself in earnest to learn the art of mastering the surf. three or four o'clock in the afternoon was the time i usually chose for the sport, and once i had made it a practice, all the boys and girls of the village accompanied me, or waited for me at the shore, sure of hilarious hours. i must make children my companions, here, for my older friends were so oppressed by the gloom of race extinction that save for malicious gossip and one or two others, there was no capacity for joyousness left in them. exploding eggs was my chum, paid as forager and firemaker, but giving from friendliness his services as a wise and admirable teacher of the unknown to one unmade by civilization. the bay of atuona, narrow between high cliffs covered with cocoanut-trees, was the scene of my lessons. the tide came booming into this cove from the bay of traitors, often with bewildering force, and a day or two a month as gently as the waves at waikiki. the river spread a broad mouth to drink the brine, and the white sand was over-run by the flowered vines that crept seaward to taste the salt. no house was in sight, no man-made structure to mar the primitive, as our merry crew of boys and girls sported naked in the surf, fished from the rocks, or lay upon the shining beach. for my first essay i used the lid of a box that had enclosed an ornate coffin ordered from tahiti by a chief who anticipated dying. it was large, and weighty to drag or push through the surf to the proper distance. laboring valiantly with it, i reached some distance from the shore, and prepared a triumphal return. the waves were big, curving above me in sheets of clearest emerald crested with spray, breaking into foam and rising again, endlessly reshaping, repeating themselves. awaiting my opportunity, i chose one as it rose behind me, and flung myself upon it. up and up and still higher i went, carried by resistless momentum, and suddenly like a chip in a hurricane i was flung forward at a fearsome speed, through rushing chaos of wind and water, seeing the beach dashing toward me, shouting with exultation. at the next instant my trusty board turned traitor. its prow sank, the end beneath me rose, and like a stone discharged from a sling i was thrown under the waves, head over heels, banging my head and body on the sand, leaped upon by following waves that piled me into shallow water, rolling me over and over, striking me a blow with the coffin-lid at every roll. i lay high and dry, panting and aching, while from all the beach rose shouts of laughter. exploding eggs rolled on the sand in his delight, holding his gasping sides, scarcely able to remind me of the necessity, which in my excitement i had forgotten, of keeping the prow of the board pointed upward as i rode. often as i repeated this instruction in my mind, firmly as i determined to remember it while i toiled sea-ward again with the coffin-lid, the result was always the same. a moment of rest in the unresting waves, a quick, agile spring, a moment of mad, intoxicating joy, and then--disaster. i became a mass of bruises, the skin scraped inch by inch from my chest by contact with the rough wood. i would not give up until i had to, and then for a week i was convalescing. one stiff ache from head to foot, i lay ignominiously on the sand, and watched exploding eggs, with a piece of box not bigger than a fat man's shirt-front, take wave after wave, standing on the board, dashing far across the breakers to the shore, with never a failure, while gedge's little half-breed daughter, a beautiful fairy-like creature, darted upon the sea as a butterfly upon a zephyr. after several weeks of effort and mishap, one day the secret came to me like a flash, and the trick was learned. i had been using the great board and was weary. i exchanged with exploding eggs for a plank three feet long and fourteen inches wide. almost exhausted, i waited as usual with the butt of the board against my stomach for the incoming breaker to be just behind and above me, and then leaped forward to kick out vigorously, the board pressed against me and my hands extended along its sides, to get in time with the wave. but the wave was upon me before i had thought to execute these instructions, i straightened myself out rigidly, and lo! i shot in like a torpedo on the very top of the billow, holding the point of the board up, yelling like a comanche indian. so fast, so straight did i go, that it was all i could do to swerve in the shallow water and not be hurled with force on the sand. "_metai! me metai!_" cried my friends in excited congratulation, while like all men who succeed by accident, i stood proudly, taking the plaudits as my due. from that afternoon i had most exhilarating sport, and indeed, this is the very king of amusements for fun and exercise. skeeing, tobogganing, skating, all land sports fade before the thrills of this; nor will anything give such abounding health and joy in living as surf-riding in sunny seas. a hundred afternoons on atuona bay i spent in this exhilarating pastime. to it we added embellishments, multiplying excitements. a score of us would start at the same moment from the same line and race to shore; we would carry two on a board; we would stand and kneel and direct our course so that we could touch a marked spot on the beach or curve about and swerve and jostle each other. exploding eggs was the king of us all, and teata was queen. she advanced as effortlessly as a mermaid, her superb figure shining on the shining water, tossing her long black hair, and shrieking with delight. occasionally we varied these sports by a much more dangerous and arduous game. we would push our boards far out in the bay, half a mile or more, diving under each wave we faced, until after tremendous effort we reached the farthest sea-ward line of breakers. often while i swam, clinging to the board and struggling with the waves for its possession, i saw in the emerald water curling above me the shadowy shapes of large fish, carried on the crests of the combers, transfigured clearly against the sky, fins and heads and tails outlined with light. once in smoother water we waited for the proper moment, counting the foam-crests as they passed. waves go in multiples of three, the third being longer and going farther than the two before it, and the ninth, or third third, being strongest of all. this ninth wave we waited for. choosing any other meant being spilled in tumbling water when it broke far from land, and falling prey to the succeeding ones, which bruised unmercifully. [illustration: double canoes] [illustration: harbor sports] but taking the ninth monster at its start, we rode marvelously, staying at its summit as it mounted higher and higher, shouting above the lesser rollers, until it dashed upon the smooth sand half a mile away. exultation kept the heart in the throat, the pulses beating wildly, as the breaker tore its way over the foaming rollers, i on the roof of the swell, lying almost over its front wall, holding like death to my plank while the wind sang in my ears and sky and sea mingled in rushing blueness. to take such a ride twice in an afternoon taxed my strength, but the marquesan boys and girls were never wearied, and laughed at my violent breathing. the romans ranked swimming with letters, saying of an uneducated man, "_nec literas didicit nec natare._" he had neither learned to read nor to swim. the sea is the book of the south sea islanders. they swim as they walk, beginning as babies to dive and to frolic in the water. their mothers place them on the river bank at a day old, and in a few months they are swimming in shallow water. at two and three years they play in the surf, swimming with the easy motion of a frog. they have no fear of the water to overcome, for they are accustomed to the element from birth, and it is to them as natural as land. it should be so with all, for human locomotion in water is no more tiresome or difficult than on the earth. one element is as suitable to man as the other for transportation of himself, when habitude give natural movement, strength, and fearlessness. a marquesan who cannot swim is unknown, and they carry objects through the water as easily as through a grove. i have seen a woman with an infant at her breast leap from a canoe and swim through a quarter of a mile of breakers to the shore, merely to save a somewhat longer walk. one's hours at the beach were not all spent in the water. many were the curious and delicious morsels we found on the rocks that were uncovered at low tide, stranded fish, crabs, and small crawling shell-fish. one of our favorites was the sea-urchin, called _hatuke_, _fetuke_, or _matuke_. round, as big as a bartlett pear, with greenish spines five or six inches long, they were as hideous to see as they were pleasant to eat. in the last quarter of the moon they were specially good, though what the moon has to do with their flavor neither the marquesans nor i know. it is so; the marquesans have always known it, and i have proved it. the spines of these sea-urchins make slate-pencils in some of the islands, and are excellent for hastily writing on a nearby cliff a message to a friend who is following tardily. the creatures are poisonous when alive, however, and revenge a blow of careless hand or foot by wounds that are long in healing. we found lobsters among the rocks, too, and on some beaches a strange kind of lobsterish delicacy called in tahiti _varo_, a kind of mantis-shrimp that looks like a superlatively villainous centipede. they grow from six to twelve inches long and a couple of inches wide, with legs or feelers all along their sides, like the teeth of a pocket-comb. their shells are translucent yellow with black markings; the female wears a red stripe down her back and carries red eggs beneath her. both she and her mate, with their thousand crawling legs, their hideous heads and tails, have a most repulsive appearance. if one did not know they are excellent food and most innocent in their habits, one would flee precipitately at sight of them. catching the _varo_ is a delicate and skilful art. they live in the shallows near the beach, digging their holes in the sand under two or three feet of water. when the wind ruffles the surface, it is impossible to see the holes, but on calm days we waded knee-deep in the clear water, stepping carefully and peering intently for the homes of the sea-centipede. finding one, we cautiously lowered into the hole a spool fitted with a dozen hooks. a pair of the creatures inhabits the same den. if the male was at home, he seized the grapnel and was quickly lifted and captured, the hooks being lowered again for the female. but if the female emerged first, it was a sure sign that her mate was absent. i pondered as to this habit of the _varo_, and would have liked to persuade me that the male, being a courteous shrimp, combatted the invading hooks first in an effort to protect his mate. but the grapnel is baited with fish, and though masculine pride could wish that chivalry urged the creature to defend his domestic shrine, it appears regrettably certain that he is merely after the bait, to which he clings with such selfish obstinacy that he sacrifices his liberty and his life. however, the lady soon shows the same grasping tendency, and their deserted tenement is filled by the shifting sands. catching _varo_ calls for much patience and dexterity. i never succeeded in landing one, but teata would often skip back to the sands of the beach with a string of them. six would make a good meal, with bread and wine, and they are most enjoyable hot, though also most dangerous. "begin their eating by sucking one cold," warned exploding eggs when presiding over my first feast upon the twelve-inch centipedes. "if he does not grip you inwardly, you may then eat them hot and in great numbers." many white men can not eat the _varo_. some lose appetite at its appearance, its likeness to a gigantic thousand-leg, and others find that it rests uneasy within them, as though each claw, or tooth of the comb, viciously stabbed their interiors. i found them excellent when wrapped in leaves of the _hotu_-tree and fried in brown butter, and they were very good when broiled over a fire on the beach. one takes the beastie in his fingers and sucks out the meat. beginners should keep their eyes closed during this operation. chapter xxxv court day in atuona; the case of daughter of the pigeon and the sewing-machine; the story of the perfidy of drink of beer and the death of earth worm who tried to kill the governor. the marquesan was guaranteed his day in court. there was one judge in the archipelago and one doctor, and they were the same, being united in the august person of m. l'hermier des plantes, who was also the pharmacist. the jolly governor, in his twenties, with medical experience in an african army post and in barracks in france, was irked by his judicial and administrative duties, though little troubled by his medical functions, since he had few drugs and knew that unless these were swallowed by the patient in his presence they would be tried upon the pigs or worn as an amulet around the neck. faithful to his orders, however, the judge sat upon the woolsack saturdays, unless it was raining or he wished to shoot _kuku_. one saturday morning, being invited to breakfast at the palace, i strolled down to observe the workings of justice. court was called to order in the archives room of the governor's house. the judge sat at a large table, resplendent in army blue and gold, with cavalry boots and spurs, his whiskers shining, his demeanor grave and stern. bauda, clerk of the court, sat at his right, and peterano, a native catechist, stood opposite him attired in blue overalls and a necklace of small green nuts, ready to act as interpreter. each defendant, plaintiff, prisoner, and witness was sworn impressively, though no bible was used; which reminded me that in hongkong i saw a defendant refuse to handle a bible in court, and when the irate english judge demanded his reasons, calmly replied that the witness who had just laid down the book had the plague, and it was so proved. the first case was that of a chinese, member of the shan-shan syndicate which owned a store in atuona. he was charged with shooting _kukus_ without a license. there were not many of these small green doves left in the islands, and the governor, whose favorite sport and delicacy they were, was righteously angered at the chinaman's infraction of the law. he fined the culprit twenty dollars, and confiscated to the realm the murderous rifle which had aided the crime. the shan-shan man was stunned, and expostulated so long that he was led out by flag, the gendarme, after being informed that he might appeal to tahiti. he was forcibly put off the veranda, struggling to explain that he had not shot the gun, but had merely carried it as a reserve weapon in case he should meet a chinese with whom he had a feud. a sailor of the schooner _roberta_, who had stolen a case of absinthe from captain capriata's storeroom aboard and destroyed the peace of a valley to which he took it as a present to a feminine friend, was fined five dollars and sentenced to four months' work on the roads. the criminal docket done, civil cases were called. the barefooted bailiff, flag, stole out on the veranda occasionally to take a cigarette from the inhabitants of the valley of taaoa, who crowded the lawn around the veranda steps. all save kahuiti, they had come over the mountains to attend in a body a trial in which two of them figured--the case of santos vs. tahiaupehe (daughter of the pigeon). santos was a small man, born in guam, and had been ten years in taaoa, having deserted from a ship. he and i talked on the veranda in spanish, and he explained the desperate plight into which love had dragged him. he adored tahaiupehe, the belle of taaoa. for months he had poured at her feet all his earnings, and faithfully he had labored at copra-making to gain money for her. he had lavished upon her all his material wealth and the fierce passion of his malay heart, only to find her disdainful, untrue, and, at last, a runaway. while he was in the forest, he said, climbing cocoanut-trees to provide her with luxuries, she had fled his hut, carrying with her a certain "singaire" and a trunk. he was in court to regain this property. "_ben santos me tahaiupehe mave! a mai i nei!_" cried flag, pompously. the pair entered the court, but all others were excluded except me. as a distinguished visitor, waiting to breakfast with the judge and the clerk, i had a seat. the daughter of the pigeon, comely and voluptuous, wore an expression of brazen bitterness such as i have seen on the faces of few women. a procuress in whitechapel and a woman in america who had poisoned half a dozen of her kin had that same look; sneering, desperate, contemptuous, altogether evil. i wondered what experiences had written those lines on the handsome face of daughter of the pigeon. ben santos was sworn. through the interpreter he told his sad tale of devotion and desertion and asked for his property. the singaire had been bought of the german store. he had bought it that daughter of the pigeon might mend his garments, since she had refused to do so without it. he had not given it to her at all, but allowed her the use of it in consideration of "love and affection" he swore. daughter of the pigeon glared at the unhappy little man with an intensity of hatred that alarmed me for his life. she took the stand, malevolently handsome in finery of pink tunic, gold ear-rings, and necklace of red peppers, barefooted, bare-armed, barbaric. she spat out her words. "this man made love to me and lived with me. he gave me the sewing-machine and the trunk. he is a runt and a pig, and i am tired of him. i left his hut and went to the house of my father. i took my singaire and my trunk." "ben santos," inquired the judge, with a critical glance at daughter of the pigeon, "what return did you make to this woman for keeping your house?" "i provided her food and her dresses," stammered the little man. "food hangs from trees, and dresses are a few yards of stuff," said the surgical solomon. "the fair ones of the marquesas do not give themselves to men of your plainness for _popoi_ and muslin robes. you are a foreigner. you expect too much. the preponderance of probability, added to the weight of testimony, causes the court to believe that this woman is the real owner of the sewing-machine and the trunk. it is so adjudged." "_la mujer es una diabola, pero me gusto mucho_," said santos to me, and sighed deeply. "the woman is a devil, but i like her very much." [illustration: tahaiupehe, daughter of the pigeon, of taaoa] [illustration: nataro puelleray and wife he is the most learned marquesan and the only one who knows the language and legends thoroughly] the unfortunate malay got upon his horse and, his soul deep in the swamp of jealousy, departed to resume his copra-making. court adjourned. the judge, the clerk, and the interpreter, daughter of the pigeon, and i toasted the blind goddess in rum, the sun being very hot on the iron roof. bauda and i stayed to breakfast at eleven o'clock, and the governor permitted me to look through the _dossier_ of daughter of the pigeon. this record is kept of all marquesans or others resident in the islands; each governor adds his facts and prejudices and each newcoming official finds the history and reputation of each of his charges set down for his perusal. in this record of daughter of the pigeon i found the reason for the malevolent character depicted by her face. the men of the hills have a terrible custom of capturing any woman of another valley who goes alone in their district. grelet's first companion was caught one night by forty, who for punishment built the ten kilometres of road between haniapa and atuona. many daughters, the beautiful little leper, when thirteen years old was a victim of seventeen men, some of whom were imprisoned. daughter of the pigeon had had a fearful experience of this kind. it had seared her soul, and santos was paying for his sex. in feud times this custom was a form of retaliation, as the slaying of men and eating them. it has survived as a sport. lest horror should spend itself upon these natives of the islands, i mention that in every state in our union similar records blacken our history. war's pages from the first glimmerings to the last foul moment reek with this deviltry. british and french at badajoz and tarragona, in spain, left fearful memories. occident and orient alike are guilty. this crime smutches the chronicle of every invasion. it is part of the degradation of slums in all our cities, a sport of hoodlum gangs everywhere. in the marquesas it is a recognized, though forbidden, game, and has its retaliatory side. time was when troops of women have revenged it in strange, savage ways. this unsubmissive and aggressive attitude of marquesan women was brought home to me this very afternoon after the trial, when daughter of the pigeon came galloping up to my cabin. she reined in her horse like a cowboy who had lassoed a steer and, throwing the bridle over the branch of an orange-tree, tripped into my living-room, where i was writing. without a word she put her arms around me, and in a moment i was enacting the part of joseph when he fled from potiphar's wife. with some muscular exertion i got her out of the house at the cost of my shirt. puafaufe (drink of beer), a chief of taaoa, appeared at this moment, while i was still struggling with her upon my _paepae_. "_makimaki okioki i te!_ an ungovernable creature!" he commented, shaking his head, and looking on with interest as she again attacked me vigorously, to the danger of my remaining shreds of garments. chivalry is not a primitive emotion, but it dies hard in the civilized brain, and i was attempting the impossible. fending her off as best i could, i conjured the chief by the red stripe on the sleeve of his white jacket, his badge of office, to rescue me, for madame bapp was now on her _paepae_, craning her fat neck, and i had no mind to be laughed at by my own tint. the chief, however, maintained the impartial attitude of the bystander at a street fight. smothered in the embraces of daughter of the pigeon, covered with embarrassment, i struggled and cursed, and had desperately decided to fling her bodily over the eight-foot wall of the _paepae_ into the jungle, when another arrival dashed up the trail. this was the brother of daughter of the pigeon. it was evident that my cabin had been appointed as a rendezvous, though i had no acquaintance with any of my three visitors. a suspicion was born in my dull brain. to make it surety, i grasped my feminine wooer by wrists and throat and thrust her into the arms of the chief with a stern injunction to hold her. then, without hint of my intention, i hastened into the house and brought forth the demijohn and cocoanut-shells. the amorous fury of daughter of the pigeon melted into gratitude, and after two drinks apiece the company galloped away, leaving me to repair tattered garments and thank my stars for my supply of _namu_. but the end of court-day was not yet. i had barely fallen into my first slumber that night when i was awakened by the disconsolate shan-shan man, who came humbly to present me with a half-pound doughnut of his own making, and to beg my intercession with the governor for the return of his gun. he reiterated tearfully that he had not meant to shoot _kukus_ with it, that he had not done so, that he desired it only in order to be able to take a pot-shot at the offending countryman in the village. he urged desperately that the other chinese still possessed a gun well oiled and loaded. he asserted even with tears that he had all respect and admiration for the white man's law. but he wanted his gun, and he wanted it quickly. i calmed him with the twice-convenient _namu_, and after promising to explain the situation to the governor, i sat for some time on my _paepae_ in the moonlight, talking with the unhappy convict. without prompting he divulged to me that my suspicions had been correct; drink of beer had himself instigated the raid of the bold daughter of the pigeon upon my rum. drink of beer, it appeared, was known in the islands for many feats of successful duplicity. one had nearly cost the life of jean richard, a young frenchman who worked for the german trader in taka-uka. "earth worm was a man of taaoa," said my guest, sitting cross-legged on my mats, his long-nailed, yellow fingers folded in his lap. "he was nephew of pohue-toa, eater of many men. earth worm was arrested by drink of beer and brought before the former governor, lailheugue, known as little pig. "drink of beer said that earth worm had made _namu enata_, the juice of the flower of the palm that makes men mad. earth worm swore that he had done no wrong. he swore that drink of beer had allowed him, for a price, to make the _namu enata_, and that drink of beer had said this was according to the law. but when he failed to pay again, drink of beer had arrested him. "drink of beer said this not true. he wore the red stripe on his sleeve; therefore the governor little pig said that earth worm lied, and sent him to prison for a year. "now earth worm was an informed man, a son of many chiefs, and himself resolved in his ways. he said that he would speak before the courts of tahiti, and he would not go in shame to the prison. at this time that governor was finished with his work here and was departing on a ship to tahiti, and earth worm with hate in his heart, embarked on that ship, saying nothing, but thinking much. "he lived forward with the crew, and said nothing, but thought. others spoke to him, saying that he would not profit by the journey to tahiti where the word of the governor was powerful, but he did not reply. the men of the crew wished earth worm to kill the governor, for every marquesan hated him, and he had done a terrible thing for which he deserved death. "there had been an aged gendarme who fell ill because of a curse laid on him by a _tahuna_. he was dying. this governor took from his box in the house of medicines a sharp small knife, and with it he cut the veins of a marquesan who had done some small wrong against the law and lay in jail. he bound this man by the arm to the gendarme who was dying, and through the cut the blood ran into the gendarme's veins. his heart sucked the blood from the body of the marquesan like a vampire bat of the forest, and he lay bound, feeling the blood go from him. the village knew that this was being done, and could do nothing but hate and fear, for it was the governor who had done it. "the gendarme died, and you may yet see on the beach sometimes that man who was a strong and brave marquesan. he trembles now like _hotu_ leaves in the wind, for he never forgets the terrible magic done upon him by that governor. he remembers the hours when he lay bound to that man who was dying, and the dying man sucked his blood from him. "now this governor was on the ship going away, and he had not been killed. this made all marquesans sad, and those in the crew talked to earth worm, who had also been wronged, and urged him to rise and strike. but he said nothing. "the ship came to the paumotas, and the governor sat all day long on a stool on the deck, watching the islands as they passed. earth worm sat in his place, watching the governor. one night at dark he rose, and taking an iron rod laid beside him by one of the crew he crept along the deck and stood behind the man on the stool. he raised the iron rod and brought it down with fury upon the head of that man, who fell covered with blood. then he leaped into the sea. "but the governor had gone below, and it was jean richard who sat on the stool in the darkness. he was found bleeding upon the deck, and the bones of his head were cut and lifted and patched, so that to-day he lives, as well as ever. earth worm was never found. a boat with a lantern was lowered, but it found nothing but the fins of sharks. "that was the work of drink of beer, who had hated earth worm because he was a brave and strong man of taaoa. when this was told to drink of beer, he smiled and said, 'earth worm is safer where he is.' "i have talked too much. your rum is very good. i thank you for your kindness. you will not forget to deign to speak to the governor concerning the matter of the gun?" i promised that i would not forget, and after a prolonged leavetaking the shan-shan man slipped silently down the trail and vanished in the moon-lit forest. chapter xxxvi the madman great moth of the night; story of the famine and the one family that ate pig. le brunnec, the trader, was opening a roll of tahiti tobacco five feet long, five inches in diameter at the center, and tapering toward the ends. it was bound, as is all tahiti tobacco, in a _purau_ rope, which had to be unwound and which weighed two pounds. the eleven pounds of tobacco were hard as wood, the leaves cemented by moisture. le brunnec hacked it with an axe into suitable portions to sell for three francs a pound, the profit on which is a franc. the immediate customer was tavatini (many pieces of tattooing), a rich man of taaoa, in his fifties. his face was grilled with _ama_ ink. one streak of the natural skin alone remained. beside him on the counter sat a commanding-looking man, whose eyes, shining from a blue background of tattooing, were signals to make one step aside did one meet him on the trail. they had madness in them, but they were a revelation of wickedness. some men, without a word or gesture, make you think intently. there is that in their appearance which starts a train of ideas, of wonder, of guesses at their past, of horror at what is written upon their faces. this man's visage was seamed and wrinkled in a network of lines that said more plainly than words that he was a monster whose villainies would chill imagination. the brain was a spoiled machine, but it had been all for evil. "that man," said le brunnec, "is the worst devil in the marquesas." between blows of the axe, the trader told me something of his history: the madman was mohuho, whose name means great moth of the night. he is the chief whom lying bill saw shoot three men in tahuata for sheer wantonness. he was then chief of tahuata, and the power in that island, in hiva-oa and fatu-hiva. he slew every one who opposed him. he was the scourge of the islands. he harried valley after valley for lust of blood and the terrible pride of the destroyer. it was his boast that he had killed sixty people by his own hand, otherwise than in battle. he was a man of ceaseless energy, a builder of roads, of houses, and canoes. at hapatone he had constructed several miles of excellent road with the enforced labor of every man in the valley for a year. it is all lined with _temanu_ trees, is almost solid stone, and endures. its blocks are cemented with blood, for great moth of the night drove men to the work with bullets. his arsenal was stocked by the french, whose ally he was, and to whom he was very useful in furnishing men for work and in upholding french supremacy. in hapatone he was virtually a king, and the fear of him extended throughout the southern marquesas. one day he came as a guest to a feast in taaoa. there was a blind man, a poor, harmless fellow, who was eating the pig and _popoi_ and saying nothing. great night moth had a new gun, which he laid beside him while he drank plentifully of the _namu enata_, until he became quite drunk. at last the blind man, scared by his threats, started to walk away in the slow, halting way of the sightless, and attracted great night moth's attention. he picked up his new gun and while all were petrified with fear of being the target, he shot the blind man so that his body fell into the oven in which the pig had been baked. the people could only laugh loudly, if not heartily, as if pleased by the joke. in hana-teio a man in a cocoanut-tree gathering nuts was ordered to come down by great night moth who was passing on a boar hunt. the man became confused. his limbs did not cling to the tree as usual. he was fearful and could make no motion. "_poponohoo! ve mai! a haa tata!_ come down quickly!" yelled the chief. the poor wretch could not obey. he saw the gun and knew the chief. great night moth brought him down a corpse. there was no punishment for him. the french held him accountable only for deeds against their sovereignty. a superstition that he was protected by the gods, combined with his strength and desperate courage, made him immune from vengeance by the islanders. these were incidents le brunnec knew from witnesses, but it was many pieces of tattooing who told the ancestry of great night moth. "pohue-toa (male package) uncle of earth worm, was prince of taaoa and father of this man," said many pieces. "he was one of the biggest men of these islands, and the strongest in taaoa. he lived for a while in hana-menu. "there was no war then between the valley of atuona and that of hana-menu; the people of both crossed the mountains and visited one another. but it was discovered in atuona that a number of the people were missing. some had gone to hana-menu and never reached there, others had disappeared on their way home. the chief of atuona sent a messenger who was _tapu_ in all valleys, to count the people of this valley who were in hana-menu and to warn them to return in a band, armed with spears. meanwhile the priest went to the high place and spoke to the gods, and after two days and nights he returned and said that the danger was at the pass between the valleys; that a demon had seized the people there. "the demon was male package. you know the precipice there is near the sky, and at the very height is a _puta faiti_, a narrow place. there male package lay in wait, armed with his spear and club, and hidden in the grass. he was hungry for meat, for long pig, and when he saw some one he fancied, he threw his spear or struck them down with the _u'u_. he took the corpse on his back and carried it to his hut in the upper valley of hana-menu as i would carry a sack of copra. there he ate what he would, alone. "oh, there were those who knew, but they were afraid to tell. after it became known to the people of atuona, to the kin of those who had been eaten, they did nothing. male package was like great night moth later--a man whom the gods fought for." great night moth sat smoking, listening to what was said in the listless way that lunatics listen, unable to focus his attention, but gathering in his addled brain that he was being discussed. i watched him as one does a caged tiger, guessing at the beast's thoughts and thankful that it can prey no more. many pieces of tattooing had no tone of horror or regret in his voice while he recounted the bloody deeds of mohuho and pohue-toa, but smiled, as if he would say that they had occurred under a different dispensation and were not blameful. "was great night moth the real son of male package?" i asked. "ah, that is to be told," said many pieces. "he was his son, yes. shall i tell you the tale of how he escaped death at the hands of his father? _ea!_ i remember the time well. menike, you have seen the rivers big and the cocoanut-trees felled by the flood, but you have not seen the _ave one_, the time of no food, when the ground is as dry as the center of a dead tree, and hunger is in the valleys like the ghost-women that move as mist. there have been many such periods for the island peoples. "that two years it did not rain. the breadfruit would not yield. the grass and plants died. there were no nuts on the palms. the pigs had no food, and fell in the forest. the banana-trees withered. the people ate the _popoi_ from the deepest pits, and day and night they fished. soon the pits were empty and the people ate roots, bark, anything. there were fish, but it is hard to live on fish alone. "some lay in their canoes and ate the _eva_ and died. the stomachs of some became empty of thought, and they threw themselves into the sea. the father of great night moth sent all his children to the hills. there is always more rain there, and there was some food to be found. his wife he kept at the fishing, day and night, till she slept at the paddle, and he himself went to the high plateaus to hunt for pig. "for many days he came down weak, having found none. but at last she came to find baked meat ready for her, and she wept and ate and thanked him. he had found a certain green spot, he said, where there were more. "many times he brought the meat to her, and she said that the children should come back to share the food, but he said, 'no. eat! they have plenty.' "she came from the fishing one day with empty baskets. the sea had been rough, and there were no fish. her husband had become a surly man, and cruel; he beat her. she said, 'is there no pig?' "'pig, you fool!' said her husband. 'you have eaten no pig. you have eaten your children. they are all dead.' "great night moth had escaped because he had been adopted by the chief of taaoa, while his father was hunting the children in the forest." "that is horrible, horrible!" said le brunnec. "maybe this great night moth could not but be bad with such a father. all these chiefs, the hereditary ones, are rotten. their children are often insane. they have degenerated. after the whalers came and gave them whiskey, and the traders absinthe and drugs, they learned the vices of the white man, which are worse for them than for us." "do you think the eating of men began by the _ave one_, the famine?" i put the question to many pieces of tattooing, who was about to leave the store with great night moth. "_ae, tiatohu!_ it is so," he answered. "our legends say that often in the many centuries we have remembered there have been years when food failed. it was in those times that they began to eat one another, and when food was plenty, they continued for revenge. they learned to like it. human meat is good." "ask the gentleman if he has himself enjoyed such feasts," i urged le brunnec. "i will not!" said the frenchman, hastily. "tavatini is a good customer. he has money on deposit with me. he eats biscuits and beef. he might be offended and buy of the germans." many pieces of tattooing nudged great night moth, and they advanced to their horses, which were tied to the store building. the madman mounted with the ease of a cowboy, and they rode off at speed. chapter xxxvii a visit to the hermit of taha-uka valley; the vengeance that made the scallamera lepers; and the hatred of mohuto. le verogose, a breton planter who lived in taka-uka valley, was full of _camaraderie_, esteeming friendship a genuine tie, and given to many friendly impulses. he had a two-room cabin set high on the slope of the river bank, unadorned, but clean, and though his busy, hardworking days gave him little time for social intercourse, he occasionally invited me there to dinner with him and his wife. one sunday he dined me handsomely on eels stewed in white wine, tame duck, and codfish balls, and after the dance, in which his wife, ghost girl, malicious gossip, water, and the host joined, we sat for some time singing "malbrouck se va t'en guerre," "la carmagnole," and other songs of france. stirred by the memories of home, these melodies awakened, le vergose remembered a countryman who lived nearby. "there is a hermit who lives a thousand feet up the valley," said he. "we might take him half a litre of rum. he is a breton of brest who has been here many years. he eats nothing but bananas, for he lives in a banana grove, and he is able only to totter to the river for water. he never moves from his little hut except to pick a few bananas. he lives alone. hardly any one sees him from year to year. i think he would be glad to have a visitor." a wet and slippery trail through the forest along the river bank led toward the hermit's grove. toiling up it, sliding and clutching the boughs that overhung and almost obliterated it, we passed a small native house of straw, almost hidden by the trees, and were hailed by the voice of a woman. "_i hea?_ where do you go?" the words were sharp, with a tone almost of anxiety, of fear. "we go to see hemeury francois," replied le vergose. the woman who had spoken came half-way down the worn and dirty steps of her _paepae_. she was old, but with an age more of bitter and devastating emotion than of years. her haggard face, drawn and seamed with cruel lines, showed still the traces of a beauty that had been hard and handsome rather than lovely. she said nothing more, but stood watching our progress, her tall figure absolutely motionless in its dark tunic, her eyes curiously intent upon us. i felt relief when the thick curtains of leaves shut us from her view. "that is mohuto," said le vergose. "she is a solitary, too. all her people have died, and she has become hard and bitter. that is a strange thing, for an islander. but she was beautiful once. perhaps she broods upon that." we entered the banana-grove, an acre or two of huge plants, thirty feet high, so close together that the sun could not touch the soil. the earth was dank and dark, almost a swamp, and the trees were like yellowish-green ghosts in the gloom. their great soft leaves shut out the sky, and from their limp edges there was a ceaseless drip of moisture. a horde of mosquitos, black and small, emerged from the shadows, thousands upon thousands, and smote us upon every exposed part. in a few minutes our faces were smeared with blood from their killing. curses in breton, in marquesan, and american rent the stillness. in this dismal, noisome spot was a wretched hut built of _purau_ saplings, as crude a dwelling as the shelter a trapper builds for a few days' habitation. it was ten feet long and four wide, shaky and rotten. inside it was like the lair of a wild beast, a bed of moldy leaves. a line stretched just below the thatched roof held a few discolored newspapers. on the heap of leaves sat the remnant of a man, a crooked skeleton in dirty rags, his face a parchment of wrinkles framed by a mass of whitening hair. he looked ages old, his eyes small holes, red rimmed, his hands, in which he held a shaking piece of paper, foul claws. his flesh, through his rags, was the deadly white of the morgue. he looked a thing no soul should animate. "ah! hemeury francois," said le vergose in the breton dialect that recalled their childhood home, "i have brought an american to see you. you can talk your english to him." "by damn, yes," croaked the hermit, in the voice of a raven loosed from a deserted house. but he made no movement until le vergose held before his bone-like nose a pint of strong tahiti rum. far back in his eyes, away beyond the visible organs, there came a gleam of greater consciousness, a realization of life around him. his mouth, like a rent in an old, battered purse, gaped, and though no teeth were there, the vacuity seemed to smile feebly. he felt about the litter of paper and leaves and found a dirty cocoanut-shell and a calabash of water. shaking and gasping, he poured the bottle of rum into the shell, mixed water with it and lifted the precious elixir tremblingly to his lips. he made two choking swallows, and dropped the shell--empty. his eyes, that had been lost in their raw sockets, scanned me. then in mixed french and english he began to talk of himself. from his rags he produced a rude diary blocked off on scraps of paper, a minute record of the river and the weather, covering many years. "torrent, torrent, torrent." that word was repeated many tunes. _hause_ appeared often, signifying that the brook had risen. every day he had noted its state. the river had become his god. alone among those shadowing, dripping banana-plants, with no human companionship, he had made his study of the moods of the stream a worship. pages and pages were inscribed with lines upon its state. "bacchus," i saw repeated on the dates july , , . "another god on the altar then?" i asked. "_mais, oui_," he answered in his rusty voice. "the fall of the bastile. le vergose sent me a bottle of rum to honor the republic." what he had just drunk was seething in him. little by little he commanded that long disused throat, he recalled from the depths of his uncertain mind words and phrases. in short, jerky sentences, mostly french, he spun his tale. "brest is my home, in finnistere. i have been many years in these seas. i forget how many. how many years--? _sacré!_ i was on the _mongol_. she was two thousand tons, clipper, and with skysails. the captain was freeman. we brought coals from boston to san francisco. that was long ago. i was young. i was young and handsome. and strong. yes, i was strong and young. "that was it--the _mongol_. a clipper-ship from boston, two thousand tons, and with skysails. around the horn it almost blew the sticks out of that _mongol_. we froze; we worked day and night. it was terrible. the seas almost drowned us. ah, how we cursed! _tonnerre de dieu!_ had we known it we were in paradise. the inferno--we were coming to the inferno." it took him long to tell it. he wanted to talk, but weakness overcame him often, and the words were almost hushed by his breath that came short and wheezing. "one day we opened the hatches to get coal for the galley. the smell of gas arose. the coal was making gas. no fire. just gas. if there was fire we never knew it. we felt no heat. we could find no fire. but every day the gas got worse. "it filled the ship. the watch below could not sleep because of it. if we went aloft, still we smelled it. the food tasted of gas. our lungs were pressed down by it. day after day we sailed, and the gas sailed with us. "the bo'sn fell in a fit. a man on the t'gallant yard fell to the deck and was killed. three did not awake one morning. we threw their bodies over the side. the mate spat blood and called on god as he leaped into the sea. the smell of the gas never left us. "the captain called us by the poop-rail, and said we must abandon the ship any time. "we were twenty men all told. we had four whale-boats and a yawl. plenty for all of us. we provisioned and watered the boats. but we stayed by the _mongol_. we were far from any port and we dared not go adrift in open boats. "then came a calm. the gas could not lift. it settled down on us. it lay on us like a weight. it never left us for a moment. men lay in the scuppers and vomited. food went untouched. no man could walk without staggering. at last we took to the boats. two thousand miles from the marquesas. we lit a fuse, and pushed off. half a mile away the _mongol_ blew up. "we suffered. _mon dieu_, how we suffered in those boats! but the gas was gone. we struck vait-hua on the island of tahuata. it was heaven. rivers and trees and women. women! _sacré!_ how i loved them! "i came to taha-uka with mathieu scallamera. we worked for captain hart in the cotton, driving the chinese and natives. bill pincher was a boy, and he worked there, too. in the moonlight on the beach there were dances. the women danced naked on the beaches in the moonlight. and there was rum. mohuto danced. ah, she was beautiful, beautiful! she was a devil. "scallamera and i built a house, and put on the door a lock of wood. it was a big lock, but it had no key. the natives stole everything. we could keep nothing. scallamera was angry. one day he hid in the house while i went to work. when a hand was thrust through the opening to undo the lock, scallamera took his brush knife and cut it off. he threw it through the hole and said, 'that will steal no more.'" the hermit laughed, a laugh like the snarl of a toothless old tiger. "that was a joke. scallamera laughed. by gar! but that without a hand lived long. he gave back all that he had taken. he smiled at scallamera, and laughed, too. he worked without pay for scallamera. he became a friend to the man who had cut off his hand. a year went by and two years and three and that man gave scallamera a piece of land by vai-ae. he helped scallamera to build a house upon it. "land from hell it was, land cursed seven times. did not scallamera become a leper and die of it horribly? and all his twelve children by that henriette? it was the ground. it had been leprous since the chinese came. oh, it was a fine return for the cut-off hand!" gasping and choking, the ghastly creature paused for breath, and in the shuddering silence the banana-leaves ceaselessly dripped, and the hum of innumerable mosquito-wings was sharp and thin. "i did not become a leper. i was young and strong. i was never sick. i worked all day, and at night i was with the women. ah, the beautiful, beautiful women! with souls of fiends from hell. mohuto is not dead yet. she lives too long. she lives and sits on the path below, and watches. she should be killed, but i have no strength. "i was young and strong, and loved too many women. how could i know the devil behind her eyes when she came wooing me again? i had left her. she was with child, and ugly. i loved beautiful women. but she was beautiful again when the child was dead. i was with another. what was her name? i have forgotten her name. is there no more rum? i remember when i have rum. "so i went again to mohuto. the devil from hell! there was poison in her embraces. why does she not die? she knew too much. she was too wise. it was i who died. no, i did not die. i became old before my time, but i am living yet. the catholic mission gave me this land. i planted bananas. i have never been away. how long ago? _je ne sais pas._ twenty years? forty? i do not see any one. but i know that mohuto sits on the path below and waits. i will live long yet." he was like a two-days' old corpse. he rose to his feet, staggered, and lay down on the heap of soggy leaves. the mosquitos circled in swarms above him. they were devouring us, but the hermit they never lighted on. le vergose and i fled from the hut and the grove. "he is an example like those in balzac or the religious books," said the breton, crossing himself. "i have been here many years, and never before did i come here, and again. _jamais de la vie!_ i must begin to go to church again." we said nothing more as we slid and slipped downward on the wet trail, but when we came again to the straw hut hidden in the trees mohuto was still on the _paepae_, watching us, and i paused to speak to her. "you knew hemeury francois when he was young?" she put her hand over her eyes, and spat. "he was my first lover. i had a child by him. he was handsome once." her eyes, full of malevolence, turned to the dark grove. "he dies very slowly." the memory of her face was with me when at midnight i went alone to my valley. on my pillows i heard again the cracked voice of the hermit, and saw the blue-white skin upon his shaking bones. he could not believe in po, the marquesan god of darkness, or in the _veinehae_, the ghost-woman who watches the dying; nor did i believe in them or in satan, but about me in my golden bed until midnight was long past the spirits that hate the light moaned and creaked the hut. chapter xxxviii last days in atuona; my darling hope's letter from her son. exploding eggs was building my fire of cocoanut-husks as usual in the morning to cook my coffee and eggs, when a whistle split the sultry air. far from the bay it came, shrill and demanding; my call to civilization. long expected, the first liner was in the isles of the cannibals. france had begun to make good her promise to expand her trade in oceania, and the isolation of the dying marquesans and empty valleys was ended. the steamship _saint françois_, from bordeaux by way of tahiti, had come to visit this group and pick up cargo for papeite and french ports. strange was the sight of her in taha-uka bay where never her like had been, but stranger still, two aboard her, the only two not french, were known to me. here thousands of miles from where i had seen them, unconnected in any way with each other, were a pair of human beings i had known, one in china, and the other in the united states, both american citizens, and sent by fate to replace me as objects of interest to the natives. they came up from the beach together, one a small black man, the other tall and golden brown, led by malicious gossip to see the american who lived in these far-away islands. the black lingered to talk at a distance, but the golden-brown one advanced. his figure was the bulky one of the trained athlete, stocky and tremendously powerful, his hide that of an extreme blond burned by months of a tropic sun upon salt water. his hair was an aureole, yellow as a sunflower, a bush of it on a bullet-head. and, incredible almost--as if made of putty by a joker--his nose stuck out like the first joint of a thumb, the oddest nose ever on a man. his little eyes were blue and bright. barefooted, bare-headed, in the sleeveless shirt and short trousers of a life-guard, with an embroidered v on the front of the upper garment, he was radiantly healthy and happy, a civilized being returned to nature's ways. though he did not recognize me, i knew him instantly for a trainer and beach-patrol of southern california, a diver for planted shells at catalina island, whom i had first seen plunging from the rafters of a swimming-tank, and i remembered that he had flattened his nose by striking the bottom, and that a skilful surgeon had saved him its remnant. he had with him a bundle in a towel, and setting it down on my _paepae_, introduced himself nonchalantly as broken bronck, "late manager of the stable of native fighters of the count de m---- of the island of tahaa, near tahiti." "i'm here to stay," he said carelessly. "i have a few francs, and i hear they're pretty hospitable in the markeesies. i came on the deck of the _saint françois_, and i've brung my things ashore." he undid the towel, and there rolled out another bathing-suit and a set of boxing gloves. these were his sole possessions, he said. "i hear they're nutty on prizefighting like in tahiti, and i'll teach 'em boxing," he explained. the marquesan ladies who speedily assembled could not take their eyes from him. they asked me a score of questions about him, and were not surprised that i knew him, or even that i called the negro by name when he sauntered up. we must all be from the same valley, or at least from the same island, they thought, for were we not all americans? i kept broken bronck to luncheon, and gave him what few household furnishings i had not promised to exploding eggs or to apporo, who with the promise of the golden bed about to be realized--for i announced my going--camped upon it, hardly believing that at last she was to own the coveted marvel. some keepsakes i gave to malicious gossip, mouth of god, many daughters, water, titihuti, and others, and drank a last shell of _namu_ with these friends. news of my packing reached far and wide. i had not estimated so optimistically the esteem in which they held me, these companions of many months, but they trooped from the farthest hills to say farewell. good-byes even to the sons and daughters of cannibals are sorrowful. i had come to think much of these simple, savage neighbors. some of them i shall never forget. mauitetai, a middle-aged woman with a kindly face, was long on my _paepae_. her name would be in english my darling hope, and it well fitted her mood, for she was all aglow with wonder and joy at receiving a letter from her son, who three years before had gone upon a ship and disappeared from her ken. the letter had come upon the _saint françois_, and it brought my darling hope into intimate relations with me, for i uncovered to her that her wandering boy had become a resident of my own country, and revealed some of the mysteries of our polity. the letter was in marquesan, which i translate into english, seeking to keep the flavor of the original, though poorly succeeding: "i write to you, me, pahorai calizte, and put on this paper greetings to you, my mother, mauitetai, who are in atuona. "_kaoha nui tuu kui_, mauitetai, mother of me. great love to you. "i have found in philadelphia work for me; good work. "i have found a woman for me. she is jeanette, an artist, a maker of tattooings on cloth. i am very happy. i have found a house to live in. i am happy i have this woman. she is rich. i am poor. it is for that i write to you, to make it known to you that she is rich, and i am poor. by this paper you will know that i have pledged my word to this woman. i found her and i won her by my work and by my strength and my endeavor. "she is _moi kanahau_; as beautiful as the flowers of the _hutu_ in my own beloved valley of atuona. she is not of america. she is of chile. she has paid many piasters for the coming here. she has paid forty piasters. she has been at home in las palmas, in the islands of small golden birds. "i will write you more in this paper. i seek your permission to marry jeanette. she asks it, as i do. send me your word by the government that carries words on paper. "it is three years since i have known of you. that is long. "give me that word i ask for this woman. i cannot go to marry in atuona. that is what my heart wants, but it is far and the money is great. the woman would pay and would come with me. i say no. i am proud. i have shame. i am a marquesan. "i live with that woman now. i am not married. it is forbidden. the american _mutoi_ (policeman) may take hold of me. five months i am with this woman of mine. the _mutoi_ has a war-club that is hard as stone. "give me quickly the paper to marry her. i await your word. "my word is done. i am at philadelphia, new york hotel. a.p.a. dieu. coot pae, mama." mauitetai had read the letter many times. it was wonderful to hear from her son after three years and pleasant to know he had found a woman. she must be a _haoe_, a white woman. were the women of that island, chile, white? i said that they ran the color scale, from blond to brown, from european to indian, but that this jeanette who was a tattooer, a maker of pictures on canvas, no doubt an artist of merit, must be pale as a moonbeam. those red peppers that were hot on the tongue came from chile, i said, and there were heaps of gold there in the mountains. my darling hope would know what kind of a valley was philadelphia. it was the valley of brotherly love. it was a very big valley, with two streams, and a bay. no, it was not near tahiti. it was a breadfruit season away from atuona, at the very least. what could a hotel be? the new york hotel in which her poor son lived? i did not know that hotel, i told her, but a hotel was a house in which many persons paid to live, and some hotels had more rooms than there were houses in all the marquesas. what! in one house, under one roof? by my tribe, it was true. did i know this woman? i was from that island and i had been in that valley. i must have seen her. i replied that i knew a jeanette who answered the description beautiful, but that she was not from chile. now, my darling hope knit her brow. why would the _mutoi_ take hold of her son, as he feared? i soothed her anxiety. the _mutoi_ walked up and down in front of the hotel, but he would not bother her son as long as her son could get a few piasters now and then to hand to him. the woman was rich, and would not miss a trifling sum, five or ten piasters a month for the _mutoi_. but why was it forbidden for her son to live with jeanette, being not married to her? that was our law, but it was seldom enforced. the _mutois_ were fat men who carried war-clubs and struck the poor with them, but her son was _tapu_ because of jeanette's money. she was at ease now, she said. her son could not marry without her permission. no marquesan had ever done so. she would send the word by the next schooner, or i might take it with me to my own island and hand it to her son. he could then marry. i had done her a great kindness, but one thing more. neither she nor titihuti nor water could make out what pahorai calizte meant by "coot pae, mama." "a.p.a. dieu." was his commendation of her to god, but _coot pae_ was not marquesan, neither was it french. she pronounced the words in the marquesan way, and i knew at once. _coot pae_ is pronounced coot pye, and coot pye was pahorai calizte's way of imitating the american for _apae kaoha_. "good-by, mama," was his quite philadelphia closing of his letter to his mother. i addressed an envelop to her son with the iron fingers that make words, and gave it to my darling hope. a tear came in her eye. she rubbed my bare back affectionately and caressed my nose with hers as she smelled me solemnly. then she went up the valley to enlighten the hill people. chapter xxxix the chants of departure; night falls on the land of the war fleet. on the eve of my going all the youth and beauty of atuona crowded my _paepae_. water brought his _ukulele_, a hawaiian _taro_-patch guitar, and sang his repertoire of ballads of hawaii--"aloha oe," "hawaii ponoi," and "one, two, three, four." urged by all, i gave them for the last time my vocal masterpiece, "all night long he calls her snooky-ukums!" and was rewarded by a clamor of applauding cries. marquesans think our singing strange--and no wonder! theirs is a prolonged chant, a monotone without tune, with no high notes and little variance. but loving distraction, they listened with deep amusement to my rendering of american airs, as we might listen to chinese falsettos. they repaid me by reciting legends of their clans, and titihuti chanted her genealogy, a record kept by memory in all families. water, her son, who had learned to write, set it down on paper for me. it named the ancestors in pairs, father and mother, and titihuti remembered thirty-eight generations, which covered perhaps a thousand years. we sat in a respectful circle about her while she chanted it. an amazon in height and weight, nearly six feet tall, body and head cast in heroic mold, she stood erect, her scarlet tunic gathered to display her symmetrical legs, tattooed in thought-kindling patterns, the feet and ankles as if encased in elegant oriental sandals. her red-gold hair, a flame in the flickering light of the torches, was wreathed with bright-green, glossy leaves, necklaces of peppers and small colored nuts rose and fell with her deep breathing. her voice was melodious, pitched low, and vibrating with the peculiar tone of the chant, a tone impossible of imitation to one who has not learned it as a child. her eyes were kindled with pride of ancestry as she called the roll of experiences and achievements of the line that had bred her, and her clear-cut greek features mirrored every emotion she felt, emotions of glory and pride, of sorrow and abasement at the fall of her race, of stoic fortitude in the dull present and hopeless future of her people. with one shapely arm upraised, she uttered the names, trumpet-calls to memory and imagination: enata (men) vehine (women) na tupa efitu metui te vehine tupa oa ia fai puha momoo o tupa haaituani o haiko o nuku oui aei o hutu moeakau o oko oinu vaa o moota o niniauo o tiu moafitu otemau fekei o mauniua o tuoa hotaei o meae oa tua hae o tehu eo kei pana o ahunia tui haa o taa tini kei pana nohea tou mata tua kina papa ohe tepiu punoa tui feaa tuhina naani eiva eio hoki teani nui nei o tapu ohi ani hetiti opu tini o kou aehitini o take oho o taupo o te heva tui pahu otiu hoku o hupe oahu tupua o papuaei o honu feti pepene tona honu tona haheinutu o taoho kotio nui taihaupu motu haa mu eiamau hope taupo tuhi pahu taupo tini anitia fitu ana tete pa efitu kihiputona tahio paha oho taua kahiepo honu tona mahea tete titihuti aino tete tika tua vahiane kui motua titihuti loud sang the names themselves, proclaiming the merits of their bearers or their fathers in heraldic words, in titles like banners on castle walls, flying the standard of ideals and attainments of men and women long since dust. masters of sea and land, commander of the stars, orderers of the waxing and waning of the moon, ten thousand ocean tides, man of fair countenance, caller to myriads, climber to the ninth heaven, man of understanding, player of the game of life, doer of deeds of daring, ten thousand cocoanut leaves, the enclosure of the whale's tooth, man of the forbidden place, the whole blue sky, player of the war drum, the long stayer; these were the names that called down the centuries, bringing back to titihuti and to us who sat at her feet in the glow of the torches the fame and glory of her people through ages past. how compare such names with john smith or henry wilson? yet we ourselves, did we remember it, have come from ancestors bearing names as resonant. nero was ahenobarbus, the red-bearded, to his contemporaries of rome, at the time when titihuti's forefathers were brave and great beneath the cocoanut-palms of atuona. our lists of early european kings carry names as full of meaning as theirs; charles the hammer, edward the confessor, charles the bold, richard the lion-hearted, hereward the wake. titihuti, having gravely finished her chant, stood for a moment in silence. then, "_aue!_" she said with a sigh. "no one will remember when i am gone. water, my son, nor keke, my daughter, have learned these names of their forefathers and mothers who were noble and renowned. what does it matter? we will all be gone soon, and the cocoanut-groves of our islands will know us no more. we come, we do not know whence, and we go, we do not know where. only the sea endures, and it does not remember." she sat on the mat beside me, and pressed my hand. i had been adopted as her son, and she was sorry to see me departing to the unknown island from which i had come, and from which, she knew, i would never return. she was mournful; she said that her heart was heavy. but i praised lavishly her beautifully tattooed legs, and complimented the decoration of her hair until she smiled again, and when from the shadowy edges of the ring of torch-light voices began an old chant of feasting, she took it up with the others. there were marquesans who could recite one hundred and forty-five generations of their families, covering more than thirty-six hundred years. enough to make family trees that go back to the norman conquest appear insignificant. i had known an old maori priest who traced his ancestry to rangi and papa, through one hundred and eighty-two generations, , years. the easter islanders spoke of fifty-seven generations, and in raratonga ninety pairs of ancestors are recited. the pride of the white man melts before such records. such incidents as the sack of jerusalem, the crusades, or cassar's assassination, are recent events compared to the beginnings of some of these families, whose last descendants have died or are dying to-day. i took titihuti's words with me as i went down the trail from my little blue cabin at the foot of temetiu for the last time: "we come, we do not know whence, and we go, we do not know where. only the sea endures, and it does not remember." great fern, haabuani, exploding eggs, and water carried my bags and boxes to the shore, while i said _adieux_ to the governor, bauda, and le brunnec. when i reached the beach all the people of the valley were gathered there. they sat upon the sand, men and women and children, and intoned my farewell ode--my _pae me io te_: "apae! kaoha! te menike! mau oti oe anao nei i te apua kahito" o a'tahiti. ei e tihe to metao iau e hoa iriti oei an ote vei mata to taua. e avei atu." "o, farewell to you, american! you go to far-distant tahiti! there you will stay, but you will weep for me. ever i shall be here, and the tears fall like the river flows. o friend and lover, the time has come. farewell!" the sky was ominous and the boats of the _saint françois_ were running a heavy surf. i waded waist-deep through the breakers to climb into one. malicious gossip, ghost girl and the little leper lass, many daughters, were sobbing, their dresses lifted to their eyes. "_hee poihoo!_" cried the steersman. the men in the breakers shoved hard, and leaped in, and we were gone. my last hour in the marquesas had come. i should never return. the beauty, the depressingness of these islands is overwhelming. why could not this idyllic, fierce, laughter-loving people have stayed savage and strong, wicked and clean? the artists alone have known the flower destroyed here, the possible growth into greatness and purity that was choked in the smoke of white lust and greed. at eight o'clock at night we were ready to depart. the bell in the engine-room rang, the captain shouted orders from the bridge, the anchors were hoisted aboard. the propeller began to turn. the searchlight of the _saint françois_ played upon the rocky stairway of taha-uka, penciled for a moment the dark line of the cliffs, swept the half circle into atuona inlet, and lingered on the white cross of calvary where gauguin lies. the gentle rain in the shaft of light looked like quicksilver. the smoke from the funnel mixed in the heavy air with the mist and the light, and formed a fantastic beam of vapor from the ship to the shore. up this stream of quivering, scintillating irradiation, as brilliant as flashing water in the sun, flew from the land thousands of gauze-winged insects, the great moths of the night, wondrous, shimmering bits of life, seeming all fire in the strange atmosphere. drawn from their homes in the dark groves by this marvelous illumination, they climbed higher and higher in the dazzling splendor until they reached its source, where they crumpled and died. they seemed the souls of the island folk. they pass mute, falling like the breadfruit in their dark groves. soon none will be left to tell their departed glories. their skulls perhaps shall speak to the stranger who comes a few decades hence, of a manly people, once magnificently perfect in body, masters of their seas, unexcelled in the record of humanity in beauty, vigor, and valor. to-day, insignificant in numbers, unsung in history, they go to the abode of their dark spirits, calmly and without protest. a race goes out in wretchedness, a race worth saving, a race superb in manhood when the whites came. nothing will remain of them but their ruined monuments, the relics of their temples and high places, remnants of the mysterious past of one of the strangest people of time. the _saint françois_ surged past the _roberta_, the old sea-wolf, worn and patched, but sturdy in the gleam of the searchlight. capriata, the old corsican, stood on his deck watching us go. i walked aft and took my last view of the marquesas. the tops of the mountains were jagged shadows against the sky, dark and mournful. the arc-light swung to shine upon the mouth of the bay, and the land of the war fleet was blotted out in the black night. some day when deeper poverty falls on asia or the fortunes of war give all the south seas to the samurai, these islands will again be peopled. but never again will they know such beautiful children of nature, passionate and brave, as have been destroyed here. they shall have passed as did the old greeks, but they will have left no written record save the feeble and misunderstanding observations of a few alien visitors. _apai! kaoha e!_ proofreading team [transcribers note: authors 'r.n and j.n.' are robert naylor and john naylor.] [illustration: mr. robert naylor from a photograph taken during his candidature for the representation of the carnavon boroughs ] from john o' groat's to land's end or miles on foot a book of days and chronicle of adventures by two pedestrians on tour london caxton publishing company, limited clun house, surrey street, w.c. foreword when time, who steals our hours away. shall steal our pleasures too; the memory of the past shall stay and half our joys renew. as i grow older my thoughts often revert to the past, and like the old persian poet, khosros, when he walked by the churchyard and thought how many of his friends were numbered with the dead, i am often tempted to exclaim: "the friends of my youth! where are they?" but there is only the mocking echo to answer, as if from a far-distant land, "where are they?" "one generation passeth away; and another generation cometh," and enormous changes have taken place in this country during the past seventy years, which one can only realise by looking back and comparing the past with the present. the railways then were gradually replacing the stage-coaches, of which the people then living had many stories to tell, and the roads which formerly had mostly been paved with cobble or other stones were being macadamised; the brooks which ran across the surface of the roads were being covered with bridges; toll-gates still barred the highways, and stories of highway robbers were still largely in circulation, those about dick turpin, whose wonderful mare "black bess" could jump over the turnpike gates, being the most prominent, while robin hood and little john still retained a place in the minds of the people as former heroes of the roads and forests. primitive methods were still being employed in agriculture. crops were cut with scythe and sickle, while old scythe-blades fastened at one end of a wooden bench did duty to cut turnips in slices to feed the cattle, and farm work generally was largely done by hand. at harvest time the farmers depended on the services of large numbers of men who came over from ireland by boat, landing at liverpool, whence they walked across the country in gangs of twenty or more, their first stage being warrington, where they stayed a night at friar's green, at that time the irish quarter of the town. some of them walked as far as lincolnshire, a great corn-growing county, many of them preferring to walk bare-footed, with their shoes slung across their shoulders. good and steady walkers they were too, with a military step and a four-mile-per-hour record. the village churches were mostly of the same form in structure and service as at the conclusion of the civil war. the old oak pews were still in use, as were the galleries and the old "three-decker" pulpits, with sounding-boards overhead. the parish clerk occupied the lower deck and gave out the hymns therefrom, as well as other notices of a character not now announced in church. the minister read the lessons and prayers, in a white surplice, from the second deck, and then, while a hymn was being sung, he retired to the vestry, from which he again emerged, attired in a black gown, to preach the sermon from the upper deck. the church choir was composed of both sexes, but not surpliced, and, if there was no organ, bassoons, violins, and other instruments of music supported the singers. the churches generally were well filled with worshippers, for it was within a measurable distance from the time when all parishioners were compelled to attend church. the names of the farms or owners appeared on the pew doors, while inferior seats, called free seats, were reserved for the poor. pews could be bought and sold, and often changed hands; but the squire had a large pew railed on from the rest, and raised a little higher than the others, which enabled him to see if all his tenants were in their appointed places. the village inns were generally under the shadow of the church steeple, and, like the churches, were well attended, reminding one of daniel defoe, the clever author of that wonderful book _robinson crusoe_, for he wrote: wherever god erects a house of prayer, the devil always builds a chapel there; and 'twill be found upon examination, the devil has the largest congregation. the church services were held morning and afternoon, evening service being then almost unknown in country places; and between the services the churchwardens and other officials of the church often adjourned to the inn to hear the news and to smoke tobacco in long clay pipes named after them "churchwarden pipes"; many of the company who came from long distances remained eating and drinking until the time came for afternoon service, generally held at three o'clock. the landlords of the inns were men of light and leading, and were specially selected by the magistrates for the difficult and responsible positions they had to fill; and as many of them had acted as stewards or butlers--at the great houses of the neighbourhood, and perhaps had married the cook or the housekeeper, and as each inn was required by law to provide at least one spare bedroom, travellers could rely upon being comfortably housed and well victualled, for each landlord brewed his own beer and tried to vie with his rival as to which should brew the best. education was becoming more appreciated by the poorer people, although few of them could even write their own names; but when their children could do so, they thought them wonderfully clever, and educated sufficiently to carry them through life. many of them were taken away from school and sent to work when only ten or eleven years of age! books were both scarce and dear, the family bible being, of course, the principal one. scarcely a home throughout the land but possessed one of these family heirlooms, on whose fly-leaf were recorded the births and deaths of the family sometimes for several successive generations, as it was no uncommon occurrence for occupiers of houses to be the descendants of people of the same name who had lived in them for hundreds of years, and that fact accounted for traditions being handed down from one generation to another. where there was a village library, the books were chiefly of a religious character; but books of travel and adventure, both by land and sea, were also much in evidence, and _robinson crusoe, captain cook's three voyages round the world_, and the _adventures of mungo park in africa_ were often read by young people. the story of dick whittington was another ideal, and one could well understand the village boys who lived near the great road routes, when they saw the well-appointed coaches passing on their way up to london, being filled with a desire to see that great city, whose streets the immortal dick had pictured to himself as being paved with gold, and to wish to emulate his wanderings, and especially when there was a possibility of becoming the lord mayor. the bulk of the travelling in the country was done on foot or horseback, as the light-wheeled vehicles so common in later times had not yet come into vogue. the roads were still far from safe, and many tragedies were enacted in lonely places, and in cases of murder the culprit, when caught, was often hanged or gibbeted near the spot where the crime was committed, and many gallows trees were still to be seen on the sides of the highways on which murderers had met with their well-deserved fate. no smart service of police existed; the parish constables were often farmers or men engaged in other occupations, and as telegraphy was practically unknown, the offenders often escaped. the duke of wellington and many of his heroes were still living, and the tales of fathers and grandfathers were chiefly of a warlike nature; many of them related to the peninsula war and waterloo, as well as trafalgar, and boys were thus inspired with a warlike and adventurous spirit and a desire to see the wonders beyond the seas. it was in conditions such as these that the writer first lived and moved and had his being, and his early aspirations were to walk to london, and to go to sea; but it was many years before his boyish aspirations were realised. they came at length, however, but not exactly in the form he had anticipated, for in he sailed from liverpool to london, and in he took the opportunity of walking back from london to lancashire in company with his brother. we walked by a circuitous route, commencing in an easterly direction, and after being on the road for a fortnight, or twelve walking days, as we did not walk on sundays, we covered the distance of miles at an average of twenty-five miles per day. we had many adventures, pleasant and otherwise, on that journey, but on the whole we were so delighted with our walk that, when, in the following year, the question arose. "where shall we walk this year?" we unanimously decided to walk from john o' groat's to land's end, or, as my brother described it, "from the top of the map to the bottom." it was a big undertaking, especially as we had resolved not to journey by the shortest route, but to walk from one great object of interest to another, and to see and learn as much as possible of the country we passed through on our way. we were to walk the whole of the distance between the north-eastern extremity of scotland and the south-western extremity of england, and not to cross a ferry or accept or take a ride in any kind of conveyance whatever. we were also to abstain from all intoxicating drink, not to smoke cigars or tobacco, and to walk so that at the end of the journey we should have maintained an average of twenty-five miles per day, except sunday, on which day we were to attend two religious services, as followers of and believers in sir matthew hale's golden maxim: a sabbath well spent brings a week of content and health for the toils of to-morrow; but a sabbath profaned, whate'er may be gained. is a certain forerunner of sorrow. with the experience gained in our walk the previous year, we decided to reduce our equipment to the lowest possible limit, as every ounce had to be carried personally, and it became a question not of how much luggage we should take, but of how little; even maps were voted off as encumbrances, and in place of these we resolved to rely upon our own judgment, and the result of local inquiries, as we travelled from one great object of interest to another, but as these were often widely apart, as might be supposed, our route developed into one of a somewhat haphazard and zigzag character, and very far from the straight line. we each purchased a strong, black leather handbag, which could either be carried by hand or suspended over the shoulder at the end of a stick, and in these we packed our personal and general luggage; in addition we carried a set of overalls, including leggings, and armed ourselves with stout oaken sticks, or cudgels, specially selected by our local fencing master. they were heavily ferruled by the village blacksmith, for, although we were men of peace, we thought it advisable to provide against what were known as single-stick encounters, which were then by no means uncommon, and as curved handles would have been unsuitable in the event of our having to use them either for defensive or offensive purposes, ours were selected with naturally formed knobs at the upper end. then there were our boots, which of course were a matter of the first importance, as they had to stand the strain and wear and tear of a long journey, and must be easy fitting and comfortable, with thick soles to protect our feet from the loose stones which were so plentiful on the roads, and made so that they could be laced tightly to keep out the water either when raining or when lying in pools on the roads, for there were no steam-rollers on the roads in those days. in buying our boots we did not both adopt the same plan. i made a special journey to manchester, and bought the strongest and most expensive i could find there; while my brother gave his order to an old cobbler, a particular friend of his, and a man of great experience, who knew when he had hold of a good piece of leather, and to whom he had explained his requirements. these boots were not nearly so smart looking as mine and did not cost as much money, but when i went with him for the boots, and heard the old gentleman say that he had fastened a piece of leather on his last so as to provide a corresponding hole inside the boot to receive the ball of the foot, i knew that my brother would have more room for his feet to expand in his boots than i had in mine. we were often asked afterwards, by people who did not walk much, how many pairs of boots we had worn out during our long journey, and when we replied only one each, they seemed rather incredulous until we explained that it was the soles that wore out first, but i had to confess that my boots were being soled the second time when my brother's were only being soled the first time, and that i wore three soles out against his two. of course both pairs of boots were quite done at the conclusion of our walk. changes of clothing we were obliged to have sent on to us to some railway station, to be afterwards arranged, and soiled clothes were to be returned in the same box. this seemed a very simple arrangement, but it did not work satisfactorily, as railways were few and there was no parcel-post in those days, and then we were always so far from our base that we were obliged to fix ourselves to call at places we did not particularly want to see and to miss others that we would much rather have visited. another objection was that we nearly always arrived at these stations at inconvenient times for changing suits of clothes, and as we were obliged to do this quickly, as we had no time to make a long stay, we had to resort to some amusing devices. we ought to have begun our journey much earlier in the year. one thing after another, however, prevented us making a start, and it was not until the close of some festivities on the evening of september th, , that we were able to bid farewell to "home, sweet home" and to journey through what was to us an unknown country, and without any definite idea of the distance we were about to travel or the length of time we should be away. how we got to john o' groat's sept. . warrington to glasgow by train--arrived too late to catch the boat on the caledonian canal for iverness--trained to aberdeen. sept. . a day in the "granite city"--boarded the s.s. _st. magnus_ intending to land at wick--decided to remain on board. sept. . landed for a short time at kirkwall in the orkney islands--during the night encountered a storm in the north sea. sept. . _(sunday)_. arrived at lerwick in the shetland islands at a.m. sept. . visited bressay island and the holm of noss--returned to _st. magnus_ at night. sept. . landed again at kirkwall--explored cathedral--walked across the mainland of the orkneys to stromness, visiting the underground house at maeshowe and the standing stones at stenness on our way. sept. . visited the quarries where hugh miller made his wonderful geological researches--explored coast scenery, including the black craig. sept. . crossed the pentland firth in a sloop--unfavourable wind prevented us sailing past the old man of hoy, so went by way of lang hope and scrabster roads, passing dunnet head on our way to thurso, where we landed and stopped for the night. sept. . travelled six miles by the wick coach and walked the remaining fifteen miles to john o' groat's--lodged at the "huna inn." sept. . gathered some wonderful shells on the beach and explored coast scenery at duncansbay. sept. . _(sunday)_. visited a distant kirk with the landlord and his wife and listened to a wonderful sermon. our route from john o' groat's to land's end ¶ indicates the day's journey. ¶¶ indicates where sunday was spent. first week's journey--sept. to . "huna inn"--canisbay--bucholie castle--keiss--girnigoe--sinclair--noss head--wick--or ¶ wick harbour--mid clyth--lybster--dunbeath ¶ berriedale--braemore--maidens paps mountain--lord galloway's hunting-box--ord of caithness--helmsdale ¶ loth--brora--dunrobin castle--golspie ¶ the mound--loch buidhee--bonar bridge--dornoch firth--half-way house [aultnamain inn] ¶ novar--cromarty firth--dingwall--muir of ord--beauly--bogroy inn--inverness ¶¶ pp. - second week's journey--sept. to oct. . tomnahurich--loch ness--caledonian canal--drumnadrochit ¶ urquhart castle--invermoriston--glenmoriston--fort augustus--invergarry ¶ glengarry--well of the heads--loggan bridge--loch lochy--spean bridge--fort william ¶ inverlochy castle--ben nevis--fort william ¶ loch linnhe--loch leven--devil's stair--pass of glencoe--clachaig inn ¶ glencoe village--ballachulish--kingshouse--inveroran--loch tulla--bridge of orchy--glen orchy ¶ dalmally ¶¶ pp. - third week's journey--oct. to oct. . loch awe--cruachan mountain--glen aray--inverary castle--inverary--loch fyne--cairndow inn ¶ glen kinglas--loch restil--rest and be thankful--glen croe--ben arthur--loch long--arrochar--tarbet--loch lomond--luss--helensburgh ¶ the clyde--dumbarton--renton--alexandria--balloch--kilmaronock--drymen ¶ buchlyvie--kippen--gargunnock--windings of the forth--stirling ¶ wallace monument--cambuskenneth--st. ninians--bannockburn--carron--falkirk ¶ laurieston--polmont--linlithgow--edinburgh ¶¶ pp. - fourth week's journey--oct. to oct. . craigmillar--rosslyn--glencorse--penicuik--edleston--cringletie--peebles ¶ river tweed--horsburgh--innerleithen--traquair--elibank castle--galashiels--abbotsford--melrose--lilliesleaf ¶ teviot dale--hassendean--minto--hawick--goldielands tower--branxholm tower--teviothead--caerlanrig--mosspaul inn--langholm--gilnockie tower--canonbie colliery ¶ river esk--"cross keys inn"--scotch dyke--longtown ¶ solway moss--river sark--springfield--gretna green--todhills--kingstown--carlisle--wigton--aspatria ¶ maryport--cockermouth--bassenthwaite lake--portinscale--keswick ¶¶ pp. - fifth week's journey--oct to oct. . falls of lodore--derwentwater--bowder stone--borrowdale--green nip--wythburn--grasmere ¶ rydal--ambleside--windermere--hawkshead--coniston--ulverston ¶ dalton-in-furness--furness abbey--barrow monument--haverthwaite ¶ newby bridge--cartmel fell--kendal ¶ kirkby lonsdale--devil's bridge--ingleton--giggleswick--settle--malham ¶ malham cove--gordale scar--kilnsey--river wharfe--grassington--greenhow--pateley bridge ¶¶ pp. - sixth week's journey--oct. to oct. . brimham rocks--fountains abbey--ripon--boroughbridge--devil's arrows--aldeborough ¶ marston moor--river ouse--york ¶ tadcaster--towton field--sherburn-in-elmet--river aire--ferrybridge--pontefract ¶ robin hood's well--doncaster ¶ conisborough--rotherham ¶ attercliffe common--sheffield--norton--hathersage--little john's grave--castleton ¶¶ pp. - seventh week's journey--oct. to nov. . castleton--tideswell--miller's dale--flagg moor--newhaven--tissington--ashbourne ¶ river dove--mayfield--ellastone--alton towers--uttoxeter--bagot's wood--needwood forest--abbots bromley--handsacre ¶ lichfield--tamworth--atherstone--watling street--nuneaton ¶ watling street--high cross--lutterworth--river swift--fosse way--brinklow--coventry ¶ kenilworth--leamington--stoneleigh abbey--warwick--stratford-on-avon--charlecote park--kineton--edge hill ¶ banbury--woodstock--oxford ¶¶ pp. - eighth week's journey--nov. to nov. . oxford--sunningwell--abingdon--vale of white horse--wantage--icknield way--segsbury camp--west shefford--hungerford ¶ marlborough downs--miston--salisbury plain--stonehenge--amesbury--old sarum--salisbury ¶ wilton--compton chamberlain--shaftesbury--blackmoor vale--sturminster ¶ blackmoor vale--cerne abbas--charminster--dorchester--bridport ¶ the chesil bank--chideoak--charmouth--lyme regis--axminster--honiton--exeter ¶ exminster--star cross--dawlish--teignmouth--torquay ¶¶ pp. - ninth week's journey--nov. to nov. . torbay--cockington--compton castle--marldon--berry pomeroy--river dart--totnes--sharpham--dittisham--dartmouth--totnes ¶ dartmoor--river erme--ivybridge--plymouth ¶ devonport--st. budeaux--tamerton foliot--buckland abbey--walkhampton--merridale--river tavy--tavistock--hingston downs--callington--st. ive--liskeard ¶ st. neot--restormel castle--lostwithiel--river fowey--st. blazey--st. austell--truro ¶ perranarworthal--penryn--helston--the lizard--st. breage--perran downs--marazion--st. michael's mount--penzance ¶ newlyn--st. paul--mousehole--st. buryan--treryn--logan rock--st. levan--tol-peden-penwith--sennen--land's end--penzance ¶¶ pp. - homeward bound--nov. and pp. - from john o' groat's to land's end how we got to john o' groat's _thursday, september th._ it was one o'clock in the morning when we started on the three-mile walk to warrington, where we were to join the . a.m. train for glasgow, and it was nearly ten o'clock when we reached that town, the train being one hour and twenty minutes late. this delay caused us to be too late for the steamboat by which we intended to continue our journey further north, and we were greatly disappointed in having thus early in our journey to abandon the pleasant and interesting sail down the river clyde and on through the caledonian canal. we were, therefore, compelled to alter our route, so we adjourned to the victoria temperance hotel for breakfast, where we were advised to travel to aberdeen by train, and thence by steamboat to wick, the nearest available point to john o' groat's. we had just time to inspect sir walter scott's monument that adorned the square at glasgow, and then we left by the . train for aberdeen. it was a long journey, and it was half-past eight o'clock at night before we reached our destination, but the weariness of travelling had been whiled away by pleasant company and delightful scenery. we had travelled continuously for about miles, and we were both sleepy and tired as we entered forsyth's hotel to stay the night. _friday, september th._ after a good night's rest, followed by a good breakfast, we went out to inquire the time our boat would leave, and, finding it was not due away until evening, we returned to the hotel and refreshed ourselves with a bath, and then went for a walk to see the town of aberdeen, which is mostly built of the famous aberdeen granite. the citizens were quite proud of their union street, the main thoroughfare, as well they might be, for though at first sight we thought it had rather a sombre appearance, yet when the sky cleared and the sun shone out on the golden letters that adorned the buildings we altered our opinion, for then we saw the "granite city" at its best. we spent the time rambling along the beach, and, as pleasure seekers generally do, passed the day comfortably, looking at anything and everything that came in our way. by no means sea-faring men, having mainly been accustomed to village life, we had some misgivings when we boarded the s.s. _st. magnus_ at eight o'clock in the evening, and our sensations during the night were such as are common to what the sailors call "land-lubbers." we were fortunate, however, in forming the acquaintance of a lively young scot, who was also bound for wick, and who cheered us during the night by giving us copious selections from scotland's favourite bard, of whom he was greatly enamoured. we heard more of "rabbie burns" that night than we had ever heard before, for our friend seemed able to recite his poetry by the yard and to sing some of it also, and he kept us awake by occasionally asking us to join in the choruses. some of the sentiments of burns expressed ideals that seem a long time in being realised, and one of his favourite quotations, repeated several times by our friend, dwells in our memory after many years: for a' that an' a' that it's coming, yet, for a' that, that man to man the war-ld o'er shall brithers be for a' that. during the night, as the _st. magnus_ ploughed her way through the foaming billows, we noticed long, shining streaks on the surface of the water, varying in colour from a fiery red to a silvery white, the effect of which, was quite beautiful. our friend informed us these were caused by the stampede of the shoals of herrings through which we were then passing. the herring fishery season was now on, and, though we could not distinguish either the fishermen or their boats when we passed near one of their fishing-grounds, we could see the lights they carried dotted all over the sea, and we were apprehensive lest we should collide with some of them, but the course of the _st. magnus_ had evidently been known and provided for by the fishermen. we had a long talk with our friend about our journey north, and, as he knew the country well, he was able to give us some useful information and advice. he told us that if we left the boat at wick and walked to john o' groat's from there, we should have to walk the same way back, as there was only the one road, and if we wished to avoid going over the same ground twice, he would advise us to remain on the _st. magnus_ until she reached her destination, lerwick, in the shetland islands, and the cost by the boat would be very little more than to wick. she would only stay a short time at lerwick, and then we could return in her to kirkwall, in the orkney islands. from that place we could walk across the mainland to stromness, where we should find a small steamboat which conveyed mails and passengers across the pentland firth to thurso in the north of scotland, from which point john o' groat's could easily be reached, and, besides, we might never again have such a favourable opportunity of seeing the fine rock scenery of those northern islands. [illustration: wick harbour. from a photograph taken in .] we were delighted with his suggestion, and wrote a hurried letter home advising our people there of this addition to our journey, and our friend volunteered to post the letter for us at wick. it was about six o'clock in the morning when we neared that important fishery town and anchored in the harbour, where we had to stay an hour or two to load and unload cargo. our friend the scot had to leave us here, but we could not allow him to depart without some kind of ceremony or other, and as the small boat came in sight that was to carry him ashore, we decided to sing a verse or two of "auld lang syne" from his favourite poet burns; but my brother could not understand some of the words in one of the verses, so he altered and anglicised them slightly: an' here's a haund, my trusty friend, an' gie's a haund o' thine; we'll tak' a cup o' kindness yet, for the sake o' auld lang syne. some of the other passengers joined in the singing, but we never realised the full force of this verse until we heard it sung in its original form by a party of scots, who, when they came to this particular verse, suited the action to the word by suddenly taking hold of each other's hands, thereby forming a cross, and meanwhile beating time to the music. whether the cross so formed had any religious significance or not, we did not know. our friend was a finely built and intelligent young man, and it was with feelings of great regret that we bade him farewell and watched his departure over the great waves, with the rather mournful presentiment that we were being parted from him for ever! _saturday, september th._ there were signs of a change in the weather as we left wick, and the _st. magnus_ rolled considerably; but occasionally we had a good view of the precipitous rocks that lined the coast, many of them having been christened by the sailors after the objects they represented, as seen from the sea. the most prominent of these was a double-headed peak in caithness, which formed a remarkably perfect resemblance to the breasts of a female giant with nipples complete, and this they had named the "maiden's paps." then there was the "old man of hoy," and other rocks that stood near the entrance to that terrible torrent of the sea, the pentland firth; but, owing to the rolling of our ship, we were not in a fit state either of mind or body to take much interest in them, and we were very glad when we reached the shelter of the orkney islands and entered the fine harbour of kirkwall. here we had to stay for a short time, so we went ashore and obtained a substantial lunch at the temperance hotel near the old cathedral, wrote a few letters, and at p.m. rejoined the _st. magnus_. the sea had been quite rough enough previously, but it soon became evident that it had been smooth compared with what followed, and during the coming night we wished many times that our feet were once more on _terra firma_. the rain descended, the wind increased in violence, and the waves rolled high and broke over the ship, and we were no longer allowed to occupy our favourite position on the upper deck, but had to descend a stage lower. we were saturated with water from head to foot in spite of our overalls, and we were also very sick, and, to add to our misery, we could hear, above the noise of the wind and waves, the fearful groaning of some poor woman who, a sailor told us, had been suddenly taken ill, and it was doubtful if she could recover. he carried a fish in his hand which he had caught as it was washed on deck, and he invited us to come and see the place where he had to sleep. a dismal place it was too, flooded with water, and not a dry thing for him to put on. we could not help feeling sorry that these sailors had such hardships to undergo; but he seemed to take it as a matter of course, and appeared to be more interested in the fish he carried than in the storm that was then raging. we were obliged to keep on the move to prevent our taking cold, and we realised that we were in a dark, dismal, and dangerous position, and thought of the words of a well-known song and how appropriate they were to that occasion: "o pilot! 'tis a fearful night, there's danger on the deep; i'll come and pace the deck with thee, i do not dare to sleep." "go down!" the pilot cried, "go down! this is no place for thee; fear not! but trust in providence, wherever thou may'st be." the storm continued for hours, and, as it gradually abated, our feelings became calmer, our fears subsided, and we again ventured on the upper deck. the night had been very dark hitherto, but we could now see the occasional glimmering of a light a long distance ahead, which proved to be that of a lighthouse, and presently we could distinguish the bold outlines of the shetland islands. as we entered bressay sound, however, a beautiful transformation scene suddenly appeared, for the clouds vanished as if by magic, and the last quarter of the moon, surrounded by a host of stars, shone out brilliantly in the clear sky. it was a glorious sight, for we had never seen these heavenly bodies in such a clear atmosphere before, and it was hard to realise that they were so far away from us. we could appreciate the feelings of a little boy of our acquaintance, who, when carried outside the house one fine night by his father to see the moon, exclaimed in an ecstasy of delight: "oh, reach it, daddy!--reach it!" and it certainly looked as if we could have reached it then, so very near did it appear to us. it was two o'clock on sunday morning, september th, when we reached lerwick, the most northerly town in her majesty's british dominions, and we appealed to a respectable-looking passenger who was being rowed ashore with us in the boat as to where we could obtain good lodgings. he kindly volunteered to accompany us to a house at which he had himself stayed before taking up his permanent residence as a tradesman in the town and which he could thoroughly recommend. lerwick seemed a weird-looking place in the moonlight, and we turned many corners on our way to our lodgings, and were beginning to wonder how we should find our way out again, when our companion stopped suddenly before a private boarding-house, the door of which was at once opened by the mistress. we thanked the gentleman for his kind introduction, and as we entered the house the lady explained that it was her custom to wait up for the arrival of the _st. magnus_. we found the fire burning and the kettle boiling, and the cup that cheers was soon on the table with the usual accompaniments, which were quickly disposed of. we were then ushered to our apartments--a bedroom and sitting or dining-room combined, clean and comfortable, but everything seemed to be moving like the ship we had just left. once in bed, however, we were soon claimed by the god of slumber, sleep, and dreams--our old friend morpheus. _sunday, september th._ in the morning we attended the english episcopalian church, and, after service, which was rather of a high church character, we walked into the country until we came in sight of the rough square tower of scalloway castle, and on our return we inspected the ruins of a pictish castle, the first of the kind we had seen, although we were destined to see many others in the course of our journey. [illustration: lerwick. commercial street as it was in .] the picts, we were informed, were a race of people who settled in the north of scotland in pre-roman times, and who constructed their dwellings either of earth or stone, but always in a circular form. this old castle was built of stone, and the walls were five or six yards thick; inside these walls rooms had been made for the protection of the owners, while the circular, open space enclosed by the walls had probably been for the safe housing of their cattle. an additional protection had also been formed by the water with which the castle was surrounded, and which gave it the appearance of a small island in the middle of a lake. it was connected with the land by means of a narrow road, across which we walked. the castle did not strike us as having been a very desirable place of residence; the ruins had such a very dismal and deserted appearance that we did not stay there long, but returned to our lodgings for lunch. after this we rested awhile, and then joined the townspeople, who were patrolling every available space outside. the great majority of these were women, healthy and good-looking, and mostly dressed in black, as were also those we afterwards saw in the orkneys and the extreme north of scotland, and we thought that some of our disconsolate bachelor friends might have been able to find very desirable partners for life in these northern dominions of her majesty the queen. the houses in lerwick had been built in all sorts of positions without any attempt at uniformity, and the rough, flagged passage which did duty for the main street was, to our mind, the greatest curiosity of all, and almost worth going all the way to shetland to see. it was curved and angled in such an abrupt and zigzag manner that it gave us the impression that the houses had been built first, and the street, where practicable, filled in afterwards. a gentleman from london was loud in his praise of this wonderful street; he said he felt so much safer there than in "beastly london," as he could stand for hours in that street before the shop windows without being run over by any cab, cart, or omnibus, and without feeling a solitary hand exploring his coat pockets. this was quite true, as we did not see any vehicles in lerwick, nor could they have passed each other through the crooked streets had they been there, and thieves would have been equally difficult to find. formerly, however, lerwick had an evil reputation in that respect, as it was noted for being the abode of sheep-stealers and pirates, so much so, that, about the year , it had become such a disreputable place that an earnest appeal was made to the "higher authorities" to have the place burnt, and for ever made desolate, on account of its great wickedness. since that time, however, the softening influences of the christian religion had permeated the hearts of the people, and, at the time of our visit, the town was well supplied with places of worship, and it would have been difficult to have found any thieves there then. we attended evening service in the wesleyan chapel, where we found a good congregation, a well-conducted service, and an acceptable preacher, and we reflected that mr. wesley himself would have rejoiced to know that even in such a remote place as lerwick his principles were being promulgated. _monday, september th._ we rose early with the object of seeing all we could in the short time at our disposal, which was limited to the space of a single day, or until the _st. magnus_ was due out in the evening on her return journey. we were anxious to see a large cavern known as the orkneyman's cave, but as it could only be reached from the sea, we should have had to engage a boat to take us there. we were told the cave was about fifty feet square at the entrance, but immediately beyond it increased to double the size; it was possible indeed to sail into it with a boat and to lose sight of daylight altogether. the story goes that many years ago an orkneyman was pursued by a press-gang, but escaped being captured by sailing into the cave with his boat. he took refuge on one of the rocky ledges inside, but in his haste he forgot to secure his boat, and the ground swell of the sea washed it out of the cave. to make matters worse, a storm came on, and there he remained a prisoner in the cave for two days; but as soon as the storm abated he plunged into the water, swam to a small rock outside, and thence climbed to the top of the cliff and so escaped. since that event it had been known as the orkneyman's cave. we went to the boat at the appointed time, but unfortunately the wind was too strong for us to get round to the cave, so we were disappointed. the boatman suggested as the next best thing that we should go to see the island of noss. he accordingly took us across the bay, which was about a mile wide, and landed us on the island of bressay. here it was necessary for us to get a permit to enable us to proceed farther, so, securing his boat, the boatman accompanied us to the factor's house, where he procured a pass, authorising us to land on the island of noss, of which the following is a facsimile: _allow mr. nailer and friends to land on noss. to walter. a.m. walker_. here he left us, as we had to walk across the island of bressay, and, after a tramp of two or three miles, during which we did not see a single human being, we came to another water where there was a boat. here we found walter, and, after we had exhibited our pass, he rowed us across the narrow arm of the sea and landed us on the island of noss. he gave us careful instructions how to proceed so that we could see the holm of noss, and warned us against approaching too near the edge of the precipice which we should find there. after a walk of about a mile, all up hill, we came to the precipitous cliffs which formed the opposite boundary of the island, and from a promontory there we had a magnificent view of the rocks, with the waves of the sea dashing against them, hundreds of feet below. a small portion of the island was here separated from the remainder by a narrow abyss about fifty feet wide, down which it was terrible to look, and this separated portion was known as the holm of noss. it rose precipitously on all sides from the sea, and its level surface on the top formed a favourite nesting-place for myriads of wild birds of different varieties, which not only covered the top of the holm, but also the narrow ledges along its jagged sides. previous to the seventeenth century, this was one of the places where the foot of man had never trod, and a prize of a cow was offered to any man who would climb the face of the cliff and establish a connection with the mainland by means of a rope, as it was thought that the holm would provide pasturage for about twenty sheep. a daring fowler, from foula island, successfully performed the feat, and ropes were firmly secured to the rocks on each side, and along two parallel ropes a box or basket was fixed, capable of holding a man and a sheep. this apparatus was named the cradle of noss, and was so arranged that an islander with or without a sheep placed in the cradle could drag himself across the chasm in either direction. instead, however, of returning by the rope or cradle, on which he would have been comparatively safe, the hardy fowler decided to go back by the same way he had come, and, missing his foothold, fell on the rocks in the sea below and was dashed to pieces, so that the prize was never claimed by him. [illustration: the holm of noss. "it made us shudder ... as we peered down on the abysmal depths below."] we felt almost spellbound as we approached this awful chasm, and as if we were being impelled by some invisible force towards the edge of the precipice. it fairly made us shudder as on hands and knees we peered down on the abysmal depths below. it was a horrible sensation, and one that sometimes haunted us in our dreams for years afterwards, and we felt greatly relieved when we found that we could safely crawl away and regain an upright posture. we could see thousands upon thousands of wild birds, amongst which the ordinary sea-gull was largely represented; but there were many other varieties of different colours, and the combination of their varied cries, mingled with the bleating of the sheep, the whistling of the wind, the roaring of the waves as they dashed against the rocks below, or entered the caverns with a sound like distant thunder, tended to make us feel quite bewildered. we retired to the highest elevation we could find, and there, miles from home, and perhaps as many feet above sea-level, was solitude in earnest. we were the only human beings on the island, and the enchanting effect of the wild scenery, the vast expanse of sea, the distant moaning of the waters, the great rocks worn by the wind and the waves into all kinds of fantastic shapes and caverns, the blue sky above with the glorious sun shining upon us, all proclaimed to our minds the omnipotence of the great creator of the universe, the almighty maker and giver of all. we lingered as long as we could in these lonely and romantic solitudes, and, as we sped down the hill towards the boat, we suddenly became conscious that we had not thought either of what we should eat or what we should drink since we had breakfasted early in the morning, and we were very hungry. walter was waiting for us on our side of the water, as he had been watching for our return, and had seen us coming when we were nearly a mile away. there was no vegetation to obstruct the view, for, as he said, we might walk fifty miles in shetland without meeting with a bush or tree. we had an agreeable surprise when we reached the other side of the water in finding some light refreshments awaiting our arrival which he had thoughtfully provided in the event of their being required, and for which we were profoundly thankful. the cradle of noss had disappeared some time before our visit, but, if it had been there, we should have been too terrified to make use of it. it had become dangerous, and as the pasturage of sheep on the holm had proved a failure, the birds had again become masters of the situation, while the cradle had fallen to decay. walter gave us an awful description of the danger of the fowler's occupation, especially in the foula island, where the rocks rose towering a thousand feet above the sea. the top of the cliffs there often projected over their base, so that the fowler had to be suspended on a rope fastened to the top of the cliff, swinging himself backwards and forwards like a pendulum until he could reach the ledge of rock where the birds laid their eggs. immediately he landed on it, he had to secure his rope, and then gather the eggs in a hoop net, and put them in his wallet, and then swing off again, perhaps hundreds of feet above the sea, to find another similar ledge, so that his business was practically carried on in the air. on one of these occasions a fowler had just reached a landing-place on the precipice, when his rope slipped out of his hand, and swung away from the cliff into the empty air. if he had hesitated one moment, he would have been lost for ever, as in all probability he would either have been starved to death on the ledge of rock on which he was or fallen exhausted into the sea below. the first returning swing of the rope might bring him a chance of grasping it, but the second would be too far away. the rope came back, the desperate man measured the distance with his eye, sprang forward in the air, grasped the rope, and was saved. sometimes the rope became frayed or cut by fouling some sharp edge of rock above, and, if it broke, the fowler was landed in eternity. occasionally two or three men were suspended on the same rope at the same time. walter told us of a father and two sons who were on the rope in this way, the father being the lowest and his two sons being above him, when the son who was uppermost saw that the rope was being frayed above him, and was about to break. he called to his brother who was just below that the rope would no longer hold them all, and asked him to cut it off below him and let their father go. this he indignantly refused to do, whereupon his brother, without a moment's hesitation, cut the rope below himself, and both his father and brother perished. it was terrible to hear such awful stories, as our nerves were unstrung already, so we asked our friend walter not to pile on the agony further, and, after rewarding him for his services, we hurried over the remaining space of land and sea that separated us from our comfortable quarters at lerwick, where a substantial tea was awaiting our arrival. we were often asked what we thought of shetland and its inhabitants. shetland was fine in its mountain and coast scenery, but it was wanting in good roads and forests, and it seemed strange that no effort had been made to plant some trees, as forests had formerly existed there, and, as a gentleman told us, there seemed no peculiarity in either the soil or climate to warrant an opinion unfavourable to the country's arboricultural capacity. indeed, such was the dearth of trees and bushes, that a lady, who had explored the country thoroughly, declared that the tallest and grandest tree she saw during her visit to the islands was a stalk of rhubarb which had run to seed and was waving its head majestically in a garden below the old fort of lerwick! agriculture seemed also to be much neglected, but possibly the fishing industry was more profitable. the cottages also were very small and of primitive construction, many of them would have been condemned as being unfit for human habitation if they had existed elsewhere, and yet, in spite of this apparent drawback, these hardy islanders enjoyed the best of health and brought up large families of very healthy-looking children. shetland will always have a pleasant place in our memories, and, as regards the people who live there, to speak the truth we scarcely ever met with folks we liked better. we received the greatest kindness and hospitality, and met with far greater courtesy and civility than in the more outwardly polished and professedly cultivated parts of the countries further south, especially when making inquiries from people to whom we had not been "introduced"! the shetlanders spoke good english, and seemed a highly intelligent race of people. many of the men went to the whale and other fisheries in the northern seas, and "greenland's icy mountains" were well known to them. on the island there were many wives and mothers who mourned the loss of husbands and sons who had perished in that dangerous occupation, and these remarks also applied to the orkney islands, to which we were returning, and might also account for so many of these women being dressed in black. every one told us we were visiting the islands too late in the year, and that we ought to have made our appearance at an earlier period, when the sun never sets, and when we should have been able to read at midnight without the aid of an artificial light. shetland was evidently in the range of the "land of the midnight sun," but whether we should have been able to keep awake in order to read at midnight was rather doubtful, as we were usually very sleepy. at one time of the year, however, the sun did not shine at all, and the islanders had to rely upon the aurora borealis, or the northern lights, which then made their appearance and shone out brilliantly, spreading a beautifully soft light over the islands. we wondered if it were this or the light of the midnight sun that inspired the poet to write: night walked in beauty o'er the peaceful sea. whose gentle waters spoke tranquillity, or if it had been borrowed from some more peaceful clime, as we had not yet seen the "peaceful sea" amongst these northern islands. we had now once more to venture on its troubled waters, and we made our appearance at the harbour at the appointed time for the departure of the _st. magnus_. we were, however, informed that the weather was too misty for our boat to leave, so we returned to our lodgings, ordered a fire, and were just making ourselves comfortable and secretly hoping our departure might be delayed until morning, when mrs. sinclair, our landlady, came to tell us that the bell, which was the signal for the _st. magnus_ to leave, had just rung. we hurried to the quay, only to find that the boat which conveyed passengers and mails to our ship had disappeared. we were in a state of consternation, but a group of sailors, who were standing by, advised us to hire a special boat, and one was brought up immediately, by which, after a lot of shouting and whistling--for we could scarcely see anything in the fog--we were safely landed on the steamboat. we had only just got beyond the harbour, however, when the fog became so dense that we suddenly came to a standstill, and had to remain in the bay for a considerable time. when at last we moved slowly outwards, the hoarse whistle of the _st. magnus_ was sounded at short intervals, to avoid collision with any other craft. it had a strangely mournful sound, suggestive of a funeral or some great calamity, and we should almost have preferred being in a storm, when we could have seen the danger, rather than creeping along in the fog and darkness, with a constant dread of colliding with some other boat or with one of the dangerous rocks which we knew were in the vicinity. sleep was out of the question until later, when the fog began to clear a little, and, in the meantime, we found ourselves in the company of a group of young men who told us they were going to aberdeen. one of them related a rather sorrowful story. he and his mates had come from one of the shetland islands from which the inhabitants were being expelled by the factor, so that he could convert the whole of the island into a sheep farm for his own personal advantage. their ancestors had lived there from time immemorial, but their parents had all received notice to leave, and other islands were being depopulated in the same way. the young men were going to aberdeen to try to find ships on which they could work their passage to some distant part of the world; they did not know or care where, but he said the time would come when this country would want soldiers and sailors, and would not be able to find them after the men had been driven abroad. he also told us about what he called the "truck system," which was a great curse in their islands, as "merchants" encouraged young people to get deeply in their debt, so that when they grew up they could keep them in their clutches and subject them to a state of semi-slavery, as with increasing families and low wages it was then impossible to get out of debt. we were very sorry to see these fine young men leaving the country, and when we thought of the wild and almost deserted islands we had just visited, it seemed a pity they could not have been employed there. we had a longer and much smoother passage than on our outward voyage, and the fog had given place to a fine, clear atmosphere as we once more entered the fine harbour of kirkwall, and we had a good view of the town, which some enthusiastic passenger described as the "metropolis of the orcadean archipelago." _tuesday, september th._ we narrowly escaped a bad accident as we were leaving the _st. magnus_. she carried a large number of sheep and shetland ponies on deck, and our way off the ship was along a rather narrow passage formed by the cattle on one side and a pile of merchandise on the other. the passengers were walking in single file, my brother immediately in front of myself, when one of the ponies suddenly struck out viciously with its hind legs just as we were passing. if we had received the full force of the kick, we should have been incapacitated from walking; but fortunately its strength was exhausted when it reached us, and it only just grazed our legs. the passengers behind thought at first we were seriously injured, and one of them rushed forward and held the animal's head to prevent further mischief; but the only damage done was to our overalls, on which the marks of the pony's hoofs remained as a record of the event. on reaching the landing-place the passengers all came forward to congratulate us on our lucky escape, and until they separated we were the heroes of the hour, and rather enjoyed the brief notoriety. there was an old-world appearance about kirkwall reminiscent of the time when norse and danish galleys plied their oars within the firth of clyde, when floated haco's banner trim above norwegian warriors grim, savage of heart and huge of limb. for it was at the palace there that haco, king of norway, died in . there was only one considerable street in the town, and this was winding and narrow and paved with flags in the centre, something like that in lerwick, but the houses were much more foreign in appearance, and many of them had dates on their gables, some of them as far back as the beginning of the fifteenth century. we went to the same hotel as on our outward journey, and ordered a regular good "set out" to be ready by the time we had explored the ancient cathedral, which, like our ship, was dedicated to _st. magnus_. we were directed to call at a cottage for the key, which was handed to us by the solitary occupant, and we had to find our way as best we could. after entering the ancient building, we took the precaution of locking the door behind us. the interior looked dark and dismal after the glorious sunshine we had left outside, and was suggestive more of a dungeon than a place of worship, and of the dark deeds done in the days of the past. the historian relates that st. magnus met his death at the hands of his cousin haco while in the church of eigleshay. he had retired there with a presentiment of some evil about to happen him, and "while engaged in devotional exercises, prepared and resigned for whatever might occur, he was slain by one stroke of a hatchet. being considered eminently pious, he was looked upon as a saint, and his nephew ronald built the cathedral in accordance with a vow made before leaving norway to lay claim to the earldom of orkney." the cathedral was considered to be the best-preserved relic of antiquity in scotland, and we were much impressed by the dim religious light which pervaded the interior, and quite bewildered amongst the dark passages inside the walls. we had been recommended to ascend the cathedral tower for the sake of the fine view which was to be obtained from the top, but had some difficulty in finding the way to the steps. once we landed at the top of the tower we considered ourselves well repaid for our exertions, as the view over land and sea was very beautiful. immediately below were the remains of the bishop's and earl's palaces, relics of bygone ages, now gradually crumbling to decay, while in the distance we could see the greater portion of the sixty-seven islands which formed the orkney group. only about one-half of these were inhabited, the remaining and smaller islands being known as holms, or pasturages for sheep, which, seen in the distance, resembled green specks in the great blue sea, which everywhere surrounded them. [illustration: st. magnus cathedral kirkwall] [illustration: stromness] i should have liked to stay a little longer surveying this fairy-like scene, but my brother declared he could smell our breakfast, which by this time must have been waiting for us below. our exit was a little delayed, as we took a wrong turn in the rather bewildering labyrinth of arches and passages in the cathedral walls, and it was not without a feeling of relief that we reached the door we had so carefully locked behind us. we returned the key to the caretaker, and then went to our hotel, where we loaded ourselves with a prodigious breakfast, and afterwards proceeded to walk across the mainland of the orkneys, an estimated distance of fifteen miles. on our rather lonely way to stromness we noticed that agriculture was more advanced than in the shetland islands, and that the cattle were somewhat larger, but we must say that we had been charmed with the appearance of the little shetland ponies, excepting perhaps the one that had done its best to give us a farewell kick when we were leaving the _st. magnus_. oats and barley were the crops chiefly grown, for we did not see any wheat, and the farmers, with their wives and children, were all busy harvesting their crops of oats, but there was still room for extension and improvement, as we passed over miles of uncultivated moorland later. on our inquiring what objects of interest were to be seen on our way, our curiosity was raised to its highest pitch when we were told we should come to an underground house and to a large number of standing stones a few miles farther on. we fully expected to descend under the surface of the ground, and to find some cave or cavern below; but when we got to the place, we found the house practically above ground, with a small mountain raised above it. it was covered with grass, and had only been discovered in , about ten years before our visit. some boys were playing on the mountain, when one of them found a small hole which he thought was a rabbit hole, but, pushing his arm down it, he could feel no bottom. he tried again with a small stick, but with the same result. the boys then went to a farm and brought a longer stick, but again failed to reach the bottom of the hole, so they resumed their play, and when they reached home they told their parents of their adventure, and the result was that this ancient house was discovered and an entrance to it found from the level of the land below. [illustration: shetland ponies.] we went in search of the caretaker, and found him busy with the harvest in a field some distance away, but he returned with us to the mound. he opened a small door, and we crept behind him along a low, narrow, and dark passage for a distance of about seventeen yards, when we entered a chamber about the size of an ordinary cottage dwelling, but of a vault-like appearance. it was quite dark, but our guide proceeded to light a number of small candles, placed in rustic candlesticks, at intervals, round this strange apartment. we could then see some small cells in the wall, which might once have been used as burial places for the dead, and on the walls themselves were hundreds of figures or letters cut in the rock, in very thin lines, as if engraved with a needle. we could not decipher any of them, as they appeared more like egyptian hieroglyphics than letters of our alphabet, and the only figure we could distinguish was one which had the appearance of a winged dragon. the history of the place was unknown, but we were afterwards told that it was looked upon as one of the most important antiquarian discoveries ever made in britain. the name of the place was maeshowe. the mound was about one hundred yards in circumference, and it was supposed that the house, or tumulus, was first cut out of the rock and the earth thrown over it afterwards from the large trench by which it was surrounded. [illustration: "standing stones of stenness."] our guide then directed us to the "standing stones of stenness," which were some distance away; but he could not spare time to go with us, so we had to travel alone to one of the wildest and most desolate places imaginable, strongly suggestive of ghosts and the spirits of the departed. we crossed the bridge of brogar, or bruargardr, and then walked along a narrow strip of land dividing two lochs, both of which at this point presented a very lonely and dismal appearance. although they were so near together, loch harry contained fresh water only and loch stenness salt water, as it had a small tidal inlet from the sea passing under waith bridge, which we crossed later. there were two groups of the standing stones, one to the north and the other to the south, and each consisted of a double circle of considerable extent. the stones presented a strange appearance, as while many stood upright, some were leaning; others had fallen, and some had disappeared altogether. the storms of many centuries had swept over them, and "they stood like relics of the past, with lichens waving from their worn surfaces like grizzly beards, or when in flower mantling them with brilliant orange hues," while the areas enclosed by them were covered with mosses, the beautiful stag-head variety being the most prominent. one of the poets has described them: the heavy rocks of giant size that o'er the land in circles rise. of which tradition may not tell, fit circles for the wizard spell; seen far amidst the scowling storm seem each a tall and phantom form, as hurrying vapours o'er them flee frowning in grim security, while like a dread voice from the past around them moans the autumnal blast! these lichened "standing stones of stenness," with the famous stone of odin about yards to the north, are second only to stonehenge, one measuring feet in length, feet inches in breadth, and inches in thickness. the stone of odin had a hole in it to which it was supposed that sacrificial victims were fastened in ancient times, but in later times lovers met and joined hands through the hole in the stone, and the pledge of love then given was almost as sacred as a marriage vow. an antiquarian description of this reads as follows: "when the parties agreed to marry, they repaired to the temple of the moon, where the woman in the presence of the man fell down on her knees and prayed to the god wodin that he would enable her to perform, all the promises and obligations she had made, and was to make, to the young man present, after which they both went to the temple of the sun, where the man prayed in like manner before the woman. they then went to the stone of odin, and the man being on one side and the woman on the other, they took hold of each other's right hand through the hole and there swore to be constant and faithful to each other." the hole in the stone was about five feet from the ground, but some ignorant farmer had destroyed the stone, with others, some years before our visit. there were many other stones in addition to the circles, probably the remains of cromlechs, and there were numerous grass mounds, or barrows, both conoid and bowl-shaped, but these were of a later date than the circles. it was hard to realise that this deserted and boggarty-looking place was once the holy ground of the ancient orcadeans, and we were glad to get away from it. we recrossed the bridge of brogar and proceeded rapidly towards stromness, obtaining a fine prospective view of that town, with the huge mountain masses of the island of hoy as a background, on our way. these rise to a great height, and terminate abruptly near where that strange isolated rock called the "old man of hoy" rises straight from the sea as if to guard the islands in the rear. the shades of evening were falling fast as we entered stromness, but what a strange-looking town it seemed to us! it was built at the foot of the hill in the usual irregular manner and in one continuous crooked street, with many of the houses with their crow-stepped gables built as it were over the sea itself, and here in one of these, owing to a high recommendation received inland, we stayed the night. it was perched above the water's edge, and, had we been so minded, we might have caught the fish named sillocks for our own breakfast without leaving the house: many of the houses, indeed, had small piers or landing-stages attached to them, projecting towards the bay. we found mrs. spence an ideal hostess and were very comfortable, the only drawback to our happiness being the information that the small steamboat that carried mails and passengers across to thurso had gone round for repairs "and would not be back for a week, but a sloop would take her place" the day after to-morrow. but just fancy crossing the stormy waters of the pentland firth in a sloop! we didn't quite know what a sloop was, except that it was a sailing-boat with only one mast; but the very idea gave us the nightmare, and we looked upon ourselves as lost already. the mail boat, we had already been told, had been made enormously strong to enable her to withstand the strain of the stormy seas, besides having the additional advantage of being propelled by steam, and it was rather unfortunate that we should have arrived just at the time she was away. we asked the reason why, and were informed that during the summer months seaweeds had grown on the bottom of her hull four or five feet long, which with the barnacles so impeded her progress that it was necessary to have them scraped off, and that even the great warships had to undergo the same process. seaweeds of the largest size and most beautiful colours flourish, in the orcadean seas, and out of species of the flora in the islands we learned that were seaweeds. stevenson the great engineer wrote that the large algæ, and especially that one he named the "fucus esculentus," grew on the rocks from self-grown seed, six feet in six months, so we could quite understand how the speed of a ship would be affected when carrying this enormous growth on the lower parts of her hull. _wednesday, september th._ we had the whole of the day at our disposal to explore stromness and the neighbourhood, and we made the most of it by rambling about the town and then along the coast to the north, but we were seldom out of sight of the great mountains of hoy. sir walter scott often visited this part of the orkneys, and some of the characters he introduced in his novels were found here. in he made the acquaintance of a very old woman near stromness, named bessie miller, whom he described as being nearly one hundred years old, withered and dried up like a mummy, with light blue eyes that gleamed with a lustre like that of insanity. she eked out her existence by selling favourable winds to mariners, for which her fee was sixpence, and hardly a mariner sailed out to sea from stromness without visiting and paying his offering to old bessie miller. sir walter drew the strange, weird character of "norna of the fitful head" in his novel _the pirate_ from her. the prototype of "captain cleveland" in the same novel was john gow, the son of a stromness merchant. this man went to sea, and by some means or other became possessed of a ship named the _revenge_, which carried twenty-four guns. he had all the appearance of a brave young officer, and on the occasions when he came home to see his father he gave dancing-parties to his friends. before his true character was known--for he was afterwards proved to be a pirate--he engaged the affections of a young lady of fortune, and when he was captured and convicted she hastened to london to see him before he was executed; but, arriving there too late, she begged for permission to see his corpse, and, taking hold of one hand, she vowed to remain true to him, for fear, it was said, of being haunted by his ghost if she bestowed her hand upon another. it is impossible to visit stromness without hearing something of that famous geologist hugh miller, who was born at cromarty in the north of scotland in the year , and began life as a quarry worker, and wrote several learned books on geology. in one of these, entitled _footprints of the creator in the asterolepis of stromness_, he demolished the darwinian theory that would make a man out to be only a highly developed monkey, and the monkey a highly developed mollusc. my brother had a very poor opinion of geologists, but his only reason for this seemed to have been formed from the opinion of some workmen in one of our brickfields. a gentleman who took an interest in geology used to visit them at intervals for about half a year, and persuaded the men when excavating the clay to put the stones they found on one side so that he could inspect them, and after paying many visits he left without either thanking them or giving them the price of a drink! but my brother was pleased with hugh miller's book, for he had always contended that darwin was mistaken, and that instead of man having descended from the monkey, it was the monkey that had descended from the man. i persuaded him to visit the museum, where we saw quite a number of petrified fossils. as there was no one about to give us any information, we failed to find hugh miller's famous asterolepis, which we heard afterwards had the appearance of a petrified nail, and had formed part of a huge fish whose species were known to have measured from eight to twenty-three feet in length. it was only about six inches long, and was described as one of the oldest, if not the oldest, vertebrate fossils hitherto discovered. stromness ought to be the mecca, the happy hunting-ground, or the paradise to geologists, for hugh miller has said it could furnish more fossil fish than any other geological system in england, scotland, and wales, and could supply ichthyolites by the ton, or a ship load of fossilised fish sufficient to supply the museums of the world. how came this vast number of fish to be congregated here? and what was the force that overwhelmed them? it was quite evident from the distorted portions of their skeletons, as seen in the quarried flags, that they had suffered a violent death. but as we were unable to study geology, and could neither pronounce nor understand the names applied to the fossils, we gave it up in despair, as a deep where all our thoughts were drowned. we then walked along the coast, until we came to the highest point of the cliffs opposite some dangerous rocks called the black craigs, about which a sorrowful story was told. it happened on wednesday, march th, , during a terrific storm, when the _star of dundee_, a schooner of about eighty tons, was seen to be drifting helplessly towards these rocks. the natives knew there was no chance of escape for the boat, and ran with ropes to the top of the precipice near the rocks in the hope of being of some assistance; but such was the fury of the waves that the boat was broken into pieces before their eyes, and they were utterly helpless to save even one of their shipwrecked fellow-creatures. the storm continued for some time, and during the remainder of the week nothing of any consequence was found, nor was any of the crew heard of again, either dead or alive, till on the sunday morning a man was suddenly observed on the top of the precipice waving his hands, and the people who saw him first were so astonished that they thought it was a spectre. it was afterwards discovered that it was one of the crew of the ill-fated ship who had been miraculously saved. he had been washed into a cave from a large piece of the wreck, which had partially blocked its entrance and so checked the violence of the waves inside, and there were also washed in from the ship some red herrings, a tin can which had been used for oil, and two pillows. the herrings served him for food and the tin can to collect drops of fresh water as they trickled down the rocks from above, while one of the pillows served for his bed and he used the other for warmth by pulling out the feathers and placing them into his boots. occasionally when the waves filled the mouth of the cave he was afraid of being suffocated. luckily for him at last the storm subsided sufficiently to admit of his swimming out of the cave; how he managed to scale the cliffs seemed little short of a miracle. he was kindly treated by the islanders, and when he recovered they fitted him out with clothing so that he could join another ship. by what we may call the irony of fate he was again shipwrecked some years afterwards. this time the fates were less kind, for he was drowned! [illustration: the wreck.] we had a splendid view of the mountains and sea, and stayed as usual on the cliffs until the pangs of hunger compelled us to return to stromness, where we knew that a good tea was waiting for us. at one point on our way back the heads of hoy strangely resembled the profile of the great sir walter scott, and this he would no doubt have seen when collecting materials for _the pirate_. we had heard both in shetland and orkney that when we reached john o' groat's we should find an enormous number of shells on the beach, and as we had some extensive rockeries at home already adorned with thousands of oyster shells, in fact so many as to cause our home to be nicknamed "oyster shell hall," we decided to gather some of the shells when we got to john o'groat's and send them home to our friends. the question of packages, however, seemed to be rather a serious one, as we were assured over and over again we should find no packages when we reached that out-of-the-way corner of scotland, and that in the whole of the orkney islands there were not sufficient willows grown to make a single basket, skip, or hamper. so after tea we decided to explore the town in search of a suitable hamper, and we had some amusing experiences, as the people did not know what a hamper was. at length we succeeded in finding one rather ancient and capacious basket, but without a cover, whose appearance suggested that it had been washed ashore from some ship that had been wrecked many years ago, and, having purchased it at about three times its value, we carried it in triumph to our lodgings, to the intense amusement of our landlady and the excited curiosity of the stromnessians. we spent the remainder of the evening in looking through mrs. spence's small library of books, but failed to find anything very consoling to us, as they related chiefly to storms and shipwrecks, and the dangerous nature of the pentland firth, whose turbulent waters we had to cross on the morrow. the pentland firth lies between the north of scotland and the orkney islands, varies from five and a half to eight miles in breadth, and is by repute the most dangerous passage in the british isles. we were told in one of the books that if we wanted to witness a regular "passage of arms" between two mighty seas, the atlantic at dunnet head on the west, and the north sea at duncansbay head on the east, we must cross pentland firth and be tossed upon its tides before we should be able to imagine what might be termed their ferocity. "the rush of two mighty oceans, struggling to sweep this world of waters through a narrow sound, and dashing their waves in bootless fury against the rocky barriers which headland and islet present; the endless contest of conflicting tides hurried forward and repelled, meeting, and mingling--their troubled surface boiling and spouting--and, even in a summer calm, in an eternal state of agitation"; and then fancy the calm changing to a storm: "the wind at west; the whole volume of the atlantic rolling its wild mass of waters on, in one sweeping flood, to dash and burst upon the black and riven promontory of the dunnet head, until the mountain wave, shattered into spray, flies over the summit of a precipice, feet above the base it broke upon." but this was precisely what we did not want to see, so we turned to the famous _statistical account_, which also described the difficulty of navigating the firth for sailing vessels. this informed us that "the current in the pentland firth is exceedingly strong during the spring tides, so that no vessel can stem it. the flood-tide runs from west to east at the rate of ten miles an hour, with new and full moon. it is then high water at scarfskerry (about three miles away from dunnet head) at nine o'clock. immediately, as the water begins to fall on the shore, the current turns to the west; but the strength of the flood is so great in the middle of the firth that it continues to run east till about twelve. with a gentle breeze of westerly wind, about eight o'clock in the morning the whole firth, from dunnet head to hoy head in orkney, seems as smooth as a sheet of glass. about nine the sea begins to rage for about one hundred yards off the head, while all without continues smooth as before. this appearance gradually advances towards the firth, and along the shore to the east, though the effects are not much felt along the shore till it reaches scarfskerry head, as the land between these points forms a considerable bay. by two o'clock the whole of the firth seems to rage. about three in the afternoon it is low water on the shore, when all the former phenomena are reversed, the smooth water beginning to appear next the land and advancing gradually till it reaches the middle of the firth. to strangers the navigation is very dangerous, especially if they approach near to land. but the natives along the coast are so well acquainted with the direction of the tides, that they can take advantage of every one of these currents to carry them safe from one harbour to another. hence very few accidents happen, except from want of skill or knowledge of the tides." [illustration: a north sea roller.] there were some rather amusing stories about the detention of ships in the firth. a newcastle shipowner had despatched two ships from that port by the same tide, one to bombay by the open sea, and the other, via the pentland firth, to liverpool, and the bombay vessel arrived at her destination first. many vessels trying to force a passage through the firth have been known to drift idly about hither and thither for months before they could get out again, and some ships that once entered stromness bay on new year's day were found there, resting from their labours on the fifteenth day of april following, "after wandering about like the _flying dutchman_." sir walter scott said this was formerly a ship laden with precious metals, but a horrible murder was committed on board. a plague broke out amongst the crew, and no port would allow the vessel to enter for fear of contagion, and so she still wanders about the sea with her phantom crew, never to rest, but doomed to be tossed about for ever. she is now a spectral ship, and hovers about the cape of good hope as an omen of bad luck to mariners who are so unfortunate as to see her. the dangerous places at each end of the firth were likened to the scylla and charybdis between italy and sicily, where, in avoiding one mariners were often wrecked by the other; but the dangers in the firth were from the "merry men of mey," a dangerous expanse of sea, where the water was always boiling like a witch's cauldron at one end, and the dreaded "swalchie whirlpool" at the other. this was very dangerous for small boats, as they could sail over it safely in one state of the tide, but when it began to move it carried the boat round so slowly that the occupants did not realise their danger until too late, when they found themselves going round quicker and quicker as they descended into the awful vortex below, where the ancient vikings firmly believed the submarine mill existed which ground the salt that supplied the ocean. we ought not to have read these dismal stories just before retiring to rest, as the consequence was that we were dreaming of dangerous rocks, storms, and shipwrecks all through the night, and my brother had toiled up the hill at the back of the town and found bessie miller there, just as sir walter scott described her, with "a clay-coloured kerchief folded round her head to match the colour of her corpse-like complexion." he was just handing her a sixpence to pay for a favourable wind, when everything was suddenly scattered by a loud knock at the door, followed by the voice of our hostess informing us that it was five o'clock and that the boat was "awa' oot" at six. we were delighted to find that in place of the great storm pictured in our excited imagination there was every prospect of a fine day, and that a good "fish breakfast" served in mrs. spence's best style was waiting for us below stairs. _thursday, september th._ after bidding mrs. spence farewell, and thanking her for her kind attention to us during our visit to stromness, we made our way to the sloop, which seemed a frail-looking craft to cross the stormy waters of the pentland firth. we did not, of course, forget our large basket which we had had so much difficulty in finding, and which excited so much attention and attracted so much curiosity towards ourselves all the way to john o' groat's. it even caused the skipper to take a friendly interest in us, for after our explanation he stored that ancient basket amongst his more valuable cargo. there was only a small number of passengers, but in spite of the early hour quite a little crowd of people had assembled to witness our departure, and a considerable amount of banter was going on between those on board the sloop and the company ashore, which continued as we moved away, each party trying to get the better of the other. as a finale, one of our passengers shouted to his friend who had come to see him off: "do you want to buy a cow?" "yes," yelled his friend, "but i see nothing but a calf." a general roar of laughter followed this repartee, as we all thought the orkneyman on shore had scored. we should have liked to have fired another shot, but by the time the laughter had subsided we were out of range. we did not expect to be on the way more than three or four hours, as the distance was only about twenty-four miles; but we did not reach thurso until late in the afternoon, and we should have been later if we had had a less skilful skipper. in the first place we had an unfavourable wind, which prevented our sailing by the hoy sound, the shortest and orthodox route, and this caused us to miss the proper sea view of the "old man of hoy," which the steamboat from stromness to thurso always passed in close proximity, but we could perceive it in the distance as an insular pillar of rock, standing feet high with rocks in vicinity rising , feet, although we could not see the arch beneath, which gives it the appearance of standing on two legs, and hence the name given to the rock by the sailors. the orcadean poet writes: see hoy's old man whose summit bare pierces the dark blue fields of air; based in the sea, his fearful form glooms like the spirit of the storm. [illustration: "old man of hoy."] when pointing out the old man to us, the captain said that he stood in the roughest bit of sea round the british coast, and the words "wind and weather permitting" were very applicable when stoppages wore contemplated at the old man or other places in these stormy seas. we had therefore to sail by way of lang hope, which we supposed was a longer route, and we were astonished at the way our captain handled his boat; but when we reached what we thought was lang hope, he informed the passengers that he intended to anchor here for some time, and those who wished could be ferried ashore. we had decided to remain on the boat, but when the captain said there was an inn there where refreshments could be obtained, my brother declared that he felt quite hungry, and insisted upon our having a second breakfast. we were therefore rowed ashore, and were ushered into the parlour of the inn as if we were the lords of the manor and sole owners, and were very hospitably received and entertained. the inn was appropriately named the "ship," and the treatment we received was such as made us wish we were making a longer stay, but time and tide wait for no man. for the next inn he spurs amain, in haste alights, and scuds away-- but time and tide for no man stay. [illustration: the ship inn, lang hope. the sign has now been removed to a new hotel, visible in the photograph, on the opposite side of the ferry.] whether it was for time or tide or for one of those mysterious movements in the pentland firth that our one-masted boat was waiting we never knew. we had only just finished our breakfast when a messenger appeared to summon us to rejoin the sloop, which had to tack considerably before we reached what the skipper described as the scrabster roads. a stiff breeze had now sprung up, and there was a strong current in the sea; at each turn or tack our boat appeared to be sailing on her side, and we were apprehensive that she might be blown over into the sea. we watched the operations carefully and anxiously, and it soon became evident that what our skipper did not know about the navigation of these stormy seas was not worth knowing. we stood quite near him (and the mast) the whole of the time, and he pointed out every interesting landmark as it came in sight. he seemed to be taking advantage of the shelter afforded by the islands, as occasionally we came quite near their rocky shores, and at one point he showed us a small hole in the rock which was only a few feet above the sea; he told us it formed the entrance to a cave in which he had often played when, as a boy, he lived on that island. [illustration: dunnet head and lighthouse.] the time had now arrived to cross the pentland firth and to sail round dunnet head to reach thurso. fortunately the day was fine, and the strong breeze was nothing in the shape of a storm; but in spite of these favourable conditions we got a tossing, and no mistake! our little ship was knocked about like a cork on the waters, which were absolutely boiling and foaming and furiously raging without any perceptible cause, and as if a gale were blowing on them two ways at once. the appearance of the foaming mass of waters was terrible to behold; we could hear them roaring and see them struggling together just below us; the deck of the sloop was only a few feet above them, and it appeared as if we might be swallowed up at any moment. the captain told us that this turmoil was caused by the meeting of the waters of two seas, and that at times it was very dangerous to small boats. many years ago he was passing through the firth with his boat on a rather stormy day, when he noticed he was being followed by another boat belonging to a neighbour of his. he could see it distinctly from time to time, and he was sure that it could not be more than yards away, when he suddenly missed it. he watched anxiously for some time, but it failed to reappear, nor was the boat or its crew ever seen or heard of again, and it was supposed to have been carried down by a whirlpool! we were never more thankful than when we got safely across those awful waters and the great waves we encountered off dunnet head, and when we were safely landed near thurso we did not forget the skipper, but bade him a friendly and, to him, lucrative farewell. we had some distance to walk before reaching the town where, loaded with our luggage and carrying the large basket between us, each taking hold of one of the well-worn handles, we attracted considerable attention, and almost every one we saw showed a disposition to see what we were carrying in our hamper; but when they discovered it was empty, their curiosity was turned into another channel, and they must see where we were taking it; so by the time we reached the house recommended by our skipper for good lodgings we had a considerable following of "lookers on." fortunately, however, no one attempted to add to our burden by placing anything in the empty basket or we should have been tempted to carry it bottom upwards like an inmate of one of the asylums in lancashire. a new addition was being built in the grounds, and some of the lunatics were assisting in the building operations, when the foreman discovered one of them pushing his wheelbarrow with the bottom upwards and called out to him, "why don't you wheel it the right way up?" "i did," said the lunatic solemnly, "but they put bricks in it!" we felt that some explanation was due to our landlady, who smiled when she saw the comical nature of that part of our luggage and the motley group who had followed us, and as we unfolded its history and described the dearth of willows in the orkneys, the price we had paid, the difficulties in finding the hamper, and the care we had taken of it when crossing the stormy seas, we could see her smile gradually expanding into a laugh that she could retain no longer when she told us we could have got a better and a cheaper basket than that in the "toon," meaning thurso, of course. it was some time before we recovered ourselves, laughter being contagious, and we could hear roars of it at the rear of the house as our antiquated basket was being stored there. after tea we crossed the river which, like the town, is named thurso, the word, we were informed, meaning thor's house. thor, the god of thunder, was the second greatest of the scandinavian deities, while his father, odin, the god of war, was the first. we had some difficulty in crossing the river, as we had to pass over it by no less than eighty-five stepping-stones, several of which were slightly submerged. here we came in sight of thurso castle, the residence of the sinclair family, one of whom, sir john sinclair, was the talented author of the famous _statistical account of scotland_, and a little farther on stood harold's tower. this tower was erected by john sinclair over the tomb of earl harold, the possessor at one time of one half of orkney, shetland, and caithness, who fell in battle against his own namesake, earl harold the wicked, in . in the opposite direction was scrabster and its castle, the scene of the horrible murder of john, earl of caithness, in the twelfth century, "whose tongue was cut from his throat and whose eyes were put out." we did not go there, but went into the town, and there witnessed the departure of the stage, or mail coach, which was just setting out on its journey of eighty miles, for railways had not yet made their appearance in caithness, the most northerly county in scotland. we then went to buy another hamper, and got a much better one for less money than we paid at stromness, for we had agreed that we would send home two hampers filled with shells instead of one. we also inquired the best way of getting to john o' groat's, and were informed that the wick coach would take us the first six miles, and then we should have to walk the remaining fifteen. we were now only one day's journey to the end and also from the beginning of our journey, and, as may easily be imagined, we were anxiously looking forward to the morrow. _friday, september th._ at eight o'clock in the morning we were comfortably seated in the coach which was bound for wick, with our luggage and the two hampers safely secured on the roof above, and after a ride of about six miles we were left, with our belongings, at the side of the highway where the by-road leading in the direction of john o' groat's branched off to the left across the open country. the object of our walk had become known to our fellow-passengers, and they all wished us a pleasant journey as the coach moved slowly away. two other men who had friends in the coach also alighted at the same place, and we joined them in waving adieux, which were acknowledged from the coach, as long as it remained in sight. they also very kindly assisted us to carry our luggage as far as they were going on our way, and then they helped us to scheme how best to carry it ourselves. we had brought some strong cord with us from thurso, and with the aid of this they contrived to sling the hampers over our shoulders, leaving us free to carry the remainder of our luggage in the usual way, and then, bidding us a friendly farewell, left us to continue on our lonely way towards john o' groat's. we must have presented an extraordinary appearance with these large baskets extending behind our backs, and we created great curiosity and some amusement amongst the men, women, and children who were hard at work harvesting in the country through which we passed. my brother said it reminded him of christian in john bunyan's _pilgrim's progress_, who carried the burden on his back and wanted to get rid of it; while i thought of sinbad the sailor, who, when wrecked on a desert island, was compelled to carry the old man of the sea on his shoulders, and he also wanted to get rid of his burden; but we agreed that, like both of these worthy characters, we should be obliged to carry our burdens to the end of the journey. we had a fine view of dunnet head, which is said to be the cape orcas mentioned by diodorus siculus, the geographer who lived in the time of julius cæsar, and of the lighthouse which had been built on the top of it in , standing quite near the edge of the cliff. the light from the lantern, which was feet above the highest spring tide, could be seen at a distance of miles; but even this was sometimes obscured by the heavy storms from the west when the enormous billows from the atlantic dashed against the rugged face of the cliff and threw up the spray as high as the lights of the building itself, so that the stones they contained have been known to break the glass in the building; such, indeed, was the prodigious combined force of the wind and sea upon the headland, that the very rock seemed to tremble as if it were affected by an earthquake. while on the coach we had passed the hamlets of murkle and castlehill. between these two places was a sandy pool on the seashore to which a curious legend was attached. the story goes that-- a young lad on one occasion discovered a mermaid bathing and by some means or other got into conversation with her and rendered himself so agreeable that a regular meeting at the same spot took place between them. this continued for some time. the young man grew exceedingly wealthy, and no one could tell how he became possessed of such riches. he began to cut a dash amongst the lasses, making them presents of strings of diamonds of vast value, the gifts of the fair sea nymph. by and by he began to forget the day of his appointment; and when he did come to see her, money and jewels were his constant request. the mermaid lectured him pretty sharply on his love of gold, and, exasperated at his perfidy in bestowing her presents on his earthly fair ones, enticed him one evening rather farther than usual, and at length showed him a beautiful boat, in which she said she would convey him to a cave in darwick head, where she had all the wealth of all the ships that ever were lost in the pentland firth and on the sands of dunnet. he hesitated at first, but the love of gold prevailed, and off they set to the cave in question. and here, says the legend, he is confined with a chain of gold, sufficiently long to admit of his walking at times on a small piece of sand under the western side of the head; and here, too, the fair siren laves herself in the tiny waves on fine summer evenings, but no consideration will induce her to loose his fetters of gold, or trust him one hour out of her sight. we walked on at a good pace and in high spirits, but, after having knocked about for nine days and four nights and having travelled seven or eight hundred miles by land and sea, the weight of our extra burden began to tell upon us, and we felt rather tired and longed for a rest both for mind and body in some quiet spot over the week's end, especially as we had decided to begin our long walk on the monday morning. visions of a good hotel which we felt sure we should find at john o' groat's began to haunt us, and the more hungry we became the brighter were our anticipations of the good fare that awaited us. but judge of our surprise and disappointment when a man whom we met on the road told us there was no hotel there at all! we asked if he thought we could get lodgings at john o' groat's house itself, but the sardonic grin that spread over his features when he told us that that house had vanished long ago was cruel. the information gave us quite a shock, and our spirits seemed to fall below zero as we turned our backs on the man without even thanking him for answering our questions. we felt not too full, but too empty for words, as we were awfully hungry, and i heard my brother murmur something that sounded very like "liar"; but the man's information turned out to be perfectly correct. our luggage also began to feel heavier, and the country gradually became more wild and desolate. our spirits revived a little when a fisherman told us of a small inn that we should reach a mile or two before coming to john o' groat's. we thought we had surely come to the end of everywhere when we reached the "huna inn," for it stood some distance from any other house and at the extreme end of an old lane that terminated at the sea. it was a small, primitive structure, but it was now our only hope, as far as we knew, for obtaining lodgings, and we could scarcely restrain our delight when we were told we could be accommodated there until monday morning. it was an intense relief to us to be separated from our cumbersome luggage, and we must say that mr. and mrs. mackenzie did all in their power to make us comfortable and happy and to make us feel at home. we contented ourselves with some light refreshments which to some non-pedestrians might have appeared decidedly heavy, and then decided to see all that remained of john o' groat's house. walking along the beach for about a mile and a half, the distance we were told that separated the ruins from the inn, we failed to find them, and were about to return when we met a shepherd who said we had already passed them. we therefore returned with him, as he told us he was going to the inn, and he showed us a few mounds of earth covered with grass which marked the site of the foundations of john o' groat's house, but the stones had been removed to build a storehouse, or granary, at a place he pointed out in the distance. we were rather disappointed, as we expected to find some extensive remains, and, seeing they were so very scanty, we wondered why, in a land where stones were so plentiful, some monument or inscribed stone had not been erected to mark the site where this remarkable house once stood, as, in the absence of some one to direct them, strangers, like ourselves, might pass and repass these remains without noticing them. we were not long in reaching the inn, for the shepherd was a big man and took very long strides, and here we wrote a few short letters to our friends to advise them of our safe arrival at john o' groat's, afterwards walking to the post office about a mile away to post them, and ordering a high tea to be ready for us on our return. it was half-past eight when we finished our tea, after which we were conducted to a little room close to the sea, with two tiny windows in it, one of them without a blind, and with a peat or turf fire burning brightly on the hearth. mrs. mackenzie then brought us a small candle, which she lighted, and handed us a book which she said was the "album," and we amused ourselves with looking over this for the remainder of the evening. it was quite a large volume, dating from the year , and the following official account of the groat family, headed with a facsimile of the "groat arms," was pasted inside the cover: the chief of the race of john o' groat is alexander g. groat, esq., advocate, edinburgh. notices of john o' groat's house. it is stated in _sinclair's statistical accounts of scotland_, vol. , page and following:--"in the account of cannisby by the rev. john marison, d.d., that in the reign of james the fourth, king of scotland, malcom, cairn and john de groat, supposed to have been brothers and originally from holland, arrived in caithness from the south of scotland, bringing with them a letter in latin by that king recommending him to the countenance and protection of his loving subjects in the county of caithness." it is stated in _chambers's pictures of scotland_, vol. , page , "that the foundations or ruins of john o' groat's house, which is perhaps the most celebrated in the whole world, are still to be seen." then followed the names and addresses of visitors extending over a period of thirty-three years, many of them having also written remarks in prose, poetry, or doggerel rhyme, so we found plenty of food for thought and some amusement before we got even half way through the volume. some of these effusions might be described as of more than ordinary merit, and the remainder as good, bad, and indifferent. those written in foreign languages--and there were many of them--we could neither read nor understand, but they gave us the impression that the fame of john o' groat's had spread throughout the civilised world. there were many references to stroma, or the island of the current, which we could see in the pentland firth about four miles distant, and to the difficulties and danger the visitors had experienced in crossing that "stormy bit of sea" between it and john o' groat's. but their chief complaint was that, after travelling so far, there was no house for them to see. they had evidently, like ourselves, expected to find a substantial structure, and the farther they had travelled the greater their disappointment would naturally be. one visitor had expressed his disappointment in a verse more forcible than elegant, but true as regarded the stone. i went in a boat to see john o' groat, the place where his home doth lie; but when i got there, the hill was all bare, and the devil a stone saw i. the following entry also appeared in the album:-- elihu burrit of new britain, connecticut, u.s. america, on a walk from land's end to john o' groat's, arrived at huna inn, upon monday sep. th, . he visited the site of that famous domicile so celebrated in the world-wide legend for its ingenious construction to promote domestic happiness, and fully realised all he had anticipated in standing on a spot so rich with historical associations and surrounded with such grand and beautiful scenery. he desires also to record his testimony to the hospitality and comfort of the cosy little sea-side inn, where he was pleasantly housed for the night, and of which he will ever cherish an interesting remembrance. _saturday, september th._ "now for the shells!" exclaimed my brother, as we awoke early in the morning, for we expected to have a hard day's work before we gathered shells enough to fill our large baskets. so we hurried on with our breakfast, and then, shouldering our hampers, walked quickly along the beach to the place where we had been informed we should find them. when we got there we saw a sight which surely could not have had its parallel in the british isles, for the beach was white with them for the greater part of two miles. we were greatly astonished, for in some places the beach was so thickly covered that, had we possessed a shovel, we could have filled both our baskets with shells in a very few minutes. we decided therefore to select those best suited to our purpose, and we worked away until we had filled both our hampers. we then carried them one at a time to the "huna inn," and arranged with mr. mackenzie to have them carefully packed and delivered to the local carrier to be conveyed by road to the steamboat office at wick, and thence forwarded by water to our home, where we knew their contents would be appreciated for rockery purposes. the whole of our operations were completed by noon, instead of occupying the whole of the day as anticipated, for we had a great advantage in having such an enormous number of shells to select from. our host told us that farmers occasionally moved them by cart-loads to serve as lime manure on their land. their accumulation at that particular spot was a mystery which he could not explain beyond the fact that the shells were washed up from the pentland firth during the great storms; so we concluded that there must be a land of shell fish in or near that stormy deep, perhaps corresponding with that of the larger fish whose destruction we had seen represented in the strata of pomona in the orkneys. [illustration: rocks at duncansbay.] we must not forget to record, however, that amongst the vast number of shells we had turned over we found some of those lovely little shells known as "john o' groat's buckies," so highly prized by visitors. they were difficult to find, as they were so very small, but we found quite a number, and considered them to be perfect little gems, and so very pretty that we reserved them for special presents to our friends. we afterwards learned that they were known to science as cyproe artoca, or european cowry. * * * * * an interesting account of john o' groat's house and the shells was written in the year by the rev. john brand, commissioner of the general assembly:-- the landing-place was called john o' groat's house, the northernmost house in scotland; the man who now liveth in it and keepeth an inn there is called john grot, who saith his house hath been in the possession of his predecessors of that name for some hundreds of years; which name of grot is frequent in caithness. upon the sand by john grot's house are found many small pleasant buckies and shells, beautified by diverse colours, which some use to put upon a string as beads, and account much of their rarity. it is also observed of these shells that not one of them can be found altogether like another, and upon the review of the parcel i had i discovered some difference among them which variety renders them the more beautiful. [illustration: the stacks of duncansbay.] after our midday dinner had partially digested, for we had eaten rather too much, we started for duncansbay head, following the coast line on an up-gradient until we reached the top, which formed the north-eastern extremity of scotland, and from where we had to start on monday morning. it was a lonely spot, and we were the only visitors; but we had a lively time there, as the thousands of wild birds whose homes were in the rocks, judging from the loud noises they made as they new about us in endless processions, resented our intrusion into their sacred domain--hovering around us in every direction. perhaps they were only anxious to ascertain whether we were friends or foes, but we were very much interested in their strange movements. they appeared to be most numerous on and about two or three perpendicular rocks which rose from the sea like pinnacles to a great height. these rocks were named the "stacks," or the "boars of duncansbay," their sides and summits being only accessible to birds, and forming safe resting and nesting-places for them, and on the top of the highest stack the golden-coloured eagles had for ages reared their young. the "stacks" might once have formed part of the headland or of some adjacent island which had been wasted away by the winds and waves of ages until only these isolated portions remained, and these were worn into all kinds of crevices and fantastic shapes which impressed us with a sense of their great antiquity. we walked along the top of the cliffs, which here presented the appearance of one vast amphitheatre lined with precipices, with small promontories here and there jutting out into the sea resembling fortresses, some of them having the ruins of ancient castles crowning their highest points. we could scarcely bring our minds to realise that these were the very rocks we had seen from the deck of the s.s. _st. magnus_ only a few days since. we had passed through so many scenes, and had had so many adventures both by night and day since then, that the lapse of time seemed to us to be more like years than days. we retraced our steps to the head, and stood there for some time watching the ships far out at sea, trying to distinguish the _st. magnus_, as it was just about the time she was again due on her outward journey; but the demands of our hungry insides were again claiming urgent attention, and so we hastened our return to the "huna inn." on our way we again encountered the shepherd who had shown us the site of john o' groat's house, and we invited him to look us up in the evening, as we were anxious to get further information about john and his famous house. "huna inn," in spite of its disadvantages, was quite a romantic place to stay at, as it was situated almost on the edge of the boiling torrent of the pentland firth, which at times was so stormy that the island of stroma could not be reached for weeks. the "swalchie," or whirlpool of stroma, has been mentioned by many ancient writers, but the most interesting story is that of its origin as given in the old norse legend headed, "fenja and menja," and containing a famous ballad known as the "grotta songr," or the "mill song," grotta being the norse for mill, or quern. odin had a son by name skjold from whom the skjoldungs. he had his throne and ruled in the lands that are now called denmark but were then called gotland. skjold had a son by name fridleif, who ruled the lands after him. fridleif's son was frode. he took the kingdom after his father, at the time when the emperor augustus established peace in all the earth, and christ was born. but frode being the mightiest king in the northlands, this peace was attributed to him by all who spake the danish tongue and the norsemen called it the peace of frode. no man injured the other, even though he might meet, loose or in chains, his father's or brother's bane (murderer). there was no thief or robber so that a gold ring would lie a long time on jalanger's heath. king frode sent messengers to sirthjod, to the king whose name was fjolner, and bought there two maidservants, whose names were fenja and menja. they were large and strong. about this time were found in denmark two millstones so large that no one had the strength to turn them. but the nature belonged to these millstones that they ground whatever was demanded of them by the miller. the name of the mill was grotte. but the man to whom king frode gave the mill was called hengekjapt. king frode had the maidservants led to the mill and requested them to grind for him gold and peace and frode's happiness. then he gave them no longer time to rest or sleep than while the cuckoo was silent or while they sang a song. it is said they sang the song called the "grotte song," and before they ended it they ground out a host against frode, so that on the same night there came the sea-king whose name was mysing and slew frode and took a large amount of booty. mysing took with him grotte and also fenja and menja and bade them grind salt, and in the middle of the night they asked mysing whether he did not have salt enough. he bade them grind more. they ground only a short time longer before the ship sank. but in the ocean arose a whirlpool (maelstrom, mill-stream) in the place where the sea runs into the mill-eye: the swalchie of stroma. the story "why is the sea salt?" or "how the sea became salt," has appeared in one form or another among many nations of the world, and naturally appealed strongly to the imagination of the youth of a maritime nation like england. the story as told formerly amongst schoolboys was as follows: jack had decided to go to sea, but before doing so he went to see his fairy godmother, who had a strange looking old coffee-mill on the mantelshelf in her kitchen. she set the table for tea without anything on it to eat or drink, and then, taking down the old mill, placed it on the table and asked it to grind each article she required. after the tea-pot had been filled, jack was anxious for something to eat, and said he would like some teacakes, so his fairy godmother said to the mill: "mill! mill! grind away. buttered tea-cakes now i pray!" for she knew jack liked plenty of butter on his cakes, and out they came from the mill until the plate was well filled, and then she said: "mill! mill! rest thee now, thou hast ground enough i trow," and immediately the mill stopped grinding. when jack told her he was going away on a ship to sea, his fairy godmother made him a present of the old mill, which he would find useful, as it would grind anything he asked it to; but he must be careful to use the same words that he had heard her speak both in starting and stopping the mill. when he got to the ship, he stored the old mill carefully in his box, and had almost forgotten it when as they neared the country they were bound for the ship ran short of potatoes, so jack told the captain he would soon find him some, and ran for his mill, which he placed on the deck of the ship, and said to it: "mill! mill! grind away, let us have some potatoes i pray!" and immediately the potatoes began to roll out of the mill and over the deck, to the great astonishment and delight of the sailors, who had fine fun gathering them up. then jack said to the mill: "mill! mill! rest thee now, thou hast ground enough i trow," and immediately the mill ceased grinding. the captain determined to get the mill from jack, who would not part with it, and tried to steal it, but did not succeed, and when they reached the port, jack took the mill ashore with him, and rented a shop that happened to be empty, and had a sign-board placed over it with the words painted in large letters, "all sorts of things supplied here on the shortest notice," and he soon got a pile of money, the last order being one from the king, who wanted clothing for his soldiers in a hurry, as war had broken out unexpectedly. jack's good fortune was soon heard of by the captain, and when his ship was ready to sail he contrived to get one of his friends to invite jack to a party that evening, and then with the help of some of his crew he broke into the shop and stole the old mill. when jack returned in the morning his mill was gone, and he could just see the sails of the ship far out at sea. but he did not care much, as he had now money enough to keep himself for many years. meantime the captain in his hurry to get away had forgotten to bring some things that were wanted, and when he found they had no salt on board, he brought the old mill on deck, and said: "mill! mill! grind away let us have some salt i pray," and immediately the mill began to grind salt at a great speed and presently covered the deck all round where it was working, but the captain had forgotten the words spoken by jack when he stopped the mill, and though he used all the words he could think of, the mill kept on grinding, and was rapidly filling every available space on the deck. the captain then ran to his cabin and brought out his sword, and with a terrific blow he cut the mill in halves; but each piece formed itself into a mill, and both mills continued grinding until the ship sank to the bottom of the sea, where the mills are still grinding in the terrible swalchie of stroma, and that is why the water in the sea is salt! there had been a ferry at john o' groat's years before our visit, and mails and passengers had been carried across the firth to and from the orkney islands, the distance across being shorter from this point than from any other in scotland; but for some unexplained reason the service had been discontinued, and the presence of the ferry would probably account for so many names being written in the album. the day was already drawing to a close as we sat down to tea and the good things provided by mrs. mackenzie, and we were waited upon by a scotch lassie, who wore neither shoes nor stockings; but this we found was nothing unusual in the north of scotland in those days. after tea we adjourned to our room, and sat down in front of our peat fire; but our conversational powers soon exhausted themselves, for we felt uncommonly drowsy after having been exposed so long to the open air. we sat there silently watching the curling smoke as it went up the chimney and dreamily gazing into the caverns which had been formed in the fire below, imagining that we could see all kinds of weird objects therein, and then we thought of the times when we should not have been able to rest so securely and comfortably in the "huna inn," when one scottish clan was trying to exterminate another not so far away from where we were then sitting, for no more apparent reason than that the scots were born soldiers, and if they had no foreigners to fight they must fight among themselves. we must have been nearly asleep when our reveries were interrupted by the entrance of the shepherd, whom for the moment we had entirely forgotten. he had come in response to our invitation to talk with us about things in general, but particularly about john o' groat, and we were glad to see him, and we now give-- the shepherd's story john o' groat was a fisherman belonging to holland who was caught when at sea in a great storm which damaged his sails so that his boat drifted almost helplessly across the sea. when he came in sight of the scottish coast he was carried with the current into the pentland firth, and as he could not repair the sails in the boat and could not get back to holland with them in their damaged condition, he decided to land on one of the islands and repair them on shore. his wife was very much opposed to his landing on stroma, as she thought it was a desert island, so he got his boat across from there to the scottish coast; but when he attempted to land at huna, the natives opposed his landing, for they thought he was a pirate. fortunately for him he had a few kegs of gin in his boat, and when the canny scots saw these they became more friendly, especially as they had a great respect for holland's gin, and so they allowed him to land, and even helped him to mend his sails. they afterwards allowed him to settle amongst them on condition that he did not attempt to go into the interior of the country, and that he built his house on the seashore. he got on well amongst his new friends, and in time became their chief and had eight sons, and on one festive occasion, when they all came to see him, they quarrelled as to which should have precedence at his table, so john told them that the next time they came he would have matters so arranged as to avoid that kind of thing in the future. he therefore built an entirely new house with eight sides to it and a door in each, and made a table inside of the same octagonal shape, so that when they came to see him again each of them could enter by his own door and sit at his own head of the table. in reply to our questions the shepherd said he thought this event happened about years ago, but the house had long since disappeared, and only the site of the foundations which he had shown us previously now remained. he also said that heaps of ladies and gentlemen came there to picnic on the site, and he had seen them take even small stones away; but though he had lived there for fifty years, he had never seen john o' groat's any different from what it was now. we asked him why john did not return to holland, and he said it was because he had a letter from the king. we thanked the shepherd for his story, and, having suitably rewarded him, bade him farewell and hurried off to bed in the fading light of our rapidly diminishing candle. _sunday, september th._ the strict observance of the sabbath day in scotland was to us a most pleasing feature in scottish life, and one to which we had been accustomed from early childhood, so we had no desire to depart from it now. we were, therefore, very pleased when mr. and mrs. mackenzie invited us to accompany them to the free kirk service, and, as half-past ten o'clock was the time fixed for our departure from the inn, we concluded that the kirk could not be far away, as that was the hour that service began in our village church in cheshire, but we could not remember seeing any kirk in the neighbourhood of the "huna inn." we continued walking one mile after another for more than an hour, and must have walked quite four miles before we came in sight of the kirk, and we were then informed that the service did not commence until twelve o'clock! the country through which we passed was very bare, there being a total absence of hedges and trees, so we could see people coming towards the kirk from every direction. everybody seemed to know everybody else, and, as they came nearer the sacred enclosure, they formed themselves into small groups and stood conversing with each other, chiefly on religious matters, until the minister arrived to take charge of his flock. he was a quaintly dressed and rather elderly man, evidently well known, as he had a nod or a smile of recognition and a friendly word for all. we followed him into the kirk, where we found ourselves in the presence of quite a large congregation, and sat with mr. and mrs. mackenzie in their own pew in the rear of the kirk. the form of the service was quite different from that to which we had been accustomed. the congregation stood up while they prayed and sat down while they sang the psalms, with the exception of one man, who remained standing in what we thought was the clerk's desk immediately below the pulpit. this man acted as leader of the singing, but he failed to get much assistance from the people, and had great difficulty in keeping the singing going. possibly the failure of the congregational singing might be accounted for by the absence of an organ or other instrument of music to assist and encourage the people to sing, the nearest approach to anything of the kind being the tuning-fork which the conductor held in his hand. there was also the fact that the sitting posture was not the best position for bringing out the powers of the human voice; but we came to the conclusion that music was not looked upon favourably in that remote part of scotland. in front of the pulpit there was an enclosure, fenced in by the communion rail, and inside this were seated the elders, or deacons of the church. these were very old men with bent heads and white hair, and had the appearance of centenarians; they were indeed the queerest-looking group of old men we had ever seen assembled together. but it was their noses that chiefly attracted our attention, as they were so very long and crooked, and the strange feature about them was that they were all of the same pattern. their only rival, as far as we could see, in length of nose was the minister, but we thought he had enlarged his by artificial means, as we found to our surprise that he was addicted to snuff-taking, a habit very prevalent in scotland in those days. then came the sermon. on the pulpit was the bible, and beside it a substantial box of snuff, to which the minister resorted occasionally in the course of his long discourse. his pinches must have been considerable, for every sniff lasted from two to three seconds, and could be heard distinctly all over the kirk. this had a tendency to distract our attention from his sermon, which, by the way, was a very good one; but, owing to his rather slow delivery, we experienced a feeling of relief when he reached the end, for it had lasted quite an hour. there was now a slight movement amongst the congregation, which we interpreted as a sign that the service was at an end, and we rose to leave; but, imagine our consternation when our friends told us that what we had listened to was only the first part of the service, and that we must on no account leave, as the second part was to follow immediately. we therefore remained not altogether unwillingly, for we were curious to know what the next service was like. it proved to be almost exactly the same as the first, and we could not distinguish much difference between the two sermons; but we listened attentively, and were convinced that the preacher was a thoroughly conscientious man in spite of his occasional long sniffs of snuff, which were continued as before, but what astonished us was that the old gentleman never once sneezed! it was the most remarkable service we had ever attended, and it concluded exactly at three o'clock, having lasted three hours. we had then to retrace our four-mile walk to "huna inn," but the miles seemed rather longer, as mrs. mackenzie could only walk in a leisurely manner and we were feeling very hungry. we whiled away the time by talking about the sermons and the snuff, but chiefly about the deacons and their wonderful noses, and why they were all alike and so strangely crooked. mr. mackenzie suggested that they were crooked because if they had grown straight they would have projected over their mouths and prevented them from eating, the crook in them being a provision of nature to avoid this; or, they might have descended from the romans or some other ancient race who had formerly inhabited the coast of that part of scotland. books had been written and sermons preached about noses, and the longer the nose the greater the intellect of the owner was supposed to be. we told our host that there was only one-sixteenth part of an inch between the length of napoleon's nose and that of wellington's. we had forgotten which was the longer, but as wellington's was so conspicuous that he was nicknamed "nosey" by his troops, and as he had won the great battle of waterloo, we concluded that it was his, and gave him the benefit of the doubt. we quoted the following lines: knows he, that never took a pinch, nosey, the pleasure thence that flows? knows he the titillating joy which my nose knows? o nose, i am as proud of thee as any mountain of its snows; i gaze on thee, and feel that pride a roman knows. our host confided to us the reason why he was so anxious that we should not leave in the middle of the service. the second service was originally intended for those who had to come long distances to reach the kirk, some of whom came from a place seven miles away, but in late years the two services had become continuous. a few sundays before our visit some persons had left the kirk at the end of the first part, and in his second sermon the minister had plainly described them as followers of the devil! so we supposed our host was anxious that we should not be denounced in the same way. we found our tea-dinner waiting our arrival at the inn. we sat down to it at half-past four, and, as we rose from what was left of it at five o'clock, having worked hard meanwhile, we may safely be credited with having done our duty. we had a walk with our host along the shore, and had not proceeded far before we saw a dark-looking object some distance away in the sea. we thought it looked like a man in a boat, rising and falling with the waves, but mr. mackenzie told us that it was two whales following the herrings that were travelling in shoals round the coasts. we were very much interested in their strange movements, as they were the only whales we ever saw alive, but we could not help feeling sorry for the fish. evening was coming on as we re-entered "huna inn," and when we were again seated before our turf fire, joined by our host and hostess, our conversation was chiefly on the adventures we had already had, the great walk we were to begin on the morrow, and the pleasure it had given us to see the manifest and steadfast determination of the people at the kirk to observe the commandment of the god of the sabbath, "remember that thou keep holy the sabbath day." we wondered how much the prosperity of the scottish nation and its representatives in every part of the "wide, wide world" was attributable to their strict observance of the sabbath. who knows? we begin our journey _monday, september th._ we rose early and walked along the beach to duncansbay head, or rongisby as the old maps have it, gathering a few of those charming little shells called john o'groat buckies by the way. after walking round the site of john o'groat's house, we returned to our comfortable quarters at the huna inn for breakfast. john o'groat seems to have acted with more wisdom than many entrusted with the affairs of a nation. when his sons quarrelled for precedence at his table, he consoled them with the promise that when the next family gathering took place the matter should be settled to the satisfaction of all. during the interval he built a house having eight sides, each with a door and window, with an octagonal table in the centre so that each of his eight sons could enter at his own door and sit at his own side or "head" of the table. by this arrangement--which reminded us of king arthur's use of his round table--he dispelled the animosity which previously prevailed. after breakfast, and in the presence of mr. and mrs. mackenzie, we made an entry in the famous album with name and address, object of journey, and exact time of departure, and they promised to reserve a space beneath the entry to record the result, which was to be posted to them immediately we reached our journey's end. [illustration: john o'groat's house.] it was about half-past ten o'clock when we started on our long walk along a circuitous and unknown route from john o'groat's to land's end. our host and hostess stood watching our departure and waving adieux until we disappeared in the distance. we were in high spirits, and soon reached the junction of roads where we turned to the left towards wick. the first part of our walk was through the parish of canisbay, in the ancient records of which some reference is made to the more recent representatives of the groat family, but as these were made two hundred years ago, they were now almost illegible. our road lay through a wild moorland district with a few farms and cottages here and there, mainly occupied by fishermen. there were no fences to the fields or roads, and no bushes or trees, and the cattle were either herded or tied to stakes. after passing through canisbay, we arrived at the most northerly house in the parish of wick, formerly a public-house, and recognised as the half-way house between wick and john o'groat's. we found it occupied as a farm by mr. john nicolson, and here we saw the skeleton of a whale doing duty as a garden fence. the dead whale, seventy feet in length, had been found drifting in the sea, and had been hauled ashore by the fishermen. mr. nicolson had an ingenious son, who showed us a working sun-dial in the garden in front of the house which he had constructed out of a portion of the backbone, and in the same bone he had also formed a curious contrivance by which he could tell the day of the month. he told us he was the only man that studied painting in the north, and invited us into the house, wherein several rooms he showed us some of his paintings, which were really excellent considering they were executed in ordinary wall paint. his mother informed us that he began to study drawing when he was ill with a slow fever, but not bed-fast. two of the pictures, that of an old bachelor and a scotch lassie, a servant, were very good indeed. we also saw a picture of an old woman, a local celebrity, about a hundred years old, which was considered to be an excellent likeness, and showed the old lady's eyes so sunk in her head as to be scarcely visible. we considered that we had here found one of nature's artists, who would probably have made a name for himself if given the advantages so many have who lack the ability, for he certainly possessed both the imaginative faculty and no small degree of dexterity in execution. he pointed out to us the house of a farmer over the way who slept in the parish of wick and took his meals in that of canisbay, the boundary being marked by a chimney in the centre of the roof. he also informed us that his brother accompanied elihu burritt, the american blacksmith, for some distance when he walked from london to john o'groat's. we were now about eleven miles from wick, and as mr. nicolson told us of an old castle we had missed, we turned back across the moors for about a mile and a half to view it. he warned us that we might see a man belonging to the neighbourhood who was partly insane, and who, roaming amongst the castle ruins, usually ran straight towards any strangers as if to do them injury; but if we met him we must not be afraid, as he was perfectly harmless. we had no desire to meet a madman, and luckily, although we kept a sharp look-out, we did not see him. we found the ruined castle resting on a rock overlooking the sea with the rolling waves dashing on its base below; it was connected with the mainland by a very narrow strip broken through in one place, and formerly crossed by a drawbridge. as this was no longer available, it was somewhat difficult to scale the embankment opposite; still we scrambled up and passed triumphantly through the archway into the ruins, not meeting with that resistance we fancied we should have done in the days of its daring owner. a portion only of the tower remained, as the other part had fallen about two years before our visit. the castle, so tradition stated, had been built about the year by one buchollie, a famous pirate, who owned also another castle somewhere in the orkneys. how men could carry on such an unholy occupation amidst such dangerous surroundings was a mystery to us. [illustration: mr. nicolson's home, showing the arch of whale's jaw.] on our return we again saw our friend mr. nicolson, who told us there were quite a number of castles in caithness, as well as pictish forts and druidical circles, a large proportion of the castles lying along the coast we were traversing. he gave us the names of some of them, and told us that they materially enhanced the beauty of this rock-bound coast. he also described to us a point of the coast near ackergill, which we should pass, where the rocks formed a remarkably perfect profile of the great duke of wellington, though others spoke of it as a black giant. it could only be seen from the sea, but was marvellously correct and life-like, and of gigantic proportions. acting on mr. nicolson's instructions, we proceeded along the beach to keiss castle, and ascended to its second storey by means of a rustic ladder. it was apparently of a more recent date than buchollie, and a greater portion of it remained standing. a little to the west of it we saw another and more modern castle, one of the seats of the duke of portland, who, we were told, had never yet visited it. before reaching the village of keiss, we came to a small quay, where we stayed a short time watching the fishermen getting their smacks ready before sailing out to sea, and then we adjourned to the village inn, where we were provided with a first-class tea, for which we were quite ready. the people at the inn evidently did not think their business inconsistent with religion, for on the walls of the apartment where we had our tea were hanging two pictures of a religious character, and a motto "offer unto god thanksgiving," and between them a framed advertisement of "edinburgh ales"! after tea we continued our journey until we came to the last house in the village of keiss, a small cottage on the left-hand side of the road, and here we called to inspect a model of john o'groat's house, which had been built by a local stonemason, and exhibited at the great exhibition in london in . its skilful builder became insane soon after he had finished it, and shortly afterwards died. it was quite a palatial model and much more handsome than its supposed original was ever likely to have been. it had eight doors with eight flights of steps leading up to them, and above were eight towers with watchmen on them, and inside the house was a table with eight sides made from wood said to have been from the original table in the house of groat, and procured from one of his descendants. the model was accompanied by a ground plan and a print of the elevation taken from a photo by a local artist. there was no charge for admission or for looking at the model, but a donation left with the fatherless family was thankfully received. we now walked for miles along the seashore over huge sand-hills with fine views of the herring-boats putting out to sea. we counted fifty-six in one fleet, and the number would have been far greater had not noss head intervened to obstruct our view, as many more went out that night from wick, although the herring season was now nearly over. we passed ackergill tower, the residence of sir george dunbar, and about two miles farther on we came to two old castles quite near to each other, which were formerly the strongholds of the earls of caithness. they were named girnigoe and sinclair. girnigoe was the oldest, and under the ruins of the keep was a dismal dungeon. it was now getting dark, and not the pleasantest time to view old castles surrounded by black rocks with the moan of the sea as it invaded the chasms of the rocks on which they stood. amongst these lonely ruins we spoke of the past, for had our visit been three centuries earlier, the dismal sounds from the sea below would have mingled with those from the unfortunate young man chained up in that loathsome dungeon, whose only light came from a small hole high up in the wall. such was john, master of caithness, the eldest son of the fifth sinclair, earl of caithness, who is said to have been imprisoned here because he had wooed and won the affections of the daughter of a neighbouring laird, marked out by his father, at that time a widower, for himself. he was confined in that old dungeon for more than six long years before death released him from his inhuman parent. during his imprisonment john had three keepers appointed over him--murdoch roy and two brothers named ingram and david sinclair. roy attended him regularly, and did all the menial work, as the other two keepers were kinsmen of the earl, his father, who had imprisoned him. roy was sorry for the unfortunate nobleman, and arranged a plot to set him at liberty, which was unfortunately discovered by john's brother william, who bore him no good will. william told his father, the earl, who immediately ordered roy to be executed. the poor wretch was accordingly brought out and hanged on the common gibbet of the castle without a moment being allowed him to prepare for his final account. soon afterwards, in order to avenge the death of roy, john, who was a man of great bodily strength and whose bad usage and long imprisonment had affected his mind, managed to seize his brother william on the occasion of his visit to the dungeon and strangle him. this only deepened the earl's antipathy towards his unhappy son, and his keepers were encouraged to put him to death. the plan adopted was such as could only have entered the imagination of fiends, for they withheld food from their prisoner for the space of five days, and then set before him a piece of salt beef of which he ate voraciously. soon after, when he called for water, they refused to give him any, and he died of raging thirst. another account said they gave him brandy, of which he drank so copiously that he died raving mad. in any case, there is no doubt whatever that he was barbarously done to death. [illustration: girnigoe castle.] every castle along the seacoast had some story of cruelty connected with it, but the story of girnigoe was perhaps the worst of all, and we were glad to get away from a place with such dismal associations. about a hundred years after this sad event the clan of the campbells of glenorchy declared war on the sinclairs of keiss, and marched into caithness to meet them; but the sinclairs instead of going out to meet them at the ord of caithness, a naturally fortified position, stayed at home, and the campbells took up a strong position at altimarloch, about two miles from wick. the sinclairs spent the night before the battle drinking and carousing, and then attacked the campbells in the strong position they had taken up, with the result that the sinclairs were routed and many of them perished. they meet, they close in deadly strife, but brief the bloody fray; before the campbells' furious charge the caithness ranks give way. the shrieking mother wrung her hands, the maiden tore her hair, and all was lamentation loud, and terror, and despair. it was commonly said that the well-known quicksteps, "the campbells are coming" and the "braes of glenorchy" obtained their names from this raid. the sinclairs of keiss were a powerful and warlike family, and they soon regained their position. it was a pleasing contrast to note that in sir william sinclair of keiss had laid aside his sword, embracing the views held by the baptists, and after being baptized in london became the founder of that denomination in caithness and a well-known preacher and writer of hymns. in his younger days he was in the army, where he earned fame as an expert swordsman, his fame in that respect spreading throughout the countryside. years after he had retired from the service, while sitting in his study one forenoon intently perusing a religious work, his valet announced the arrival of a stranger who wished to see him. the servant was ordered to show him into the apartment, and in stalked a strong muscular-looking man with a formidable andrea ferrara sword hanging by his side, and, making a low obeisance, he thus addressed the knight: "sir william, i hope you will pardon my intrusion. i am a native of england and a professional swordsman. in the course of my travels through scotland, i have not yet met with a gentleman able to cope with me in the noble science of swordsmanship. since i came to caithness i have heard that you are an adept with my favourite weapon, and i have called to see if you would do me the honour to exchange a few passes with me just in the way of testing our respective abilities." sir william was both amused and astonished at this extraordinary request, and replied that he had long ago thrown aside the sword, and, except in case of necessity, never intended to use it any more. but the stranger would take no denial, and earnestly insisted that he would favour him with a proof of his skill. "very well," said sir william, "to please you i shall do so," and, rising and fetching his sword, he desired the stranger, who was an ugly-looking fellow, to draw and defend himself. after a pass or two sir william, with a dexterous stroke, cut off a button from the vest of his opponent. "will that satisfy you," inquired sir william; "or shall i go a little deeper and draw blood?" "oh, i am perfectly satisfied," said the other. "i find i have for once met a gentleman who knows how to handle his sword." in about half a mile after leaving the ruins of these old castles we saw the noss head lighthouse, with its powerful light already flashing over the darkening seas, and we decided to visit it. we had to scale several fences, and when we got there we found we had arrived long after the authorised hours for the admission of visitors. we had therefore some difficulty in gaining an entrance, as the man whose attention we had attracted did not at first understand why we could not come again the next day. when we explained the nature of our journey, he kindly admitted us through the gate. the lighthouse and its surroundings were scrupulously clean, and if we had been her majesty's inspectors of lighthouses, if such there be, we could not have done otherwise than report favourably of our visit. the attendants were very kind to us, one of them accompanying us to the top, and as the lighthouse was feet high, we had a great number of steps to climb. we had never seen the interior of a lighthouse before, and were greatly interested in the wonderful mechanism by which the flashlight was worked. we were much impressed by the incalculable value of these national institutions, especially in such dangerous positions as we knew from experience prevailed on those stormy coasts. we were highly delighted with our novel adventure, and, after regaining the entrance, we walked briskly away; but it was quite dark before we had covered the three miles that separated the lighthouse from the fishery town of wick. here we procured suitable lodgings, and then hurried to the post office for the letters that waited us, which we were delighted to read, for it seemed ages since we left home. (_distance walked twenty-five miles_.) [illustration: noss head lighthouse.] _tuesday, september th._ we had our first experience of a herring breakfast, and were surprised to find how delicious they tasted when absolutely fresh. there was an old proverb in wick: "when the herrings come in, the doctors go out!" which may indicate that these fish had some medicinal value; but more likely the saying referred to the period of plenty following that of want and starvation. we went down to the quay and had a talk with some of the fishermen whom we met returning from their midnight labours. they told us they had not caught many herrings that night, but that the season generally had been a good one, and they would have money enough to support themselves through the coming winter. there were about nine hundred boats in the district, and sometimes over a thousand, all employed in the fishing industry; each boat was worked by four men and one boy, using nets yards long. the herrings appeared about the second week in august and remained until the end of september, but the whales swallowed barrels of them at one "jow." we called at the steamboat depot and found that our hampers of shells had already arrived, and would be sent forward on the _st. magnus_; next we went to get our hair and beards trimmed by the wick barber. he was a curious old gentleman and quite an orator, and even at that early hour had one customer in hand while another was waiting to be shaved, so we had of course to wait our turn. the man who was waiting began to express his impatience in rather strong language, but the barber was quite equal to the occasion, and in the course of a long and eloquent oration, while he was engaged with the customer he had in hand, he told him that when he came into a barber's shop he should have the calmness of mind to look quietly around and note the sublimity of the place, which ought to be sufficient to enable him to overcome such signs of impatience as he had exhibited. we were quite sure that the barber's customer did not understand one-half the big words addressed to him, but they had the desired effect, and he waited patiently until his turn came to be shaved. he was a dark-complexioned seafaring man, and had evidently just returned from a long sea voyage, as the beard on his chin was more like the bristles on a blacking-brush, and the operation of removing them more like mowing than shaving. when completed, the barber held out his hand for payment. the usual charge must have been a penny, for that was the coin he placed in the barber's hand. but it was now the barber's turn. drawing himself up to his full height, with a dignified but scornful expression on his face, he pointed with his razor to the penny he held in his other hand, which remained open, and exclaimed fiercely, "this! for a month's shave!" another penny was immediately added, and his impatient customer quickly and quietly departed. it was now our turn for beard and hair trimming, but we had been so much amused at some of the words used by the barber that, had it not been for his awe-inspiring look, the scissors he now held in his hand, and the razors that were so near to us, we should have failed to suppress our laughter. the fact was that the shop was the smallest barber's establishment we had ever patronised, and the dingiest-looking little place imaginable, the only light being from a very small window at the back of the shop. to apply the words sublime and sublimity to a place like this was ludicrous in the extreme. it was before this window that we sat while our hair was being cut; but as only one side of the head could be operated upon at once, owing to the scanty light, we had to sit before it sideways, and then to reverse our position. we have heard it said that every man's hair has a stronger growth on one side of his head than the other, but whether this barber left more hair on the strong side or not we did not know. in any case, the difference between the two sides, both of hair and beard, after the barber's operation was very noticeable. the only sublime thing about the shop was the barber himself, and possibly he thought of himself when speaking of its sublimity. he was a well-known character in wick, and if his lot had been cast in a more expansive neighbourhood he might have filled a much higher position. he impressed us very much, and had we visited wick again we should certainly have paid him a complimentary visit. we then purchased a few prints of the neighbourhood at mr. johnston's shop, and were given some information concerning the herring industry. it appeared that this industry was formerly in the hands of the dutch, who exploited the british coasts as well as their own, for the log of the _dutillet_, the ship which brought prince charles edward to scotland in , records that on august th it joined two dutch men-of-war and a fleet of herring craft off rongisby. [illustration: old man of wick.] in the early part of the fourteenth century there arose a large demand for this kind of fish by roman catholics both in the british isles and on the continent. the fish deserted the baltic and new herring fields were sought, while it became necessary to find some method of preserving them. the art of curing herrings was discovered by a dutchman named baukel. such was the importance attached to this discovery that the emperor charles v caused a costly memorial to be erected over his grave at biervlet. the trade remained in the hands of the dutch for a long time, and the cured herrings were chiefly shipped to stettin, and thence to spain and other roman catholic countries, large profits being made. in , however, a british fishery society was established, and a bounty of £ offered on every ton of herrings caught. in an expert dutchman was employed to superintend the growing industry, and from wick took the lead in the herring industry, which in a few years' time extended all round the coasts, the piles of herring-barrels along the quay at wick making a sight worth seeing. we had not gone far when we turned aside to visit the ruins of wick castle, which had been named by the sailors "the auld man o'wick." it was built like most of the others we had seen, on a small promontory protected by the sea on three sides, but there were two crevices in the rock up which the sea was rushing with terrific force. the rock on which its foundations rested we estimated to be about feet high, and there was only a narrow strip of land connecting it with the mainland. the solitary tower that remained standing was about fifty feet high, and apparently broader at the top than at the bottom, being about ten or twelve yards in length and breadth, with the walls six or seven feet thick. the roar of the water was like the sound of distant thunder, lending a melancholy charm to the scene. it was from here that we obtained our first land view of those strange-looking hills in caithness called by the sailors, from their resemblance to the breasts of a maiden, the maiden's paps. an old man directed us the way to lybster by what he called the king's highway, and looking back from this point we had a fine view of the town of wick and its surroundings. taught by past experience, we had provided ourselves with a specially constructed apparatus for tea-making, with a flask to fit inside to carry milk, and this we used many times during our journey through the highlands of scotland. we also carried a reserve stock of provisions, since we were often likely to be far away from any human habitation. to-day was the first time we had occasion to make use of it, and we had our lunch not in the room of an inn, but sitting amongst the heather under the broad blue canopy of heaven. it was a gloriously fine day, but not a forerunner of a fine day on the morrow, as after events showed. we had purchased six eggs at a farmhouse, for which we were only charged fourpence, and with a half-pound of honey and an enormous oatmeal cake--real scotch--we had a jovial little picnic and did not fare badly. we had many a laugh at the self-satisfied sublimity of our friend the barber, but the sublimity here was real, surrounded as we were by magnificent views of the distant hills, and through the clear air we could see the mountains on the other side of the moray firth probably fifty miles distant. our road was very hilly, and devoid of fences or trees or other objects to obstruct our view, so much so that at one point we could see two milestones, the second before we reached the first. we passed loch hempriggs on the right of our road, with iresgoe and its needle on the seacoast to the left, also an old ruin which we were informed was a "tulloch," but we did not know the meaning of the word. after passing the tenth milestone from wick, we went to look at an ancient burial-ground which stood by the seaside about a field's breadth from our road. the majority of the gravestones were very old, and whatever inscriptions they ever had were now worn away by age and weather; some were overgrown with grass and nettles, while in contrast to these stood some modern stones of polished granite. the inscriptions on these stones were worded differently from those places farther south. the familiar words "sacred to the memory of" did not appear, and the phrasing appeared rather in the nature of a testimonial to the benevolence of the bereft. we copied two of the inscriptions: erected by robert wallace, merchant, lybster, to the memory of his spouse charllot simpson who departed this life nov. aged years. _lovely in life_. placed by john sutherland, fisherman, lybster, in memory of his wife williaminia polson who died th may aged years. _at death still lovely_. in the yard we noticed a large number of loose stones and the remains of a wall which we supposed had been part of the kirk. the name of the village near here was mid clyth, and the ruins those of an old roman catholic chapel last used about four hundred years ago. several attempts had been made to obtain power to remove the surplus stones, but our informant stated that although they had only about a dozen romanists in the county, they were strong enough to prevent this being done, and it was the only burial-ground between there and wick. he also told us that there were a thousand volunteers in caithness. [illustration: the needle of iresgoe.] the people in the north of caithness in directing us on our way did not tell us to turn to right or left, but towards the points of the compass--say to the east or the west as the case might be, and then turn south for a given number of chains. this kind of information rather puzzled us, as we had no compass, nor did we know the length of a chain. it seemed to point back to a time when there were no roads at all in that county. we afterwards read that pennant, the celebrated tourist, when visiting caithness in , wrote that at that time there was not a single cart, nor mile of road properly so called in the county. he described the whole district as little better than an "immense morass, with here and there some fruitful spots of oats and bere (barley), and much coarse grass, almost all wild, there being as yet very little cultivated." and he goes on to add: here are neither barns nor granaries; the corn is thrashed out and preserved in the chaff in bykes, which are stacks in the shape of beehives thatched quite round. the tender sex (i blush for the caithnessians) are the only animals of burden; they turn their patient backs to the dunghills and receive in their cassties or straw baskets as much as their lords and masters think fit to fling in with their pitchforks, and then trudge to the fields in droves. a more modern writer, however, thought that pennant must have been observant but not reflective, and wrote: it is not on the sea coast that woman looks on man as lord and master. the fishing industry more than any other leads to great equality between the sexes. the man is away and the woman conducts all the family affairs on land. home means all the comfort man can enjoy! his life is one persistent calling for self-reliance and independence and equally of obedience to command. the relations pennant quoted were not of servility, but of man assisting woman to do what she regarded as her natural work. to inland folk like ourselves it was a strange sight to see so many women engaged in agricultural pursuits, but we realised that the men had been out fishing in the sea during the night and were now in bed. we saw one woman mowing oats with a scythe and another following her, gathering them up and binding them into sheaves, while several others were cutting down the oats with sickles; we saw others driving horses attached to carts. the children, or "bairns," as they were called here, wore neither shoes nor stockings, except a few of the very young ones, and all the arable land was devoted to the culture of oats and turnips. we passed through lybster, which in lancashire would only be regarded as a small village, but here was considered to be a town, as it could boast of a population of about eight hundred people. we made due note of our reaching what was acknowledged to be the second plantation of trees in the county; there were six only in the entire county of caithness, and even a sight like this was cheery in these almost treeless regions. an elderly and portly-looking gentleman who was on the road in front of us awaited our arrival, and as an introduction politely offered us a pinch of snuff out of his well-filled snuff-box, which we accepted. we tried to take it, but the application of a small portion to our noses caused us to sneeze so violently that the gentleman roared with laughter at our expense, and was evidently both surprised and amused at our distress. we were soon good friends, however, and he was as pleased with our company as we were with his, but we accepted no more pinches of snuff in scotland. he had many inquiries to make about the method of farming in cheshire and regarding the rotation of crops. we informed him that potatoes were the first crop following grass grown in our neighbourhood, followed by wheat in the next year, and oats and clover afterwards--the clover being cut for two years. "and how many years before wheat again?" he asked; but this question we could not answer, as we were not sufficiently advanced in agricultural knowledge to undergo a very serious examination from one who was evidently inclined to dive deeply into the subject. as we walked along, we noticed a stone on the slope of a mountain like those we had seen at stenness in the orkneys, but no halo of interest could be thrown around it by our friend, who simply said it had been there "since the world began." near lybster we had a good view of the ord of caithness, a black-looking ridge of mountains terminating in the maiden's paps, which were later to be associated with one of the most difficult and dangerous traverses we ever experienced. the night was now coming on, and we hurried onwards, passing two old castles, one to the left and the other to the right of our road, and we noticed a gate, the posts of which had been formed from the rib-bones of a monster whale, forming an arch ornamented in the centre by a portion of the backbone of the same creature. in the dark the only objects we could distinguish were the rocks on the right and the lights of two lighthouses, one across dornoch firth and the other across moray firth. in another mile and a half after leaving the farmer, who had accompanied us for some miles and who, we afterwards learned, was an old bachelor, we were seated in the comfortable hotel at dunbeath. the landlord was civil and communicative, and we sat talking to him about the great difference between caithness and cheshire, and the relative values of turf and coal. he informed us that there was very little coal consumed in the county of caithness, as the english coal was dear and the scotch coal bad, while the peat was of good quality, the darkest-looking being the richest and the best. our tea was now ready, and so were we, as we had walked fifteen miles since our lunch in the heather. we were ushered into the parlour, where we were delighted to find a cheshire gentleman, who told us he had been out shooting, and intended to leave by the coach at two a.m. hearing that two pedestrians had arrived, he had given up his bed, which he had engaged early in the day, and offered to rest on the sofa until the arrival of the mail-coach. we thanked him for his kind consideration, for we were tired and footsore. who the gentleman was we did not discover; he knew warrington and the neighbourhood, had visited mr. lyon of appleton hall near that town, and knew mr. patten of bank hall, who he said was fast getting "smoked out" of that neighbourhood. we retired early, and left him in full possession of the coffee-room and its sofa. at two o'clock in the morning we were wakened by the loud blowing of a horn, which heralded the approach of the mail-coach, and in another minute the trampling of horses' feet beneath our window announced its arrival. we rose hurriedly and rushed to the window, but in the hurry my brother dashed against a table, and down went something with a smash; on getting a light we found it was nothing more valuable than a water-bottle and glass, the broken pieces of which we carefully collected together, sopping up the water as best we could. we were in time to see our friend off on the coach, with three horses and an enormous light in front, which travelled from thurso to helmsdale, a distance of fifty-eight miles, at the rate of eight miles per hour. (_distance walked twenty-one and a half miles._) _wednesday, september th._ we rose early, and while waiting for our breakfast talked with an old habitué of the hotel, who, after drawing our attention to the weather, which had now changed for the worse, told us that the building of the new pier, as he called it, at wick had been in progress for seven or eight years, but the sea there was the stormiest in britain, and when the wind came one way the waves washed the pier down again, so that it was now no bigger than it was two years ago. he also told us he could remember the time when there was no mail-coach in that part of the country, the letters for that neighbourhood being sent to a man, a tailor by trade, who being often very busy, sent his wife to deliver them, so that her majesty's mails were carried by a female! [illustration: a storm in wick harbour.] almost the last piece of advice given us before leaving home was, "mind that you always get a good breakfast before starting out in a morning," and fortunately we did not neglect it on this occasion, for it proved one of the worst day's walks that we ever experienced. helmsdale was our next stage, and a direct road led to it along the coast, a distance of sixteen miles. but my brother was a man of original ideas, and he had made up his mind that we should walk there by an inland route, and climb over the maiden's paps mountain on our way. the wind had increased considerably during the night, and the rain began to fall in torrents as we left the dunbeath inn, our mackintoshes and leggings again coming in useful. the question now arose whether we should adhere to our original proposal, or proceed to helmsdale by the shortest route. our host strongly advised us to keep to the main road, but we decided, in spite of our sore feet and the raging elements, to cross over the maiden's paps. we therefore left the main road and followed a track which led towards the mountains and the wild moors. we had not gone very far when we met a disconsolate sportsman, accompanied by his gillies and dogs, who was retreating to the inn which he had left early in the morning. he explained to us how the rain would spoil his sport amongst the grouse, though he consoled himself by claiming that it had been one of the finest sporting seasons ever known in caithness. as an illustration, he said that on the eighteenth day of september he had been out with a party who had shot forty-one and a half brace of grouse to each gun, besides other game. the average weight of grouse on the scotch moors was twenty-five ounces, but those on the caithness moors were heavier, and averaged twenty-five and a half ounces. he was curious to know where we were going, and when we told him, he said we were attempting an impossible feat in such awful weather, and strongly advised us to return to the hotel, and try the journey on a finer day. we reflected that the fine weather had now apparently broken, and it would involve a loss of valuable time if we accepted his advice to wait for a finer day, so we pressed forwards for quite two hours across a dreary country, without a tree or a house or a human being to enliven us on our way. fortunately the wind and rain were behind us, and we did not feel their pressure like our friend the sportsman, who was going in the opposite direction. at last we came to what might be called a village, where there were a few scattered houses and a burial-ground, but no kirk that we could see. near here we crossed a stream known as berriedale water, and reached the last house, a farm, where our track practically ended. we knocked at the door, which was opened by the farmer himself, and his wife soon provided us with tea and oatmeal cake, which we enjoyed after our seven or eight-mile walk. the wind howled in the chimney and the rain rattled on the window-panes as we partook of our frugal meal, and we were inclined to exclaim with the poet whose name we knew not: the day is cold and dark and dreary, it rains, and the wind is never weary. the people at the farm had come there from south wales and did not know much about the country. all the information they could give us was that the place we had arrived at was named braemore, and that on the other side of the hills, which they had never crossed themselves, there was a forest with no roads through it, and if we got there, we should have to make our way as best we could across the moors to helmsdale. they showed us the best way to reach the foot of the mountain, but we found the going much worse than we anticipated, since the storm had now developed into one of great magnitude. fortunately the wind was behind us, but the higher we ascended the stronger it became, and it fairly took our breath away even when we turned our heads towards it sideways, which made us realise how impossible it was for us to turn back, however much we might wish to do so; consequently we struggled onwards, occasionally taking advantage of the shelter of some projecting rock to recover our breathing--a very necessary proceeding, for as we approached the summit the rain became more like sleet, the wind was very cold, and the rocks were in a frozen and slippery condition. we were in great danger of being blown over and losing our lives, and as we could no longer walk upright in safety, we knelt down, not without a prayer to heaven as we continued on our way. thus we crawled along upon our hands and knees over the smooth wind-swept summit of the maiden's paps, now one immense surface of ice. the last bit was the worst of all, for here the raging elements struck us with full and uninterrupted force. we crossed this inches at a time, lying flat on the smooth rock with our faces downwards. our feelings of thankfulness to the almighty may be imagined when we finally reached the other side in safety. given a fine day we should have had a glorious view from this point, and, as it was, in spite of the rain we could see a long distance, but the prospect was far from encouraging. a great black rock, higher than that we had climbed, stood before us, with its summit hidden in the clouds, and a wide expanse of hills and moors, but not a house or tree so far as the eye could reach. this rather surprised us, as we expected the forest region to be covered with trees which would afford us some shelter on our farther way. we learned afterwards that the "forest" was but a name, the trees having disappeared ages ago from most of these forests in the northern regions of scotland. we were wet through to the skin and shivering with cold as we began to descend the other side of the maiden's paps--a descent we found both difficult and dangerous. it looked an awful place below us--a wild amphitheatre of dreary hills and moors! we had no compass to guide us, and in the absence of light from the sun we could not tell in what direction we were travelling, so with our backs towards the hills we had crossed, we made our way across the bog, now saturated with water. we could hear it gurgling under our feet at every stride, even when we could not see it, and occasionally we slipped into holes nearly knee-deep in water. after floundering in the bog for some time, and not knowing which way to turn, as we appeared to be surrounded with hills, we decided to try to walk against the wind which was blowing from the sea, for we knew that if we could reach the coast we should also reach the highway, which ran alongside it. but we soon had to give in, for we came to great rocks impossible for us to scale, so we had to abandon this direction and try another. the rain still continued, and our hands had now been bleached quite white with the rain beating on them, just like those of a washerwoman after a heavy day's washing. we knew that the night would shortly be coming on, and the terrible thought of a dark night on the moors began to haunt us. if we could only have found a track we should not have cared, but we were now really lost. we were giving way to despair and beginning to think it might be a question of life or death when a bright thought suddenly struck us, and we wondered why we had not thought of it before. why not follow the water, which would be sure to be running towards the sea? this idea inspired us with hope, and seemed to give us new life; but it was astonishing what a time elapsed before we found a running stream, for the water appeared to remain where it fell. at length we came to a small stream, the sight of which gave us renewed energy, and we followed it joyfully on its downward course. presently we saw a few small bushes; then we came to a larger stream, and afterwards to a patch of grassland which clearly at one time had been under cultivation. at last we came to trees under which we could see some deer sheltering from the storm: by this time the stream had become a raging torrent. we stood watching the deer for a moment, when suddenly three fine stags rushed past us and dashed into the surging waters of the stream, which carried them down a considerable distance before they could land on its rocky bank on the other side. it was an exciting adventure, as the stags were so near us, and with their fine antlers presented an imposing appearance. we now crossed over some heather in order to reach a small path which we could see alongside the swollen river. how pleased we were when we knew we were out of danger! it seemed to us like an escape from a terrible fate. we remembered how mungo park, when alone in the very heart of africa, and in the midst of a great wilderness, derived consolation from very much smaller sources than the few trees which now cheered us on our way. the path became broader as we passed through the grounds of lord galloway's hunting-box, and we soon reached the highway, where we crossed the boiling torrent rushing along with frightful rapidity on its way to the sea. the shades of night were coming on as we knocked at the door of the keeper's cottage, and judge of our surprise when we were informed that, after walking from ten o'clock in the morning to six o'clock at night, we were only about six miles from dunbeath, whence we had started that morning, and had still about ten miles to walk before we could reach helmsdale. we were almost famished with hunger, but we were lucky enough to secure a splendid tea at the keeper's cottage. fortunately for us the good lady of the house had provided a sumptuous repast for some sporting gentlemen she was expecting, but who had been prevented from coming owing to the storm. we kept no record of our gastronomical performances on this occasion, but we can safely state that of a whole rabbit very little remained, and the same remark would apply to a whole series of other delicacies which the keeper's wife had so kindly and thoughtfully provided for her more distinguished but absent guests. we took the opportunity of drying some of our wet clothing, and before we finished our tea the keeper himself came in, to whom we related our adventures. though accustomed to the broken regions and wild solitudes we had passed through, he was simply astounded that we had come over them safely, especially on such a day. it was pitch dark when we left the keeper's cottage, and he very kindly accompanied us until we reached the highroad in safety. the noise caused by the rushing waters of the rivers as they passed us on their way in frantic haste to the sea, now quite near us, and the roar of the sea itself as it dashed itself violently against the rocky coast, rendered conversation very difficult, but our companion gave us to understand that the road to helmsdale was very hilly and lonely, and at one time was considered dangerous for strangers. fortunately the surface was very good, and we found it much easier to walk upon than the wet heather we had passed over for so many miles. the black rocks which lined the road, the darkness of the night, and the noise from the sea as the great waves dashed and thundered on the rocks hundreds of feet below, might have terrified timid travellers, but they seemed nothing to us compared with our experience earlier in the day. the wind had moderated, but the rain continued to fall, and occasionally we were startled as we rounded one of the many bends in the road by coming suddenly on a burn swollen with the heavy rains, hurling itself like a cataract down the rocky sides of the hill, and rushing under the road beneath our feet in its noisy descent helter-skelter towards the sea. we walked on as rapidly as the hilly nature of our road would permit, without seeing a house or human being, until we approached helmsdale, when we were surprised by the sudden appearance of the stage-coach drawn by three horses and displaying its enormous red lamp in front. the driver suddenly pulled up his horses, for, as he said, he did not know "what the de'il it was coming in front": he scarcely ever met any one on that road, and particularly on such an "awful" stormy night. we asked him how far we were from the town, and were delighted to hear it was only about two miles away. it was after ten o'clock when we arrived at helmsdale, tired and footsore, but just in time to secure lodgings for the night at the commercial inn. (_distance walked thirty miles_.) _thursday, september st._ helmsdale was a pleasant little town inhabited chiefly by fishermen, but a place of some importance, for it had recently become the northern terminus of the railway. a book in the hotel, which we read while waiting for breakfast, gave us some interesting information about the road we had travelled along the night before, and from it we learned that the distance between berriedale and helmsdale was nine and a half miles, and that about half-way between these two places it passed the ord of caithness at an elevation of , feet above the sea-level, an "aclivity of granite past which no railway can be carried," and the commencement of a long chain of mountains separating caithness from sutherland. formerly the road was carried along the edge of a tremendous range of precipices which overhung the sea in a fashion enough to frighten both man and beast, and was considered the most dangerous road in scotland, so much so that when the earl of caithness or any other great landed proprietor travelled that way a troop of their tenants from the borders of sutherland-shire assembled, and drew the carriage themselves across the hill, a distance of two miles, quadrupeds not being considered safe enough, as the least deviation would have resulted in a fall over the rocks into the sea below. this old road, which was too near the sea for modern traffic, was replaced by the present road in the year . the old path, looked at from the neighbourhood of helmsdale, had more the appearance of a sheep track than a road as it wound up the steep brow of the hill or feet above the rolling surge of the sea below, and was quite awe-inspiring even to look at, set among scenery of the most wild and savage character. we had now cleared the county of caithness, which, like orkney and shetland, was almost entirely devoid of trees. to our way of thinking a sprinkling of woods and copses would have much enhanced the wild beauty of the surroundings, but there was a difference of opinion or taste on this point as on everything else. a gentleman who had settled in america, and had had to clear away the trees from his holding, when he passed through caithness on his way to john o' groat's was continually ejaculating, "what a beautiful country!" "what a very beautiful country!" some one who heard him remarked, "you can hardly call it a very beautiful country when there are no trees." "trees," cried the yankee; "that's all stuff caithness, i calculate, is the finest clearing i ever saw in my life!" we had often wondered, by the way, how the harbour works at wick would be affected by the great storms, and we were afterwards greatly interested when we read in a scotch provincial newspaper the following telegrams: terrific gale at wick threatened destruction of the harbour works _from our wick correspondent_ _wick, wednesday_, : --a terrific storm is raging here to-day. it is a gale from the south-east, with an extraordinary surf which is making a complete break of the new harbour works, where a number of large stones have been dislodged and serious damage is threatened. : _p.m._--the storm still continues. a large concrete block, weighing tons, has been dislodged, and the whole building seems doomed unless the storm abates very soon. these hours corresponded with the time we were crossing the maiden's paps mountains, and we are not likely ever to forget the great danger we were in on that occasion. we were rather backward in making a start on our journey to-day, for our feet were very sore; but we were advised to apply common soap to our stocking feet, from which we experienced great relief. as we left the town we saw some ruins, which we assumed were those of helmsdale castle, and we had now the company of the railway, which, like our road, hugged the seacoast for some miles. about two miles after leaving helmsdale we sighted the first railway train we had seen since we left aberdeen a fortnight before. under ordinary conditions this might have passed unnoticed, but as we had been travelling through such wild country we looked upon it as a sign that we were approaching a part of the country which had communication with civilisation, other than that afforded by sea or mail-coach. [illustration: pictish tower (exterior).] we now walked through the parish of loth, where in glen loth we were informed the last wolf in scotland was killed, and about half a mile before reaching brora we climbed over a stone fence to inspect the ruins of a pictish castle standing between our road and the railway. the ruins were circular, but some of the walls had been built in a zig-zag form, and had originally contained passages and rooms, some of which still existed, but they looked so dark that we did not care to go inside them, though we were informed that about two years before our visit excavations had been made and several human skulls were discovered. the weather continued wet, and we passed through several showers on our way from helmsdale to brora, where, after a walk of twelve miles, we stayed for lunch, and it was again raining as we left there for golspie. [illustration: pictish tower (interior).] at brora we heard stories of wonderful fossils which were to be found in the rocks on the shore--shells and fish-scales and remains of bigger creatures--and of a bed of real coal. certainly the rocks seemed to change their character hereabouts, which may account for the softening of the scenery and the contrast in agricultural pursuits in this region with those farther north. here the appearance of the country gradually improved as we approached the woods and grounds and more cultivated regions surrounding the residence of the duke of sutherland. [illustration: dunrobin castle. "it was the finest building we had seen, not at all like the gloomy-looking castles, being more like a palace, with a fine display of oriel windows, battlements, steeples, and turrets."] we came in sight of another pictish castle, which we turned aside to visit; but by this time we had become quite familiar with the formation of these strange old structures, which were nearly all built after the same pattern, although some belonged to an earlier period than others, and the chambers in them were invariably dark and dismal. if these were used for the same purpose as similar ones we had seen in shetland, where maidens of property and beauty were placed for protection from the "gallants" who roamed about the land in those days, the fair prisoners must have had a dismal time while incarcerated in these dungeon-like apartments. in these ruins, however, we saw some ancient utensils, or querns, supposed to have been used for crushing corn. they had been hollowed out in stone, and one of them had a well-worn stone inside it, but whether or no it was the remains of an ancient pestle used in crushing the corn we could not determine; it looked strangely like one. the country hereabouts was of the most charming description, hilly and undulating rather than rugged, and we left the highway to walk along the seashore, where we passed the rifle and artillery ranges of the volunteers. we also saw the duke's private pier extending towards the open sea, and from this point we had a fine view of dunrobin castle, the duke's residence, which was the finest building we had seen, and not at all like the other gloomy-looking castles, being more like a palace. it is a happy blending of the german schloss, the french château, and scottish baronial architecture, with a fine display of oriel windows, battlements, turrets, and steeples, the great tower rising to a height of feet above the garden terrace below. a vista of mountains and forests lay before any one privileged to ascend the tower. the view from the seashore was simply splendid, as from this point we could see, showing to great advantage, the lovely gardens, filled with beautiful shrubs and flowers of luxuriant growth, sloping upwards towards the castle, and the hills behind them, with their lower slopes covered with thousands of healthy-looking firs, pines, and some deciduous trees, while the bare moorland above formed a fine background. on the hill "beinn-a-bhragidh," at a point , feet above sea-level, standing as if looking down on all, was a colossal monument erected to the memory of the duke's grandfather, which could be seen many miles away. the duke must have been one of the largest landowners in britain, as, in addition to other possessions, he owned the entire county of sutherland, measuring about sixty miles long and fifty-six miles broad, so that when at home he could safely exclaim with robinson crusoe, "i am monarch of all i survey." the castle had an ancient foundation, for it was in the dun, or stronghold, of the second robert of sutherland, and the gardens have been famous from time immemorial. an extract from an old book written in reads, "the erle of sutherland made dunrobin his speciall residence it being a house well-seated upon a mole hard by the sea, with fair orchards wher ther be pleasant gardens, planted with all kinds of froots, hearbs and flours used in this kingdom, and abundance of good saphorn, tobacco and rosemarie, the froot being excellent and cheeflie the pears and cherries." a most pleasing feature to our minds was the fact that the gardens were open to all comers, but as we heard that the duke was entertaining a distinguished company, including lord delamere of vale royal from our own county of cheshire, we did not apply for permission to enter the grounds, and thus missed seeing the great scotch thistle, the finest in all scotland. this thistle was of the ordinary variety, but of colossal proportions, full seven feet high, or, as we afterwards saw it described, "a beautiful emblem of a war-like nation with his radious crown of rubies full seven feet high." we had always looked upon the thistle as an inferior plant, and in cheshire destroyed it in thousands, regarding it as only fit for food for donkeys, of which very few were kept in that county; but any one seeing this fine plant must have been greatly impressed by its appearance. the thistle has been the emblem of scotland from very early times, and is supposed to have been adopted by the scots after a victorious battle with the danes, who on a dark night tried to attack them unawares. the danes were creeping towards them silently, when one of them placed his bare foot on a thistle, which caused him to yell out with pain. this served as an alarm to the scots, who at once fell upon the danes and defeated them with great slaughter, and ever afterwards the thistle appeared as their national emblem, with the motto, _nemo me impune lacessit_, or, "no one hurts me with impunity." golspie was only a short distance away from the castle, and we were anxious to get there, as we expected letters from home, so we called at the post office first and got what letters had arrived, but another mail was expected. we asked where we could get a cup of coffee, and were directed to a fine reading-room opposite, where we adjourned to read our letters and reply to them with the accompaniment of coffee and light refreshments. the building had been erected by the sutherland family, and was well patronised, and we wished that we might meet with similar places in other towns where we happened to call. such as we found farther south did not appear to be appreciated by the class of people for whom they were chiefly intended. this may be accounted for by the fact that the working-class scots were decidedly more highly educated than the english. we were not short of company, and we heard a lot of gossip, chiefly about what was going on at the castle. on inquiring about our next stage, we were told that it involved a twenty-five-mile walk through an uninhabited country, without a village and with scarcely a house on the road. the distance we found afterwards had been exaggerated, but as it was still raining and the shades of evening were coming on, with our recent adventures still fresh in our minds and the letter my brother expected not having yet arrived, we agreed to spend the night at golspie, resolving to make an early start on the following morning. we therefore went into the town to select suitable lodgings, again calling at the post office and leaving our address in the event of any letters coming by the expected mail, which the officials kindly consented to send to us, and after making a few purchases we retired to rest. we were just dozing off to sleep, when we were aroused by a knock at our chamber door, and a voice from without informed us that our further letters and a newspaper had arrived. we jumped out of bed, glad to receive additional news from the "old folks at home," and our sleep was no less peaceful on that account. (_distance walked eighteen miles_.) _friday, september nd._ we rose at seven o'clock, and left golspie at eight _en route_ for bonar bridge. as we passed the railway station we saw a huge traction engine, which we were informed belonged to the duke of sutherland, and was employed by him to draw wood and stone to the railway. about a mile after leaving the town we observed the first field of wheat since we had left john o' groat's. the morning had turned out wet, so there was no one at work among the corn, but several machines there showed that agriculture received much attention. we met some children carrying milk, who in reply to our inquiry told us that the cows were milked three times each day--at six o'clock in the morning, one o'clock at noon, and eight o'clock at night--with the exception of the small highland cows, which were only milked twice. as we were looking over the fields in the direction of the railway, we observed an engine with only one carriage attached proceeding along the line, which we thought must be the mail van, but we were told that it was the duke's private train, and that he was driving the engine himself, the engine being named after his castle, "dunrobin." we learned that the whole railway belonged to him for many miles, and that he was quite an expert at engine driving. about five miles after leaving golspie we crossed what was known as "the mound," a bank thrown across what looked like an arm of the sea. it was upwards of half a mile long, and under the road were six arches to admit the passage of the tide as it ebbed and flowed. here we turned off to the right along the hill road to bonar bridge, and visited what had been once a mansion, but was now nearly all fallen to the ground, very little remaining to tell of its former glory. what attracted us most was the site of the garden behind the house, where stood four great yew trees which must have been growing hundreds of years. they were growing in pairs, and in a position which suggested that the road had formerly passed between them. presently our way passed through a beautiful and romantic glen, with a fine stream swollen by the recent rains running alongside it. had the weather been more favourable, we should have had a charming walk. the hills did not rise to any great elevation, but were nicely wooded down to the very edge of the stream, and the torrent, with its innumerable rapids and little falls, that met us as we travelled on our upward way, showed to the best advantage. in a few miles we came to a beautiful waterfall facing our road, and we climbed up the rocks to get a near view of it from a rustic bridge placed there for the purpose. a large projecting rock split the fall into the shape of a two-pronged fork, so that it appeared like a double waterfall, and looked very pretty. another stream entered the river near the foot of the waterfall, but the fall of this appeared to have been artificially broken thirty or forty times on its downward course, forming the same number of small lochs, or ponds. we had a grand sight of these miniature lakes as they overflowed one into another until their waters joined the stream below. we now left the trees behind us and, emerging into the open country, travelled many miles across the moors alongside loch buidhee, our only company being the sheep and the grouse. as we approached bonar bridge we observed a party of sportsmen on the moors. from the frequency of their fire we supposed they were having good sport; a horse with panniers on its back, which were fast being ladened with the fallen game, was following them at a respectful distance. then we came to a few small houses, near which were large stacks of peat or turf, which was being carted away in three carts. we asked the driver of the first cart we overtook how far it was to bonar bridge, and he replied two miles. we made the same inquiry from the second, who said three miles, and the reply of the third was two and a half miles. as the distance between the first and the third drivers was only one hundred yards, their replies rather amused us. still we found it quite far enough, for we passed through shower after shower. our eighteen-mile walk had given us a good idea of "caledonia stern and wild," and at the same time had developed in us an enormous appetite when by two o'clock we entered the hotel facing bonar bridge for our dinner. the bridge was a fine substantial iron structure of about feet span, having a stone arching at either end, and was of great importance, as it connected main roads and did away with the ferry which once existed there. as we crossed the bridge we noticed two vessels from sunderland discharging coals, and some fallen fir-trees lying on the side of the water apparently waiting shipment for colliery purposes, apt illustrations of the interchange of productions. there were many fine plantations of fir-trees near bonar bridge, and as we passed the railway station we saw a rather substantial building across the water which we were informed was the "puirshoose," or "poor house." observing a village school to the left of our road, we looked through the open door; but the room was empty, so we called at the residence of the schoolmaster adjoining to get some reliable information about our further way, we found him playing on a piano and very civil and obliging, and he advised us to stay for the night at what was known as the half-way house, which we should find on the hill road to dingwall, and so named because it was halfway between bonar and alness, and nine miles from bonar. our road for the first two miles was close along dornoch firth, and the fine plantations of trees afforded us some protection against the wind and rain; then we left the highway and turned to the right, along the hill road. after a steep ascent for more than a mile, we passed under a lofty elevation, and found ourselves once more amongst the heather-bells so dear to the heart of every true scot. at this point we could not help lingering awhile to view the magnificent scene below. what a gorgeous panorama! the wide expanse of water, the bridge we had lately crossed and the adjoining small village, the fine plantations of trees, the duke's monument rising above the woods at golspie, were all visible, but obscured in places by the drifting showers. if the "clerk of the weather" had granted us sunshine instead of rain, we should have had a glorious prospect not soon to be forgotten. but we had still three miles to walk, or, as the people in the north style it, to travel, before we could reach the half-way house, when we met a solitary pedestrian, who as soon as he saw us coming sat down on a stone and awaited us until we got within speaking distance, when he began to talk to us. he was the inspector of roads, and had been walking first in one direction and then in the other during the whole of the day. he said he liked to speak to everybody he saw, as the roads were so very lonely in his district. he informed us that the half-way house was a comfortable place, and we could not do better than stay there for the night. we were glad when we reached the end of our nine-mile walk, as the day had been very rough and stormy. as it was the third in succession of the same character, we did not care how soon the weather took a turn for the better. the half-way house stood in a deserted and lonely position on the moor some little distance from the road, without another house being visible for miles, and quite isolated from the outer world. we entered the farmyard, where we saw the mistress busy amongst the pigs, two dogs barking at us in a very threatening manner. we walked into the kitchen, the sole occupant of which was a "bairn," who was quite naked, and whom we could just see behind a maiden of clothes drying before the fire. the mistress soon followed us into the house, and in reply to our query as to whether we could be accommodated for the night said, "i will see," and invited us into the parlour, a room containing two beds and sundry chairs and tables. the floor in the kitchen was formed of clay, the parlour had a boarded floor, and the mantelpiece and roof were of very old wood, but there was neither firegrate nor fire. after we had waited there a short time, the mistress again made her appearance, with a shovel full of red-hot peat, so, although she had not given us a decided answer as to whether we could stay the night or not, we considered that silence gave consent, especially when seconded by the arrival of the welcome fire. "you surely must have missed your train!" she said; but when we told her that we were pedestrian tourists, or, as my brother described it, "on a walking expedition," she looked surprised. when she entered the room again we were sorting out our letters and papers, and she said, "you surely must be sappers!" we had some difficulty in making her understand the object of our journey, as she could not see how we could be walking for pleasure in such bad weather. we found the peat made a very hot fire and did good service in helping to dry our wet clothing. we wanted some hot milk and bread for supper, which she was very reluctant to supply, as milk was extremely scarce on the moors, but as a special favour she robbed the remainder of the family to comply with our wishes. the wind howled outside, but we heeded it not, for we were comfortably housed before a blazing peat fire which gave out a considerable amount of heat. we lit one of our ozokerite candles, of which we carried a supply to be prepared for emergencies, and read our home newspaper, _the warrington guardian_, which was sent to us weekly, until supper-time arrived, and then we were surprised by our hostess bringing in an enormous bowl, apparently an ancient punch bowl, large enough to wash ourselves in, filled with hot milk and bread, along with two large wooden spoons. armed with these, we both sat down with the punch-bowl between us, hungry enough and greedy enough to compete with one another as to which should devour the most. which won would be difficult to say, but nothing remained except the bowl and the spoons and our extended selves. we had walked twenty-seven miles, and it must have been weather such as we had experienced that inspired the poet to exclaim: the west wind blows and brings rough weather, the east brings cold and wet together, the south wind blows and brings much rain, the north wind blows it back again! the beds were placed end to end, so that our feet came together, with a wooden fixture between the two beds to act as the dividing line. needless to say we slept soundly, giving orders to be wakened early in the morning. (_distance walked twenty-seven miles_.) _saturday, september rd._ we were awakened at six o'clock in the morning, and after a good breakfast we left the half-way house (later the "aultnamain inn"), and well pleased we were with the way the landlady had catered for our hungry requirements. we could see the sea in the distance, and as we resumed our march across the moors we were often alarmed suddenly by the harsh and disagreeable cries of the startled grouse as they rose hurriedly from the sides of our path, sounding almost exactly like "go back!--go back!" we were, however, obliged to "go forward," and that fairly quickly, as we were already a few miles behind our contemplated average of twenty-five miles per day. we determined to make the loss good, and if possible to secure a slight margin to our credit, so we set out intending to reach inverness that night if possible. in spite, therefore, of the orders given in such loud and unpleasant tones by the grouse, we advanced quickly onwards and left those birds to rejoice the heart of any sportsman who might follow. cromarty firth was clearly visible as we left the moors, and we could distinguish what we thought was cromarty itself, with its whitewashed houses, celebrated as the birthplace of the great geologist, hugh miller, of whom we had heard so much in the orkneys. the original cause of the whitewashing of the houses in cromarty was said to have been the result of an offer made by a former candidate for parliamentary honours, who offered to whitewash any of the houses. as nearly all the free and independent electors accepted his offer, it was said that cromarty came out of the election of cleaner than any other place in scotland, notwithstanding the fact that it happened in an age when parliamentarian representation generally went to the highest bidder. we crossed the strathrory river, and leaving the hills to our right found ourselves in quite a different kind of country, a veritable land of woods, where immense plantations of fir-trees covered the hills as far as the eye could reach, sufficient, apparently, to make up for the deficiency in caithness and sutherland in that respect, for we were now in the county of ross and cromarty. shortly afterwards we crossed over the river alness. the country we now passed through was highly cultivated and very productive, containing some large farms, where every appearance of prosperity prevailed, and the tall chimneys in the rear of each spoke of the common use of coal. the breeding of cattle seemed to be carried on extensively; we saw one large herd assembled in a field adjoining our road, and were amused at a conversational passage of arms between the farmer and two cattle-dealers who were trying to do business, each side endeavouring to get the better of the other. it was not quite a war to the knife, but the fight between those scots was like razor trying to cut razor, and we wished we had time to stay and hear how it ended. arriving at novar, where there was a nice little railway station, we passed on to the village inn, and called for a second breakfast, which we thoroughly enjoyed after our twelve-mile walk. here we heard that snow had fallen on one of the adjacent hills during the early hours of the morning, but it was now fine, and fortunately continued to be so during the whole of the day. our next stage was dingwall, the chief town in the county of ross, and at the extreme end of the cromarty firth, which was only six miles distant. we had a lovely walk to that town, very different from the lonely moors we had traversed earlier in the day, as our road now lay along the very edge of the cromarty firth, while the luxuriant foliage of the trees on the other side of our road almost formed an arch over our way. the water of the firth was about two miles broad all the way to dingwall, and the background formed by the wooded hills beyond the firth made up a very fine picture. we had been fully prepared to find dingwall a very pretty place, and in that we were not disappointed. the great object of interest as we entered this miniature county town was a lofty monument fifty or sixty feet high,[footnote: this monument has since been swept away.] which stood in a separate enclosure near a graveyard attached to a church. it was evidently very old, and leaning several points from the perpendicular, and was bound together almost to the top with bands of iron crossed in all directions to keep it from failing. a very curious legend was attached to it. it was erected to some steward named roderick mackenzie, who had been connected with the cromarty estate many years ago, and who appeared to have resided at kintail, being known as the tutor of kintail. he acted as administrator of the mackenzie estates during the minority of his nephew, the grandfather of the first earl of cromarty, and was said to have been a man of much ability and considerable culture for the times in which he lived. at the same time he was a man of strong personality though of evil repute in the gaelic-speaking districts, as the following couplet still current among the common people showed: the three worst things in scotland-- mists in the dog-days, frost in may, and the tutor of kintail. the story went that the tutor had a quarrel with a woman who appeared to have been quite as strong-minded as himself. she was a dairymaid in strathconon with whom he had an agreement to supply him with a stone of cheese for every horn of milk given by each cow per day. for some reason the weight of cheese on one occasion happened to be light, and this so enraged the tutor that he drove her from the strath. unfortunately for him the dairymaid was a poetess, and she gave vent to her sorrow in verse, in which it may be assumed the tutor came in for much abuse. when she obtained another situation at the foot of ben wyvis, the far-reaching and powerful hand of the tutor drove her from there also; so at length she settled in the clan ranald country in barrisdale, on the shores of loch hourn on the west coast of inverness-shire, a place at that time famous for shell-fish, where she might have dwelt in peace had she mastered the weakness of her sex for demanding the last word; but she burst forth once more in song, and the tutor came in for another scathing: though from strathconon with its cream you've driven me, and from wyvis with its curds and cheese; while billow beats on shore you cannot drive me from the shell-fish of fair barrisdale. these stanzas came to the ear of the tutor, who wrote to macdonald of barrisdale demanding that he should plough up the beach, and when this had been done there were no longer any shell-fish to be found there. the dairymaid vowed to be even with the tutor, and threatened to desecrate his grave. when he heard of the threat, in order to prevent its execution he built this strange monument, and instead of being buried beneath it he was said to have been buried near the summit; but the woman was not to be out-done, for after the tutor's funeral she climbed to the top of the pinnacle and kept her vow to micturate there! as our time was limited, we were obliged to hurry away from this pleasantly situated town, and in about four miles, after crossing the river conon, we entered conon village, where we called for refreshments, of which we hastily disposed. conon was quite an agricultural village, where the smithy seemed to rival the inn in importance, as the smiths were busy at work. we saw quite a dozen ploughs waiting to be repaired in order to fit them to stir up the soil during the ploughing season, which would commence as soon as the corn was cleared off the land. here we observed the first fingerpost we had seen since leaving john o' groat's, now more than a hundred miles distant, although it was only an apology for one, and very different from those we were accustomed to see farther south in more important but not more beautiful places. it was simply an upright post with rough pieces of wood nailed across the top, but we looked upon it as a sign that we were approaching more civilised regions. the gentry had shown their appreciation of this delightful part of the country by erecting fine residences in the neighbourhood, some of which we passed in close proximity. just before crossing over the railway bridge we came to a frightful figure of a human head carved on a stone and built in the battlement in a position where it could be seen by all. it was coloured white, and we heard it was the work of some local sculptor. it was an awful-looking thing, and no doubt did duty for the "boggard" of the neighbourhood. the view of the hills to the right of our road as we passed along was very fine, lit up as they were by the rays of the evening sun, and the snow on ben wyvis in the distance contrasted strangely with the luxuriant foliage of the trees near us, as they scarcely yet showed the first shade of the autumn tints. about four miles farther on we arrived at a place called the muir of ord, a rather strange name of which we did not know the meaning, reaching the railway station there just after the arrival of a train which we were told had come from the "sooth." the passengers consisted of a gentleman and his family, who were placing themselves in a large four-wheeled travelling-coach to which were attached four rather impatient horses. a man-servant in livery was on the top of the coach arranging a large number of parcels and boxes, those intolerable appendages of travel. we waited, and watched their departure, as we had no desire to try conclusions with the restless feet of the horses, our adventures with the shetland pony in the north having acted as a warning to us. shortly afterwards we crossed a large open space of land studded with wooden buildings and many cattle-pens which a man told us was now the great cattlemarket for the north, where sales for cattle were held each month--the next would be due in about a week's time, when from , to , sheep would be sold. it seemed strange to us that a place of such importance should have been erected where there were scarcely any houses, but perhaps there were more in the neighbourhood than we had seen, and in any case it lay conveniently as a meeting-place for the various passes in the mountain country. we soon arrived at beauly, which, as its name implied, was rather a pretty place, with its houses almost confined to the one street, the grammar school giving it an air of distinction. our attention was attracted by some venerable ruins at the left of our road, which we determined to visit, but the gate was locked. seeing a small girl standing near, we asked her about the key, and she volunteered to go and tell the man who kept it to come at once. we were pressed for time, and the minutes seemed very long as we stood awaiting the arrival of the key, until at last we decided to move on; but just as we were walking away we saw an old man coming up a side street with the aid of a crutch and a stick. [illustration: on the beauly river.] he pointed with his stick towards the cathedral, so we retraced our steps and awaited his arrival with the key. a key it certainly was, and a large one too, for it weighed lbs. ozs. and the bore that fitted the lock was three-quarters of an inch in diameter. it was the biggest key we saw in all our long journey. we listened to all the old man had to tell us about the cathedral, the building of which begun in the year . it measured feet in length and about feet in breadth, but was ruined in the time of cromwell. he showed us what he described as the holy water pot, which was quite near the door and had some water in it, but why the water happened to be there the old man could not explain. the front gable of the nave was nearly all standing, but that at the back, which at one time had contained a large window, was nearly all down. the old font was in the wall about half-way down the cathedral; the vestry and chapter house were roofless. the grave-stones dated from the year , but that which covered the remains of the founder was of course very much older. beauly was formerly a burial-place of the ancient scottish chieftains, and was still used as the burial-ground of the mackenzies, the name reminding us of our friends at the "huna inn." rewarding our guide and the bairn who had returned with him for their services, we walked quickly away, as we had still twelve miles to walk before reaching inverness. [illustration: beauly priory.] after crossing the bridge over the river beauly we had the company for about a mile of a huge servant-girl, a fine-looking scotch lassie, with whom we ventured to enter into conversation although we felt like dwarfs in her presence. she told us she had never been in england, but her sister had been there in service, and had formed a bad opinion of the way the english spent their sundays. some of them never went to church at all, while one young man her sister knew there actually whistled as he was going to church! it was very different in scotland, where, she said, all went to church and kept holy the sabbath day. she evidently thought it a dreadful offence to whistle on sundays, and we were careful not to offend the susceptibilities of the scots, and, we may safely say, our own, by whistling on the lord's day. whistling was, however, an accomplishment of which we were rather proud, as we considered ourselves experts, and beguiled many a weary mile's march with quicksteps--english, scotch, welsh, and irish--which we flattered ourselves sounded better amongst the hills of the highlands of scotland even than the sacred bagpipes of the most famous scotch regiments. we thanked our formidable-looking friend for her company and, presenting her with a john o' groat's buckie, bade her farewell. when she must have been a distance away we accelerated our pace by whistling "cheer, boys, cheer!" one of charles russell's songs. we could not keep it up for long, as we were not only footsore, but sore in every joint, through friction, and we were both beginning to limp a little when we came to a junction in the roads. here it was necessary to inquire about our way, and seeing a farm quite near we went to it and asked a gentleman who was standing in the yard which way we should turn for inverness and how far it was. he kindly directed us, and told us that town was nine miles distant, but added, "i am just going there in my 'machine,' which will be ready directly, and will be glad to give you a lift." this kind offer formed one of the greatest temptations we had during our long journey, as we had already walked thirty miles that day, and were in a pitiable condition, and it was hard to say "no." we thanked the gentleman heartily, and explained why we could not accept it, as we had determined to walk all the way to land's end, and with an effort both painful and slow we mournfully took our way. we had only travelled a short distance when he overtook us with a spirited horse and a well-appointed conveyance, bidding us "good night" as he passed. we had a painful walk for the next three miles, and it was just at the edge of dark when we called for tea at the "bogroy inn." we were shown into the parlour by the mistress herself, a pleasant elderly lady, very straight, but very stout, and when my brother complimented her on her personal appearance, she told him that when she first came into that neighbourhood thirty-five years ago she only weighed eleven stone, but six years since she weighed twenty-two stone; now, she rather sorrowfully added, "i only weigh seventeen stone!" she evidently thought she had come down in the world, but she was an ideal landlady of the good old sort, for she sent us some venison in for our tea, the first we had ever tasted, and with eggs and other good things we had a grand feast. moreover, she sent her daughter, a prepossessing young lady, to wait upon us, so we felt ourselves highly honoured. as we were devouring the good things provided we heard some mysterious tappings, which we were unable to locate. my brother suggested the house might be haunted, but when the young lady entered the room again we discovered that the tappings were outside the house, on the shutters which covered the windows, for every one in the highlands in those days protected their lower windows with wooden shutters. the tappings were accompanied by a low whistle, by which we could see the young lady was visibly affected, until finally she left the room rather hurriedly, never to appear again; nor did we hear the tappings any more, and the requiem we sung was: if she be not fair for me, what care i how fair she be? we were sorry to leave the "bogroy inn," as the mistress said she would have been glad of our further patronage, but we had determined to reach inverness as a better place to stay over the week end. with great difficulty we walked the remaining six miles under the trees, through which the moon was shining, and we could see the stars twinkling above our heads as we marched, or rather crawled, along the great north road. on arriving at inverness we crossed the bridge, to reach a house that had been recommended to us, but as it was not up to our requirements we turned back and found one more suitable across the water. our week's walk totalled miles, of which thirty-nine had been covered that day. (_distance walked thirty-nine miles._) _sunday, september th._ after a good night's rest and the application of common soap to the soles of our feet, and fuller's earth to other parts of our anatomy--remedies we continued to employ, whenever necessary, on our long journey--we were served with a good breakfast, and then went out to see what inverness looked like in the daylight. we were agreeably surprised to find it much nicer than it appeared as we entered it, tired out, the night before, and we had a pleasant walk before going to the eleven-o'clock service at the kirk. inverness, the "capital of the highlands," has a long and eventful history. st. columba is said to have visited it as early as the year , and on a site fortified certainly in the eighth century stands the castle, which was, in , according to shakespeare, the scene of the murder of king duncan by macbeth. the town was made a royal burgh by david i, king of scotland. the lords of the isles also appear to have been crowned here, for their coronation stone is still in existence, and has been given a name which in gaelic signifies the "stone of the tubs." in former times the water supply of the town had to be obtained from the loch or the river, and the young men and maidens carrying it in tubs passed this stone on their way--or rather did not pass, for they lingered a while to rest, the stone no doubt being a convenient trysting-place. we wandered as far as the castle, from which the view of the river ness and the moray firth was particularly fine. we attended service in one of the free churches, and were much interested in the proceedings, which were so different from those we had been accustomed to in england, the people standing while they prayed and sitting down while they sang. the service began with the one hundredth psalm to the good old tune known as the "old hundredth" and associated in our minds with that psalm from our earliest days: all people that on earth do dwell, sing to the lord with cheerful voice. him serve with fear, his praise forth tell, come ye before him, and rejoice. [illustration: the cathedral, inverness.] during the singing of this, all the people remained seated except the precentor, who stood near the pulpit. then followed a prayer, the people all standing; and then the minister read a portion of scripture from the thirty-fourth chapter of the prophet ezekiel beginning at the eleventh verse: "for thus saith the lord god; behold i, even i, will both search my sheep, and seek them out." another hymn was followed by the lord's prayer; after which came the sermon, preached by the rev. donald fraser, m.a., of marylebone, london, a former minister of the church. he read the last three verses of the ninth chapter of st. john's gospel, continued reading down to the sixteenth verse of the tenth chapter, and then selected for his text the fourth, ninth, and tenth verses of that chapter, the first verse of these reading: "and when he putteth forth his own sheep, he goeth before them, and the sheep follow him, for they know his voice." the sermon had evidently been well thought out and was ably delivered, the subject being very appropriate to a district where sheep abound and where their habits are so well known. everybody listened with the greatest attention. at the close there was a public baptism of a child, whose father and mother stood up before the pulpit with their backs to the congregation. the minister recited the apostles' creed, which was slightly different in phraseology from that used in the church of england, and then, descending from the pulpit, proceeded to baptize the child in the name of the father, son, and holy ghost. the closing hymn followed, and the people stood while the minister pronounced the benediction, after which the congregation slowly separated. [illustration: inverness castle.] during the afternoon we visited an isolated hill about a mile from the town named tomnahurich, or the "hill of the fairies." nicely wooded, it rose to an elevation of about feet above the sea, and, the summit being comparatively level and clear from trees, we had a good view of inverness and its surroundings. this hill was used as the cemetery, and many people had been buried, both on the top and along the sides of the serpentine walk leading up to it, their remains resting there peacefully until the resurrection, "when the trumpet shall sound and the dead shall be raised incorruptible." we considered it an ideal place for the burial of the dead, and quite a number of people were walking up and down the paths leading under the trees, many of them stopping on their way to view the graves where their friends had been buried. in the evening we attended service in the cathedral, a large modern structure, with two towers, each of which required a spire forty feet high to complete the original design. massive columns of aberdeen granite had been erected in the interior to support the roof of polished oak, adorned with carved devices, some of which had not yet been completed. the communion-table, or altar, made in italy and presented to the cathedral by a wealthy layman, stood beneath a suspended crucifix, and was further adorned with a cross, two candlesticks, and two vases containing flowers. the service, of a high-church character, was fully choral, assisted by a robed choir and a good organ. the sermon was preached by the rev. provost powell, who took for his text romans xiv. : "for none liveth to himself and no man dieth to himself." he gave us a clever oration, but whether extempore or otherwise we could not tell, as from where we sat we could not see the preacher. there was not a large congregation, probably owing to the fact that the people in the north are opposed to innovations, and look upon crosses and candlesticks on the communion-table as imitations of the roman catholic ritual, to which the presbyterians could never be reconciled. the people generally seemed much prejudiced against this form of service, for in the town early in the morning, before we knew this building was the cathedral, we asked a man what kind of a place of worship it was, and he replied, in a tone that implied it was a place to be avoided, that he did not know, but it was "next to th' catholics." our landlady spoke of it in exactly the same way. second week's journey _monday, september th._ [illustration: cairn on the battlefield of culloden muir.] we rose early, but were not in very good trim for walking, for a mild attack of diarrhoea yesterday had become intensified during the night, and still continued. after breakfast we went to the post office for our "poste restante" letters, and after replying to them resumed our march. culloden muir, the site of the great battle in , in which the scottish clans under prince charlie suffered so severely at the hands of the duke of cumberland, is only six miles away from inverness, and we had originally planned to visit it, but as that journey would have taken us farther from the caledonian canal, the line of which we were now anxious to follow, we gave up the idea of going to culloden. we were, moreover, in no humour for digressions since we had not yet recovered from the effects of our long walk on saturday, and our bodily ailments were still heavy upon us. as we crossed the suspension-bridge, in close proximity to the castle, we purchased a few prints of the town and the neighbourhood through which we were about to pass. inverness is built in a delightful situation, skirting the ness, which here takes the form of a beautiful, shallow river moving peacefully forward to its great receptacle, loch ness, a few miles away; but, although the country near the town is comparatively level, it is surrounded by mountain scenery of the most charming description. our route lay along the north-western side of the caledonian canal in the direction of fort augustus, and we again passed the tomnahurich hill. near this we saw a large building which we were surprised to learn was a lunatic asylum--an institution we did not expect to find here, for we had only heard of one madman in the three counties of scotland through which we had passed. we concluded it must have been built for persons from farther south. [illustration: culloden muir.] the diarrhoea still continued to trouble us, so we asked the advice of a gentleman we met on the road, and he recommended us to call at the next farmhouse, which, fortunately, happened to be only a short distance away, and to "take a quart of milk each, as hot as you can drink it." so away we walked to the farm, which we found standing a short distance from our road, and, after explaining our troubles and wishes to the farmer, were invited into the house, where the mistress quickly provided us with the hot milk, which luckily proved to be a safe and simple remedy. the farmer and his wife were as pleased with our company as we were with theirs, and were just the sort of people that tourists like to meet. we had a long talk with them about the crops, the markets, our long walk, and, last but not least, the weather. speaking of diarrhoea, the farmer informed us that the water of inverness often affected strangers in that way, and that it had even been known to produce dysentery. after regaining our road, we had a lovely walk that day; the scenery and the weather were both very fine, and, about a mile farther on, we had a glorious view over loch ness, beside which our walk led us, through a delightful country studded with mansions amidst some of nature's most beautiful scenery. presently we met a party of men, consisting of two soldiers and three civilians, engaged in cutting branches from the trees that were likely to interfere with the working of the telegraph, which passed along the side of the road. it consisted of a single wire, and had only just been erected, for we noticed each post bore the government mark and the date . we asked the men if they knew of a good remedy for our complaint, and one of the soldiers, who had seen service abroad, recommended "a spoonful of sweet oil and cinnamon mixed with it." our former remedy had proved to be efficacious, so we had no need to try this, but we give the information here for the benefit of all whom it may concern. [illustration: the burying-place of the clans.] we were certainly in for the best day's march we had yet experienced, if not for distance, certainly for beauty of route; and if we had had the gift of poetry--which only affected us occasionally--we should have had here food for poems sufficient to fill the side of a newspaper. mountain rills, gushing rivulets, and murmuring waters! here they were in abundance, rolling down the rocky mountains from unknown heights, and lending an additional charm to the landscape! is it necessary to dilate on such beauties?--for if words were conjured in the most delicate and exquisite language imaginable, the glories of loch ness and its surroundings are, after all, things to be seen before they can be fully appreciated. the loch is over twenty miles long, and averages about a mile broad; while a strange fact is that its water never freezes. scientific men, we were told, attributed this to the action of earthquakes in distant parts of the world, their vibrations affecting the surface of the water here; while others, apparently of the more commonsense type, attribute it to the extreme depth of the water in the loch itself, for in the centre it is said to exceed yards. as we loitered along--for we were very lazy--we decided to have a picnic amongst the large stones on the shore of the loch, so we selected a suitable position, and broke into the provisions we carried in our bags as a reserve for emergencies. we were filling our water-boiling apparatus from the loch, when we saw a steamboat approaching from the direction of glasgow. it presented quite a picture as it passed us, in the sunshine, with its flags flying and its passengers crowded on the deck, enjoying the fine scenery, and looking for inverness, where their trip on the boat, like the caledonian canal itself, would doubtless end. there was music on board, of which we got the full benefit, as the sound was wafted towards us across the water, to echo and re-echo amongst the hills and adjoining woods; and we could hear the strains of the music long after the boat was cut off from our vision by the branches of the trees which partially surrounded us. [illustration: the well of the dead, culloden muir. the stone marks the spot where macgillivray of dunmaglass died while stretching out his hand toward the little spring of water.] we were, in reality, having a holiday compared with our exertions on saturday, and, as we were practically on the sick-list, considered ourselves fully entitled to it. we thought we had travelled quite far enough for invalids when, at fourteen miles from inverness, and in the light of a lovely sunset, we reached drumnadrochit, a village on the side of the loch. is it to be wondered at that we succumbed to the seductions of the famous inn there, as distinguished men had done before us, as the records of the inn both in prose and poetry plainly showed? one poetical irishman had written a rhyme of four verses each ending with the word drumnadrochit, one of which we thought formed a sufficient invitation and excuse for our calling there; it read: stop, traveller! with well-pack'd bag, and hasten to unlock it; you'll ne'er regret it, though you lag a day at drumnadrochit. one of the best advertisements of this hotel and drumnadrochit generally appeared in a letter written by shirley brooks to _punch_ in , in which he wrote: the inn whence these lines are dated faces a scene which, happily, is not too often to be observed in this planet. i say happily, sir, because we are all properly well aware that this world is a vale of tears, in which it is our duty to mortify ourselves and make everybody else as uncomfortable as possible. if there were many places like drumnadrochit, persons would be in fearful danger of forgetting that they ought to be miserable. but who would have thought that a quiet and sedate-looking quaker like john bright, the famous m.p. for birmingham, could have been moved by the spirit to write a verse of poetry--such an unusual thing for a member of the society of friends! here it is: in the highland glens 'tis far too oft observed, that man is chased away and game preserved; glen urquhart is to me a lovelier glen-- here deer and grouse have not supplanted men. but was the position reversed when mr. bright visited it? and did the men supplant the deer and grouse then? [illustration: drumnadrochit.] glen urquhart was one of the places we had to pass on the following day, but as we had no designs on the deer and grouse, since our sporting proclivities did not lie in that direction, we thought that we might be safely trusted to leave the game undisturbed. (_distance walked fourteen miles_.) _tuesday, september th._ we set out from drumnadrochit early in the morning, and, leaving glen urquhart to the right, after walking about two miles turned aside to view urquhart castle, a ruin occupying a commanding position on the side of loch ness and immediately opposite the entrance to the glen. the castle was besieged by edward i when he was trying to subdue scotland, and a melancholy story was told of that period. the scots, who were defending the castle, were "in extremis," as their provisions were exhausted and they knew that when they surrendered they would all be slain. the governor, however, was anxious to save his wife, who was shortly to become a mother, so he bade her clothe herself in rags and drove her from the gate as though she were a beggar who had been shut up in the castle and whom they had driven away because their provisions were running short. the ruse succeeded, for the english, believing her story, let her go; after the garrison saw that she was safe they sallied forth to meet their fate, and were all killed. [illustration: urquhart castle.] the approach to the ruins from the road is by upwards of a hundred rough hardwood steps, and the castle must have been a well-nigh impregnable stronghold in former times, protected as it was on three sides by the water of the loch and by a moat on the fourth, the position of the drawbridge being still clearly denned. beneath the solitary tower is a dismal dungeon, and we wondered what horrors had been enacted within its time-worn and gloomy walls! once a grim fortress, its ruins had now been mellowed by the hand of time, and looked quite inviting amidst their picturesque surroundings. to them might fitly be applied the words: "time has made beautiful that which at first was only terrible." whilst we were amongst the ruins, a steamboat which had called at drumnadrochit passed close alongside the castle, and we waved our handkerchiefs to those on board, our silent salutations being returned by some of the passengers. we afterwards learned we had been recognised by a gentleman who had met us on the previous day. about ten miles from drumnadrochit we reached invermoriston, and visited a church which was almost filled with monuments to the memory of the grant family, the lairds of glenmoriston. among them was the tombstone of the son of a former innkeeper, with the following inscription, which reminded us of our own mortality: remember, friend, when this you see, as i am now so you must be; as you are now so once was i. remember, friend, that you must die. there was also another tombstone, apparently that of his mother, inscribed: sacred to the memory of jean scott, the amiable wife of william fall, invermoriston, innkeeper, who died on the th day of april aged years. and on this appeared the following epitaph: weep not for me, o friends, but weep and mourn for your own sins. [illustration: loch ness from fort augustus.] we then went to visit the remarkable waterfall of glenmoriston, where the water after rushing down the rocks for some distance entered a crevice in a projecting rock below, evidently worn in the course of ages by the falls themselves. here the water suddenly disappeared, to reappear as suddenly some distance below, where, as if furious at its short imprisonment, it came out splashing, dashing, and boiling in fantastic beauty amongst the rocks over which it pursued its downward course. we descended a few paces along a footpath leading to a small but ancient building, probably at one time a summer house, in the centre of which a very old millstone had done duty as a table. here we were fairly in the whirl of waters, and had a splendid view of the falls and of the spray which rose to a considerable height. there was no doubt that we saw this lovely waterfall under the best possible conditions, and it was some recompense to us when we thought that the heavy rainfall through which we had passed had contributed to this result. the thistle may overshadow many more beautiful falls than the falls of glenmoriston, but we claim a share of praise for this lively little waterfall as viewed by us in full force from this shady retreat. [illustration: general wade's road near fort augustus, with loch ness in the distance.] [illustration: a lighthouse on loch ness.] [illustration: falls of foyers and loch ness. "here in the whirl of waters ... the spray rose to a considerable height."] after refreshing ourselves at the inn, we started on our next stage of ten miles to fort augustus, the loneliness of our journey through its beauties of scenery being enlivened by occasionally watching the pranks of the squirrels and gazing at the many burns that flowed down the mountain slopes. before reaching fort augustus we had a splendid view as we looked backward over loch ness, dotted here and there with several ships tacking and retacking, their white sails gleaming in the sunshine. it had been a calm and lovely day; the sun was sinking in the west as we entered fort augustus, but we had only time enough for a superficial survey, for we had to proceed farther, and, however important the fort might have been in when general wade constructed his famous military road, or when the duke of cumberland made it his headquarters while he dealt severely with the adherents of prince charlie, shooting ruthlessly, laying waste on every side, and driving women and children into the moors only to die, it looked very insignificant that night. the highland clans never looked favourably on the construction of these military roads, and would doubtless have preferred the mountain tracks to remain as they were, for by using the fort as a base these roads became a weapon to be used against them; their only eulogy was said to have been written by an irish officer: had you but seen these roads before they were made, you would lift up your eyes, and bless general wade. my brother said he must have been a real irishman, with the eye of faith, to see roads _before they were made_! [illustration: prince charlie's cave, invermoriston.] fort augustus stands at the extremity of loch ness, at the point where its surplus waters are lowered by means of locks to swell those of loch oich, so as to make both lochs navigable for the purposes of the caledonian canal. we noticed some corn-stacks here that were thatched with broom, and some small houses that were roofed with what looked like clods of earth, so we concluded that the district must be a very poor one. [illustration: in glenmoriston.] as darkness was now coming on, we were anxious to find lodgings for the night, and, hearing that there was an inn at a place called invergarry, seven and a half miles from fort augustus, we were obliged to go there. the moon was just beginning to relieve the darkness when we reached invergarry, and, seeing a servant removing some linen from a clothes-line in a small garden, we asked the way to the inn; she pointed to a building opposite, and said we had "better go in at that door." we entered as directed at the side door, and found ourselves in a rather large inn with a passage through it from end to end. we saw what we supposed to be the master and the mistress snugly ensconced in a room, and asked the master if we could obtain lodgings for the night. he said "yes," but we heard the mistress, who had not seen us, mutter something we could not hear distinctly. my brother said he was sure he heard the words "shepherd's room." the landlord then conducted us into a room at the end of the long dark passage, in which, we found several shepherds drinking and conversing with each other in gaelic. one of them said to us "good night," and as we returned his salutation they all retired from the room. we were now able to look about us, and found the room contained two tables, four forms, and at least two beds ranged lengthways along one side. presently a servant came in and began to make one of the beds, and then another servant came who, we thought, eyed us rather closely, as we were holding our faces down to conceal the laughter which we could scarcely restrain. when she had made the other bed my brother asked if both the beds were for us. the servant said she couldn't tell, but "missis says they are both to be made." we had evidently been taken for shepherds, and at first we were inclined to feel angry, for no one came to ask us if we required anything to eat or drink. we could have done with a good supper, but fortunately we had replenished our bags at fort augustus, so we were in no danger of being starved. we scribbled in our diaries by the feeble light of the candle which the servants had left on one of the tables, and as no one turned up to claim the second bed we occupied both. there was no lock or fastening on the door, but we barricaded it securely with two of the forms--and it was perhaps as well that we did so, for some one tried to open it after we were in bed--and we slept that night not on feathers, but on chaff with which the beds or mattresses were stuffed. (_distance walked twenty-seven miles_.) _wednesday, september th._ "the sleep of a labouring man is sweet," and so was ours on the primitive beds of the shepherds. but the sounds in the rear of the hotel awoke us very early in the morning, and, as there was every appearance of the weather continuing fine, we decided to walk some distance before breakfast. we asked one of the servants how much we had to pay, and she returned with an account amounting to the astounding sum of sixpence! just fancy, ye highland tourists! ye who have felt the keen grip of many an hotel-keeper there--just fancy, if ye can, two of us staying a night at a large hotel in the highlands of scotland for sixpence! we followed the servant to a small room at the front of the hotel, where a lady was seated, to whom the money had to be paid; the surprised and disappointed look on her face as we handed her a sovereign in payment of our account was rich in the extreme, amply repaying us for any annoyance we might have experienced the night before. what made the matter more aggravating to the lady was that she had not sufficient change, and had to go upstairs and waken some unwilling money-changer there! then the change had to be counted as she reluctantly handed it to us and made a forlorn effort to recover some of the coins. "won't you stay for breakfast?" she asked; but we were not to be persuaded, for although we were hungry enough, we were of an unforgiving spirit that morning, and, relying upon getting breakfast elsewhere, we thanked her and went on our way rejoicing! about a mile farther on we reached the ruins of glengarry castle, which stand in the private grounds of the owner, but locks and bolts prevented us from seeing the interior. this castle remains more complete than many others and still retains its quadrangular appearance, much as it was when prince charlie slept there during his flight after culloden, and, although not built on any great elevation, it looks well in its wooded environs and well-kept grounds. a story was told of the last lord glengarry who, in , travelled miles to be present at the coronation of king george iv. he was dressed on that magnificent and solemn occasion in the full costume of a highland chief, including, as a matter of course, a brace of pistols. a lady who was at the reception happened to see one of the pistols in his clothing, and, being greatly alarmed, set up a loud shriek, crying, "oh lord! oh lord! there's a man with a pistol," and alarming the whole assembly. as she insisted on glengarry being arrested, he was immediately surrounded, and the garter king of arms came forward and begged him to give up the much-dreaded pistols; but he refused, as they were not loaded, and pleaded that they formed an essential part of his national garb. at length, however, after much persuasion, he gave them up. glengarry wrote a letter to the editor of _the times_, in which he said: "i have worn my dress continually at court, and was never so insulted before. pistols, sir, are as essential to the highland courtier's dress as a sword is to english, french, or german; and those used by me on such occasions as unstained with powder as any courtier's sword, with blood. it is only grossest ignorance of highland character and costume which imagined that the assassin lurked under their bold and manly form." glengarry, who, it was said, never properly recovered from the effects of this insult, died in . after about another mile we came to a monument near the side of the road, on the top of which were sculptured the figures of seven human heads held up by a hand clasping a dagger. on each of the four sides of the base there was an inscription in one of four different languages--english, french, latin, and gaelic--as follows: as a memorial to the ample and summary vengeance which in the swift course of feudal justice inflicted by the orders of the lord macdonnell and aross overtook the perpetrators of the foul murder of the keppoch family, a branch of the powerful and illustrious clan of which his lordship was the chief, this monument is erected by colonel macdonnell of glengarry xvii mac-minc-alaister his successor and representative in the year of our lord . the heads of the seven murderers were presented at the feet of the noble chief in glengarry castle after having been washed in this spring and ever since that event which took place early in the sixteenth century it has been known by the name "tobar-nan-ceann" or the well of the heads. the monument was practically built over the well, an arched passage leading down to the water, where we found a drinking-utensil placed for any one who desired a drink. we were glad to have one ourselves, but perhaps some visitors might be of such refined and delicate taste that they would not care to drink the water after reading the horrible history recorded above. it appeared that macdonald of keppoch, the owner of the estate, had two sons whom he sent to france to be educated, and while they were there he died, leaving the management of his estate to seven kinsmen until the return of his sons from france; when they came back, they were murdered by the seven executors of their father's will. the bard of keppoch urged glengarry to take vengeance on the murderers, and this monument was erected to commemorate the ample and summary vengeance inflicted about . [illustration: invergarry castle.] leaving this memorial of "ample and summary vengeance," we crossed the loggan bridge and gained the opposite bank of the caledonian canal. the country we now passed through was very lonely and mountainous, and in one place we came to a large plantation of hazel loaded with nuts. we reflected that there were scarcely any inhabitants to eat them, as the persons we met did not average more than a dozen in twenty miles, and on one occasion only six all told; so we turned into nut-gatherers ourselves, spurred on by the fact that we had had no breakfast and our appetites were becoming sharpened, with small prospect of being appeased in that lonely neighbourhood. a little farther on, however, we met a man with two dogs, who told us he was the shepherd, and, in reply to our anxious inquiry, informed us that we could get plenty to eat at his house, which we should find a little farther on the road. this was good news, for we had walked eight miles since leaving invergarry. when we reached the shepherd's house, which had formerly been an inn, we found the mistress both civil and obliging, and she did her best to provide for our hungry requirements. the house was evidently a very old one, and we wondered what queer people had sat in that ingle-nook and what strange stories they had told there. the fireplace was of huge dimensions; hanging above it was a single-and a double-barrelled gun, while some old crockery and ancient glass bottles adorned various parts of the kitchen--evidently family heirlooms, which no doubt had been handed down from one generation to another--and a very old bed reposed in the chimney corner. the mistress provided us with a splendid breakfast, upon which we inflicted "ample and summary vengeance," for those words were still ringing in our minds and ears and had already become by-words as we travelled along. the "best tea-pot," which looked as if it had not been used for ages, was brought from its hiding-place; and, amongst other good things, we were treated by way of dessert to some ripe blackberries, which the mistress called brambleberries and which she told us she had gathered herself. it was half-past ten o'clock when we left the shepherd's house, and shortly afterwards we had a view of the snow-covered summit of ben nevis, the highest mountain in great britain. we had a lonely walk alongside loch lochy, which is ten miles in length; but in about six miles general wade's road, which we followed, branched off to the left. about four miles from the junction we reached spean bridge, over which we crossed the river of that name, which brings along the waters of sundry lochs as well as others from the valley of glen roy. this glen forms an almost hidden paradise beloved of geologists, as along the sides of the valley are the famous "parallel roads" belonging to the glacial period. we replenished our stock of provisions, which we had rather neglected, at spean bridge, and treated ourselves to another little picnic in the lonely country beyond. it was dark before we reached fort william, where we found comfortable lodgings at the house of mrs. macpherson opposite the ben nevis hotel, and retired with the intention of ascending ben nevis the following day. (_distance walked twenty-five and a half miles_.) _thursday, september th._ after breakfast we commissioned mrs. macpherson to engage the services of the guide to conduct us to the top of ben nevis, which is , feet high, offering to pay him the sum of one sovereign for his services. we had passed the old castle of inverlochy in the dark of the previous night, and, as we wished to visit it in the daylight that morning, we arranged that the guide should meet us on a bridge outside the town, which we must cross on our way to and from what we were told was once a royal castle, where king achius signed a treaty with charlemagne. the castle was some distance from the town, and quite near the famous distillery where the whisky known as "long john" or the "dew of ben nevis" was produced. we found ready access to the ruins, as the key had been left in the gate of the walled fence which surrounded them. "prince charlie," we learned, had "knocked" the castle to its present shape from an adjoining hill, and what he had left of it now looked very solitary. it was a square structure, with four towers one at each corner, that at the north-west angle being the most formidable. the space enclosed was covered with grass. what interested us most were four very old guns, or cannons, which stood in front of the castle, mounted on wheels supported on wood planks, and as they were of a very old pattern, these relics of the past added materially to the effect of the ancient and warlike surroundings. we did not stay long in the ruins, as we were anxious to begin our big climb, so we returned to the bridge to await the arrival of the guide engaged for us by our hostess, and whom we had not yet seen. we waited there for more than half an hour, and were just on the point of returning to the town when we noticed the approach of a military-looking man carrying a long staff spiked at one end, who turned out to be the gentleman we were waiting for, and under whose guidance we soon began the ascent of the big mountain. after climbing for some time, we came to a huge stone on which the government engineers had marked the altitude as , feet above sea-level, and as we climbed higher still we had a grand view of the hills and waters in the distance. we went bravely onward and upward until we arrived at a lake, where on a rock we saw the government mark known as the "broad arrow," an emblem which we also saw in many other places as we walked through the country, often wondering what the sign could mean. we surmised that it stood for england, scotland, and ireland united in one kingdom, but we afterwards learned that it was introduced at the end of the seventeenth century to mark government stores, and that at one time it had a religious significance connected with the holy trinity. the altitude was also marked on the rock as , feet, so that we had now ascended half-way to the top of ben nevis. [illustration:] on our way up the mountain we had to stop several times, for our guide complained of diarrhoea, but here he came to a dead stop and said he could not proceed any farther. we were suspicious at first that he was only feigning illness to escape the bad weather which we could see approaching. we did our best to persuade him to proceed, but without effect, and then we threatened to reduce his fee by one-half if he did not conduct us to the summit of ben nevis as agreed. finally we asked him to remain where he was until we returned after completing the ascent alone; but he pleaded so earnestly with us not to make the attempt to reach the summit, and described the difficulties and dangers so vividly, that we reluctantly decided to forgo our long-cherished ambition to ascend the highest mountain in great britain. we were very much disappointed, but there was no help for it, for the guide was now really ill, so we took his advice and gave up the attempt. ben nevis, we knew, was already covered with snow at the top, and a further fall was expected, and without a guide we could not possibly find the right path. we had noticed the clouds collecting upon the upper peaks of the great mountain and the sleet was already beginning to fall, while the wind, apparently blowing from an easterly direction, was icy cold. my brother, who had had more experience in mountain-climbing than myself, remarked that if it was so bitterly cold at our present altitude of , feet, what might we expect it to be at , , and reminded me of a mountain adventure he had some years before in north wales. on his first visit to the neighbourhood he had been to see a relative who was the manager of the slate quarries at llanberis and resided near port dinorwic. the manager gave him an order to ride on the slate train to the quarries, a distance of seven miles, and to inspect them when he arrived there. afterwards he went to the padaro villa hotel for dinner, and then decided to go on to portmadoc. there was no railway in those days, and as the coach had gone he decided to walk. the most direct way, he calculated, was to cross snowdon mountain, and without asking any advice or mentioning the matter to any one he began his walk over a mountain which is nearly , feet high. it was two o'clock in the afternoon when he left the hotel at llanberis, and from the time he passed a stone inscribed " - / miles to the top of snowdon" he did not see a single human being. it was the rd of november, and the top of the mountain, which was clearly visible, was covered with snow. all went well with him until he passed a black-looking lake and had reached the top of its rocky and precipitous boundary, when with scarcely any warning he suddenly became enveloped in the clouds and could only see a yard or two before him. he dared not turn back for fear he should fall down the precipice into the lake below, so he continued his walk and presently reached the snow. this, fortunately, was frozen, and he went on until he came to a small cabin probably used by the guide in summertime, but the door was locked, the padlock resting upon the snow; soon afterwards he arrived at the cairn which marked the summit of snowdon. it was very cold, and he was soon covered with the frozen particles from the clouds as they drifted against him in the wind, which gave out a mournful sound like a funeral dirge as it drove against the rocks. he walked round the tower several times before he could find a way down on the other side, but at length his attention was attracted by a black peak of rock rising above the snow, and to his astonishment, in a sheltered corner behind it, he could distinctly see the footprints of a man and a small animal, probably a dog, that had gone down behind the rock just before the snow had frozen. the prints were not visible anywhere else, but, fortunately, it happened to be the right way, and he crossed the dreaded "saddleback" with a precipice on each side of him without knowing they were there. it was a providential escape, and when he got clear of the clouds and saw miles of desolate rocky country before him bounded by the dark sea in the background and strode down the remainder of the seven miles from the top of snowdon, his feelings of thankfulness to the almighty may be better imagined than described. he himself--a first-class walker--always considered they were the longest and quickest he ever accomplished. he occupied two hours in the ascent, but not much more than an hour in the descent, reaching, just at the edge of dark, the high-road where the words "pitt's head" were painted in large letters on some rocks, which he afterwards learned represented an almost exact profile of the head of william pitt the famous prime minister. he stayed for tea at beddgelert and then walked down the pass of aberglaslyn on a tree-covered road in almost total darkness, with the company of roaring waters, which terrified him even more than the dangers he had already encountered, as far as tremadoc, where he stayed the night. we had a dismal descent from ben nevis, and much more troublesome and laborious than the ascent, for our guide's illness had become more acute and he looked dreadfully ill. it was a pitiable sight to see him when, with scarcely strength enough to stand, he leaned heavily upon his staff on one side and on ourselves alternately on the other. we could not help feeling sorry for him for we had so recently suffered from the same complaint ourselves, though in a much milder form. we were compelled to walk very slowly and to rest at frequent intervals, and to add to our misery the rain was falling heavily. we were completely saturated long before reaching fort william, and were profoundly thankful when we landed our afflicted friend at his own door. we handed him his full fee, and he thanked us and said that although he had ascended ben nevis on nearly , occasions, this was the only time he had failed. [illustration: ben nevis] we had not been quite satisfied that the cause assigned to our attack at inverness was the real one, as we had drunk so little water there. we thought now that there might be some infectious epidemic passing through that part of scotland, perhaps a modified form of the cholera that decimated our part of england thirty or forty years before, and that our guide as well as ourselves had contracted the sickness in that way. we must not forget to record that on our way up the "ben" we saw a most beautiful rainbow, which appeared to great advantage, as it spread itself between us and the opposite hills, exhibiting to perfection all its seven colours. we were as hungry as hunters when we returned to our lodgings, and, after changing some of our clothes and drying the others, we sat down to the good things provided for our noon dinner, which we washed down with copious libations of tea. as the rain continued, we decided to stop another night at mrs. macpherson's, so we went out to make some purchases at the chemist's shop, which also served as an emporium--in fact as a general stores. we had a chat with the proprietor, who explained that fort william was a very healthy place, where his profession would not pay if carried on alone, so he had to add to it by selling other articles. the fort, he told us, was originally built in the time of cromwell by general monk to overawe the highlanders, but was afterwards re-erected on a smaller scale by william iii; hence its name of fort william. [illustration: ben nevis as seen from banavie.] we asked the chemist if he could recommend to us a good shoemaker, who could undertake to sole and heel two pairs of boots before morning, as ours were showing signs of wear-and-tear owing to the long distances we had walked both before and after reaching john o' groat's. this he promised to do, and he sent one across to mrs. macpherson's immediately. after we had parted with our boots, we were prisoners for the remainder of the day, though we were partially reconciled to our novel position when we heard the wind driving the rain against the windows instead of against ourselves. but it seemed strange to us to be sitting down hour after hour reading the books our hostess kindly lent to us instead of walking on the roads. the books were chiefly historical, and interested us, as they related to the country through which we were passing. terrible histories they contained too! describing fierce battles and murders, and giving us the impression that the scots of the olden times were like savages, fighting each other continually, and that for the mere pleasure of fighting. especially interesting to us was the record of the cruel massacre of glencoe, for we intended visiting there, if possible, on the morrow. it was not the extent of the carnage on that occasion, but the horrible way in which it was carried out, that excited the indignation of the whole country, and my brother spent some time in copying in his note-book the following history of-- the massacre of glencoe after king william had defeated the highland clans, he gave the highland chiefs a year and a half to make their submission to his officers, and all had done this except macdonald of glencoe, whose chief--macian--had delayed his submission to the last possible day. he then went to fort william to tender his oath of allegiance to the king's officer there, who unfortunately had no power to receive it, but he gave him a letter to sir colin campbell, who was at inverary, asking him to administer the oath to macian. the aged chief hastened to inverary, but the roads were bad and almost impassable owing to a heavy fall of snow, so that the first day of january, , had passed before he could get there; campbell administered the oath and macian returned to glencoe thinking that all was now right. but a plot was made against him by the campbells, whose flocks and herds, it was said, the macdonalds had often raided, and it was decided to punish macian and to exterminate his clan; and a company of the earl of argyle's regiment, commanded by captain campbell of glenlyon, was sent to glen coe to await orders. macian's sons heard that the soldiers were coming, and thought that they were coming to disarm them, so they removed their arms to a place of safety, and, with a body of men, they went to meet the soldiers to ask if they were coming as friends or foes. they assured them that they were coming as friends and wished to stay with them for a short time, as there was no room for them, for the garrison buildings at fort william were already full of soldiers. alaster macdonald, one of macian's sons, had married a niece of glenlyon's, so that the soldiers were cordially received and treated with every possible hospitality by macian and his clan, with whom they remained for about a fortnight. then glenlyon received a letter from duncanson, his commanding officer, informing him that all the macdonalds under seventy years of age must be killed, and that the government was not to be troubled with prisoners. glenlyon lost no time in carrying out his orders. he took his morning's draught as usual at the house of macian's son, who had married his niece, and he and two of his officers accepted an invitation to dinner from macian, whom, as well as the whole clan, he was about to slaughter. at four o'clock the next morning, february , , the massacre was begun by a party of soldiers, who knocked at macian's door and were at once admitted. lindsay, who was one of the officers who had accepted his invitation to dinner, commanded the party, and shot macian dead at his own bedside while he was dressing himself and giving orders for refreshments to be provided for his visitors. his aged wife was stripped by the savage soldiers, who pulled off the gold rings from her fingers with their teeth, and she died next day from grief and the brutal treatment she had received. the two sons had had their suspicions aroused, but these had been allayed by glenlyon. however, an old servant woke them and told them to flee for their lives as their father had been murdered, and as they escaped they heard the shouts of the murderers, the firing of muskets, the screams of the wounded, and the groans of the dying rising from the village, and it was only their intimate knowledge of the almost inaccessible cliffs that enabled them to escape. at the house where glenlyon lodged, he had nine men bound and shot like felons. a fine youth of twenty years of age was spared for a time, but one, captain drummond, ordered him to be put to death; and a boy of five or six, who had clung to glenlyon's knees entreating for mercy and offering to become his servant for life if he would spare him, and who had moved glenlyon to pity, was stabbed by drummond with a dirk while he was in the agony of supplication. barber, a sergeant, with some soldiers, fired on a group of nine macdonalds who were round their morning fire, and killed four of them, and one of them, who escaped into a house, expressed a wish to die in the open air rather than inside the house, "for your bread, which i have eaten," said barber, "i will grant the request." macdonald was accordingly dragged to the door, but he was an active man and, when the soldiers presented their firelocks to shoot him, he cast his plaid over their eyes and, taking advantage of their confusion and the darkness, he escaped up the glen. some old persons were also killed, one of them eighty years of age; and others, with women and children who had escaped from the carnage half clad, were starved and frozen to death on the snow-clad hills whither they had fled. the winter wind that whistled shrill, the snows that night that cloaked the hill, though wild and pitiless, had still far more than southern clemency. it was thrilling to read the account of the fight between the two clans, mackenzie and macdonnell, which the mackenzies won. when the macdonnells were retreating they had to cross a river, and those who missed the ford were either drowned or killed. a young and powerful chief of the macdonnells in his flight made towards a spot where the burn rushed through a yawning chasm, very wide and deep, and was closely followed by one of the victorious mackenzies; but macdonnell, forgetting the danger of the attempt in the hurry of his flight and the agitation of the moment, and being of an athletic frame and half naked, made a desperate leap, and succeeded in clearing the rushing waters below. mackenzie inconsiderately followed him, but, not having the impulse of the powerful feelings that had animated macdonnell, he did not reach the top of the opposite bank, succeeding only in grasping the branch of a birch tree, where he hung suspended over the abyss. macdonnell, finding he was not being followed, returned to the edge of the chasm, and, seeing mackenzie's situation, took out his dirk, and as he cut off the branch from the tree he said, "i have left much behind me with you to-day; take that also," and so mackenzie perished. there was another incident of highland ferocity that attracted us powerfully, and read as follows: "sir ewen encountered a very powerful english officer, an over-match for him in strength, who, losing his sword, grappled with the chief, and got him under; but lochiel's presence of mind did not forsake him, for grasping the englishman by the collar and darting at his extended throat with his teeth, he tore away the bloody morsel, which he used to say was the sweetest morsel he had ever tasted." we felt that the people hereabouts were still of another nation. the descendants of prince charlie's faithful adherents still clung to their ancient religion, and they preserved many of their old customs and traditions in spite of the changes in outlook which trade and the great canal had brought about. it was therefore not to be wondered at that, after impressing our memories with these and other fearful stories and eating the heavy supper provided for us by our landlady, our dreams that night rather disturbed our slumbers. [illustration: scene of the massacre of glencoe. "especially interesting to us was the account of the cruel massacre of glencoe. here was enacted one of the blackest crimes in the annals of scottish history."] personally i was in the middle of a long journey, engaged in disagreeable adventures in which i was placed at a considerable disadvantage, as i was walking without my boots, when i was relieved from an unpleasant position by the announcement that it was six o'clock and that our boots had arrived according to promise. (_distance walked nine miles_.) _friday, september th._ there was a delightful uncertainty about our journey, for everything we saw was new to us, and we were able to enjoy to the fullest extent the magnificent mountain and loch scenery in the highlands of scotland, with which we were greatly impressed. it was seven o'clock in the morning, of what, fortunately for us, proved to be a fine day, as we left fort william, and after coming to the end of the one street which formed the town we reached a junction of roads, where it was necessary to inquire the way to glencoe. we asked a youth who was standing at the door of a house, but he did not know, so went into the house to inquire, and came out with the information that we could get there either way. we had already walked along the full length of loch ness, loch oich, and loch lochy, so we decided to walk alongside loch linnhe, especially as that road had the best surface. so on we went at a quick pace, for the half-day's holiday yesterday had resulted in renewed energy. we could see the great mountains in front which we knew we must cross, and after walking three and a half miles we met a pedestrian, who informed us that we were on the right way, and must go on until we reached ballachulish, where we could cross the ferry to glencoe. this information rather troubled us, as we had determined to walk all the way, so he advised us to go round the "head of the loch"--an expression we often heard used in scotland--and to make our way there across the open country; in this case the loch was loch leven, so we left the highway and loch linnhe and walked to a small farm we could see in the distance. the mistress was the only person about, but she could only speak gaelic, and we were all greatly amused at our efforts to make ourselves understood. seeing some cows grazing quite near, my brother took hold of a quart jug standing on a bench and, pointing to the cows, made her understand that we wanted a quart of milk, which she handed to us with a smile. we could not ask her the price, so we handed her fourpence, the highest price we had known to have been paid for a quart of the best milk at home, and with which she seemed greatly pleased. we were just leaving the premises when the farmer came up, and he fortunately could speak english. he told us he had seen us from a distance, and had returned home, mistaking us for two men who occasionally called upon him on business. he said we had gone "three miles wrong," and took great pains to show us the right way. taking us through a fence, he pointed out in the distance a place where we should have to cross the mountains. he also took us to a track leading off in that direction, which we were to follow, and, leaving him, we went on our way rejoicing. but this mountain track was a very curious one, as it broke away in two or three directions and shortly disappeared. it was unfenced on the moorland, and there were not enough people travelling that way to make a well-defined path, each appearing to have travelled as he pleased. we tried the same method, but only to find we had gone out of the nearest way. we crossed several small burns filled with delightfully clear water, and presently saw another house in the distance, to which we now went, finding it to be the shepherd's house. here the loud and savage barking of a dog brought out the shepherd's wife, who called the dog away from us, and the shepherd, who was having his breakfast, also made his appearance. he directed us to a small river, which he named in gaelic, and pointed to a place where it could easily be forded, warning us at the same time that the road over the hills was not only dangerous, but difficult to find and extremely lonely, and that the road to glencoe was only a drovers' road, used for driving cattle across the hills. we made the best of our way to the place, but the stream had been swollen by the recent rains, and we experienced considerable difficulty in crossing it. at length, after sundry walkings backwards and forwards, stepping from one large stone to another in the burn, we reached the opposite bank safely. the only mishap, beyond getting over shoe-tops in the water, was the dropping of one of our bags in the burn; but this we were fortunate enough to recover before its contents were seriously damaged or the bag carried away by the current. [illustration: the pass.] we soon reached the road named by the shepherd, which was made of large loose stones. but was it a road? scotland can boast of many good roads, and has material always at hand both for construction and repair; but of all the roads we ever travelled on, this was the worst! presently we came to a lonely cottage, the last we were to see that day, and we called to inquire the way, but no english was spoken there. this was unfortunate, as we were in doubt as to which was our road, so we had to find our way as best we could. huge rocks and great mountains reared their heads on all sides of us, including ben nevis, which we could recognise owing to the snowy coverlet still covering his head. the country became very desolate, with nothing to be seen but huge rocks, inaccessible to all except the pedestrian. hour after hour we toiled up mountains--sometimes we thought we reached an elevation of two thousand feet--and then we descended into a deep ravine near a small loch. who could forget a day's march like this, now soaring to an immense height and presently appearing to descend into the very bowels of the earth! we must have diverged somewhat from the road known as the "devil's staircase," by repute the worst road in britain, for the track we were on was in one section like the bed of a mountain torrent and could not have been used even by cattle. late in the afternoon we reached the proper track, and came up with several herds of bullocks, about three hundred in number, all told, that were being driven over the mountains to find a better home in england, which we ourselves hoped to do later. [illustration: in glencoe.] we were fortunate in meeting the owner, with whom we were delighted to enter into conversation. when we told him of our adventures, he said we must have missed our way, and congratulated us on having a fine day, as many persons had lost their lives on those hills owing to the sudden appearance of clouds. he said a heap of stones we passed marked the spot where two young men had been found dead. they were attempting to descend the "devil's stair," when the mist came on, and they wandered about in the frost until, overcome by sleep, they lay down never to rise again in this world. he had never been in england, but had done business with many of the nobility and gentlemen there, of whom several he named belonged to our own county of chester. he had heard that the bullocks he sold to them, after feeding on the rich, pastures of england for a short time, grew to a considerable size, which we thought was not to be wondered at, considering the hardships these shaggy-looking creatures had to battle with in the north. we got some information about our farther way, not the least important being the fact that there was a good inn in the pass of glencoe; and he advised us to push on, as the night would soon be coming down. [illustration: the pass in glencoe.] at the close of day we could just see the outline of a deep, dark valley which we knew was the pass of glencoe, with a good road, hundreds of feet below. acting on the advice of the drover, we left the road and descended cautiously until we could go no farther in safety; then we collected an enormous number of old roots, the remains of a forest of birch trees which originally covered the mountain-side, and with some dry heather lighted an enormous tire, taking care to keep it within bounds. a small rill trickling down the mountain-side supplied us with water, and, getting our apparatus to work and some provisions from our bags, we sat down as happy as kings to partake of our frugal meal, to the accompaniment of the "cup that cheers but not inebriates," waiting for the rising of the full moon to light us on our farther way to the road below. we were reclining amongst the heather, feeling thankful to the almighty that we had not shared the fate of the two young men whose cairn we had seen on the hills above--an end we might easily have met, given the weather of yesterday and similar conditions--when suddenly we heard voices below us. our fire now cast a glare around it, and everything looked quite dark beyond its margin. our feelings of surprise increased as from the gloom emerged the gigantic figures of two stalwart highlanders. we thought of the massacre of glencoe, for these men were nearly double our size; and, like the macdonalds, we wondered whether they came as friends or foes, since we should have fared badly had it been the latter. but they had been attracted by the light of our fire, and only asked us if we had seen "the droves." we gave them all the information we could, and then bidding us "good night" they quietly departed. [illustration: "the sisters," glencoe. "here was wild solitude in earnest.... the scene we looked upon was wild and rugged, as if convulsed by some frightful cataclysm."] the darkness of the night soon became modified by the reflected light from the rising moon behind the great hills on the opposite side of the glen. we extinguished the dying embers of our fire and watched the full moon gradually appearing above the rocks, flooding with her glorious light the surrounding scene, which was of the sublimest grandeur and solitude. [illustration: the river coe, glencoe.] many descriptions of this famous glen have been written, and no one who could see it under such favourable and extraordinary conditions as we enjoyed that night would be disposed to dispute the general opinion of its picturesque and majestic beauty. surely nature is here portrayed in her mightiest form! how grand, and yet how solemn! see the huge masses of rock rising precipitously on both sides of the glen and rearing their rugged heads towards the very heavens! here was wild solitude in earnest, and not even the cry of the eagle which once, and even now, had its abode in these vast mountain recesses broke the awful silence which that night prevailed in the pass, disturbed only by the slumberous rippling of water. the scene we looked upon was wild and rugged, as if convulsed by some frightful cataclysm, and we saw it under conditions in which nature conspired to enhance its awfulness--a sight which few painters could imitate, few writers could graphically describe. the infidel may deny the existence of the creator of the universe, but there was here sufficient to fill the soul with awe and wonder, and to influence even the sceptic to render acknowledgment to the great god who framed these majestic hills. the reflection of the moon on the hills was marvellous, lighting up the white road at the upper end of the pass and the hills opposite, and casting great black shadows elsewhere which made the road appear as if to descend and vanish into hades. we fancied as we entered the pass that we were descending into an abyss from which it would be impossible to extricate ourselves; but we were brought up sharp in our thoughts, for when we reached the road it suddenly occurred to us that we had forgotten to ask in which direction we had to turn for the "clachaig inn" named by the drover. we sat down by the roadside in the hope that some one would come from whom we might obtain the information, and were just beginning to think it was a forlorn hope when we heard the sound of horse's feet approaching from the distance. presently the rider appeared, who proved to be a cattle-dealer, he told us he had some cattle out at the foot of the glen, and said the inn was seven miles away in the direction in which he was going. we asked him if he would kindly call there and tell them that two travellers were coming who required lodgings for the night. this he promised to do, and added that we should find the inn on the left-hand side of the road. we then started on our seven-mile walk down the pass of glencoe in the light of the full moon shining from a clear sky, and in about an hour's time in the greatest solitude we were almost startled by the sudden appearance of a house set back from the left-hand side of the road with forms and tables spread out on the grass in front. could this be the inn? it was on the left-hand side, but we could not yet have walked the distance named by the cattle-dealer; so we knocked at the door, which was opened by a queer-looking old man, who told us it was not the inn, but the shepherd's house, and that the forms and tables in front were for the use of passengers by the coach, who called there for milk and light refreshments. then the mistress, who was more weird-looking still, came forward, and down the passage we could see other strange-looking people. the old lady insisted upon our coming in, saying she would make us some porridge; but my brother, whose nerves seemed slightly unstrung, thought that we might never come out of the house again alive! we found, however, that the company improved on closer acquaintance. the meal was served in two deep bowls, and was so thick that when our spoons were placed in it on end they stood upright without any further support, so it was, as the lancashire people describe it, proper "thick porridge." we were unable to make much impression on it, as we had not yet digested the repast we had enjoyed on the hills above, and the good old lady added to our difficulties by bringing a plentiful supply of milk. it was the first time we had tasted meal porridge in scotland. needless to say, after paying our hostess for her hospitality, we were allowed to depart in peace, nor were we molested during the remainder of our romantic evening walk. after proceeding about two miles farther amidst some of the most lonely and impressive scenery in the highlands, we arrived at the "clachaig inn." it was after closing-time, but as the gentleman on horseback had delivered our message according to promise, the people of the inn were awaiting our arrival. we received a friendly welcome, and proceeded to satisfy what remained of a formerly voracious appetite by a weak attack on the good things provided for supper, after which, retiring to rest in the two beds reserved for us, we slept so soundly that in the morning when roused by a six-o'clock call we could not recall that our dreams had been disturbed even by the awful massacre enacted at glencoe, which place was now so near. (_distance walked thirty miles_.) _saturday, september th._ by seven o'clock a.m. we were again on the road bound for inverary, which place we were anxious to visit, as it had recently been the scene of a royal wedding, that of the princess louise with the marquis of lorne. the morning was beautifully fine, but there had been a frost during the night and the grass on the sides of the road was quite white. the sky was clear, not a cloud being visible as we resumed our walk down the glen, and in about three miles we reached the village of glencoe. here we heard blasting operations being carried on quite near our road, and presently we reached the edge of the loch, where there was a pier and a ferry. we now found that in directing us to inverary our friends at the inn had taken it for granted that we wished to go the nearest way, which was across this ferry, and we were told there were others to cross before reaching inverary. we therefore replenished our stock of provisions at the village shop and turned back up the glen, so that after seeing it in the light of the full moon the night before we had now the privilege of seeing it in the glorious sunshine. we walked on until we got to the shepherd's house where we had been treated to such a heavy repast of meal porridge the previous evening, and there we had a substantial meal to fortify us for our farther journey. on our way up the glen we had passed a small lake at the side of our road, and as there was not sufficient wind to raise the least ripple on its surface it formed a magnificent mirror to the mountains on both sides. several carts laden with wool had halted by the side of the lake and these also were reflected on its surface. we considered the view pictured in this lake to be one of the prettiest sights we had ever seen in the sunshine, and the small streams flowing down the mountain sides looked very beautiful, resembling streaks of silver. we compared the scene in imagination with the changes two months hence, when the streams would be lines of ice and the mountain roads covered with a surface of frozen snow, making them difficult to find and to walk upon, and rendering travelling far less pleasant than on this beautiful morning. we often thought that we should not have completed our walk if we had undertaken it at the same period of the year but in the reverse direction, since we were walking far too late in the season for a journey of this description. we considered ourselves very fortunate in walking from john o' groat's to land's end, instead of from land's end to john o' groat's, for by the time we finished deep snow might have covered these northern altitudes. how those poor women and children must have suffered at the time of the massacre of glencoe, when, as sir walter scott writes-- flying from their burning huts, and from their murderous visitors, the half-naked fugitives committed themselves to a winter morning of darkness, snow, and storm, amidst a wilderness the most savage in the western highlands, having a bloody death behind them, and before them tempest, famine, and desolation when some of them, bewildered by the snow-wreaths, sank in them to rise no more! [illustration: bridge of orchy.] they were doubtless ignorant of the danger they were in, even as they escaped up the glen, practically the only way of escape from glencoe, for duncanson had arranged for four hundred soldiers to be at the top end of the pass at four o'clock that morning, the hour at which the massacre was to begin at the other end. owing to the heavy fall of snow, however, the soldiers did not arrive until eleven o'clock in the forenoon--long after the fugitives had reached places of safety. like many other travellers before us, we could not resist passing a bitter malediction on the perpetrators of this cruel wrong, although they had long since gone to their reward. and yet we are told that it hastened that amalgamation of the two kingdoms which has been productive of so much good. we had our breakfast or lunch served on one of the tables ranged outside the front of the shepherd's house, and in quite a romantic spot, whence we walked on to a place which had figured on mileposts for a long distance named "kingshouse." here we expected to find a village, but as far as we could see there was only one fairly large house there, and that an inn. what king it was named after did not appear, but there was no other house in sight. soon after passing it we again came in contact with the master cattle-drover we had interviewed the day before, who told us that he had brought his bullocks from the isle of skye, from which place they had to travel seventy-one miles. we also passed several other droves, some of which we might have seen previously, and by nightfall came to inveroran. here we saw a comfortable inn which would have just suited us, but as there was no church there and the next day was sunday, we decided to walk to the next village, about three miles farther on, where we were informed there was a church, and a drover's house quite near it where we could get lodgings. by this time it was quite dark, and we passed loch tulla without either seeing it or knowing it was there, and arriving at the bridge of orchy we found the drover's house near the church. to our great disappointment the accommodation had all been taken up, and the only place that the lady of the house knew of in the direction we were going was a farmhouse about four miles away, where she said, with a tone of doubt in her voice, "we might get in!" we crossed the bridge and passed over the river orchy, which connected loch tulla with loch awe, some sixteen miles distant. fortunately for us the moon now rose, though obscured by great black clouds, which we could see meant mischief, probably to make us pay dearly for the lovely weather during the day. but luckily there was sufficient light to enable us to see the many burns that crossed the surface of the road, otherwise it would have been impossible for us to have found our way. the streams were very numerous, and ran into the river which flowed alongside our road, from among some great hills the outlines of which we could see dimly to the left. we were tired, and the miles seemed very long, but the excitement of crossing the rushing waters of the burns and the noise of the river close by kept us awake. we began to think we should never reach that farmhouse, and that we had either missed our way or had been misinformed, when at length we reached the desired haven at a point where a gate guarded the entrance to the moor. all was in darkness, but we went to the house and knocked at the front door. there was no response, so we tried the shutters that barricaded the lower windows, our knocks disturbing the dogs at the back of the house, which began to bark and assisted us to waken the occupants. presently we heard a sleepy voice behind the shutters, and my brother explained the object of our visit in a fine flow of language (for he was quite an orator), including references, as usual, to our "walking expedition," a favourite phrase of his. as the vehement words from within sounded more like gaelic than english, i gathered that his application for lodgings had not been successful. tired as i was, i could not help laughing at the storm we had created, in which the "walking expedition" man heartily joined. but what were we to do? here we were on a stormy night, ten miles from the inn at dalmally, which for aught we knew might be the next house, hungry and tired, cold and wet; and having covered thirty miles that day and thirty miles the day before, how could we walk a further ten miles? our track was unfenced and bounded by the river on one side and the moors on the other, but presently we came to a place where the surface of the moor rose sharply and for some distance overhung the road, forming a kind of a cove. here we gathered, some of the dry heather that extended under that which ornamented the sides of the cove, made quite a respectable fire, and ate our last morsel of food, with which unluckily we were poorly provided. to add to our misfortune, the wind grew into a hurricane and whirled the smoke in every direction, forcing us at last to beat a hasty retreat. we now faced the prospect of a night on the moors, and resolved to crawl along at a sufficient speed to keep up our circulation, stopping at the first house we came to. here again the subdued light from the moon proved useful, for we had not gone very far before we saw what appeared to be a small house on the moor about a hundred yards away. we approached it very cautiously, and found it was a small hut. how glad we were to see that hut! we struck a light, and at once began an exploration of the interior, which we found contained a form, a rustic table reared against the wall, and, better than all, a fireplace with a chimney above it about a yard high; the door was lying loose outside the hovel. it may have been a retreat for keepers, though more likely a shelter for men who had once been employed on the land, for attached to it was a small patch of land fenced in which looked as though it had been cultivated. with a few sticks which we found in one corner and a handful of hay gathered from the floor we lighted a fire, for we were now becoming experts in such matters; but the smoke seemed undecided which way it should go, for at one minute it went up the chimney, at another it came down. we went outside and altered the chimney a little, for it was only formed of loose stones, and thus effected an improvement for a time. the door gave us the most trouble, since being loose we had the greatest difficulty in keeping it in its proper position, for the wind was now blowing hard--so much so that we thought at times that the hut itself would be blown over. at last a tremendous gust came, and down went the chimney altogether. the fire and smoke now made towards the doorway, so that we had frequently to step outside in order to get a breath of fresh air. we tried to build the chimney up again, but this was impossible owing to the velocity of the wind and rain and the exposed situation. our slender supply of fuel was nearly exhausted, which was the worst feature, as it was imperative that we should keep ourselves warm; so we decided to go back towards the river, where we had seen a few small trees or bushes lining the bank between our track and the water. luckily, however, we discovered a dead tree inside the enclosed land, and as i was somewhat of an expert at climbing, i "swarmed" up it and broke off all the dead branches i could reach with safety, it being as much as i could do to retain my hold on the slippery trunk of the tree. with the dead wood and some heather and pieces of turf we returned laden and wet through to our dug-out, where we managed to get our fire burning again and to clear away some of the stones that had fallen upon it. still there was no sleep for us that night, which was the most miserable one almost that we ever experienced. but just fancy the contrast! in the dead of night, in a desolate highland glen, scaling a stone fence in a pitiless storm of wind and rain, and climbing up a dead tree to break off a few branches to serve as fuel for a most obstinate fire--such was the reality; and then picture, instead of this, sitting before a good fire in a comfortable inn, with a good supper, and snug apartments with every accommodation--these had been our fond anticipations for the week-end! we certainly had a good supply of wet fuel, and perhaps burned something else we ought not to have done: but we were really prisoners for the night. the merciless wind and rain raged throughout, and we had to stick to our novel apartment and breathe until daylight the awful smoke from the fire we were compelled to keep alight. yet our spirits were not entirely damped, for we found ourselves in the morning, and often during the night, singing the refrain of an old song: we'll stand the storm, it won't be long; we'll anchor by and by. just occasionally the gloom thickened when we ventured to think of details, among which came uppermost the great question, "where and when shall we get our breakfast?" (_distance walked, including that to dalmally, forty miles_.) _sunday, october st._ soon after daylight appeared the rain moderated, and so did the wind, which now seemed to have exhausted itself. our sleep, as may easily be imagined, had been of a very precarious and fitful character; still the hut had rendered substantial service in sheltering us from the fury of the storm. soon after leaving our sorry shelter we saw a white house standing near the foot of a hill beyond the moor, and to this we resolved to go, even though it was a long distance away, as it was now imperative that we should obtain food. a knock at the door, more than once repeated--for it was still very early--at last roused the mistress of the house, who opened the door and with kindly sympathy listened to our tale of woe. she at once lit the fire, while the other members of the family were still asleep in the room, and found us some soap and water, our hands and faces being as black as smoke and burnt sticks could make them. after a good wash we felt much better and refreshed, although still very sleepy. she then provided us with some hot milk and oatcake, and something we had never tasted before, which she called "seath." it proved to be a compound of flour and potatoes, and after our long fast it tasted uncommonly good. altogether we had an enormous breakfast, the good wife waiting upon us meanwhile in what we supposed was the costume common to the highlands--in other words, minus her gown, shoes, and stockings. we rewarded her handsomely and thanked her profusely as she directed us the nearest way to dalmally. on arrival at the well-appointed inn there, we received every attention, and retired to our bedrooms, giving strict orders to the waiter to see that we were called in time for lunch, and for the english service at the kirk, which he told us would be held that day between one and two o'clock. in accordance with our instructions we were called, but it was not surprising, after walking quite forty miles since saturday at daybreak, that we should be found soundly sleeping when the call came. lunch was waiting for us, and, after disposing of it as hungry folk should, we went to glenorchy church, only to find that, unfortunately, there was no service that day. the minister, who had charge of two parishes, was holding a service at his other church, seven miles distant up the glen! we therefore hurried to the free kirk, which stood in another part of the village; but as the gaelic service had been taken at one o'clock and the english service followed it immediately afterwards, the minister had already begun his sermon when we arrived. the door was shut, so entering quietly and closing it behind us, we were astonished to find a table in the vestibule with a plate exposing to our view a large number of coins evidently the result of the collection from the worshippers within. we were surprised at the large proportion of silver coins, an evidence that the people had given liberally. we added our mites to the collection, while we wondered what would have become of the money if left in a similar position in some districts we could think of farther south. we were well pleased with the sermon, and as the congregation dispersed we held a conversation and exchanged views with one of the elders of the church chiefly on the subject of collections. he explained that the prevailing practice in the scottish churches was for the collection to be taken--or rather given--on entering the house of god, and that one or two of the deacons generally stood in the vestibule beside the plate. we told him it was the best way of taking a collection that we had ever seen, since it did not interrupt or interfere with the service of the church, and explained the system adopted in the churches in england. in our youthful days collections were only made in church on special occasions, and for such purposes as the support of sunday schools and missionary societies. the churchwardens collected the money in large and deep wooden boxes, and the rattle of the coins as they were dropped into the boxes was the only sound we could hear, for the congregation remained seated in a deep and solemn silence, which we in our youthful innocence thought was because their money was being taken away from them. in later years brass plates were substituted for boxes in some churches, and each member of the congregation then seemed to vie with his neighbours for the honour of placing the most valuable coin on the plate. the rivalry, however, did not last long, and we knew one church where this custom was ended by mutual arrangement. the hatchet was buried by substituting bags, attached, in this case, to the end of long sticks, to enable the wardens to reach the farthest end of the pews when necessary. this system continued for some time, but when collections were instituted at each service and the total result had to be placarded on the outside of the church door, with the numbers and total value of each class of coin recorded separately, the wardens sometimes found a few items in the bags which were of no monetary value, and could not be classified in the list without bringing scandal to the church and punishment to the, perhaps youthful, offenders; so the bags were withdrawn and plates reinstated, resulting in an initial increase of per cent, in the amount collected. the church was a large one, and a great number of ladies attended it on sundays, their number being considerably augmented by the lady students from the collegiate institutions in the town, who sat in a portion of the church specially reserved for them. the rector of the parish was an elderly man and an eloquent preacher, who years before had earned his reputation in london, where in a minor capacity he had been described by charles dickens as the model east end curate. eight gentlemen were associated with him as wardens and sidesmen, all well-known men in the town, one of whom being specially known for the faultless way in which he was dressed and by his beautiful pink complexion--the presence of the light hair on his face being scarcely discernible, and giving him the appearance of being endowed with perpetual youth. his surname also was that of the gentleman for whom all young ladies are supposed to be waiting, so it was not to be wondered at that he was a general favourite with them, and that some slight feeling of jealousy existed among his colleagues. it was part of their duties to collect the offerings from the congregation, and afterwards assemble at the west end of the church, marching two and two in military step to the east end to hand their collections to the clergyman who stood there waiting to receive them. one sunday morning, when the favourite collector reached that end of the church where most of the young ladies were located, he was surprised to notice that all of them received him with a smile as he handed them the plate. several of them actually went so far as to incline their heads slightly, as if adding a nod to their smiles. he thought at first that they were amused at something connected with his new suit of clothes--of which, by the way, he was quite proud--but a hasty examination of his person from collar downwards showed everything to be in perfect order. he felt annoyed and very uncomfortable when the ladies continued to smile as he visited each pew, without his being able to ascertain the reason why, and he was greatly relieved when he got away from them to rejoin his colleagues. as he was advancing with them up the centre of the church his eye chanced to rest for a moment on the contents of his plate, and there, to his horror, he saw a large white mint-drop about the size of a half-crown, which had been placed face upwards bearing the words printed in clear red letters, "will you marry me?" then he understood why the young ladies smiled and nodded acceptance so pleasantly that morning, for, unconsciously, he had been "popping the question" all round; although inquired into at the time, the mystery of the mint-drop was never satisfactorily solved. a gentleman to whom we told this story said it reminded him of another of what he called a "swell"--a fine young fellow, with apparently more money than sense--who dropped into a country church for service and was shown into the squire's pew. the squire was old and of fixed habits. after settling in his seat he drew out his half-crown as usual and placed it on the ledge in front. his companion pulled out a sovereign and ostentatiously put it on the ledge too. the squire stared hard at him and soon reckoned him up. he then placed a second half-crown on the first, and the stranger produced a second sovereign. five times was this repeated during the service. at last the churchwarden brought his brass plate, which the squire gravely took and held out to his neighbour, who swept the five sovereigns on to it in a very grand manner. the squire picked up one half-crown for the plate and, with a twinkle in his eye, returned the rest to his pocket! since the days of king david singing has always been considered a most valuable aid in the offering up of prayers and praises to the almighty, and nothing sounded better in our ears than the hearty singing of a good old hymn by the entire congregation. but why this period in the church service should have been chosen in later years as a suitable time for the wardens to disturb the harmony and thoughts of the parishioners by handing round their collection plates was beyond our comprehension. the interruption caused by that abominable practice often raised unchristian-like feelings in our minds, and we wished at times that the author of it, whoever he might be, could be brought to the gallows and publicly hanged for his services; for why should our devotions be disturbed by the thought that at any moment during the singing of a hymn the collector might suddenly appear on the scene, possibly sneaking up from the rear like a thief in the night, to the annoyance of every one within reach? if the saving of time is the object, why not reduce the length of the sermon, which might often be done to advantage? or, failing that, why not adopt the system which prevailed in the scottish churches? [illustration: duncan-bann-macintyre's monument.] the elder of the free kirk at dalmally was much interested in what we told him about our english services, where the congregations both prayed and sang in positions differing from those adopted in scotland, and to continue the conversation he walked with us as far as dalmally bridge, where we parted company. we then continued on our way to visit a monument erected on a hill we could see in the distance "to the memory of duncan-bann-macintyre, the glenorchy poet, who was born in the year and departed this life in "; and, judging from the size of the monument, which was in the style of a grecian temple in grey granite and inscribed to the memory of the "sweetest and purest of gaelic bards," he must have been a man of considerable importance. from that point we had a fine view of loch awe, perhaps the finest obtainable, for although it is above twenty miles long, the lake here, in spite of being at its greatest breadth, appeared almost dwarfed into a pool within the mighty mass of mountains with lofty ben cruachan soaring steeply to the clouds, and forming a majestic framework to a picture of surpassing beauty. the waters of the lake reflected the beauties of its islands and of its mountainous banks. these islands all had their own history or clan legend and were full of mysteries. inishail, once a nunnery, and for ages the burying-place of the clan chieftains; innischonell, from the eleventh century the stronghold of the argyll, whence they often sent forth their famous slogan or defiant war-cry, "it's a far cry to lochawe"; fraoch eilean, where the hero fraoch slew and was himself slain by the serpent that guarded the apples for which the fair mego longed. we then retraced our steps slowly to the dalmally inn, where we were served with tea in the sumptuous manner common to all first-class inns in the highlands of scotland, after which we retired to rest, bent on making good the sleep we had lost and on proceeding on our journey early the following morning. third weeks journey _monday, october nd._ [illustration: kilchurn castle and loch awe.] we left our comfortable quarters at dalmally at seven o'clock in the morning, and presently reached loch awe, with the poet's monument still in sight and some islands quite near to us in the loch. we soon left loch awe, turning off when we reached cladich and striking over the hills to the left. after walking about two miles all uphill, we reached the summit, whence we had a fine backward view of loch awe, which from this point appeared in a deep valley with its sides nicely wooded. here we were in the neighbourhood of the cruachan mountains, to which, with loch awe, a curious tradition was attached that a supernatural being named "calliach bhere," or "the old woman," a kind of female genie, lived on these high mountains. it was said that she could step in a moment with ease from one mountain to another, and, when offended, she could cause the floods to descend from the mountains and lay the whole of the low ground perpetually under water. her ancestors were said to have lived from time immemorial near the summit of the vast mountain of cruachan, and to have possessed a great number of herds in the vale below. she was the last of her line, and, like that of her ancestors, her existence was bound up with a fatal fountain which lay in the side of her native hill and was committed to the charge of her family since it first came into existence. it was their duty at evening to cover the well with a large flat stone, and in the morning to remove it again. this ceremony was to be performed before the setting and the rising of the sun, that its last beam might not die upon nor its first ray shine upon the water in the well. if this care were neglected, a fearful and mysterious doom would be the punishment. when the father of the calliach bhere died, he committed the charge to her, warning her of its importance and solemnity and the fatality attending its neglect. for many years this mysterious woman attended carefully to her duties, but one unlucky evening, tired with her exertions in hunting and ascending the hills, she sat down by the fountain to await the setting of the sun, and falling asleep, did not awake until morning. when she arose she looked around, but the vale had vanished and a great sheet of water taken its place. the neglected well had overflowed while she slept, the glen was changed into a lake, the hills into islets, and her people and cattle had perished in the deluge. the calliach took but one look over the ruin she had caused, and all that remained of her large possessions in the glen was loch awe and its islands! then she herself vanished into oblivion. it is strange how these old stories are told with but little variation in so many places. this very story appears in wales and ireland and other regions where celts predominate, and except in one instance, that of the destruction of the lowland hundreds, now under the water of cardigan bay, always in connection with a woman. we first heard it in shropshire, but there it was an old woman who lived in a small cottage and possessed the only well in the place, charging the townspeople one farthing per bucket for the water. in those remote times this formed a great tax on the poor people, and many were the prayers offered up that the imposition might be removed. these prayers were answered, for one night a great storm arose, the well continued to overflow, and in the morning the old woman and her cottage had disappeared, and in place of the well appeared the beautiful lake of ellesmere. [illustration: inverary castle.] we had a fine walk down glen aray, with the river aray on the left for some distance to keep us company, and after about four miles' walking we came to a ladder inserted in a high stone wall to the left of our road, which was here covered with trees. my brother climbed up to see what was on the other side, and reported that there was a similar ladder in the wall for descent, that he could see the river rushing down the rocks, and that a pretty little pathway ran under the trees alongside the stream. we had not met a single person since leaving the neighbourhood of cladich, and as there was no one about from whom to make inquiries, we took "french leave" and climbed over the fence, to see at once a pretty waterfall and to follow a lovely path for a mile or two until it landed us in one of the main drives from inverary castle. here we stopped to consider whether we should proceed or retreat, for we were sure we had been trespassing. my brother reminded me of an experience that occurred to us in the previous year in london. before we began our walk home from that great city we visited as many of the sights of london as we could, and amongst these was the famous tower. we had passed through the gateway, but were then uncertain how to proceed, when, peeping round a corner, we saw a man dressed in a very strange-looking uniform, whom we afterwards learned was called a "beef-eater." we approached him rather timidly to make inquiries, to which he kindly replied, but told us afterwards that he knew we were englishmen the minute he saw us coming round the corner. foreigners in coming through the gateway always walked firmly and quickly, while the english came creeping along and looking round the corners as if they were afraid. "my advice to you, young men," he said, "when visiting strange places, is to go on until you are stopped!" so on this occasion we decided to follow that advice and to go on towards the castle we could see in the distance. we had not proceeded very far, however, before we met a couple of two-horse open carriages followed by quite a number of persons on horseback. feeling rather guilty, we stepped upon the grass by the roadside, and tried to look as if we were not there, but we could see that we had been observed by the occupants of the carriages and by their retinue. we knew from their appearance that they belonged to the aristocracy, and were not surprised to learn that the second carriage contained the duke and duchess of argyll, while the people on horseback were the younger members of their family. we had almost reached the castle when we were stopped by a servant in livery, to whom we explained the cause of our presence, asking him the nearest way to inverary, which he pointed out. he told us, among other things, that the duke could drive many miles in his own domain, and that his family consisted of thirteen children, all of whom were living. we thanked him, and as we retired along the road he had directed us, we considered we had added one more adventure to enliven us on our journey. we had only walked a little way from the castle when a lady came across the park to speak to us, and told us that the cannon and the large wooden structure we could see in the park had been used for the "spree" at the royal wedding, when the marquis of lome, the eldest son of the duke, had been married to the princess louise of england. she also told us that the princess and the marquis had been staying at the castle a short time before, but were not there then. who the lady was we did not know, but she was of fine appearance and well educated, and from her conversation had evidently travelled extensively both at home and abroad. we thanked her for her courage and courtesy in coming to speak to us, at which she smiled and, bowing gracefully, retired towards the castle. how her conduct compared with that of some people in england may be judged from the following extract which we clipped from a scottish newspaper shortly afterwards: a war office clerk was riding outside the oban coach from inverary. a fellow-passenger at his side remarked, "what a glorious view! what a lovely scene!" to which the young gentleman of the war office, with a strong glance at the speaker, replied, "sir, i don't know you; we have not been introduced." it was a fine afternoon, and inverary town looked at its best and quite pleasant in the sunshine, for most of the houses were coloured white. we halted awhile at the picturesque sculptured cross, where many a weary pilgrim had rested before us, with a glorious view over loch fyne and the mountains beyond. the church stood at the end of the street, and the "argyll arms hotel" would have been a fine place to stay at for the night. there was also quite a large temperance hotel where carriages could be hired; but we had only walked about sixteen miles, so we had to resist these attractions and walk on to cairndow, a further distance of ten miles. [illustration: inverary cross] loch fyne, along the edge of which our road ran all the way to cairndow, is tidal and about two miles wide at inverary. we were now on the opposite side of the castle grounds, and could see another entrance gate, which had been decorated for the royal wedding. fine woods bounded our road on the left until we reached the round hill of duniquaich, where it turned rather abruptly until at strone point it was nearly opposite inverary. from this place we had a magnificent view of the district we had just passed through; the splendid castle with its grey walls and the lofty tower on the wooded hill adjoining it contrasted finely with the whitened houses of the town of inverary, as it stood in the light of the setting sun. we journeyed on alongside the loch, when as the shades of evening were coming on we met a young man and a young woman apparently in great distress. they told us they had crossed the loch in a small boat to look for ferns, and as the tide was going out had thought they might safely leave their boat on the side of the loch, but when they returned they could not find it anywhere. they seemed to have been equally unsuccessful with regard to the ferns, as we could not see any in their possession, but we guessed they had other interests, so we went to their assistance and soon found the boat, which doubtless was in the place where they had left it. the tide must have receded farther than they had anticipated, and they had looked for it too near the water. we assisted them to launch the boat, and when they were safely seated the young woman, who had looked far more alarmed than her companion, smiled upon us sweetly. in response to their looks and words of thanks we wished them a pleasant and safe journey; but we never saw any ferns! our conversation as we resumed our walk was largely upon this adventure, and we wondered if the ferns could not have been found as easily on the other side of the loch as on this--but then we knew that love is proverbially blind, and we consigned this fern story to the region of our mythological remembrances, and were still in good humour and not too tired when we reached the cairndow inn, where we were hospitably, sumptuously, and we could safely add, when we paid the bill next morning, expensively entertained. but was this partly accounted for by the finely flavoured herrings known as loch fyne kippers we had for breakfast, which were said to fetch a higher price than any others in scotland? (_distance walked twenty-five miles_.) _tuesday, october rd._ we left cairndow early in the morning, and soon afterwards turned away from loch fyne to ascend a rough and lonely road leading towards loch long, about eight miles distant. it was a cold, bleak, and showery morning as we travelled along glen kinglas against a strong head wind, which greatly impeded our progress. on reaching the top of the glen, we came to the small loch restil, reposing at the foot of a mountain the summit of which was , feet above sea-level. the only persons we had seen on our way up the glen were two shepherds on the slope of one of the hills some distance from our road; but now we came to two men mending the road, in which great holes had been caused by the heavy rainfall. we chatted with them, and they told us that a little farther on we should come to "the rest." though it may seem a trifling matter to record, we were very glad to see those two men, as our way had been excessively lonely and depressing, for the pass only reached about feet at its crown, while the great hills which immediately adjoined the road on either side rose to an altitude of from , to , feet! when we arrived at "the rest" we found a rock on which were inscribed the words "rest and be thankful," while another inscription informed us that "this is a military road repaired by the rd regiment in ." we thought that at one time there must have been a stone placed there, to do duty as a travellers' rest, where weary travellers might "rest and be thankful," but nothing of the kind existed now except the surface of the road on which we were walking. on reaching a short stiff rise, followed by a sharp double bend in the road, we passed the entrance of a track leading down to "hell's glen"; but if this glen was any worse than glen kinglas which we had just ascended, or glen croe which we now descended, it must have been a very dreadful place indeed. fortunately for us, the weather began to improve, and before we reached loch long with its lofty ramparts the sun shone out in all its matchless glory and lighted up not only the loch but the whole of the amphitheatre formed by the lofty hills that surrounded it. a passenger steamboat plying on the bosom of the loch lent additional interest to the scene, and the combined view quite cheered our drooping spirits. the change, both as regarded scenery and atmosphere, between this side of the pass and the other was really marvellous, reminding us of the contrast between winter and summer. the sight of the numerous little waterfalls flowing over the rocks above to contribute their quota to the waters of the loch below was quite refreshing. one of the great hills we had passed without being able to see its summit--for it was quite near our road--was the well-known ben arthur, , feet high, commonly spoken of either as "the cobbler" or "the cobbler and his wife." it was not until we had got some distance away that our attention was called to it. we walked round the head of loch long and crossed a bridge, some words on the iron fixtures informing us that we were now passing from argyllshire into dumbartonshire. the coping on the bridge was of fresh, neatly clipped grass instead of the usual stonework we expected to find, and looked very remarkable; we saw nothing like it on our further travels. [illustration: "rest and be thankful," glen croe.] we asked a gentleman who was standing in the road about the various objects of interest in the neighbourhood. pointing to ben arthur in the distance, he very kindly tried to explain the curious formation of the rocks at the summit and to show us the cobbler and his wife which they were said to represent. we had a long argument with him, and although he explained that the cobbler was sitting down, for the life of us we could not distinguish the form either of him or of his wife. we could see that he considered we were very stupid for not being able to see objects so plain to himself; and when my brother asked him jocularly for the third time which was the cobbler and which was his wife, he became very angry and was inclined to quarrel with us. we smoothed him down as well as we could by saying that we now thought we could see some faint resemblance to the objects referred to, and he looked as if he had, as the poet says, "cleared from thick films of vice the visual ray." [illustration: "the cobbler," from arrochar.] we thanked him kindly for all the trouble he had taken, and concluded, at first, that perhaps we were not of a sufficiently imaginative temperament or else not in the most favourable position for viewing the outlines. but we became conscious of a rather strong smell of whisky which emanated from our loquacious friend, from which fact we persuaded ourselves that he had been trying to show us features visible only under more elevated conditions. when we last saw him he was still standing in the road gazing at the distant hills, and probably still looking at the cobbler and his wife. i asked my brother, as we walked along, why he put his question in that particular form: "which is the cobbler and which is his wife?" he told me he was thinking of a question so expressed many years ago, long before revolving pictures were thought of, and when pictures of any kind were very scarce. a fair was being held in the country, and a showman was exhibiting pictures which were arranged in a row alongside his booth or van in such a way that his customers could pass from one picture to another and which they could see by looking through slightly magnifying glasses placed in pairs, one to fit each eye after the fashion of a pair of spectacles. before the show stood a number of small boys who would have been pleased to have a peep at the pictures if they could have raised the money. just at that moment a mother with her two little girls appeared, and when the children came near the show, one of them called out, "oh, ma! may we see the peep-shows? it's only a penny!" whereupon the mother took out her purse and handed each of the little girls a penny. when the showman saw them approaching, he shouted angrily to the small boys who were blocking the entrance; "get away, you little ragged rascals that have no money," and then he added in a much milder tone, "and let the little dears come up what's a-going to pay." when the children reached the first peep-show, he said: "now, my little dears, look straight forwards, blow your noses, and don't breathe upon the glass! here you see the combat between the scotch lion, wallace, and the english bulldogs, for eight hundred guineas a side, while the spectators are a-looking on in the most facetious manner. here you see the lion has got his paws on one of the dogs whilst he is whisking out the eyes of another with his tail!" the little girls could see a picture but could not quite make out what it was, so one of them called out: "please, mr. showman, which is the lion and which is the dogs?" and he said: "oh! whichever you please, my little dears, and the likes was never seen, and all for the small sum of one penny!" my brother said that when he asked the gentleman which was the cobbler and which was his wife he would not have been surprised if he had said angrily, "whichever you please," and had walked away, since he seemed in a very irritable frame of mind. since those "good old times" the character of these country fairs has changed entirely, and we no longer sing the old ballad: oh yes, i own 'tis my delight to see the laughter and the fright in such a motley, merry sight as at a country fair. boys on mamma's treacle fed, on spicy cakes and gingerbread. on everybody's toes they tread all at a country fair. the village of arrochar stood in a very pleasant position, at the head of loch long amid scenery of the loftiest and most varied description. illuminated as it was by the magic rays of the sun, we thought it would compare favourably with any other watering-place in the highlands, and was just the spot to offer irresistible temptations to those who required a short respite from the more busy scenes of life. [illustration: loch lomond from inversnaid.] we were in high spirits and inclined to speak to every one we saw, so, when we met a boy, we asked him if he had seen a cow on the road, to which he replied, rather seriously, that he had not. we thought afterwards that we had laid ourselves open to a reply like that given by the orkneyman at stromness, for the loss of a cow in scotland was looked upon as a very serious matter, but we escaped for a time. shortly afterwards, however, we saw a vehicle approaching in the distance labelled "royal mail," and then another vehicle, similarly marked, passed us from the opposite direction, in which we noticed the boy we had just seen. when the two conveyances met, they stopped and a number of bags were transferred from the one conveyance to the other, so that it was obvious that they were exchanging their sacks of letters. when we came up to them, the driver of the one that had overtaken us asked if we had lost a cow, and when we answered "no," he said, "but didn't you ask the boy there if he had seen one on the road?" when we answered "yes," and it was found to be all a joke, there was a general laugh all round, which was joined in heartily by the boy himself, for he had evidently got a ride on the strength of the story of the lost cow. we observed that the cart that overtook us had two horses, whilst that we met had only one, so we conjectured that our further way would be comparatively level, and this we afterwards found to be correct. the boy did not altogether miss his opportunity, for when we had reached, as he thought, a safe distance, we heard him shout: "ask your mother when you get home if _she_ has seen a cow!"--but perhaps "two calves" would have been nearer the mark. we had a lovely two-mile walk between arrochar and tarbet, with a magnificent view of loch lomond on our way; while before us, across the loch, stood ben lomond, a mountain which rises to the height of , feet above sea-level. the scene was one that cannot properly be described--the blue waters, of the loch, with the trees beyond, and behind them this magnificent mountain, its top covered with pure white snow, and the sun shining on all, formed a picture beautiful beyond description, which seemed to lift our hearts and minds from the earth to the blue heavens above, and our thoughts to the great almighty who is in all and over all in that "land of pure delight where saints immortal reign." [illustration: loch lomond and the ben.] our road now skirted the banks of loch lomond, the largest fresh-water lake in scotland or england, being twenty-four miles long and five miles in width at its broadest point, and containing over twenty islands, some of which we saw. at the hotel where we called for tea it was thus described: loch lomond is the paragon of scottish lakes. in island beauty unrivalled, for all that forms romance is here--scenery varying and increasing in loveliness, matchless combinations of grandeur and softness united, forming a magic land from which poesy and painting have caught their happiest inspirations. islands of different forms and magnitude. some are covered with the most luxuriant wood of every different tint; but others show a beautiful intermixture of rock and coppices--some, like plains of emerald, scarcely above the level of the water, are covered with grass; and others, again, are bare rocks, rising into precipices and destitute of vegetation. scotland has produced many men mighty in mind as well as in body, and their ideas have doubtless been enlarged not only by their advanced system of education, but by the great things which have surrounded them--the great rocks and the great waters. so long as these qualities are turned in a good direction, all goes well, but when in a bad one like the "facilis descensus" described in george cruikshank's great picture "the worship of bacchus," then all goes badly. an illustration of these large ideas turned to a bad account appeared in a story we read of a degenerate son of the north to whom the gods had granted the fulfilment of three wishes: first, he would have a loch lomond of whisky; secondly, a ben lomond of snuff; thirdly, (with some hesitation) another loch lomond of whisky. we did not attempt the ascent of ben lomond, as our experiences of mountain climbing hitherto had not been very encouraging. nor did we require the aid of those doubtful articles so ardently desired by the degenerate scot as we walked along the good road, sheltered with trees, that lay alongside loch lomond, with the slopes of the high hills to the right and to the left, the great loch with its lovely islands backed by the mountains beyond. tarbet, which we soon left behind us, was notorious as the port of magnus the norseman, whose followers dragged their boats there from the sea to harry the islands whither so many of the natives had fled for safety. ninnius, writing in the eighth century, tells of the great king arthur, who defeated the scots and drove them for refuge to loch lomond, "in which there were sixty islands and sixty rocks, and on each an eagle's nest. every first of may they came together, and from the sound of their voices the men of that country knew what should befall during the coming year. and sixty rivers fell into this remarkable lake, but only one river ran from the lake to the sea." the exactness of every point rather amused us, for of course the invincible arthur, like all other mythological heroes, must ever succeed, and he soon cleared the scots from their stronghold. sir walter scott has made this district famous, and we could have lingered long in the region of the trossachs, and should have been delighted to see loch katrine, close by, which the "lady of the lake" had rendered so familiar, but time is a hard taskmaster and we had to be content with what loch lomond provided for us. we therefore hurried on, and eventually reached the lovely little village of luss, where, as we entered, we were welcomed by the warbling of a robin singing out right merrily, as if to announce our arrival. our first impression soon told us that luss was well patronised by visitors and by artists ever on the alert for scenery such as here abounded. it was quite an english-looking village, with a small quarry, not as extensively worked as formerly, we were informed, for only about twenty men were now employed. before proceeding farther we called for refreshments, and learned that a steamboat called periodically at luss. we left this favourite resort by the dumbarton road, walking alongside loch lomond--one of the finest walks we ever took and quite baffling description. it was rather provoking, therefore, when darkness came on just as we reached the widest part of the loch where quite a number of islands could be seen. the road still continued beautiful, being arched over with trees in some places, with the stars shining brightly above. luss, we learned, had its place in history as the home of the colquhouns, whose feud with the macgregors led to such murderous results. but perhaps its associations with robert bruce in his days of adversity form its greater claim to fame, and the yews on inch lonaig, just above, are said to have been planted by him to supply his bowmen. before we reached the end of the loch we turned on the dumbarton road, following the road for helensburgh, as we wanted to see the river clyde. this road was fairly level, but about two miles from helensburgh it rose to an elevation of about feet. on reaching the top, we saw a sight which fairly startled us, for a great stretch of water suddenly and unexpectedly came in view, and across its surface we could see hundreds of gas lights, twinkling like stars in the darkness. we found afterwards that they were those of the town of greenock, on the other side of the clyde estuary, which was some five or six miles across this, its widest part. we considered this was one of the greatest sights of our journey, and one well worth while climbing the hill to see. it must, however, be noted that these were the first gas lights we had seen for what seemed to us to be ages. we went straight to the temperance hotel, which had been closed for the night, but we gained admission and found comfortable quarters there. (_distance walked thirty-one miles_.) _wednesday, october th._ we had pictured helensburgh, from its name, as a very old town, and were rather surprised when we discovered that it was only founded at the close of the eighteenth century, by sir james colquhoun, who named the place after his wife, the lady helen sutherland. at the time of our visit it was a favourite resort of visitors from across the clyde and elsewhere. we were unable to explore the town and its environs, owing to a dense mist or fog which had accumulated during the night; and this probably accounted for our sleeping longer than usual, for it was quite nine o'clock before we left helensburgh on our way to dumbarton. if the atmosphere had been clear, we should have had fine views of greenock, port glasgow, roseneath castle, the residence of the marquis of lorne, and other places of interest across the clyde, and of the ships passing up and down the river. as it was, we had to be content with listening to the busy sounds of labour and the thuds of the steam hammers in the extensive shipbuilding yards across the water, and the ominous sounds of the steam-whistles from the ships, as they ploughed their way along the watery tracks on the clyde. we were naturally very much disappointed that we had to pass along this road under such unfavourable conditions, but, as the mist cleared a little, we could just discern the outlines of one or two of the steamboats as we neared dumbarton. the fields alongside our road were chiefly devoted to the growth of potatoes, and the fine agricultural land reminded us of england. we stayed to speak with one of the farmers, standing at his gate, and he told us that he sent potatoes to the manchester market, which struck us with surprise because of the great distance. we also stayed awhile, just before entering dumbarton, as there had been a slight railway accident, probably owing to the fog, and the officials, with a gang of men, were making strenuous efforts to remove the remains of a truck which had come to grief. we were walking into the town quite unconscious of the presence of the castle, and were startled at its sudden appearance, as it stood on an isolated rock, rising almost perpendicularly to the height of about feet, and we could only just see its dim outline appearing, as it were, in the clouds. we left it for future inspection and, as it was now twelve o'clock, hurried into the town for a noon dinner, for which we were quite ready. as a sample of the brief way in which the history of an important town can be summarised, we give the following extract:-- dumbarton, immortalised by osian, possessed in turns by first edward and john balliol, the prison of william wallace, and the scene of that unavailing remorse which agonised the bosom of his betrayer (a rude sculpture within the castle represents sir john monteith in an attitude of despair, lamenting his former treachery), captured by bruce, unsuccessfully besieged by the fourth edward, reduced by the earl of argyll, surprised, while in false security, by the daring of a bold soldier, captain crawford, resided in by james v, visited by that fair and erring queen, the "peerless mary," and one of the four castles kept up by the act of union. and we have been told that it was the birthplace of taliesin, the early poet of the celts, and gildas their historian. in former times the castle of dumbarton was looked upon as one of the strongest places in the world, and, rising precipitously from the level plain, it appeared to us to be quite impregnable. captain crawford's feat in capturing this castle equals anything else of the kind recorded in history. in the time of queen elizabeth of england, when a quarrel was raging in scotland between the partisans of king james and his mother queen mary, and when even the children of the towns and villages formed themselves into bands and fought with sticks, stones, and even knives for king james or queen mary, the castle of dumbarton was held for the queen; but a distinguished adherent of the king, one captain crawford of jordanhill, resolved to make an attempt to take it. there was only one access to the castle, approached by steps, but these were strongly guarded and fortified. the captain took advantage of a misty and moonless night to bring his scaling-ladders to the foot of the rock at the opposite side, where it was the most precipitous, and consequently the least guarded by the soldiers at the top. the choice of this side of the rock was fortunate, as the first ladder broke with the weight of the men who attempted to climb it, and the noise of the fall must have betrayed them if they had been on the other and more guarded side. crawford, who was assisted by a soldier who had deserted from the castle, renewed the attempt in person, and, having scrambled up a projecting ledge of rock, fastened the ladder by tying it to the roots of a tree which grew midway up the rock. here they found a footing for the whole party, which was, of course, small in number. in scaling the second precipice, however, one of the party was seized with an epileptic fit, to which he was subject, brought on, perhaps, by terror in the act of climbing the ladder. he could neither ascend nor descend; moreover, if they had thrown him down, apart from the cruelty of the thing, the fall of his body might have alarmed the garrison. crawford, therefore, ordered him to be tied fast to one side of the ladder, and, turning it round, they mounted with ease. when the party gained the summit, they slew the sentinel before he had time to give the alarm, and easily surprised the slumbering garrison, who had trusted too much to the security of their position. some of the climbing irons used are shown within the castle. [illustration: dumbarton castle] we now set out from dumbarton, with its old castle, and the old sword worn by the brave wallace reposing in the armoury, at the same time leaving the river clyde and its fine scenery, which, owing to the fog, we had almost totally missed. we proceeded towards stirling, where we hoped to arrive on the following day; but we now found ourselves passing through a semi-manufacturing district, and gradually it dawned upon us that we had now left the highlands and were approaching the lowlands of scotland. we thought then and many times afterwards of that verse of robbie burns's:-- my heart's in the highlands, my heart is not here, my heart's in the highlands a-chasing the deer; a-chasing the wild deer and following the roe-- my heart's in the highlands, wherever i go. we passed through renton, where there were bleaching and calico printing works. a public library graced the centre of the village, as well as a fine tuscan column nearly feet high, erected to tobias smollett, the poet, historian and novelist, who was born in not half a mile from the spot. the houses were small and not very clean. the next village we came to was alexandria, a busy manufacturing place where the chief ornament was a very handsome drinking-fountain erected to a member of the same family, a former m.p., "by his tenants and friends," forming a striking contrast to its mean and insignificant surroundings of one-storied houses and dismal factories. we were soon in the country again, and passed some fine residences, including the modern-looking castle of tullichewan situated in a fine park, and reached balloch at the extreme end of loch lomond, from which point we had a momentary view of the part of the lake we had missed seeing on the preceding evening. here we paid the sum of one halfpenny each for the privilege of passing over the suspension bridge, which gave us access to a very pleasant part of the country, and crossed one spur of a hill, from the top of which, under favourable conditions, we might have seen nearly the whole of loch lomond, including the islands and the ranges of hills on either side-- [illustration: mains castle, kilmaronock] mountains that like giants stand to sentinel enchanted land. but though it was only about a mile and a half from our path to the summit, and the total elevation only feet, of which we had already ascended, we did not visit it, as the mist would have prevented an extended view. it stood in a beautiful position, surrounded by woods and the grounds of boturich castle; why such a pretty place should be called "mount misery" was not clear, unless it had some connection with one of the earls of argyll who came to grief in that neighbourhood in near gartocharn, which we passed shortly afterwards. he had collected his clan to overthrow the government of james vii (james ii of england) and had crossed the leven at balloch when he found gartocharn occupied by the royal troops. instead of attacking them, he turned aside, to seek refuge among the hills, and in the darkness and amid the bogs and moors most of his men deserted, only about five hundred answering to their names the following morning. the earl, giving up the attempt, was captured an hour or two later as he was attempting to cross the river clyde, and the words applied to him, "unhappy argyll," indicated his fate. we passed kilmaronock church in the dark and, after crossing the bridge over endrick water, entered drymen and put up at the "buchanan arms" inn, where we had been recommended to stay the night. (_distance walked twenty miles_.) _thursday, october th._ we were up early this morning and went to have a look round the village of drymen and its surroundings before breakfast. we were quite near buchanan castle, and took the liberty of trespassing for a short time in the walks and woods surrounding it. the duke of montrose here reigned supreme, his family the grahams having been in possession for twenty generations; among his ancestors were sir patrick de graham, who was killed at the battle of dunbar in , and sir john de graham, the beloved friend of the immortal wallace, who was slain at the battle of falkirk in . the village had been built in the form of a square which enclosed a large field of grass called the cross green, with nothing remarkable about it beyond an enormous ash tree supposed to be over years old which stood in the churchyard. it measured about feet in circumference at feet from the ground, and was called the bell tree, because the church bell which summoned the villagers to worship was suspended from one of its branches. the tree began to show signs of decay, so eventually the bell had to be taken down and a belfry built to receive it. [illustration: the square, drymen] we finished our breakfast at . , and then, with the roads in a fearfully muddy condition owing to heavy downfalls of rain, started on our walk towards stirling. the region here was pleasing agricultural country, and we passed many large and well-stocked farms on our way, some of them having as many as a hundred stacks of corn and beans in their stack-yards. after walking about seven miles we arrived at the dismal-looking village of buchlyvie, where we saw many houses in ruins, standing in all their gloominess as evidences of the devastating effects of war. some of the inhabitants were trying to eke out their livelihood by hand-loom weaving, but there was a poverty-stricken appearance about the place which had, we found, altered but little since sir walter scott wrote of it in the following rhyme which he had copied from an old ballad: baron of buchlivie, may the foul fiend drive ye and a' to pieces rive ye for building sic a town, where there's neither horse meat nor man's meat, nor a chair to sit down. we did not find the place quite so bad as that, for there were two or three small inns where travellers could get refreshments and a chair to sit down upon; but we did not halt for these luxuries until we reached kippen, about five miles farther on. before arriving there we overtook two drovers who were well acquainted with glencoe and the devil's stairs, and when we told them of our adventures there they said we were very lucky to have had a fine day when we crossed those hills. they told us the story of the two young men who perished there, but thought their death was partially caused through lack of food. kippen, they informed us, was on the borders of perthshire and stirlingshire, and when we told them we intended calling for refreshments they advised us to patronise the "cross keys inn." we found kippen, or, as it was sometimes named, the kingdom of kippen, a pleasant place, and we had no difficulty in finding the "cross keys." here we learned about the king of kippen, the scottish robin hood, and were told that it was only two miles away to the ford of frew, where prince charlie crossed the river forth on his way from perth to stirling, and that about three minutes' walk from the cross there was a place from which the most extensive and beautiful views of the country could be obtained. rising like towers from the valley of the forth could be seen three craigs--dumyate craig, forth abbey craig, and the craig on which stirling castle had been built; spreading out below was the carse of stirling, which merged into and included the vale of monteith, about six miles from kippen; while the distant view comprised the summits of many mountains, including that of ben lomond. [illustration: old belfry, kippen] as usual in scotland, the village contained two churches--the parish church and the united free church. in the old churchyard was an ancient ivy-covered belfry, but the church to which it belonged had long since disappeared. here was the burial-place of the family of edinbellie, and here lived in olden times an attractive and wealthy young lady named jean kay, whom rob roy, the youngest son of rob roy macgregor, desired to marry. she would not accept him, so leaving balquidder, the home of the macgregors, accompanied by his three brothers and five other men, he went to edinbellie and carried her off to rowardennan, where a sham form of marriage was gone through. but the romantic lover paid dearly for his exploit, as it was for robbing this family of their daughter that rob forfeited his life on the scaffold at edinburgh on february th, , jean kay having died at glasgow on october th, . [illustration: queen mary's bower, inchmahome.] we were well provided for at the "cross keys," and heard a lot about mary queen of scots, as we were now approaching a district where much of the history of scotland was made. her name seemed to be on everybody's lips and her portrait in everybody's house, including the smallest dwellings. she seemed to be the most romantic character in the minds of the scots, by whom she was almost idolised--not perhaps so much for her beauty and character as for her sufferings and the circumstances connected with her death. the following concise account of the career of this beautiful but unfortunate queen and her son king james greatly interested us. she was born at linlithgow palace in the year , and her father died when she was only eight days old. in the next year she was crowned queen of scotland at stirling, and remained at the castle there for about four years. she was then removed to inchmahome, an island of about six acres in extent situated in the small lake of monteith, about six miles north of kippen. in , when six years old, she was sent to france in a flemish ship from dumbarton, and in the following year she was married to the dauphin of france, afterwards king francis ii, who died in the year . afterwards she returned to scotland and went to stirling castle, where she met her cousin lord darnley and was married to him at holyrood in , her son being born in . troubles, however, soon arose, and for a short time she was made a prisoner and placed in the castle of loch leven, from which she escaped with the intention of going to dumbarton castle for safety. her army under the earl of argyll accompanied her, but on the way they met an opposing army commanded by the regent murray, who defeated her army, and queen mary fled to england. here she again became a prisoner and was placed in various castles for the long period of nineteen years, first in one and then in another, with a view probably to preventing her being rescued by her friends; and finally she was beheaded in in the forty-eighth year of her age at fotheringay castle in northamptonshire, by command of her cousin, queen elizabeth. her son james vi of scotland, who subsequently became james i of england, was baptised in the royal chapel at stirling castle in , and in , when he was only about thirteen months old, was crowned in the parish church at stirling, his mother queen mary having been forced to abdicate in favour of her son. the great puritan divine john knox preached the coronation sermon on that occasion, and the young king was educated until he was thirteen years of age by george buchanan, the celebrated scholar and historian, in the castle, where his class-room is still to be seen. he succeeded to the english throne on the death of queen elizabeth, and was crowned as king james i of england in the year . leaving kippen, we passed through gargunnock, with the extraordinary windings of the river forth to our left, and arrived at stirling at . p.m., where at the post-office we found a host of letters waiting our arrival and at the railway-station a welcome change of clothing from home. (_distance walked twenty-two miles_.) _friday, october th._ stirling is one of the most attractive towns in scotland, and we could not resist staying there awhile to explore it. it is the "key to the highlands," and one of the oldest of the royal burghs. it was a place of some importance in the time of the romans, as it stood between the two great firths of the clyde and the forth, where the island of britain is at its narrowest. the first roman wall was built between the forth and the clyde, and the second roman legion was stationed at stirling. according to an old inscription on a stone near the ballengeich road, they kept a watch there day and night, and in a.d. a great battle was fought near by against , caledonians, who were defeated. stirling has a commanding geographical position, and all the roads converge there to cross the river forth. it was at stirling bridge that wallace defeated the army of , soldiers sent against him in the year by edward i, king of england. the town had also a lively time in the days of charles edward stuart, "bonnie prince charlie," whose father, during his exile in france, had been encouraged by the french to return and lay claim to the english crown. landing in inverness-shire in , prince charlie was immediately joined by many of the highland clans, and passed with his army through stirling on his way towards london. not finding the support they expected from the south, they were compelled to return, followed closely along their line of retreat by the english army, and they were soon back again at stirling, where they made a desperate but unsuccessful effort to obtain possession of the castle, which was held for the english. the duke of cumberland's army by this time was close upon their heels, and gave them no rest until they caught them and defeated them with great slaughter up at culloden, near inverness. [illustration: stirling castle and necropolis.] there was much in stirling and its environs that we wished to see, so we were astir early in the morning, although the weather was inclined to be showery. first of all, we went to see the cemetery, which occupies a beautiful position on a hill overlooking the wonderful windings of the river forth, and here we found the tomb of the protestant martyrs "margaret and agnes," the latter only eighteen years of age, who were tied to stakes at low water in the bay of wigtown on may th, , and, refusing an opportunity to recant and return to the roman catholic faith, were left to be drowned in the rising tide. over the spot where they were buried their figures appeared beautifully sculptured in white marble, accompanied by that of an angel standing beside them; the epitaph read: m. o a. margaret virgin martyr of the ocean wave with her like-minded sister agnes. love, many waters cannot quench! god saves his chaste impearled one! in covenant true. "o scotia's daughters! earnest scan the page." and prize this flower of grace, blood-bought for you. psalms ix., xix. [illustration: the protestant martyrs] we stayed there for a few solemn moments, for it was a sight that impressed us deeply, and then we went to inspect an old stone with the following curious inscription cut on its surface: some . only . breakfast . and . away: others . to . dinner . stay . and . are . full . fed . the . oldest . man . but . sups: and . goes . to . bed: large . is . his . debt: that . lingers . out . the . day: he . that . goes . soonest: has . the . least . to . pay: we saw another remarkable structure called "the rock of ages," a large monument built of stone, on each of the four sides of which was a bible sculptured in marble with texts from the scriptures, and near the top a device like that of a crown. it was a fine-looking and substantial building, but we could not ascertain the reason for its erection. there were two churches quite near to each other standing at one end of the cemetery, and these, we were informed, were known as the east and west churches, and had been formed out of the old church of stirling, formerly noted for its bells, which were still in existence. one of them, a dutch bell, was marked "rotterdam, ," and inscribed "soli deo gloria"; the only pre-reformation bell was one that was said to have come from cambuskenneth abbey, measuring ft. - / in. round the mouth, ft. in. over the neck, and ft. - / in. in depth, and bearing a latin inscription, in old english characters, which was said to be the angelic salutation from st. luke i. : "hail, mary, full of grace, god is with thee; blessed art thou among women and to be blessed." this bell, dating from the fourteenth century, was perfect in sound, and had been the tone bell in the old abbey. the remainder of the bells of cambuskenneth had been lost owing to the swamping of the boat that was bringing them across the river. [illustration: the gateway to the castle.] we now went to view the castle, and as we approached the entrance we were accosted by a sergeant, whom we engaged to act as our guide. the ramparts of the castle command the noblest prospect imaginable--grampian, ochil and pentland hills, the river forth, through all its windings, and "auld reekie" in the distance--twelve foughten fields are visible--the bridge where archbishop hamilton was hanged, the mound on which the regent, earl of levenax, was beheaded on may th, , along with the duke of albany, his son-in-law, and his grandson--the chamber where the scottish king james ii was assassinated--a noble valley, where tournaments were held, and the hill, whence beauty viewed "gentle passages of arms" and rewarded knights' valour with her smiles, lie just below the ramparts. here james i lived, and james ii was born, and it was a favourite residence of james iii. from these walls the "good man of ballangeich" made many an excursion, and here james v and james vi were indoctrinated at the feet of that stern preceptor, george buchanan, and the seventh james and the second of england visited here in company with the future queen anne and the last of the stuarts. [illustration: the palace, stirling castle.] [illustration: stirling bridge. "at stirling bridge wallace defeated the army of fifty thousand soldiers sent against him by edward i; ... it was a battle won by strategy."] [illustration: stirling castle. "the ramparts of the castle command the noblest prospect imaginable--from the top of the walls the sites of seven battlefields were pointed out to us."] such was the official description of the place we were now visiting. as our guide conducted us through the archway into the castle, he showed us the old chains that worked the portcullis. we noted how cautious the old occupants of these strongholds were, for while one of the massive doors was being drawn up the other went down, so that the inner entrance was always protected. from the top of the walls the sites of seven battlefields were pointed out to us, including those of bannockburn and stirling bridge. the battle of stirling bridge was won by wallace by strategy; he had a much smaller army than the english, but he watched them until they had got one-half their army over the narrow bridge, and then attacked each half in turn, since the one could not assist the other, the river being between them. in the following year he was defeated himself, but as he retreated he reduced stirling and its castle to ruins. the bridge of allan, which could be seen in the distance, was described as a miniature torquay without the sea, and the view from the castle on a clear day extended a distance of nearly fifty miles. we were shown the aperture through which mary queen of scots watched the games in the royal garden below, and of course we had to be shown the exact spot where "our most gracious majesty queen victoria with the prince of wales" sat on a much more recent date. the castle stood on a rock, rising precipitously on two of its sides, and was now being used as a barracks. it was a fine sight to see the soldiers as they were being drilled. the old chapel royal was used as the armoury, and our guide told us of many objects of interest which were stored there; but we had no time to see them, so, rewarding him suitably for his services, we hastened back to the town to refresh the "inner man." it appeared that in former times none of the members of the town council accepted any gift or emolument while in office; and, before writing was as common as it is now, the old treasurer kept his accounts in a pair of boots which he hung one on each side of the chimney. into one of them he put all the money he received and into the other the vouchers for the money he paid away, and balanced his accounts at the end of the year by emptying his boots, and counting the money left in one and that paid away by the receipts in the other. what a delightfully simple system of "double entry," and just fancy the "borough treasurer" with a balance always in hand! whether the non-payment for services rendered by the council accounted for this did not appear; but there must have been some select convivials even in those days, as the famous stirling jug remained as evidence of something of the kind. it was a fine old vessel made of brass and taken great care of by the stirling people, who became possessed of it four or five hundred years before our visit. we then walked some distance to see wallace's monument, the most conspicuous object for many miles round, and which had only just been erected to perpetuate the memory of that great warrior, having been opened by the duke of atholl in . we paid twopence each for admission, and in addition to climbing the hill to reach the entrance to the monument we had to ascend a further feet by means of a flight of steps before we could reach the top. there were several rooms in the basement, in one of which we found an enthusiastic party of young scots who were vociferously singing: scots, wha hae wie wallace bled, scots, wham bruce has often led, welcome to your gory bed, or to victorie. * * * * * lay the proud usurpers low! tyrants fall in every foe! liberty's in every blow! let us do or die! these were the first and last verses of the poem written by the immortal burns to represent robert bruce's address to his army before the battle of bannockburn. we did not reveal our nationality to the uproarious scots, but, after listening to the song, which we had never heard sung before, and the cheers which followed it, in which we ourselves joined, we went quietly past them, for fear they might treat us as the "usurpers" named in the last verse and "lay _us_ low." [illustration: wallace monument.] on reaching the top of the monument we had a magnificent view, which well repaid us for our exertions in climbing up the craig and ascending the tower, and we lingered awhile to view the almost fairy-like scene that lay below us, with the distant mountains in the background. on descending, we entered our names in the visitors' book and took our departure. just as we were leaving, our attention was attracted by a notice which informed us that cambuskenneth abbey was only one mile away, so we walked along the banks of the forth to that ancient ruin. the abbey was supposed to have taken its name from one kenneth, who fought a successful battle with the picts on the site where it was built. a parliament was held within its walls in by king robert bruce, but the abbey was destroyed, with the exception of the tower, in . the chief object of interest was the tomb of james iii, king of scots, and his queen, the princess margaret of denmark, who were buried near the high altar. the tomb, which appeared quite modern, recorded that king james died june th, , and that "this restoration of the tomb of her ancestors was executed by command of her majesty queen victoria, a.d. ." we now walked back to stirling, and were again among the windings of the river forth, which are a striking feature whether viewed from wallace's monument, the castle walls, or the cemetery. to follow them in some places, the traveller, it was said, would have to go four times farther than by the straighter road. [illustration: st. ninians church tower.] recovering possession of our bags from the hotel, we resumed our march along the road to falkirk, eleven miles distant, and, on the way, came to the village of st. ninians, with its long, narrow street of dismal-looking houses, many of them empty and in ruins, and some marked "to let"; and, from their dingy appearance, we imagined they were likely to remain so. the people who lived in these houses were formerly of evil reputation, as, before railways were constructed so far north, all the cattle from the western isles and the north were driven along the roads to falkirk to be sold, and had to pass through st. ninians, which was so dreaded by the drovers that they called this long, narrow street "the pass of st. ninians." for, if a sheep happened to go through a doorway or stray along one of the passages, ever open to receive them, it was never seen again and nobody knew of its whereabouts except the thieves themselves. we walked along this miry pass and observed what we thought might be an old church, which we went to examine, but found it to be only a tower and a few ruins. the yard was very full of gravestones. a large building at the bottom of the yard was, we were told, what now did duty for the original church, which in the time of prince charlie was used as a powder magazine, and was blown up in by a party of his highlanders to prevent its falling into the hands of the advancing english army, before which they were retreating. shortly afterwards we overtook a gentleman whom we at first thought was a farmer, but found afterwards to be a surgeon who resided at bannockburn, the next village. he was a cheerful and intelligent companion, and told us that the large flagstaff we could see in the fields to the left was where robert bruce planted his standard at the famous battle of bannockburn, which, he said, was fought at midsummer in the year . bruce had been preparing the ground for some time so as to make it difficult for the english to advance even though they were much more numerous and better armed than the scots. as soon as the armies came in sight of each other on the evening of june th, king robert bruce, dressed in armour and with a golden crown on his helmet, to distinguish him from the rest of his army, mounted on a small pony, and, with a battle-axe in his hand, went up and down the ranks of his army to put them in order. seeing the english horsemen draw near, he advanced a little in front of his own men to have a nearer view of the enemy. an english knight, sir henry de bohun, seeing the scottish king so poorly mounted, thought he would rise to fame by killing bruce and so putting an end to the war at once. so he challenged him to fight by galloping at him suddenly and furiously, thinking with his long spear and tall, powerful horse to extinguish bruce immediately. waiting until bohun came up, and then suddenly turning his pony aside to avoid the point of his lance, bruce rose in his stirrups and struck sir henry, as he passed at full speed, such a terrific blow on the head with his battle-axe that it cut through his helmet and his head at the same time, so that he died before reaching the ground. the only remark that bruce is said to have made was, "i have broken my good battle-axe." this fearful encounter and the death of their champion was looked upon as a bad omen by the english, and sir walter scott thus describes it: the heart had hardly time to think, the eyelid scarce had time to wink, * * * * * high in his stirrups stood the king, and gave his battle-axe the swing; right on de boune, the whiles he pass'd, fell that stern dint--the first--the last!-- such strength upon the blow was put, the helmet crash'd like hazel-nut; the axe shaft, with its brazen clasp, was shiver'd to the gauntlet grasp. springs from the blow the startled horse, drops to the plain the lifeless corse. the battle began on the following morning, midsummer day, and the mighty host of heavily armed men on large horses moved forward along what they thought was hard road, only to fall into the concealed pits carefully prepared beforehand by bruce and to sink in the bogs over which they had to pass. it can easily be imagined that those behind pressing forward would ride over those who had sunk already, only to sink themselves in turn. thousands perished in that way, and many a thrown rider, heavily laden with armour, fell an easy prey to the hardy scots. the result was disastrous to the english, and it was said that , of them were killed, while the scots were able afterwards to raid the borders of england almost to the gates of york. the surgeon said that in the royal college of surgeons in london a rib of bruce, the great scottish king, was included in the curios of the college, together with a bit of the cancerous growth which killed napoleon. it was said that bruce's rib was injured in a jousting match in england many years before he died, and that the fracture was made good by a first-class surgeon of the time. in bruce died of leprosy in his fifty fifth year and the twenty-third of his reign, and was buried in the abbey church of dunfermline. in clearing the foundation for the third church on the same site, in , the bones of the hero were discovered, sir walter scott being present. the breastbone of the skeleton had been sawn through some years before, as was customary, in order to allow of the removal of the heart, which was then embalmed, and given to bruce's friend, sir james douglas, to be carried to palestine and buried in jerusalem. the surgeon also told us--in order, we supposed, to cheer our drooping spirits--of another battle fought in the neighbourhood of bannockburn in , but this time it was the scottish king james iii who came to grief. he had a fine grey courser given him "that could war all the horse of scotland if the king could sit up well." but he was a coward and could not ride, and when some men came up shouting and throwing arrows, they frightened the king. feeling the spurs, the horse went at "flight speed" through bannockburn, and a woman carrying water, when she saw the horse coming, dropped her bucket down on the road and ran for safety. the horse, frightened by the bucket, jumped over the brook that turned the mill, and threw the king off at the mill door. the miller and his wife, who saw the accident, not knowing that the rider was the king, put him in a nook in the mill and covered him with a cloth. when he came round, he asked for a priest and told them he was the king. but he had fallen into the hands of his enemies. the miller's wife clapped her hands, and ran out crying for a priest for the king. a man called out, "i am a priest; where is the king?" when he saw the king he told him he might recover if he had a good leeching, but the king desired him to give him the sacrament. the supposed priest said, "that i shall do quickly," and suiting the action to the word, he stabbed him several times in the heart. the corpse he took away on his back, no one knew whither, and the king's soldiers, now leaderless, fled to stirling and linlithgow. we thanked our friend for his company and bade him farewell, as we reached bannockburn village. we observed there, as in most villages near stirling, many houses in ruins or built with the ruins of others. we thought what a blessing it was that the two nations were now united, and that the days of these cruel wars were gone for ever! at a junction of roads a finger-post pointed "to the bannockburn collieries," and we saw several coal-pits in the distance with the ruins of an old building near them, but we did not take the trouble to inspect them. the shades of night were coming on when, after walking a few miles, we saw an old man standing at the garden gate of a very small cottage by the wayside, who told us he was an old sailor and that liverpool had been his port, from which he had taken his first voyage in . he could remember birkenhead and that side of the river mersey when there was only one house, and that a farm from which he used to fetch buttermilk, and when there was only one dock in liverpool--the prince's. we thought what a contrast the old man would find if he were to visit that neighbourhood now! he told us of a place near by named norwood, where were the remains of an old castle of prince charlie's time, with some arches and underground passages, but it was now too dark to see them. we proceeded towards camelon, with the great ironworks of carron illuminating the sky to our left, and finally arrived at falkirk. here, in reply to our question, a sergeant of police recommended us to stay the night at the "swan inn," kept by a widow, a native of inverness, where we were made very comfortable. after our supper of bread and milk, we began to take off our boots to prepare for bed, but we were requested to keep them on as our bedroom was outside! we followed our leader along the yard at the back of the inn and up a flight of stone steps, at the top of which we were ushered into a comfortable bedroom containing three beds, any or all of which, we were informed, were at our service. having made our selection and fastened the door, we were soon asleep, notwithstanding the dreadful stories we had heard that day, and the great battlefields we had visited--haunted, no doubt, by the ghosts of legions of our english ancestors who had fallen therein! (_distance walked seventeen miles_.) _saturday, october th._ falkirk, which stands on a gentle slope on the great carse of forth, is surrounded by the grampian hills, the ochills, and the campsie range. here king edward i entirely routed the scottish army in the year . wallace's great friend was slain in the battle and buried in the churchyard, where an inscription recorded that "sir john de grahame, equally remarkable for wisdom and courage, and the faithful friend of wallace, being slain in the battle by the english, lies buried in this place." we left the inn at six o'clock in the morning, the only people visible being workmen turning out for their day's work. the last great fair of the season was to be held that day, and we had the previous day seen the roads filled with cattle making for falkirk fair, perhaps one of the largest fairs in the kingdom. we had been told by the drovers that the position was well adapted for the purpose, as the ground was very sandy and therefore not so liable to be trampled into mud by the animals' feet. we passed through the village of laurieston, where alfred nobel, the inventor of dynamite and blasting gelatine, lived, and saw a plough at work turning up potatoes, a crowd of women and boys following it and gathering up the potatoes in aprons and then emptying them into a long row of baskets which extended from one end of the field to the other. a horse and cart followed, and the man in charge emptied the contents of the baskets into the cart. we questioned the driver of the plough, who assured us that no potatoes were left in the land, but that all were turned up and gathered, and that it was a much better way than turning them out by hand with a fork, as was usual in england. [illustration: linlithgow palace.] [illustration: ancient key of linlithgow palace.] about two miles farther on we passed the romantic village of polmont, and on through a fine stretch of country until we reached another fair-sized village called linlithgow bridge. we were then about a mile and a half from the old town of linlithgow; here the river avon separates the counties of stirlingshire and linlithgowshire. the old bridge from which the place takes its name is said to have been built by edward i of england. in the battle of linlithgow bridge was fought at this spot; it was one of those faction fights between two contending armies for predominance which were so prevalent in scotland at the time, the real object, however, being to rescue king james v from the domination of the earl of angus. the opposing fronts under angus and lennox extended on both sides of the avon. the earl of lennox was slain by sir james hamilton after quarter had been granted to the former. his sword was afterwards found, and may still be seen in the small museum at linlithgow. in this village stephen mitchell, tobacco and snuff manufacturer, carried on business and had an old snuff mill here; he was the first founder in great britain of a free library. burns the scottish poet stayed a night here on august th, . we arrived at the royal and ancient burgh of linlithgow at about nine o'clock. the town, as burns says, "carries the appearance of rude, decayed, idle grandeur"; it is, however, very pleasantly situated, with rich, fertile surroundings. there is a fine old royal palace here within which, on december th, , the unfortunate mary queen of scots was born, whose beauty and magnificence have imbued her history with so deep and melancholy an interest. sir walter scott in "marmion" sings the praises of this palace as follows:-- of all the palaces so fair, built for the royal dwelling. in scotland, far beyond compare linlithgow is excelling. we fully endorsed the great sir walter's opinion, for it certainly was a magnificent structure and occupied a grand situation, with a large lake in front covering perhaps a hundred acres. we were now, however, getting ravenously hungry, so we adjourned to the hotel for breakfast, which was quickly served and almost as quickly eaten. the palace was not open until ten o'clock, so we had to be content with a view of the exterior, nor could we visit the fine old church, for we wanted to reach edinburgh, where we had decided to stay the week-end in order to see some of the sights of the historic capital. [illustration: monument executed by a one-armed man.] a halo of deepest interest surrounded the history of linlithgow, whose every stone spoke volumes of the storied past. the traditions of the place go far back into the dim shadowy regions where historic fact merges into myth and legend. solid ground is only reached about the twelfth century. the english had possession of the palace in , and the way it was taken from them was probably unique in the history of such places. the garrison was supplied with hay for the horses by a local farmer named binnock, who determined to strike a blow for the freedom of his country. a new supply of hay had been ordered, and he contrived to conceal eight men, well armed, under it. the team was driven by a sturdy waggoner, who had a sharp axe concealed in his clothing, while binnock himself walked alongside. the porter, on seeing their approach, lowered the drawbridge and raised the portcullis to admit of the passage of the hay within the castle walls. just as they reached the centre of the gateway the driver drew his axe and cut off the tackle that attached the oxen to the waggon, at the same time striking the warder dead and shouting a preconcerted signal--"call all! call all!" "the armed men jumped from amongst the hay, and a strong party of scots, who by arrangement were in ambush outside, rushed in and attacked the astonished garrison, who were unprepared for the onslaught--the load of hay being so placed that the gate could not be closed nor the bridge raised--and so the scots made themselves masters of the palace." [illustration: window in south chancel of st. michael's church, where james iv saw the vision before the battle of flodden.] the last event of any historical interest or importance connected with this palace was the visit paid to it by prince charles stewart in ; it was destroyed in the following year. the beautiful old gothic church of st. michael is situated close to the palace. perhaps no tradition connected with this church is more interesting than the vision which is said to have appeared to james iv while praying within st. catherine's aisle immediately before the battle of flodden. according to lindsay of pitscottie, on whose authority the tale rests, the king, being "in a very sad and dolorous mood, was making his devotions to god to send him good chance and fortune in his voyage" when a man "clad in ane blue gown" appeared to him, and with little ceremony declared to the king that he had been sent to desire him "nocht to pass whither he purposed," for if he did, things "would not fare well with him or any who went with him." how little this warning was heeded by the king is known to all readers of scottish history. the "ghost," if it may be called so, was in all likelihood an attempt to frighten the king, and it is certain that the tale would never have gained the weird interest it possesses if flodden field had not proved so disastrous. it has been helped to immortality by sir walter scott, who in "marmion" has invested pitscottie's antique prose with the charm of imperishable poetry. [illustration: the old cross well.] one characteristic of the towns or villages in scotland through which we passed was their fine drinking-fountains, and we had admired a very fine one at falkirk that morning; but linlithgow's fountain surpassed it--it was indeed the finest we had seen, and a common saying occurred to us: glasgow for bells, linlithgow for wells. linlithgow has long been celebrated for its wells, some of them of ancient date and closely associated with the history of the town. we came to an old pump-well with the date , and the words "saint michael is kinde to straingers." as we considered ourselves to be included in that category, we had a drink of the water. [illustration: the town herald, linlithgow (a survival of the past)] at the end of the village or town we passed the union workhouse, where the paupers were busy digging up potatoes in the garden, and a short distance farther on we passed a number of boys with an elderly man in charge of them, who informed us they came from the "institute," meaning the workhouse we had just seen, and that he took them out for a walk once every week. presently we met a shepherd who was employed by an english farmer in the neighbourhood, and he told us that the man we had met in charge of the boys was an old pensioner who had served fifty-two years in the army, but as soon as he got his pension money he spent it, as he couldn't keep it, the colour of his nose showing the direction in which it went. it struck us the shepherd seemed inclined that way himself, as he said if he had met us nearer a public-house he would have "treated us to a good glass." we thought what a pity it was that men had not a better eye to their own future interests than to spend all their money "for that which is not bread, and their labour for that which satisfieth not," and how many there were who would ultimately become burdens to society who might have secured a comfortable competency for old age by wisely investing their surplus earnings instead of allowing them to flow down that awful channel of waste! [illustration: st. michael's well.] we walked through a fine agricultural district--for we were now in midlothian--adorned with great family mansions surrounded by well-kept grounds, and arrived in sight of edinburgh at . , and by two o'clock we were opposite a large building which we were told was donaldson's hospital, founded in , and on which about £ , had been spent. our first business on reaching edinburgh was to find suitable lodgings until monday morning, and we decided to stay at fogg's temperance hotel in the city. we had then to decide whether we should visit edinburgh castle or holyrood palace that day--both being open to visitors at the same hour in the afternoon, but as they were some distance apart we could not explore both; we decided in favour of the palace, where we were conducted through the picture gallery and the many apartments connected with mary queen of scots and her husband lord darnley. the picture-gallery contained the reputed portraits of all the kings of scotland from fergus i, b.c., down to the end of the stuart dynasty; and my brother, who claimed to have a "painter's eye," as he had learned something of that art when at school, discovered a great similarity between the portraits of the early kings and those that followed them centuries later. although i explained that it was only an illustration of history repeating itself, and reminded him of the adage, "like father, like son," he was not altogether satisfied. we found afterwards, indeed, that the majority of the portraits had been painted by a flemish artist, one john de witt, who in the year made a contract, which was still in existence, whereby he bound himself to paint no portraits within two years, he supplying the canvas and colours, and the government paying him £ per year and supplying him with the "originalls" from which he was to copy. we wondered what had become of these "originalls," especially that of fergus, b.c., but as no information was forthcoming we agreed to consider them as lost in the mists of antiquity. [illustration: holyrood palace.] there was much old tapestry on the walls of the various rooms we inspected in the palace, and although it was now faded we could see that it must have looked very beautiful in its original state. the tapestry in one room was almost wholly devoted to scenes in which heavenly-looking little boys figured as playing in lovely gardens amidst beautiful scenery. one of these scenes showed a lake in the background with a castle standing at one end of it. in the lake were two small islands covered with trees which were reflected in the still waters, while in the front was a large orange tree, growing in a lovely garden, up which some of the little boys had climbed, one of whom was throwing oranges to a companion on the ground below; while two others were enjoying a game of leapfrog, one jumping over the other's back. three other boys were engaged in the fascinating game of blowing bubbles--one making the lather, another blowing the bubbles, while a third was trying to catch them. there were also three more boys--one of them apparently pretending to be a witch, as he was riding on a broomstick, while another was giving a companion a donkey-ride upon his back. all had the appearance of little cupids or angels and looked so lifelike and happy that we almost wished we were young again and could join them in their play! the rooms more closely connected with the unfortunate mary queen of scots were of course the most interesting to visitors; and in her audience-room, where she had such distressing interviews with john knox, the famous presbyterian divine and reformer, we saw the bed that was used by king charles i when he resided at holyrood, and afterwards occupied on one occasion, in september , by his descendant prince charlie, and again after the battle of culloden by the duke of cumberland. [illustration: west doorway, chapel royal.] we passed on to queen mary's bedroom, in which we were greatly interested, and in spite of its decayed appearance we could see it had been a magnificent apartment. its walls were adorned with emblems and initials of former scottish royalties, and an old tapestry representing the mythological story of the fall of photon, who, according to the greeks, lost his life in rashly attempting to drive the chariot of his father the god of the sun. here we saw queen mary's bed, which must have looked superb in its hangings of crimson damask, trimmed with green silk fringes and tassels, when these were new, but now in their decay they seemed to remind us of their former magnificence and of their unfortunate owner, to whom the oft-quoted words uneasy lies the head that wears a crown so aptly applied. we wondered how many times her weary head had passed its restless nights there, and in the many castles in which she had been placed during her long imprisonment of nineteen years. half hidden by the tapestry there was a small door opening upon a secret stair, and it was by this that darnley and his infamous associates ascended when they went to murder the queen's unfortunate italian secretary, rizzio, in the queen's supping-room, which we now visited. there we had to listen to the recital of this horrible crime: how the queen had been forcibly restrained by darnley, her table overthrown and the viands scattered, while the blood-thirsty conspirators crowded into the room; how rizzio rushed behind the queen for protection, until one of the assassins snatched darnley's dagger from its sheath, and stabbed rizzio, leaving the dagger sticking in his body, while the others dragged him furiously from the room, stabbing him as he went, shrieking for mercy, until he fell dead at the head of the staircase, pierced by fifty-six wounds; and how one of the assassins threatened to cut the queen "into collops" if she dared to speak to the populace through the window. the bloodstain on the floor was of course shown us, which the mockers assert is duly "restored" every winter before the visiting season commences. leaving the palace, we saw queen mary's bath, a quaintly shaped little building built for her by king james iv, in which she was said to have bathed herself in white wine--an operation said to have been the secret of her beauty. during some alterations which were made to it in , a richly inlaid but wasted dagger was found stuck in the sarking of the roof, supposedly by the murderers of rizzio on their escape from the palace. [illustration: chapel royal, holyrood.] we then visited the now roofless ruins of the abbey or chapel royal adjoining the palace. a fine doorway on which some good carving still remained recalled something of its former beauty and grandeur. there were quite a number of tombs, and what surprised us most was the large size of the gravestones, which stood to feet high, and were about feet wide. those we had been accustomed to in england were much smaller, but everything in scotland seemed big, including the people themselves, and this was no less true of the buildings in edinburgh. there was a monument in one corner of the chapel royal on which was an inscription in latin, of which we read the english translation to be:-- here is buried a worthy man and an ingenious mason, alexander milne, feb. a.d. stay passenger, here famous milne doth rest, worthy to be in Ægypt's marble drest; what myron or apelles could have done in brass or paintry, he could do in stone; but thretty yeares hee [blameless] lived; old age he did betray, and in's prime left this stage. restored by robert mylne architect. mdcclxxvi. the builder of the palace was robert milne, the descendant of a family of distinguished masons. he was the "master mason," and a record of him in large letters on a pillar ran-- fvn . be . ro . milne . m.m. . i . jyl . . after leaving holyrood we walked up calton hill, where we had a splendid view of the fine old city of edinburgh seated on rocks that are older than history, and surrounded by hills with the gleaming firth of forth in the distance. the panorama as seen from this point was magnificent, and one of the finest in great britain. on the hill there were good roads and walks and some monuments. one of these, erected to the memory of nelson, was very ugly, and another--beautiful in its incompleteness--consisted of a number of immense fluted columns in imitation of the parthenon of athens, which we were told was a memorial to the scottish heroes who fell in the wars of napoleon, but which was not completed, as sufficient funds had not been forthcoming to finish what had evidently been intended to be an extensive and costly erection. we supposed that these lofty pillars remained as a warning to those who begin to build without first sitting down and counting the cost. they were beautifully proportioned, resembling a fragment of some great ruin, and probably had as fine an effect as they stood, as the finished structure would have had. [illustration: "mons meg."] edinburgh castle stood out in the distance on an imposing rock. as we did not arrive during visiting hours we missed many objects of interest, including the scottish crown and regalia, which are stored therein. on the ramparts of the castle we saw an ancient gun named "mons meg," whose history was both long and interesting. it had been made by hand with long bars of hammered iron held together by coils of iron hoops, and had a bore of in.; the cannon-balls resting alongside it were made of wood. it was constructed in by native artisans at the instance of james ii, and was used in the siege of dumbarton in and in the civil wars. in cromwell's list of captured guns in it was described as "the great iron murderer meg." when fired on the occasion of the duke of york's visit to edinburgh in the gun burst. after this bad behaviour "meg" was sent to the tower of london, not, however, to be executed, but to remain there until the year , when, owing to the intercession of sir walter scott with king george iv, the great gun was returned to edinburgh, and was received with great rejoicings and drawn up with great ceremony to the castle, where it still remains as a relic of the past. on our way we had observed a placard announcing a soirée in connection with the i.o.g.t. (the independent order of good templars), and this being somewhat of a novelty to us we decided to patronise it. accordingly at p.m. we found ourselves paying the sum of ninepence each at the entrance to the calton rooms. as we filed through along with others, a cup and saucer and a paper bag containing a variety of cakes were handed to us, and the positions assigned to us were on either side of an elderly gentleman whom we afterwards found to be a schoolmaster. when the tea came round there were no nice young ladies to ask us if we took sugar and milk, and how many pieces of sugar; to our great amusement the tea was poured into our cups from large tin kettles carried by men who from their solemn countenances appeared fitting representatives of "caledonia stern and wild." we thought this method a good one from the labour-saving point of view, and it was certainly one we had never seen adopted before. the weak point about it was that it left no opportunity for individual taste in the matter of milk and sugar, which had already been added, but as we did not hear any complaints and all appeared satisfied, we concluded that the happy medium had been reached, and that all had enjoyed themselves as we did ourselves. our friend the schoolmaster was very communicative, and added to our pleasure considerably by his intelligent conversation, in the course of which he told us that the i.o.g.t. was a temperance organisation introduced from america, and he thought it was engaged in a good work. the members wore a very smart regalia, much finer than would have suited us under the climatic conditions we had to pass through. after tea they gave us an entertainment consisting of recitations and songs, the whole of which were very creditably rendered. but the great event of the evening was the very able address delivered by the rev. professor kirk, who explained the objects of the good templar movement and the good work it was doing in edinburgh and elsewhere. every one listened attentively, for the professor was a good speaker and he was frequently applauded by his audience. we had spent a very pleasant evening, and the schoolmaster accompanied us nearly all the way to our lodgings, which we reached at p.m. (_distance walked up to p.m. twenty-four miles_.) _sunday, october th._ to judge by what we heard and saw, there were connected with edinburgh three great characters who stand out above all others in historic importance--mary queen of scots, john knox, and sir walter scott; but we thought and read more about john knox this day than either of the others, possibly because it was sunday. we attended service in three different churches, and give the following particulars for the information of our clerical and other friends who "search the scriptures," in the hope that they may find in the reading of the texts food for thought. [illustration: edinburgh from the castle] in the morning we went to the high church. preacher, the rev. c. giffin, m.a. text. corinthians viii. and to the end. in the afternoon to the tron church. preacher, the rev. james mcgregor, d.d. text: isaiah lvii., the last three verses, and ephesians ii. and the first clause of verse . in the evening to the wesleyan chapel, nicolson square. preacher, the rev. dr. james, president of the wesleyan conference. text: i corinthians ii. , . the excellence of the sermons, and the able way in which they had been prepared and were delivered, gave us the impression that rivalry existed between the ministers of the different churches as to which of them could preach the best sermon. they were all fine orations, carefully thought out and elaborated, especially that by dr. james. during the intervals between the services we walked about the city, and again passed the splendid monument to sir walter scott with the following remarkable inscription, written by lord jeffery, beneath its foundation stone: _this graven plate, deposited in the base of a votive building on the fifteenth day of august in the year of christ , and never likely to see the light again till all the surrounding structures are crumbled to dust by the decay of time, or by human or elemental violence, may then testify to a distant posterity that his countrymen began on that day to raise an effigy and architectural monument to the memory of sir walter scott, bart., whose admirable writings were then allowed to have given more delight and suggested better feelings to a large class of readers in every rank of society than those of any other author, with the exception of shakespeare alone, and which were, therefore, thought likely to be remembered long after this act of gratitude on the part of the first generation of his admirers should be forgotten. he was born at edinburgh th august : and died at abbotsford, st september ._ we also passed that ancient and picturesque mansion in the high street known as the "house of john knox," in which the distinguished reformer died in . born in the year , it was he who, in the reign of mary queen of scots, stirred scotland to mighty religious impulses, boldly denouncing mary as a papist and a jezebel. how he escaped being beheaded or burned or assassinated was, considering the nature of the times in which he lived, a mystery almost amounting to a miracle. [illustration: mary queen of scots] queen mary sailed from france and landed at leith, near edinburgh, on august th, , where she was welcomed by the scots as dowager of france, queen of scotland, and heiress of england, and was "gorgeouslie and magnificentlie" received, according to scottish ideas, by the lords and ladies who came to meet and accompany her to edinburgh; but, according to the diary of one of the queen's ladies, "when they saw them mounted on such wretched little hackneys so wretchedly caparisoned they were greatly disappointed, and thought of the gorgeous pomp and superb palfreys they had been accustomed to in france, and the queen began to weep." on their arrival at edinburgh they retired to rest in the abbey, "a fine building and not at all partaking of that country, but here came under her window a crew of five or six hundred scoundrels from the city, who gave her a serenade with wretched violins and little rebecks of which there are enough in that country, and began to sing psalms so miserably mis-tuned and mis-timed that nothing could be worse. alas! what music, and what a night's rest!" what the lady would have written if bagpipes had been included in the serenade we could not imagine, but as these instruments of torture were not named, we concluded they must have been invented at a later period. [illustration: john knox's house, edinburgh. "we also passed the ancient and picturesque mansion in the high street ... in which that distinguished reformer died."] mary had been away in france for about thirteen years, and during that time she had for her companions four young ladies of the same name as her own and of about the same age, mary fleming, mary bethune, mary livingstone, and mary seaton, all of whom formed part of her retinue on her return to scotland, where they were known as the "queen's marys." [illustration: grotesque heads on trinity college church.] she was a staunch adherent of the romish church, a fact which accounted for many of her trials and mortifications. mainly owing to the powerful preaching of john knox, many of the people of scotland, both of high and low degree, had become fierce opponents of that form of religion, which they considered idolatrous. the first sunday after her arrival was st. bartholomew's day, august th, and preparations had been made to celebrate mass in the chapel royal, at which the queen was to be present. but no sooner was this known, than a mob rushed towards the edifice, exclaiming: "shall the idol be again erected in the land?" and shouting, "the idolatrous priests shall die the death!" on september nd the queen made her public entry into edinburgh, and on the same day john knox had an audience with mary, who, hearing of a furious sermon he had preached against the mass on the previous sunday in st. giles's church, thought that a personal interview would mitigate his sternness. the queen took him to task for his book entitled _the first blast of the trumpet against the monstrous regimen of women_, and his intolerance towards every one who differed from him in opinion, and further requested him to obey the precepts of the scriptures, a copy of which she perceived in his possession, and urged him to use more meekness in his sermons. knox in reply, it was said, "knocked so hastily upon her heart," that he made her weep with tears of anguish and indignation, and she said, "my subjects, it would appear, must obey you, and not me; i must be subject to them, and not they to me!" knox left holyrood that day convinced that mary's soul was lost for ever, and that she despised and mocked all exhortation against the mass. when mary attended her first parliament, accompanied by her ladies, the duke of chatelherault carrying the crown, the earl of argyll the sceptre, and the earl of moray the sword, she appeared so graceful and beautiful that the people who saw her were quite captivated, and many exclaimed, "god save that sweet face!" during this short parliament knox preached in st. giles's church, and argued that they ought to demand from the queen "that which by god's word they may justly require, and if she would not agree with them in god, they were not bound to agree with her in the devil!" and concluded with some observations respecting the queen's rumoured marriage with don carlos of spain, declaring, "whenever ye consent that an infidel, and all papists are infidels, shall be our head to our soverane, ye do so far as in ye lieth to banisch christ jesus from his realme; ye bring god's vengeance upon this country, a plague upon yourselves, and perchance ye shall do no small discomfirt to your soverane." [illustration: john knox.] mary heard of this furious attack upon her, which knox admitted had offended both papists and protestants, and he was again summoned to holyrood. as soon as mary saw knox she was greatly excited, and exclaimed: "never was prince handled as i am." "i have borne with you," she said to knox, "in all your vigorous manner of speaking, both against myself and my uncles; yea, i have sought your favour by all possible means--i offered unto you presence and audience whenever it pleased you to admonish me, and yet i cannot be quit of you. i vow to god i shall be once avenged." knox answered, "true it is, madam, your grace and i have been at divers controversies into the which i never perceived your grace to be offended at me; but when it shall please god to deliver you from that bondage of darkness and error in the which ye have been nourished for the lack of true doctrine, your majesty will find the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive. without the preaching-place, madam, i am not master of myself, for i must obey him who commands me to speak plain, and flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth." the queen asked him again, "what have ye to do with my marriage, or what are ye in this commonwealth?" "a subject born within the same, madam," was the stern reply; "and albeit i be neither earl, lord, nor baron within it, yet has god made me, how abject soever i may be in your eyes, a profitable member within the same." he was entering into some personal explanations, when the queen ordered him to leave the cabinet, and remain in the ante-chamber till her pleasure should be intimated. here knox found himself in the company of the queen's marys and other ladies, to whom he gave a religious admonition. "oh, fair ladies," he said, "how pleasing is this life of yours if it would ever abide, and then in the end that you pass to heaven with all this gay gear! but fie upon the knave death, that will come whether we will or not, and when he has laid on his arrest, the foul worms will be busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and tender; and the silly soul, i fear, shall be so feeble, that it can neither carry with it gold, garnishing, targetting, pearl nor precious stones." several noblemen had accompanied knox when he went to see the queen, but only erskine of dun was admitted to the cabinet, and lord ochiltree attended knox in the ante-room while queen mary held a consultation with lord john stuart and erskine lasting nearly an hour, at the end of which erskine appeared and accompanied knox home. knox must have been in great danger of losing his life owing to his fearless and determined daring in rebuking those in high places, and indeed his life was afterwards repeatedly aimed at; but providence foiled all attempts to assassinate him, and in the end he died a peaceful death. on november th, , a fortnight before he died, he preached his farewell sermon, the entire congregation following his tottering footsteps to his home. when the time came for him to die he asked for i corinthians xv., and after that had been read he remarked: "is not that a comfortable chapter?" there was also read to him isaiah liii. asked if he could hear, he replied: "i hear, i thank god, and understand far better." he afterwards said to his wife, "read, where i cast my first anchor." mrs. knox knew what he meant, and read to him his favourite seventeenth chapter of st. john's gospel. his friend bannatyne, seeing that he was just about to depart, and was becoming speechless, drew near to him saying, "hast thou hope?" and asked him if he heard to give them a sign that he died in peace. knox pointed upwards with two of his fingers, and thus he died without a struggle. truly one of the most remarkable men that ever lived in scotland, and whose end was peace. [illustration: old town from calton hill.] a vast concourse of people attended his funeral, the nobility walking in front of the procession, headed by morton, who had been appointed regent of scotland on the very day on which knox died, and whose panegyric at the grave was: "here lieth a man who in his life never feared the face of man." st. giles's was the first parochial church in edinburgh, and its history dates from the early part of the twelfth century. john knox was appointed its minister at the reformation. when edinburgh was created a bishopric, the church of st. giles became the cathedral of the diocese. a remarkable incident happened at this church on sunday, july rd, , when king charles i ordered the english service-book to be used. it was the custom of the people in those days to bring their own seats to church, in the shape of folding-stools, and just as dean hanney was about to read the collect for the day, a woman in the congregation named jenny geddes, who must have had a strong objection to this innovation, astonished the dean by suddenly throwing her stool at his head. what jenny's punishment was for this violent offence we did not hear, but her stool was still preserved together with john knox's pulpit and other relics. [illustration: st. giles's cathedral, edinburgh.] although three hundred years save one had elapsed since john knox departed this life, his memory was still greatly revered in edinburgh, and his spirit still seemed to pervade the whole place and to dwell in the hearts and minds of the people with whom we came in contact. a good illustration of this was the story related by an american visitor. he was being driven round the city, when the coachman pointed out the residence of john knox. "and who was john knox?" he asked. the coachman seemed quite shocked that he did not know john knox, and, looking down on him with an eye of pity, replied, in a tone of great solemnity, "deed, mawn, an' d'ye no read y'r beeble!" as we walked about the crowded streets of edinburgh that sunday evening we did not see a single drunken person, a fact which we attributed to the closing of public houses in scotland on sundays. we wished that a similar enactment might be passed in england, for there many people might habitually be seen much the worse for liquor on sunday evenings, to the great annoyance of those returning from their various places of worship. fourth week's journey _monday, october th_ there were some streets in edinburgh called wynds, and it was in one of these, the college wynd, that sir walter scott was born in the year . it seemed a strange coincidence that the great dr. samuel johnson should have visited the city in the same year, and have been conducted by boswell and principal robertson to inspect the college along that same wynd when the future sir walter scott was only about two years old. we had not yet ventured to explore one of these ancient wynds, as they appeared to us like private passages between two rows of tall houses. as we could not see the other end, we looked upon them as traps for the unwary, but we mustered up our courage and decided to explore one of them before leaving the town. we therefore rose early and selected one of an antiquated appearance, but we must confess to a feeling of some apprehension in entering it, as the houses on each side were of six to eight storeys high, and so lofty that they appeared almost to touch each other at the top. to make matters worse for us, there were a number of poles projecting from the windows high above our track, for use on washing days, when clothes were hung upon them to dry. we had not gone very far, when my brother drew my attention to two women whose heads appeared through opposite windows in the upper storeys, and who were talking to each other across the wynd. on our approach we heard one of them call to the other in a mischievous tone of voice, "see! there's twa mair comin'!" we were rather nervous already, so we beat an ignominious retreat, not knowing what might be coming on our devoted heads if we proceeded farther. in the event of hostilities the two ladies were so high up in the buildings, which were probably let in flats, that we should never have been able to find them, and, like the stray sheep in the pass of st. ninians, we might never have been found ourselves. we were probably taken for a pair of sporting young medical students instead of grave searchers after wisdom and truth. we therefore returned to our hotel for the early breakfast that was waiting for us, and left edinburgh at . a.m. on our way towards peebles. [illustration: queen mary's bath.] [illustration: craigmillar castle.] we journeyed along an upward gradient with a view of craigmillar castle to our left, obtaining on our way a magnificent view of the fine city we had left behind us, with its castle, and the more lofty elevation known as arthur's seat, from which portions of twelve counties might be seen. it was a curiously shaped hill with ribs and bones crossing in various directions, which geologists tell us are undoubted remains of an old volcano. it certainly was a very active one, if one can judge by the quantity of debris it threw out. there was an old saying, especially interesting to ladies, that if you washed your face at sunrise on may st, with dew collected off the top of arthur's seat, you would be beautiful for ever. we were either too late or too soon, as it was now october th, and as we had a lot to see on that day, with not overmuch time to see it in, we left the dew to the ladies, feeling certain, however, that they would be more likely to find it there in october than on may day. when we had walked about five miles, we turned off the main road to visit the pretty village of rosslyn, or roslin, with its three great attractions: the chapel, the castle, and the dell. we found it surrounded by woods and watered by a very pretty reach of the river esk, and as full of history as almost any place in scotland. the unique chapel was the great object of interest. the guide informed us that it was founded in by william st. clair, who also built the castle, in which he resided in princely splendour. he must have been a person of very great importance, for he had titles enough even to weary a spaniard, being prince of orkney, duke of oldenburg, earl of caithness and stratherne, lord st. clair, lord liddlesdale, lord admiral of the scottish seas, lord chief justice of scotland, lord warden of the three marches, baron of roslin, knight of the cockle, and high chancellor, chamberlain, and lieutenant of scotland! the lords of rosslyn were buried in their complete armour beneath the chapel floor up to the year , but afterwards in coffins. sir walter scott refers to them in his "lay of the last minstrel" thus:-- there are twenty of rosslyn's barons bold lie buried within that proud chapelle. [illustration: rosslyn chapel--the "master and 'prentice pillars"] [illustration: the "'prentice pillar."] there were more carvings in rosslyn chapel than in any place of equal size that we saw in all our wanderings, finely executed, and with every small detail beautifully finished and exquisitely carved. foliage, flowers, and ferns abounded, and religious allegories, such as the seven acts of mercy, the seven deadly sins, the dance of death, and many scenes from the scriptures; it was thought that the original idea had been to represent a bible in stone. the great object of interest was the magnificently carved pillar known as the "'prentice pillar," and in the chapel were two carved heads, each of them showing a deep scar on the right temple. to these, as well as the pillar, a melancholy memory was attached, from which it appeared that the master mason received orders that this pillar should be of exquisite workmanship and design. fearing his inability to carry out his instructions, he went abroad to rome to see what designs he could find for its execution. while he was away his apprentice had a dream in which he saw a most beautiful column, and, setting to work at once to carry out the design of his dream, finished the pillar, a perfect marvel of workmanship. when his master returned and found the pillar completed, he was so envious and enraged at the success of his apprentice that he struck him on the head with his mallet with such force that he killed him on the spot, a crime for which he was afterwards executed. we passed on to the castle across a very narrow bridge over a ravine, but we did not find much there except a modern-looking house built with some of the old stones, under which were four dungeons. rosslyn was associated with scenes rendered famous by bruce and wallace, queen mary and rizzio, robert iii and queen annabella drummond, by comyn and fraser, and by the st. clairs, as well as by legendary stories of the laird of gilmorton grange, who set fire to the house in which were his beautiful daughter and her lover, the guilty abbot, so that both of them were burnt to death, and of the lady of woodhouselee, a white-robed, restless spectre, who appeared with her infant in her arms. then there was the triple battle between the scots and the english, in which the scots were victorious: three triumphs in a day! three hosts subdued by one! three armies scattered like the spray, beneath one vernal sun. [illustration: rosslyn castle.] here, too, was the inn, now the caretaker's house, visited by dr. johnson and boswell in , the poet wordsworth and his sister dorothy in , while some of the many other celebrities who called from time to time had left their signatures on the window-panes. burns and his friend nasmyth the artist breakfasted there on one occasion, and burns was so pleased with the catering that he rewarded the landlady by scratching on a pewter plate the two following verses: my blessings on you, sonsie wife, i ne'er was here before; you've gien us walth for horn and knife-- nae heart could wish for more. heaven keep you free from care and strife. till far ayont four score; and while i toddle on through life, i'll ne'er gang bye your door. rosslyn at one time was a quiet place and only thought of in edinburgh when an explosion was heard at the rosslyn gunpowder works. but many more visitors appeared after sir walter scott raised it to eminence by his famous "lay" and his ballad of "rosabelle": seem'd all on fire that chapel proud. where rosslyn's chiefs uncoffin'd lie. hawthornden was quite near where stood ben jonson's sycamore, and drummond's halls, and cyprus grove, but we had no time to see the caves where sir alexander ramsay had such hairbreadth escapes. about the end of the year ben jonson, then poet laureate of england, walked from london to edinburgh to visit his friend taylor, the thames waterman, commonly known as the water poet, who at that time was at leith. in the january following he called to see the poet drummond of hawthornden, who was more frequently called by the name of the place where he lived than by his own. he found him sitting in front of his house, and as he approached drummond welcomed him with the poetical salutation: "welcome! welcome! royal ben," to which jonson responded, "thank ye, thank ye, hawthornden." [illustration: hawthornden.] the poet drummond was born in , and died in , his end being hastened by grief at the execution of charles i. a relative erected a monument to his memory in , to which the poet young added the following lines: o sacred solitude, divine retreat, choice of the prudent, envy of the great! by the pure stream, or in the waving shade i court fair wisdom, that celestial maid; here from the ways of men, laid safe ashore, i smile to hear the distant tempest roar; here, blest with health, with business unperplex'd, this life i relish, and secure the next. rosslyn glen was a lovely place, almost like a fairy scene, and we wondered if burns had it in his mind when he wrote: their groves of sweet myrtle let foreign lands reckon, where bright-beaming summers exalt the perfume; far dearer to me yon lone glen of green bracken, wi' the burn stealing under the long yellow broom. [illustration: pennicuick house court] we walked very quietly and quickly past the gunpowder works, lest conversation might cause an explosion that would put an end to our walking expedition and ourselves at the same time, and regained the highway at a point about seven miles from edinburgh. presently we came to the glencorse barracks, some portions of which adjoined our road, and, judging from the dress and speech of the solitary sentinel who was pacing to and fro in front of the entrance, we concluded that a regiment of highlanders must be stationed there. he informed us that in the time of the french wars some of the prisoners were employed in making scotch banknotes at a mill close by, and that portions of the barracks were still used for prisoners, deserters, and the like. passing on to pennicuick, we crossed a stream that flowed from the direction of the pentland hills, and were informed that no less than seven paper mills were worked by that stream within a distance of five miles. here we saw a monument which commemorated the interment of french prisoners who died during the years to , a list of their names being still in existence. this apparently large death-rate could not have been due to the unhealthiness of the glencorse barracks, where they were confined, for it was by repute one of the healthiest in the kingdom, the road being feet or more above sea-level, and the district generally, including pennicuick, considered a desirable health-resort for persons suffering from pulmonary complaints. we stayed a short time here for refreshments, and outside the town we came in contact with two young men who were travelling a mile or two on our way, with whom we joined company. we were giving them an outline of our journey and they were relating to us their version of the massacre of glencoe, when suddenly a pretty little squirrel crossed our path and ran into a wood opposite. this caused the massacre story to be ended abruptly and roused the bloodthirsty instinct of the two scots, who at once began to throw stones at it with murderous intent. we watched the battle as the squirrel jumped from branch to branch and passed from one tree to another until it reached one of rather large dimensions. at this stage our friends' ammunition, which they had gathered hastily from the road, became exhausted, and we saw the squirrel looking at them from behind the trunk of the tree as they went to gather another supply. before they were again ready for action the squirrel disappeared. we were pleased that it escaped, for our companions were good shots. they explained to us that squirrels were difficult animals to kill with a stone, unless they were hit under the throat. stone-throwing was quite a common practice for country boys in scotland, and many of them became so expert that they could hit small objects at a considerable distance. we were fairly good hands at it ourselves. it was rather a cruel sport, but loose stones were always plentiful on the roads--for the surfaces were not rolled, as in later years--and small animals, such as dogs and cats and all kinds of birds, were tempting targets. dogs were the greatest sufferers, as they were more aggressive on the roads, and as my brother had once been bitten by one it was woe to the dog that came within his reach. such was the accuracy acquired in the art of stone-throwing at these animals, that even stooping down in the road and pretending to lift a stone often caused the most savage dog to retreat quickly. we parted from the two scots without asking them to finish their story of glencoe, as the details were already fixed in our memories. they told us our road skirted a moor which extended for forty-seven miles or nearly as far as glasgow, but we did not see much of the moor as we travelled in a different direction. [illustration: "jougs" at a church, peeblesshire.] we passed through edleston, where the church was dedicated to st. mungo, reminding us of mungo park, the famous african traveller, and, strangely enough, it appeared we were not far away from where he was born. in the churchyard here was a tombstone to the memory of four ministers named robertson, who followed each other in a direct line extending to years. there was also to be seen the ancient "jougs," or iron rings in which the necks of criminals were enclosed and fastened to a wall or post or tree. about three miles before reaching peebles we came to the mansion of cringletie, the residence of the wolfe-murray family. the name of wolfe had been adopted because one of the murrays greatly distinguished himself at the battle of quebec, and on the lawn in front of the house was a cannon on which the following words had been engraved: _his majesty's ship royal george of guns, sunk at spithead th august . this gun, a pounder, part of the armament of the royal george, was fished up from the wreck of that ship by mr. deans, the zealous and enterprising diver, on the th november , and was presented by the master-general and board of ordnance to general durham of largo, the elder brother of sir philip charles henderson durham, knight grand cross of the most honourable military order of the bath, knight commander of the most ancient military order of merit of france, admiral of the white squadron of her majesty's fleet, and commander-in-chief of the port of portsmouth, ._ sir philip was serving as a lieutenant in the _royal george_, and was actually on duty as officer of the watch upon deck when the awful catastrophe took place. he was providentially and miraculously saved, but nearly persons perished, amongst them the brave admiral kempenfelt, whose flag went down with the ship. the wreck of the _royal george_ was the most awful disaster that had hitherto happened to the royal navy. william cowper the poet, as soon as the sad news was brought to him, wrote a solemn poem entitled "the loss of the _royal george_," from which it seems that admiral kempenfelt was in his cabin when the great ship suddenly foundered. his sword was in its sheath, his fingers held the pen, when kempenfelt went down with twice four hundred men. * * * * * toll for the brave! brave kempenfelt is gone: his last sea-fight is fought, his work of glory done. * * * * * toll for the brave! the brave that are no more. all sunk beneath the wave. fast by their native shore! it was nearly dark when we entered the town of peebles, where we called at the post office for letters, and experienced some difficulty at first in obtaining lodgings, seeing that it was the night before the hiring fair. we went first to the temperance hotel, but all the beds had been taken down to make room for the great company they expected on the morrow; eventually we found good accommodation at the "cross keys inn," formerly the residence of a country laird. we had seen notices posted about the town informing the public that, by order of the magistrates, who saw the evil of intoxicating drinks, refreshments were to be provided the following day at the town hall. the good templars had also issued a notice that they were having a tea-party, for which of course we could not stay. we found peebles a most interesting place, and the neighbourhood immediately surrounding it was full of history. the site on which our hotel had been built was that of the hostelage belonging to the abbey of arbroath in , the monks granting the hostelage to william maceon, a burgess of peebles, on condition that he would give to them, and their attorneys, honest lodging whenever business brought them to that town. he was to let them have the use of the hall, with tables and trestles, also the use of the spence (pantry) and buttery, sleeping chambers, a decent kitchen, and stables, and to provide them with the best candles of paris, with rushes for the floor and salt for the table. in later times it was the town house of williamson of cardrona, and in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries became one of the principal inns, especially for those who, like ourselves, were travelling from the north, and was conducted by a family named ritchie. sir walter scott, who at that time resided quite near, frequented the house, which in his day was called the "yett," and we were shown the room he sat in. miss ritchie, the landlady in scott's day, who died in , was the prototype of "meg dobs," the inn being the "cleikum inn" of his novel _st. ronan's well_. [illustration: the church and monastery of the holy cross, peebles, ad .] there was a st. mungo's well in peebles, and mungo park was intimately associated with the town. he was born at foulshiels, yarrow, in the same year as sir walter scott, , just one hundred years before our visit, and, after studying for the church, adopted medicine as his profession. he served a short time with a doctor at selkirk, before completing his course at the university of edinburgh, and sailed in for the east indies in the service of the east india company. later he joined an association for the promotion of discovery in africa, and in he explored the basin of the niger. in he was in london, and in began practice as a doctor in peebles. he told sir walter scott, after passing through one of the severe winters in peebleshire, that he would rather return to the wilds of africa than pass another winter there. he returned to london in december to sail with another expedition, but its departure was delayed for a short time, so he again visited peebles, and astonished the people there by bringing with him a black man named "sidi omback boubi," who was to be his tutor in arabic. meantime, in , he had published a book entitled _travels in the interior of africa_, which caused a profound sensation at the time on account of the wonderful stories it contained of adventures in what was then an unknown part of the world. this book of "adventures of mungo park" was highly popular and extensively read throughout the country, by ourselves amongst the rest. [illustration: the black dwarf.] it was not until january th, , that the expedition left spithead, and before mungo park left peebles he rode over to clovenfords, where sir walter scott was then residing, to stay a night with him at ashestiel. on the following morning sir walter accompanied him a short distance on the return journey, and when they were parting where a small ditch divided the moor from the road park's horse stumbled a little. sir walter said, "i am afraid, mungo, that is a bad omen," to which park replied, smiling, "friets (omens) follow those that look for them," and so they parted for ever. in company with his friends anderson and scott he explored the rivers gambia and niger, but his friends died, and dr. park himself was murdered by hostile natives who attacked his canoe in the river niger. quite near our lodgings was the house where this famous african traveller lived and practised blood-letting as a surgeon, and where dreams of the tent in which he was once a prisoner and of dark faces came to him at night, while the door at which his horse was tethered as he went to see sir walter scott, and the window out of which he put his head when knocked up in the night, were all shown as objects of interest to visitors. mungo had at least one strange patient, and that was the black dwarf, david ritchie, who lies buried close to the gate in the old churchyard. this was a horrid-looking creature, who paraded the country as a privileged beggar. he affected to be a judge of female beauty, and there was a hole in the wall of his cottage through which the fair maidens had to look, a rose being passed through if his fantastic fancies were pleased; but if not, the tiny window was closed in their faces. he was known to sir walter scott, who adopted his name in one of his novels, _the bowed davie of the windus_. his cottage, which was practically in the same state as at the period of david ritchie's death, bore a tablet showing that it had been restored by the great edinburgh publishers w. and r. chambers, who were natives of peebles, and worded: "in memory d.r., died . w. and r. chambers, ." dr. pennicuick, who flourished a.d. - , had written: peebles, the metropolis of the shire, six times three praises doth from me require; three streets, three ports, three bridges, it adorn, and three old steeples by three churches borne, three mills to serve the town in time of need. on peebles water, and on river tweed, their arms are _proper_, and point forth their meaning, three salmon fishes nimbly counter swimming; but there were other "threes" connected with peebles both before and after the doctor's time: "the three tales of the three priests of peebles," supposed to have been told about the year before a blazing fire at the "virgin inn." there were also the three hopes buried in the churchyard, whose tombstone records: here lie three hopes enclosed within, death's prisoners by adam's sin; yet rest in hope that they shall be set by the second adam free. and there were probably other triplets, but when my brother suggested there were also three letter e's in the name of peebles, i reminded him that it was closing-time, and also bed-time, so we rested that night in an old inn such as charles dickens would have been delighted to patronise. (_distance walked twenty-five miles_.) _tuesday, october th._ this was the day of the great peebles fair, and everybody was awake early, including ourselves. we left the "cross keys" hotel at six o'clock in the morning, and a very cold one it was, for there had been a sharp frost during the night. the famous old cross formerly stood near our inn, and the cross church close at hand, or rather all that remained of them after the wars. in spite of the somewhat modern appearance of the town, which was probably the result of the business element introduced by the establishment of the woollen factories, peebles was in reality one of the ancient royal burghs, and formerly an ecclesiastical centre of considerable importance, for in the reign of alexander iii several very old relics were said to have been found, including what was supposed to be a fragment of the true cross, and with it the calcined bones of st. nicholas, who suffered in the roman persecution, a.d. . on the strength of these discoveries the king ordered a magnificent church to be erected, which caused peebles to be a mecca for pilgrims, who came there from all parts to venerate the relics. the building was known as the cross church, where a monastery was founded at the desire of james iii in and attached to the church, in truly christian spirit, one-third of its revenues being devoted to the redemption of christian captives who remained in the hands of the turks after the crusades. [illustration: st. andrews church, peebles, a.d. .] if we had visited the town in past ages, there would not have been any fair on october th, since the great fair, called the beltane festival, was then held on may day; but after the finding of the relics it was made the occasion on which to celebrate the "finding of the cross," pilgrims and merchants coming from all parts to join the festivities and attend the special celebrations at the cross church. on the occasion of a beltane fair it was the custom to light a fire on the hill, round which the young people danced and feasted on cakes made of milk and eggs. we thought beltane was the name of a sun-god, but it appeared that it was a gaelic word meaning bel, or beal's-fire, and probably originated from the baal mentioned in holy writ. as our next great object of interest was abbotsford, the last house inhabited by sir walter scott, our course lay alongside the river tweed. we were fortunate in seeing the stream at peebles, which stood at the entrance to one of the most beautiful stretches in the whole of its length of miles, of which lay in peeblesshire. the twenty miles along which we walked was magnificent river scenery. [illustration: the seal of the cross church.] we passed many castles and towers and other ancient fortifications along its banks, the first being at horsburgh, where the castle looked down upon a grass field called the chapelyards, on which formerly stood the chapel and hospice of the two saints, leonard and lawrence. at this hospice pilgrims from england were lodged when on their way to peebles to attend the feasts of the "finding of the cross" and the "exaltation of the cross," which were celebrated at beltane and roodmass respectively, in the ancient church and monastery of the holy cross. it was said that king james i of england on his visits to peebles was also lodged here, and it is almost certain the beltane sports suggested to him his famous poem, "peebles to the play," one of its lines being: hope kailzie, and cardrona, gathered out thickfold, singing "hey ho, rumbelow, the young folks were full bold." both of which places could be seen from horsburgh castle looking across the river. we saw the tower of cardrona, just before entering the considerable village, or town, of innerleithen at six miles from peebles, and although the time was so early, we met many people on their way to the fair. just before reaching innerleithen we came to a sharp deep bend in the river, which we were informed was known as the "dirt pot" owing to its black appearance. at the bottom of this dark depth the silver bells of peebles were supposed to be lying. we also saw glennormiston house, the residence of william chambers, who, with his brother, robert, founded _chambers's journal_ of wide-world fame, and authors, singly and conjointly, of many other volumes. the two brothers were both benefactors to their native town of peebles, and william became lord provost of edinburgh, and the restorer of its ancient cathedral of st. giles's. his brother robert died earlier in that very year in which we were walking. we reached innerleithen just as the factory operatives were returning from breakfast to their work at the woollen factories, and they seemed quite a respectable class of people. here we called at the principal inn for our own breakfast, for which we were quite ready, but we did not know then that rabbie burns had been to innerleithen, where, as he wrote, he had from a jug "a dribble o' drink," or we should have done ourselves the honour of calling at the same place. at innerleithen we came to another "bell-tree field," where the bell hung on the branch of a tree to summon worshippers to church, and there were also some mineral springs which became famous after the publication of sir walter scott's novel, _st. ronan's well_. [illustration: traquair house.] soon after leaving innerleithen we could see traquair house towering above the trees by which it was surrounded. traquair was said to be the oldest inhabited house in scotland. sir walter scott knew it well, it being quite near to ashiestiel, where he wrote "the lay of the last minstrel," "marmion," and "the lady of the lake." it was one of the prototypes of "tully veolan" in his _waverley_. there was no abode in scotland more quaint and curious than traquair house, for it was turreted, walled, buttressed, windowed, and loopholed, all as in the days of old. within were preserved many relics of the storied past and also of royalty. here was the bed on which queen mary slept in ; here also the oaken cradle of the infant king james vi. the library was rich in valuable and rare books and mss. and service books of the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries in beautiful penmanship upon fine vellum. the magnificent avenue was grass-grown, the gates had not been opened for many years, while the pillars of the gateway were adorned with two huge bears standing erect and bearing the motto: "judge nocht." magnificent woods adorned the grounds, remains of the once-famous forest of ettrick, said to be the old classical forest of caledon of the days of king arthur. here was also flora hill, with its beautiful woods, where hogg, the ettrick shepherd, lays the scene of his exquisite poem "kilmeny" in the _queen's wake_, where-- bonnie kilmeny gae'd up the glen, but it wisna to meet duneira's men, etc. through beautiful scenery we continued alongside the tweed, and noticed that even the rooks could not do without breakfast, for they were busy in a potato field. we were amused to see them fly away on our approach, some of them with potatoes in their mouths, and, like other thieves, looking quite guilty. presently we came to a solitary fisherman standing knee-deep in the river, with whom we had a short conversation. he said he was fishing for salmon, which ascended the river from berwick about that time of the year and returned in may. we were rather amused at his mentioning the return journey, as from the frantic efforts he was making to catch the fish he was doing his best to prevent them from coming back again. he told us he had been fishing there since daylight that morning, and had caught nothing. by way of sympathy my brother told him a story of two young men who walked sixteen miles over the hills to fish in a stream. they stayed that night at the nearest inn, and started out very early the next morning. when they got back to the hotel at night they wrote the following verse in the visitors' book: hickory dickory dock! we began at six o'clock, we fished till night without a bite. hickory dickory dock! this was a description, he said, of real fishermen's luck, but whether the absence of the "bite" referred to the fishermen or to the fish was not quite clear. it had been known to apply to both. proceeding further we met a gentleman walking along the road, of whom we made inquiries about the country we were passing through. he told us that the castle we could see across the river was named "muckle mouthed meg." a certain man in ancient times, having offended against the laws, was given a choice for a sentence by the king of scotland---either he must marry muckle mouthed meg, a woman with a very large mouth, or suffer death. he chose the first, and the pair lived together in the old castle for some years. we told him we were walking from john o' groat's to land's end, but when he said he had passed john o' groat's in the train, we had considerable doubts as to the accuracy of his statements, for there was no railway at all in the county of caithness in which john o' groat's was situated. we therefore made further inquiries about the old castle, and were informed that the proper name of it was elibank castle, and that it once belonged to sir gideon murray, who one night caught young willie scott of oakwood tower trying to "lift the kye." the lowing of the cattle roused him up, and with his retainers he drove off the marauders, while his lady watched the fight from the battlement of the tower. willie, or, to be more correct, sir william scott, junr., was caught and put in the dungeon. sir gideon murray decided to hang him, but his lady interposed: "would ye hang the winsome laird o' harden," she said, "when ye hae three ill-favoured daughters to marry?" sir willie was one of the handsomest men of his time, and when the men brought the rope to hang him he was given the option of marrying muckle mou'd meg or of being hanged with a "hempen halter." it was said that when he first saw meg he said he preferred to be hanged, but he found she improved on closer acquaintance, and so in three days' time a clergyman said, "wilt thou take this woman here present to be thy lawful wife?" knowing full well what the answer must be. short of other materials, the marriage contract was written with a goose quill on the parchment head of a drum. sir william found that meg made him a very good wife in spite of her wide mouth, and they lived happily together, the moral being, we supposed, that it is not always the prettiest girl that makes the best wife. shortly afterwards we left the river tweed for a time while we walked across the hills to galashiels, and on our way to that town we came to a railway station near which were some large vineries. a carriage was standing at the entrance to the gardens, where two gentlemen were buying some fine bunches of grapes which we could easily have disposed of, for we were getting rather hungry, but as they did not give us the chance, we walked on. galashiels was formerly only a village, the "shiels" meaning shelters for sheep, but it had risen to importance owing to its woollen factories. it was now a burgh, boasting a coat-of-arms on which was represented a plum-tree with a fox on either side, and the motto, "sour plums of galashiels." the origin of this was an incident that occurred in , in the time of edward iii, when some englishmen who were retreating stopped here to eat some wild plums. while they were so engaged they were attacked by a party of scots with swords, who killed every one of them, throwing their bodies into a trench afterwards known as the "englishman's syke." we passed a road leading off to the left to stow, where king arthur and the knights of the round table were said to have defeated the heathens. we left galashiels by the melrose road, and, after walking about a mile and a half, we turned aside to cross the river tweed, not by a ferry, as that was against our rule, but by a railway bridge. no doubt this was against the railway company's by-laws and regulations, but it served our purpose, and we soon reached abbotsford, that fine mansion, once the residence of the great sir walter scott, the king of novelists, on the building of which he had spent a great amount of money, and the place of his death september st, . [illustration: abbotsford from the river.] abbotsford, including the gardens, park, walks and woods, was all his own creation, and was so named by him because the river tweed was crossed at that point by the monks on their way to and from melrose abbey in the olden times. [illustration: sir walter scott.] we found the house in splendid condition and the garden just as sir walter had left it. we were shown through the hall, study, library, and drawing-room, and even his last suit of clothes, with his white beaver hat, was carefully preserved under a glass case. we saw much armour, the largest suit belonging formerly to sir john cheney, the biggest man who fought at the battle of bosworth field. the collection of arms gathered out of all ages and countries was said to be the finest in the world, including rob roy macgregor's gun, sword, and dirk, the marquis of montrose's sword, and the rifle of andreas hofer the tyrolese patriot. amongst these great curios was the small pocket-knife used by sir walter when he was a boy. we were shown the presents given to him from all parts of the kingdom, and from abroad, including an ebony suite of furniture presented to him by king george iv. there were many portraits and busts of himself, and his wife and children, including a marble bust of himself by chantrey, the great sculptor, carved in the year . the other portraits included one of queen elizabeth, another of rob roy; a painting of queen mary's head, after it had been cut off at fotheringay, and a print of stothard's _canterbury pilgrims_. we also saw an iron box in which queen mary kept her money for the poor, and near this was her crucifix. in fact, the place reminded us of some great museum, for there were numberless relics of antiquity stored in every nook and corner, and in the most unlikely places. we were sorry we had not time to stay and take a longer survey, for the mansion and its surroundings form one of the great sights of scotland, whose people revere the memory of the great man who lived there. [illustration: sir walter scott's study.] the declining days of sir walter were not without sickness and sorrow, for he had spent all the money obtained by the sale of his books on this palatial mansion. after a long illness, and as a last resource, he was taken to italy; but while there he had another apoplectic attack, and was brought home again, only just in time to die. he expressed a wish that lockhart, his son-in-law, should read to him, and when asked from what book, he answered, "need you ask? there is but one." he chose the fourteenth chapter of st. john's gospel, and when it was ended, he said, "well, this is a great comfort: i have followed you distinctly, and i feel as if i were yet to be myself again." in an interval of consciousness he said, "lockhart! i may have but a minute to speak to you, my dear; be a good man, be virtuous, be religious, be a good man. nothing else will give you any comfort when you come to lie here." a friend who was present at the death of sir walter wrote: "it was a beautiful day--so warm that every window was wide open, and so perfectly still that the sound of all others most delicious to his ear, the gentle ripple of the tweed over its pebbles, was distinctly audible--as we kneeled around his bed, and his eldest son kissed and closed his eyes." we could imagine the wish that would echo in more than one mind as sir walter's soul departed, perhaps through one of the open windows, "let me die the death of the righteous, and let my last end be like his." so coldly sweet, so deadly fair, we start, for soul is wanting there; it is the loneliness in death that parts not quite with parting breath, but beauty with that fearful bloom, the hue which haunts it to the tomb, expression's last receding ray; a gilded halo hov'ring round decay. [illustration: abbotsford.] we passed slowly through the garden and grounds, and when we reached the road along which sir walter scott had so often walked, we hurried on to see the old abbey of melrose, which was founded by king david i. on our way we passed a large hydropathic establishment and an asylum not quite completed, and on reaching melrose we called at one of the inns for tea, where we read a description by sir walter of his "flitting" from ashiestiel, his former residence, to his grand house at abbotsford. the flitting took place at whitsuntide in , so, as he died in , he must have lived at abbotsford about twenty years. he was a great collector of curios, and wrote a letter describing the comical scene which took place on that occasion. "the neighbours," he wrote, "have been very much delighted with the procession of furniture, in which old swords, bows, targets, and lances made a very conspicuous show. a family of turkeys was accommodated within the helmet of some _preux chevalier_ of ancient border fame, and the very cows, for aught i know, were bearing banners and muskets. i assure you that this caravan, attended by a dozen ragged, rosy, peasant children carrying fishing-rods and spears, and leading ponies, greyhounds, and spaniels, would, as it crossed the tweed, have furnished no bad subject for the pencil." [illustration: the chancel, melrose abbey.] melrose abbey was said to afford the finest specimen of gothic architecture and gothic sculpture of which scotland could boast, and the stone of which it had been built, though it had resisted the weather for many ages, retained perfect sharpness, so that even the most minute ornaments seemed as entire as when they had been newly wrought. in some of the cloisters there were representations of flowers, leaves, and vegetables carved in stone with "accuracy and precision so delicate that it almost made visitors distrust their senses when they considered the difficulty of subjecting so hard a substance to such intricate and exquisite modulation." this superb convent was dedicated to st. mary, and the monks were of the cistercian order, of whom the poet wrote: oh, the monks of melrose made gude kail (broth) on fridays when they fasted; nor wanted they gude beef and ale, so lang's their neighbours' lasted. there were one hundred monks at melrose in the year , and it was supposed that in earlier times much of the carving had been done by monks under strong religious influences. the rose predominated amongst the carved flowers, as it was the abbot's favourite flower, emblematic of the locality from which the abbey took its name. the curly green, or kale, which grew in nearly every garden in scotland, was a very difficult plant to sculpture, but was so delicately executed here as to resemble exactly the natural leaf; and there was a curious gargoyle representing a pig playing on the bagpipes, so this instrument must have been of far more ancient origin than we had supposed when we noticed its absence from the instruments recorded as having been played when mary queen of scots was serenaded in edinburgh on her arrival in scotland. [illustration: entrance to melrose abbey.] under the high altar were buried the remains of alexander ii, the dust of douglas the hero of otterburn, and others of his illustrious and heroic race, as well as the remains of sir michael scott. here too was buried the heart of king robert the bruce. it appeared that bruce told his son that he wished to have his heart buried at melrose; but when he was ready to die and his friends were assembled round his bedside, he confessed to them that in his passion he had killed comyn with his own hand, before the altar, and had intended, had he lived, to make war on the saracens, who held the holy land, for the evil deeds he had done. he requested his dearest friend, lord james douglas, to carry his heart to jerusalem and bury it there. douglas wept bitterly, but as soon as the king was dead he had his heart taken from his body, embalmed, and enclosed in a silver case which he had made for it, and wore it suspended from his neck by a string of silk and gold. with some of the bravest men in scotland he set out for jerusalem, but, landing in spain, they were persuaded to take part in a battle there against the saracens. douglas, seeing one of his friends being hard pressed by the enemy, went to his assistance and became surrounded by the moors himself. seeing no chance of escape, he took from his neck the heart of bruce, and speaking to it as he would have done to bruce if alive, said, "pass first in the fight as thou wert wont to do, and douglas will follow thee or die." with these words he threw the king's heart among the enemy, and rushing forward to the place where it fell, was there slain, and his body was found lying on the silver case. most of the scots were slain in this battle with the moors, and they that remained alive returned to scotland, the charge of bruce's heart being entrusted to sir simon lockhard of lee, who afterwards for his device bore on his shield a man's heart with a padlock upon it, in memory of bruce's heart which was padlocked in the silver case. for this reason, also, sir simon's name was changed from lockhard to lockheart, and bruce's heart was buried in accordance with his original desire at melrose. sir michael scott of balwearie, who also lies buried in the abbey, flourished in the thirteenth century. his great learning, chiefly acquired in foreign countries, together with an identity in name, had given rise to a certain confusion, among the earlier historians, between him and michael scott the "wondrous wizard and magician" referred to by dante in canto xxmo of the "inferno." michael scott studied such abstruse subjects as judicial astrology, alchemy, physiognomy, and chiromancy, and his commentary on aristotle was considered to be of such a high order that it was printed in venice in . sir walter scott referred to michael scott: the wondrous michael scott a wizard, of such dreaded fame, that when in salamanca's cave him listed his magic wand to wave the bells would ring in notre dame, and he explained the origin of this by relating the story that michael on one occasion when in spain was sent as an ambassador to the king of france to obtain some concessions, but instead of going in great state, as usual on those occasions, he evoked the services of a demon in the shape of a huge black horse, forcing it to fly through the air to paris. the king was rather offended at his coming in such an unceremonious manner, and was about to give him a contemptuous refusal when scott asked him to defer his decision until his horse had stamped its foot three times. the first stamp shook every church in paris, causing all the bells to ring; the second threw down three of the towers of the palace; and when the infernal steed had lifted up his hoof for the third time, the king stopped him by promising michael the most ample concessions. a modern writer, commenting upon this story, says, "there is something uncanny about the celts which makes them love a trinity of ideas, and the old stories of the welsh collected in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries include a story very similar about kilhwch, cousin to arthur, who threatens if he cannot have what he wants that he will set up three shouts than which none were ever heard more deadly and which will be heard from pengwaed in cornwall to dinsol in the north and ergair oerful in ireland. the triads show the method best and furnish many examples, quoting the following: three things are best when hung--salt fish, a wet hat, and an englishman. three things are difficult to get--gold from the miser, love from the devil, and courtesy from the englishman. the three hardest things--a granite block, a miser's barley loaf, and an englishman's heart. but perhaps the best known is one translated long ago from the welsh: a woman, a dog, and a walnut tree, the more they are beaten, the better they be. but to return to michael scott. another strange story about michael was his adventure with the witch of falschope. to avenge himself upon her for striking him suddenly with his own wand whereby he was transformed for a time and assumed the appearance of a hare, michael sent his man with two greyhounds to the house where the witch lived, to ask the old lady to give him a bit of bread for the greyhounds; if she refused he was to place a piece of paper, which he handed to him, over the top of the house door. the witch gave the man a curt refusal, and so he fastened the paper, on which were some words, including, "michael scott's man sought meat and gat nane," as directed. this acted as a spell, and the old witch, who was making cakes for the reapers then at work in the corn, now began to dance round the fire (which, as usual in those days, was burning in the middle of the room) and to sing the words: "maister michael scott's man sought meat and gat nane." and she had to continue thus until the spell was broken. meantime, her husband and the reapers who were with him were wondering why the cakes had not reached them, so the old man sent one of the reapers to inquire the reason. as soon as he went through the door he was caught by the spell and so had to perform the same antics as his mistress. as he did not return, the husband sent man after man until he was alone, and then went himself. but, knowing all about the quarrel between michael and his wife, and having seen the wizard on the hill, he was rather more cautious than his men, so, instead of going through the door, he looked through the window. there he saw the reapers dragging his wife, who had become quite exhausted, sometimes round, and sometimes through the fire, singing the chorus as they did so. he at once saddled his horse and rode as fast as he could to find michael, who good-naturedly granted his request, and directed him to enter his house backwards, removing the paper from above the door with his left hand as he went in. the old man lost no time in returning home, where he found them all still dancing furiously and singing the same rhyme; but immediately he entered, the supernatural performance ended, very much, we imagine, to the relief of all concerned. michael scott was at one time, it was said, much embarrassed by a spirit for whom he had to find constant employment, and amongst other work he commanded him to build a dam or other weir across the river tweed at kelso. he completed that in a single night. michael next ordered him to divide the summit of the eildon hill in three parts; but as this stupendous work was also completed in one night, he was at his wits' end what work to find him to do next. at last he bethought himself of a job that would find him constant employment. he sent him to the seashore and employed him at the hopeless and endless task of making ropes of sand there, which as fast as he made them were washed away by the tides. the three peaks of eildon hill, of nearly equal height, are still to be seen. magnificent views are to be obtained from their tops, which sir walter scott often frequented and of which he wrote, "i can stand on the eildon and point out forty-three places famous in war and in verse." another legend connected with these hills was that in the "eildon caverns vast" a cave existed where the british king arthur and his famous knights of the round table lie asleep waiting the blast of the bugle which will recall them from fairyland to lead the british on to a victory that will ensure a united and glorious empire. king arthur has a number of burial-places of the same character, according to local stories both in england and wales, and even one in cheshire at alderley edge, close by the "wizard inn," which title refers to the story. [illustration: melrose abbey.] melrose and district has been hallowed by the influence and memory of sir walter scott, who was to melrose what shakespeare was to stratford-on-avon, and he has invested the old abbey with an additional halo of interest by his "lay of the last minstrel," a copy of which we saw for the first time at the inn where we called for tea. we were greatly interested, as it related to the neighbourhood we were about to pass through in particular, and we were quite captivated with its opening lines, which appealed so strongly to wayfarers like ourselves: the way was long, the wind was cold. the minstrel was infirm and old; his wither'd cheek, and tresses gray, seem'd to have known a better day; the harp, his sole remaining joy, was carried by an orphan boy. the last of all the bards was he, who sung of border chivalry. we were now nearing the borders of scotland and england, where this border warfare formerly raged for centuries. the desperadoes engaged in it on the scottish side were known as moss-troopers, any of whom when caught by the english were taken to carlisle and hanged near there at a place called hairibee. those who claimed the "benefit of clergy" were allowed to repeat in latin the "miserere mei," at the beginning of the st psalm, before they were executed, this becoming known as the "neck-verse." william of deloraine was one of the most desperate moss-troopers ever engaged in border warfare, but he, according to sir walter scott: by wily turns, by desperate bounds, had baffled percy's best blood-hounds; in eske or liddel, fords were none, but he would ride them, one by one; * * * * * steady of heart, and stout of hand. as ever drove prey from cumberland; five times outlawed had he been, by england's king, and scotland's queen. when sir michael scott was buried in melrose abbey his mystic book--which no one was ever to see except the chief of branxholm, and then only in the time of need--was buried with him. branxholm tower was about eighteen miles from melrose and situated in the vale of cheviot. after the death of lord walter (who had been killed in the border warfare), a gathering of the kinsmen of the great buccleuch was held there, and the "ladye margaret" left the company, retiring laden with sorrow and her impending troubles to her bower. it was a fine moonlight night when-- from amid the arméd train she called to her, william of deloraine. and sent him for the mighty book to melrose abbey which was to relieve her of all her troubles. "sir william of deloraine, good at need, mount thee on the wightest steed; spare not to spur, nor stint to ride. until thou come to fair tweedside; and in melrose's holy pile seek thou the monk of st. mary's aisle. greet the father well from me; say that the fated hour is come, and to-night he shall watch with thee, to win the treasure of the tomb: for this will be st. michael's night, and, though stars be dim, the moon is bright; and the cross, of bloody red, will point to the grave of the mighty dead. * * * * * "what he gives thee, see thou keep; stay not thou for food or sleep: be it scroll, or be it book, into it, knight, thou must not look; if thou readest, thou art lorn! better had'st thou ne'er been born."-- * * * * * "o swiftly can speed my dapple-grey steed, which drinks of the teviot clear; ere break of day," the warrior 'gan say, "again will i be here: and safer by none may thy errand be done, than, noble dame, by me; letter nor line know i never a one, wer't my neck-verse at hairibee." deloraine lost no time in carrying out his ladye's wishes, and rode furiously on his horse to melrose abbey in order to be there by midnight, and as described in sir walter scott's "lay of the last minstrel": short halt did deloraine make there; little reck'd he of the scene so fair with dagger's hilt, on the wicket strong, he struck full loud, and struck full long. the porter hurried to the gate-- "who knocks so loud, and knocks so late?" "from branksome i," the warrior cried; and straight the wicket open'd wide for branksome's chiefs had in battle stood, to fence the rights of fair melrose; and lands and livings, many a rood, had gifted the shrine for their souls' repose. * * * * * bold deloraine his errand said; the porter bent his humble head; with torch in hand, and feet unshod. and noiseless step, the path he trod. the archèd cloister, far and wide, rang to the warrior's clanking stride, till, stooping low his lofty crest, he enter'd the cell of the ancient priest, and lifted his barred aventayle, to hail the monk of st. mary's aisle. * * * * * "the ladye of branksome greets thee by me, says, that the fated hour is come, and that to-night i shall watch with thee, to win the treasure of the tomb." from sackcloth couch the monk arose, with toil his stiffen'd limbs he rear'd; a hundred years had flung their snows on his thin locks and floating beard. and strangely on the knight look'd he, and his blue eyes gleam'd wild and wide; "and, darest thou, warrior! seek to see what heaven and hell alike would hide? my breast, in belt of iron pent, with shirt of hair and scourge of thorn; for threescore years, in penance spent. my knees those flinty stones have worn; yet all too little to atone for knowing what should ne'er be known. would'st thou thy every future year in ceaseless prayer and penance drie, yet wait thy latter end with fear then, daring warrior, follow me!" * * * * * "penance, father, will i none; prayer know i hardly one; for mass or prayer can i rarely tarry, save to patter an ave mary, when i ride on a border foray. other prayer can i none; so speed me my errand, and let me be gone." * * * * * again on the knight look'd the churchman old, and again he sighed heavily; for he had himself been a warrior bold. and fought in spain and italy. and he thought on the days that were long since by, when his limbs were strong, and his courage was high-- now, slow and faint, he led the way, where, cloister'd round, the garden lay; the pillar'd arches were over their head, and beneath their feet were the bones of the dead. * * * * * the moon on the east oriel shone through slender shafts of shapely stone, * * * * * the silver light, so pale and faint, shew'd many a prophet, and many a saint, whose image on the glass was dyed; full in the midst, his cross of red triumphal michael brandished, and trampled the apostate's pride. the moon beam kiss'd the holy pane, and threw on the pavement a bloody stain. * * * * * they sate them down on a marble stone,-- (a scottish monarch slept below;) thus spoke the monk, in solemn tone-- "i was not always a man of woe; for paynim countries i have trod, and fought beneath the cross of god: now, strange to my eyes thine arms appear. and their iron clang sounds strange to my ear. * * * * * "in these far climes it was my lot to meet the wondrous michael scott; * * * * * some of his skill he taught to me; and, warrior, i could say to thee the words that cleft eildon hills in three, and bridled the tweed with a curb of stone: but to speak them were a deadly sin; and for having but thought them my heart within, a treble penance must be done. * * * * * "when michael lay on his dying bed, his conscience was awakened he bethought him of his sinful deed, and he gave me a sign to come with speed. i was in spain when the morning rose, but i stood by his bed ere evening close. the words may not again be said that he spoke to me, on death-bed laid; they would rend this abbaye's massy nave, and pile it in heaps above his grave. * * * * * "i swore to bury his mighty book, that never mortal might therein look; and never to tell where it was hid, save at his chief of branksome's need: and when that need was past and o'er, again the volume to restore. i buried him on st. michael's night, when the bell toll'd one, and the moon was bright, and i dug his chamber among the dead, when the floor of the chancel was stained red, that his patron's cross might over him wave, and scare the fiends from the wizard's grave. * * * * * "it was a night of woe and dread, when michael in the tomb i laid! strange sounds along the chancel pass'd, the banners waved without a blast"-- still spoke the monk, when the bell toll'd one!-- i tell you, that a braver man than william of deloraine, good at need, against a foe ne'er spurr'd a steed; yet somewhat was he chill'd with dread, and his hair did bristle upon his head. * * * * * "lo, warrior! now, the cross of red points to the grave of the mighty dead; within it burns a wondrous light, to chase the spirits that love the night: that lamp shall burn unquenchably, until the eternal doom shall be."-- slow moved the monk to the broad flag-stone, which the bloody cross was traced upon: he pointed to a secret nook; an iron bar the warrior took; and the monk made a sign with his wither'd hand, the grave's huge portal to expand. * * * * * with beating heart to the task he went; his sinewy frame o'er the grave-stone bent; with bar of iron heaved amain, till the toil-drops fell from his brows, like rain. it was by dint of passing strength, that he moved the massy stone at length. i would you had been there, to see how the light broke forth so gloriously, stream'd upward to the chancel roof, and through the galleries far aloof! no earthly flame blazed e'er so bright: it shone like heaven's own blessed light, and, issuing from the tomb, show'd the monk's cowl, and visage pale, danced on the dark-brow'd warrior's mail, and kiss'd his waving plume. * * * * * before their eyes the wizard lay, as if he had not been dead a day. his hoary beard in silver roll'd. he seem'd some seventy winters old; a palmer's amice wrapp'd him round, with a wrought spanish baldric bound, like a pilgrim from beyond the sea: his left hand held his book of might; a silver cross was in his right; the lamp was placed beside his knee: high and majestic was his look, at which the fellest fiends had shook. and all unruffled was his face: they trusted his soul had gotten grace. * * * * * often had william of deloraine rode through the battle's bloody plain, and trampled down the warriors slain, and neither known remorse nor awe; yet now remorse and awe he own'd; his breath came thick, his head swam round. when this strange scene of death he saw. bewilder'd and unnerved he stood. and the priest pray'd fervently and loud: with eyes averted prayed he; he might not endure the sight to see. of the man he had loved so brotherly. * * * * * and when the priest his death-prayer had pray'd, thus unto deloraine he said:-- "now, speed thee what thou hast to do, or, warrior, we may dearly rue; for those, thou may'st not look upon, are gathering fast round the yawning stone!"-- then deloraine, in terror, took from the cold hand the mighty book, with iron clasp'd, and with iron bound: he thought, as he took it, the dead man frown'd; but the glare of the sepulchral light, perchance, had dazzled the warrior's sight. * * * * * when the huge stone sunk o'er the tomb. the night return'd in double gloom; for the moon had gone down, and the stars were few; and, as the knight and priest withdrew. with wavering steps and dizzy brain, they hardly might the postern gain. 'tis said, as through the aisles they pass'd, they heard strange noises on the blast; and through the cloister-galleries small, which at mid-height thread the chancel wall, loud sobs, and laughter louder, ran, and voices unlike the voices of man; as if the fiends kept holiday, because these spells were brought to day. i cannot tell how the truth may be; i say the tale as 'twas said to me. * * * * * "now, hie thee hence," the father said, "and when we are on death-bed laid, o may our dear ladye, and sweet st. john, forgive our souls for the deed we have done!"-- the monk return'd him to his cell, and many a prayer and penance sped; when the convent met at the noontide bell-- the monk of st. mary's aisle was dead! before the cross was the body laid, with hands clasp'd fast, as if still he pray'd. what became of sir william deloraine and the wonderful book on his return journey we had no time to read that evening, but we afterwards learned he fell into the hands of the terrible black dwarf. we had decided to walk to hawick if possible, although we were rather reluctant to leave melrose. we had had one good tea on entering the town, and my brother suggested having another before leaving it, so after visiting the graveyard of the abbey, where the following curious epitaph appeared on one of the stones, we returned to the inn, where the people were highly amused at seeing us return so soon and for such a purpose: the earth goeth to the earth glist'ring like gold; the earth goeth to the earth sooner than it wold; the earth builds on the earth castles and towers; the earth says to the earth, all shall be ours. still, we were quite ready for our second tea, and wondered whether there was any exercise that gave people a better appetite and a greater joy in appeasing it than walking, especially in the clear and sharp air of scotland, for we were nearly always extremely hungry after an hour or two's walk. when the tea was served, i noticed that my brother lingered over it longer than usual, and when i reminded him that the night would soon be on us, he said he did not want to leave before dark, as he wanted to see how the old abbey appeared at night, quoting sir walter scott as the reason why: if thou would'st view fair melrose aright, go visit it by the pale moonlight; for the gay beams of lightsome day gild, but to flout, the ruins grey. when the broken arches are black in night, and each shafted oriel glimmers white; when the cold light's uncertain shower streams on the ruin'd central tower; when buttress and buttress, alternately, seem framed of ebon and ivory; when silver edges the imagery. and the scrolls that teach thee to live and die; when distant tweed is heard to rave, and the owlet to hoot o'er the dead man's grave, then go--but go alone the while-- then view st. david's ruin'd pile; and, home returning, soothly swear. was ever scene so sad and fair? i reminded my brother that there would be no moon visible that night, and that it would therefore be impossible to see the old abbey "by the pale moonlight"; but he said the starlight would do just as well for him, so we had to wait until one or two stars made their appearance, and then departed, calling at a shop to make a few small purchases as we passed on our way. the path alongside the abbey was entirely deserted. though so near the town there was scarcely a sound to be heard, not even "the owlet to hoot o'er the dead man's grave." although we had no moonlight, the stars were shining brightly through the ruined arches which had once been filled with stained glass, representing the figures "of many a prophet and many a saint." it was a beautiful sight that remained in our memories long after other scenes had been forgotten. according to the koran there were four archangels: azrael, the angel of death; azrafil, who was to sound the trumpet at the resurrection; gabriel, the angel of revelations, who wrote down the divine decrees; and michael, the champion, who fought the battles of faith,--and it was this michael whose figure sir walter scott described as appearing full in the midst of the east oriel window "with his cross of bloody red," which in the light of the moon shone on the floor of the abbey and "pointed to the grave of the mighty dead" into which the monk and william of deloraine had to descend to secure possession of the "mighty book." after passing the old abbey and the shade of the walls and trees to find our way to the narrow and rough road along which we had to travel towards hawick, we halted for a few moments at the side of the road to arrange the contents of our bags, in order to make room for the small purchases we had made in the town. we had almost completed the readjustment when we heard the heavy footsteps of a man approaching, who passed us walking along the road we were about to follow. my brother asked him if he was going far that way, to which he replied, "a goodish bit," so we said we should be glad of his company; but he walked on without speaking to us further. we pushed the remaining things in our bags as quickly as possible, and hurried on after him. as we did not overtake him, we stood still and listened attentively, though fruitlessly, for not a footstep could we hear. we then accelerated our pace to what was known as the "irishman's trig"--a peculiar step, quicker than a walk, but slower than a run--and after going some distance we stopped again to listen; but the only sound we could hear was the barking of a solitary dog a long distance away. this was very provoking, as we wanted to get some information about our road, which, besides being rough, was both hilly and very lonely, and more in the nature of a track than a road. where the man could have disappeared to was a mystery on a road apparently without any offshoots, so we concluded he must have thought we contemplated doing him some bodily harm, and had either "bolted" or "clapp'd," as my brother described it, behind some rock or bush, in which case he must have felt relieved and perhaps amused when he heard us "trigging" past him on the road. [illustration: lilliesleaf and the eildon hills.] we continued along the lonely road without his company, with the ghostly eildon hills on one side and the moors on the other, until after walking steadily onwards for a few miles, we heard the roar of a mountain stream in the distance. when we reached it we were horrified to find it running right across our road. it looked awful in the dark, as it was quite deep, and although we could just see where our road emerged from the stream on the other side, it was quite impossible for us to cross in the dark. we could see a few lights some distance beyond the stream, but it was useless to attempt to call for help, since our voices could not be heard above the noise of the torrent. our position seemed almost hopeless, until my brother said he thought he had seen a shed or a small house behind a gate some distance before coming to the stream. we resolved to turn back, and luckily we discovered it to be a small lodge guarding the entrance to a private road. we knocked at the door of the house, which was in darkness, the people having evidently gone to bed. presently a woman asked what was wanted, and when we told her we could not get across the stream, she said there was a footbridge near by, which we had not seen in the dark, and told us how to find it a little higher up the stream. needless to relate, we were very pleased when we got across the bridge, and we measured the distance across that turbulent stream in fifteen long strides. we soon reached the lights we had seen, and found a small village, where at the inn we got some strange lodgings, and slept that night in a bed of a most curious construction, as it was in a dark place under the stairs, entered by a door from the parlour. but it was clean and comfortable, and we were delighted to make use of it after our long walk. (_distance walked thirty miles_.) _wednesday, october th._ we had been warned when we retired to rest that it was most likely we should be wakened early in the morning by people coming down the stairs, and advised to take no notice of them, as no one would interfere with us or our belongings. we were not surprised, therefore, when we were aroused early by heavy footsteps immediately over our heads, which we supposed were those of the landlord as he came down the stairs. we had slept soundly, and, since there was little chance of any further slumber, we decided to get up and look round, the village before breakfast. we had to use the parlour as a dressing-room, and not knowing who might be coming down the stairs next, we dressed ourselves as quickly as possible. we found that the village was called lilliesleaf, which we thought a pretty name, though we were informed it had been spelt in twenty-seven different ways, while the stream we came to in the night was known by the incongruous name of ale water. the lodge we had gone back to for information as to the means of crossing was the east gate guarding one of the entrances to riddell, a very ancient place where sir walter scott had recorded the unearthing of two graves of special interest, one containing an earthen pot filled with ashes and arms, and bearing the legible date of , and the other dated , filled with the bones of a man of gigantic size. a local historian wrote of the ale water that "it is one thing to see it on a summer day when it can be crossed by the stepping-stones, and another when heavy rains have fallen in the autumn--then it is a strong, deep current and carries branches and even trees on its surface, the ford at riddell east gate being impassable, and it is only then that we can appreciate the scene." it seemed a strange coincidence that we should be travelling on the same track but in the opposite direction as that pursued by william deloraine, and that we should have crossed the ale water about a fortnight later in the year, as sir walter described him in his "lay" as riding along the wooded path when "green hazels o'er his basnet nod," which indicated the month of september. unchallenged, thence pass'd deloraine, to ancient riddell's fair domain, where aill, from mountain freed, down from the lakes did raving come; each wave was crested with tawny foam, like the mane of a chestnut steed. in vain! no torrent, deep or broad. might bar the bold moss-trooper's road. * * * * * at the first plunge the horse sunk low, and the water broke o'er the saddlebow; above the foaming tide, i ween, scarce half the charger's neck was seen; for he was barded from counter to tail, and the rider was armed complete in mail; never heavier man and horse stemm'd a midnight torrent's force. the warrior's very plume, i say was daggled by the dashing spray; yet, through good heart, and our ladye's grace, at length he gain'd the landing place. what would have become of ourselves if we had attempted to cross the treacherous stream in the dark of the previous night we did not know, but we were sure we should have risked our lives had we made the attempt. we were only able to explore the churchyard at lilliesleaf, as the church was not open at that early hour in the morning. we copied a curious inscription from one of the old stones there: near this stone we lifeless lie no more the things of earth to spy, but we shall leave this dusty bed when christ appears to judge the dead. for he shall come in glory great and in the air shall have his seat and call all men before his throne. rewarding all as they have done. we were served with a prodigious breakfast at the inn to match, as we supposed, the big appetites prevailing in the north, and then we resumed our walk towards hawick, meeting on our way the children coming to the school at lilliesleaf, some indeed quite a long way from their destination. in about four miles we reached hassendean and the river teviot, for we were now in teviot dale, along which we were to walk, following the river nearly to its source in the hills above. the old kirk of hassendean had been dismantled in , but its burial-ground continued to be used until , when an ice-flood swept away all vestiges both of the old kirk and the churchyard. it was of this disaster that leyden, the poet and orientalist, who was born in at the pretty village of denholm close by, wrote the following lines: by fancy wrapt, where tombs are crusted grey, i seem by moon-illumined graves to stray, where now a mouldering pile is faintly seen-- the old deserted church of hassendean, where slept my fathers in their natal clay till teviot waters rolled their bones away. [illustration: leyden's cottage.] leyden was a great friend of sir walter scott, whom he helped to gather materials for his "border minstrelsie," and was referred to in his novel of _st. ronan's well_ as "a lamp too early quenched." in he went to india with lord minto, who was at that time governor-general, as his interpreter, for leyden was a great linguist. he died of fever caused by looking through some old infected manuscripts at batavia on the coast of java. sir walter had written a long letter to him which was returned owing to his death. he also referred to him in his _lord of the isles_: his bright and brief career is o'er, and mute his tuneful strains; quench'd is his lamp of varied lore, that loved the light of song to pour; a distant and a deadly shore has leyden's cold remains. the minto estate adjoined hassenden, and the country around it was very beautiful, embracing the minto hills or crags, minto house, and a castle rejoicing, as we thought, in the queer name of "fatlips." the walk to the top of minto crags was very pleasant, but in olden times no stranger dared venture there, as the outlaw brownhills was in possession, and had hewn himself out of the rock an almost inaccessible platform on one of the crags still known as "brownhills' bed" from which he could see all the roads below. woe betide the unsuspecting traveller who happened to fall into his hands! but we must not forget deloraine, for after receiving instructions from the "ladye of branksome"-- [illustration: "fatlips" castle.] soon in the saddle sate he fast, and soon the steep descent he past, soon cross'd the sounding barbican. and soon the teviot side he won. eastward the wooded path he rode. green hazels o'er his basnet nod; he passed the peel of goldieland, and crossed old borthwick's roaring strand; dimly he view'd the moat-hill's mound. where druid shades still flitted round; in hawick twinkled many a light; behind him soon they set in night; and soon he spurr'd his courser keen beneath the tower of hazeldean. * * * * * the clattering hoofs the watchmen mark;-- "stand, ho! thou courier of the dark."-- "for branksome, ho!" the knight rejoin'd. and left the friendly tower behind. he turn'd him now from tiviotside, and, guided by the tinkling rill, northward the dark ascent did ride. and gained the moor at horsliehill; broad on the left before him lay, for many a mile, the roman way. * * * * * a moment now he slacked his speed, a moment breathed his panting steed; drew saddle-girth and corslet-band, and loosen'd in the sheath his brand. on minto-crags the moonbeams glint, where barnhills hew'd his bed of flint; who flung his outlaw'd limbs to rest, where falcons hang their giddy nest mid cliffs, from whence his eagle eye for many a league his prey could spy; cliffs, doubling, on their echoes borne, the terrors of the robber's horn! we passed through a cultivated country on the verge of the moors, where we saw some good farms, one farmer telling us he had acres of arable land with some moorland in addition. he was superintending the gathering of a good crop of fine potatoes, which he told us were "protestant rocks." he was highly amused when one of us suggested to the other that they might just have suited a country parson we knew in england who would not have the best variety of potatoes, called "radicals," planted in his garden because he did not like the name. he was further amused when we innocently asked him the best way to reach hawick, pronouncing the name in two syllables which sounded like hay-wick, while the local pronunciation was "hoike." however, we soon reached that town and had a twelve-o'clock lunch at one of the inns, where we heard something of the principal annual event of the town, the "common riding," the occasion on which the officials rode round the boundaries. there was an artificial mound in the town called the "mote-hill," formerly used by the druids. it was to the top of this hill the cornet and his followers ascended at sunrise on the day of the festival, after which they adjourned to a platform specially erected in the town, to sing the common riding song. we could not obtain a copy of this, but we were fortunate in obtaining one for the next town we were to visit--langholm--which proved to be the last on our walk through scotland. from what we could learn, the ceremony at hawick seemed very like the walking of the parish boundaries in england, a custom which was there slowly becoming obsolete. we could only remember attending one of these ceremonies, and that was in cheshire. the people of the adjoining parish walked their boundaries on the same day, so we were bound to meet them at some point _en route_, and a free fight, fanned by calling at sundry public-houses, was generally the result. the greatest danger-zone lay where a stream formed the boundary between the two parishes, at a point traversed by a culvert or small tunnel through a lofty embankment supporting a canal which crossed a small valley. this boundary was, of course, common to both parishes, and representatives of each were expected to pass through it to maintain their rights, so that it became a matter of some anxiety as to which of the boundary walkers would reach it first, or whether that would be the point where both parties would meet. we remembered coming to a full stop when we reached one entrance to the small tunnel, while the scouts ascended the embankment to see if the enemy were in sight on the other side; but as they reported favourably, we decided that two of our party should walk through the culvert, while the others went round by the roads to the other end. there was a fair amount of water passing through at that time, so they were very wet on emerging from the opposite end, and it was impossible for the men to walk upright, the contracted position in which they were compelled to walk making the passage very difficult. what would have happened if the opposition had come up while our boundary walkers were in the tunnel we could only surmise. hawick is in roxburghshire and was joined on to wilton at a house called the salt hall, or the "saut ha'," as it is pronounced in scotch, where a tragedy took place in the year . the tenant of the hall at that time was a man named rea, whose wife had committed suicide by cutting her throat. in those days it was the custom to bury suicides at the dead of night where the laird's lands met, usually a very lonely corner, and a stake was driven through the body of the corpse; but from some cause or other the authorities allowed "jenny saut ha'," as she was commonly called, to be buried in the churchyard. this was considered by many people to be an outrage, and the body was disinterred at night, and the coffin placed against the saut ha' door, where rea was confronted with it next morning. there was a sharp contest between the church authorities and the public, and the body was once more interred in the churchyard, but only to fall on rea when he opened his door the next morning. the authorities were then compelled to yield to the popular clamour, and the corpse found a temporary resting-place in a remote corner of wilton common; but the minister ultimately triumphed, and jenny was again buried in the churchyard, there to rest for all time in peace. [illustration: wilton old church.] we had now joined the old coach road from london to edinburgh, a stone on the bridge informing us that that city was fifty miles distant. we turned towards london, and as we were leaving the town we asked three men, who had evidently tramped a long distance, what sort of a road it was to langholm, our next stage. they informed us that it was twenty-three miles to that town, that the road was a good one, but we should not be able to get a drink the whole way, for "there wasn't a single public-house on the road." presently, however, we reached a turnpike gate across our road, and as there was some fruit exhibited for sale in the window of the toll-house we went inside, and found the mistress working at her spinning-wheel, making a kind of worsted out of which she made stockings. we bought as much fruit from her as the limited space in our bags allowed, and had a chat with her about the stocking trade, which was the staple industry of hawick. she told us there were about people employed in that business, and that they went out on strike on the monday previous, but with an advance in their wages had gone in again that morning. the stockings were now made by machines, but were formerly all made by hand. the inventor of the first machine was a young man who had fallen deeply in love with a young woman, who, like most others living thereabouts at that time, got her living by making stockings. when he proposed to her, she would not have him, because she knew another young man she liked better. he then told her if she would not marry him he would make a machine that would make stockings and throw her out of work and ruin them all. but the girl decided to remain true to the young man she loved best, and was presently married to him. [illustration: goldielands tower.] the disappointed lover then set to work, and, after much thought and labour, succeeded in making a stocking machine; and although it created a great stir in hawick, where all three were well known, it did not throw any one out of work, but was so improved upon with the result that more stockings were made and sold at hawick than ever before! we thanked the old lady for her story, and, bidding her good-bye, went on our way. presently we came to the ruins of a castle standing near the road which a clergyman informed us was goldielands tower, mentioned with harden by sir walter scott in the "lay of the last minstrel." he told us that a little farther on our way we should also see branxholm, another place referred to by scott. although we were on the look out for branxholm, we passed without recognising it, as it resembled a large family mansion more than the old tower we had expected it to be. [illustration: branxholm tower.] it was astonishing what a number of miles we walked in scotland without finding anything of any value on the roads. a gentleman told us he once found a threepenny bit on the road near a village where he happened to be staying at the inn. when his find became known in the village, it created quite a sensation amongst the inhabitants, owing to the "siller" having fallen into the hands of a "saxon," and he gravely added to the information that one-half of the people went in mourning and that it was even mentioned in the kirk as the "awfu'" waste that had occurred in the parish! [illustration] we were not so lucky as to find a silver coin, but had the good fortune to find something of more importance in the shape of a love-letter which some one had lost on the road, and which supplied us with food for thought and words for expression, quite cheering us up as we marched along our lonely road. as kate and john now belong to a past generation, we consider ourselves absolved from any breach of confidence and give a facsimile of the letter (see page ). the envelope was not addressed, so possibly john might have intended sending it by messenger, or kate might have received it and lost it on the road, which would perhaps be the more likely thing to happen. we wondered whether the meeting ever came off. [illustration: covenanter's grave.] shortly after passing branxholm, and near the point where the allan water joined the river teviot, we turned to visit what we had been informed was in the time of king charles i a hiding place for the people known as covenanters. these were scottish presbyterians, who in , to resist that king's encroachments on their religious liberty, formed a "solemn league," followed in by an international solemn league and covenant "between england and scotland to secure both civil and religious liberty." these early covenanters were subjected to great persecution, consequently their meetings were held in the most lonely places--on the moors, in the glens, and on the wild mountain sides. we climbed up through a wood and found the meeting-place in the ruins of a tower--commonly said to have been built by the romans, though we doubted it--the remains of which consisted of an archway a few yard longs and a few yards square, surrounded by three trenches. it occupied a very strong position, and standing upon it we could see a hill a short distance away on the top of which was a heap of stones marking the spot where a bon-fire was lit and a flag reared when queen victoria drove along the road below, a few years before our visit. in former times in this part of scotland there seemed to have been a bard, poet, or minstrel in every village, and they appeared to have been numerous enough to settle their differences, and sometimes themselves, by fighting for supremacy, for it was at bradhaugh near here that a deadly combat took place in between william henderson, known as "rattling roaring willie," and robert rule, another border minstrel, in which, according to an old ballad, willie slew his opponent, for-- rob roole, he handled rude. and willie left newmill's banks red-wat wi' robin's blude. [illustration: henry scott riddell.] at teviothead our road parted company with the river teviot, which forked away to the right, its source being only about six miles farther up the hills from that point. in the churchyard at teviothead, henry scott riddell, the author of _scotland yet_, had only recently been buried. near here also was caerlanrig, where the murder of johnnie armstrong of gilnockie, a very powerful chief who levied blackmail along the border from esk to tyne, or practically the whole length of hadrian's wall, took place in . johnnie was a notorious freebooter and border raider, no one daring to go his way for fear of johnnie or his followers. but of him more anon. the distance from caerlanrig, where armstrong was executed, to gilnockie tower, where he resided, was about seventeen miles, and we had to follow, though in the opposite direction and a better surfaced road, the same lonely and romantic track that he traversed on that occasion. it formed a pass between the hills, and for the first seven miles the elevations in feet above sea-level on each side of the road were: to our right:-- . . . . . . . to our left:-- . . . . . . . the distance between the summits as the crow flies was only about a mile, while the road maintained an altitude above the sea of from five to eight hundred feet, so that we had a most lonely walk of about thirteen miles before we reached langholm. the road was a good one, and we were in no danger of missing our way, hemmed in as it was on either side by the hills, which, although treeless, were covered with grass apparently right away to their tops, a novelty to us after the bare and rocky hills we had passed elsewhere. we quite enjoyed our walk, and as we watched the daylight gradually fade away before the approaching shadows of the night, we realised that we were passing through the wildest solitudes. we did not meet one human being until we reached langholm, and the only habitation we noted before reaching a small village just outside that town was the "halfway house" between hawick and langholm, known in stage-coach days as the "mosspaul inn." it was a large house near the entrance to a small glen, but apparently now closed, for we could not see a solitary light nor hear the sound of a human voice. how different it must have appeared when the stage-coaches were passing up and down that valley, now deserted, for even the railway, which supplanted them, had passed it by on the other side! in imagination we could hear the sound of the horn, echoing in the mountains, heralding the approach of the stage-coach, with its great lamp in front, and could see a light in almost every window in the hotel. we could picture mine host and his wife standing at the open door ready to receive their visitors, expectant guests assembled behind them in the hall and expectant servants both indoors and out; then staying for the night, refreshing ourselves with the good things provided for supper, and afterwards relating our adventures to a friendly and appreciative audience, finally sinking our weary limbs in the good old-fashioned feather-beds! but these visions passed away almost as quickly as they appeared, so we left the dark and dreary mansion whose glory had departed, and marched on our way, expecting to find at langholm that which we so badly needed--food and rest. the old inn at mosspaul, where the stage-coaches stopped to change horses, was built at the junction of the counties of dumfries and roxburgh, and was very extensive with accommodation for many horses, but fell to ruin after the stage-coaches ceased running. many notable visitors had patronised it, among others dorothy wordsworth, who visited it with her brother the poet in september , and described it in the following graphic terms: the scene, with this single dwelling, was melancholy and wild, but not dreary, though there was no tree nor shrub: the small streamlet glittered, the hills were populous with sheep, but the gentle bending of the valley, and the correspondent softness in the forms of the hills were of themselves enough to delight the eye. a good story is told of one of the armstrongs and the inn: once when lord kames went for the first time on the circuit as advocate-depute, armstrong of sorbie inquired of lord minto in a whisper "what long black, dour-looking chiel" that was that they had broc'ht with them? "that," said his lordship, "is a man come to hang a' the armstrongs." "then," was the dry retort, "it's time the elliots were ridin'."[footnote: elliot was the family name of lord minto.] the effusions of one of the local poets whose district we had passed through had raised our expectations in the following lines: there's a wee toon on the borders that my heart sair langs to see, where in youthful days i wander'd, knowing every bank and brae; o'er the hills and through the valleys, thro' the woodlands wild and free, thro' the narrow straits and loanings, there my heart sair langs to be. [illustration: the common riding, langholm.] there was also an old saying, "out of the world and into langholm," which seemed very applicable to ourselves, for after a walk of thirty-two and a half miles through a lonely and hilly country, without a solitary house of call for twenty-three, our hungry and weary condition may be imagined when we entered langholm just on the stroke of eleven o'clock at night. we went to the temperance hotel, but were informed they were full. we called at the other four inns with the same result. next we appealed to the solitary police officer, who told us curtly that the inns closed at eleven and the lodgings at ten, and marched away without another word. the disappointment and feeling of agony at having to walk farther cannot be described, but there was no help for it, so we shook the dust, or mud, off our feet and turned dejectedly along the carlisle road. just at the end of the town we met a gentleman wearing a top-hat and a frock-coat, so we appealed to him. the hour was too late to find us lodgings, but he said, if we wished to do so, we could shelter in his distillery, which we should come to a little farther on our way. his men would all be in bed, but there was one door that was unlocked and we should find some of the rooms very warm. we thanked him for his kindness and found the door, as he had described, opening into a dark room. we had never been in a distillery before, so we were naturally rather nervous, and as we could not see a yard before us, we lighted one of our candles. we were about to go in search of one of the warmer rooms when the thought occurred to us that our light might attract the attention of some outsider, and in the absence of any written authority from the owner might cause us temporary trouble, while to explore the distillery without a light was out of the question, for we might fall through some trap-door or into a vat, besides which, we could hear a great rush of water in the rear of the premises, so we decided to stay where we were. the book we had obtained at hawick contained the following description of the langholm "common riding," which was held each year on july th when the people gathered together to feast on barley bannock and red herring, of course washed down with plenteous supplies of the indispensable whisky. the riding began with the following proclamation in the marketplace, given by a man standing upright on horseback, in the presence of thousands of people: gentlemen,--the first thing that i am going to acquaint you with are the names of the portioners' grounds of langholm:-- now, gentlemen, we're gan' frae the toun, an' first of a' the kil green we gang roun', it is an ancient place where clay is got, and it belangs to us by right and lot, and then frae here the lang-wood we gang throu' where every ane may breckons out an' pu', an' last of a' oor marches they be clear, an' when unto the castle craigs we come, i'll cry the langholm fair and then we'll beat the drum. now, gentlemen. what you have heard this day concerning going round our marches, it is expected that every one who has occasion for peats, breckons, flacks, stanes, or clay, will go out in defence of their property, and they shall hear the proclamation of the langholm fair upon the castle craigs. now, gentlemen, we have gane roun our hill, so now i think it's right we had oor fill of guid strang punch--'twould make us a' to sing. because this day we have dune a guid thing; for gangin' roun' oor hill we think nae shame, because frae it oor peats and flacks come hame; so now i will conclude and say nae mair. an' if ye're pleased i'll cry the langholm fair. hoys, yes! that's ae time! hoys, yes! that's twae times!! hoys, yes! that's the third and the last time!!! this is to give notice, that there is a muckle fair to be hadden in the muckle toun o' the langholm, on the th day of july, auld style, upon his grace the duke of buccleuch's merk land, for the space of eight days and upwards; and a' land-loupers, and dub-scoupers, and gae-by-the-gate-swingers, that come here to breed hurdums or durdums, huliments or buliments, haggle-ments or braggle-ments, or to molest this public fair, they shall be ta'en by order of the bailie and toun council, and their lugs be nailed to the tron wi' a twal-penny nail, and they shall sit doun on their bare knees and pray seven times for the king, and thrice for the mickle laird o' ralton, and pay a groat to me, jemmy ferguson, bailie o' the aforesaid manor, and i'll awa' hame and ha'e a bannock and a saut herrin'. huzza! huzzah!! huzzah!!! [illustration: gilnockie bridge, langholm.] the monument on the top of whita hill was erected in memory of one of the famous four knights of langholm, the sons of malcolm of burn foot, whose christian names were james, pulteney, john, and charles, all of whom became distinguished men. sir james was made a k.c.b, and a colonel in the royal marines. he served on board the _canopus_ at the battle of san domingo, taking a prominent part in the american war of . he died at milnholm, near langholm, at the age of eighty-two. pulteney malcolm rose to the rank of admiral and served under lord nelson, but as his ship was refitting at gibraltar he missed taking part in the battle of trafalgar, though he arrived just in time to capture the spanish -gun ship _el kago_. he became intimately acquainted with napoleon bonaparte, as he had the command of the british worships that guarded him during his captivity at st. helena. sir john malcolm was a distinguished indian statesman, and it was to him that the monument on whita hill had been erected. the monument, which was visible for many miles, was feet high, and the hill itself , feet above sea-level. sir charles malcolm, the youngest of the four brothers, after seeing much active service, rose to be vice-admiral of the fleet. [illustration: gilnockie tower] if the great fair-day had been on when we reached langholm we should not have been surprised at being unable to find lodgings, but as it was we could only attribute our failure to arriving at that town so late in the evening, nearly an hour after the authorised closing time of the inns. we found we could not stay very long in the distillery without a fire, for a sharp frost had now developed, and we began to feel the effect of the lower temperature; we therefore decided, after a short rest, to continue our walk on the carlisle road. turning over the bridge that crossed the rapidly running stream of the river esk--the cause of the rush of water we heard in the distillery--we followed the river on its downward course for some miles. it was a splendid starlight, frosty night, but, as we were very tired and hungry, we could only proceed slowly--in fact scarcely quickly enough to maintain our circulation. being also very sleepy, we had to do something desperate to keep ourselves awake, so we amused ourselves by knocking with our heavy oaken sticks at the doors or window-shutters of the houses we passed on our way. it was a mild revenge we took for the town's inhospitality, and we pictured to ourselves how the story of two highwaymen being about the roads during the midnight hours would be circulated along the countryside during the following day, but we could not get any one to come beyond the keyhole of the door or the panes of the shuttered windows. we were, however, becoming quite desperate, as we were now nearly famished, and, when we came to a small shop, the sounds from our sticks on the door quickly aroused the mistress, who asked us what we wanted. my brother entered into his usual explanation that we were pedestrian tourists on a walking expedition, and offered her a substantial sum for some bread or something to eat; but it was of no use, as the only answer we got was, "i ha' not a bit till th' baker coomes ith' morn'." this reply, and the tone of voice in which it was spoken, for the woman "snaffled," was too much for us, and, tired as we were, we both roared with laughter; absurd though it may seem, it was astonishing how this little incident cheered us on our way. it was a lovely country through which we were travelling, and our road, as well as the river alongside, was in many places overhung by the foliage of the fine trees, through which the brilliant lustre of the stars appeared overhead; in fact we heard afterwards that this length of road was said to include the finest landscapes along the whole of the stage-coach road between london and edinburgh. the bridge by which we recrossed the river had been partially built with stones from the ruins of gilnockie tower, once the stronghold of the famous freebooter johnnie armstrong, of whom we had heard higher up the country. [illustration: cockburn's grave.] sir walter scott tells us that king james v resolved to take very serious measures against the border warriors, and under pretence of coming to hunt the deer in those desolate regions he assembled an army, and suddenly appeared at the castle of piers cockburn of henderland, near where we had been further north. he ordered that baron to be seized and executed in spite of the fact that he was preparing a great feast of welcome. adam scott of tushielaw, known as the king of the border, met with the same fate, but an event of greater importance was the fate of john armstrong. this free-booting chief had risen to such consequence, that the whole neighbouring district of england paid him "black-mail," a sort of regular tribute in consideration of which he forbore to plunder them. he had a high idea of his own importance, and seems to have been unconscious of having merited any severe usage at the king's hands. on the contrary, he went to meet his sovereign at carlingrigg chapel, richly dressed, and having twenty-four gentlemen, his constant retinue, as well attired as himself. the king, incensed to see a freebooter so gentlemanly equipped, commanded him instantly to be led to execution, saying, "what wants this knave save a crown to be as magnificent as a king?" john armstrong made great offers for his life, offering to maintain himself, with forty men, to serve the king at a moment's notice, at his own expense, engaging never to hurt or injure any scottish subject, as indeed had never been his practice, and undertaking that there was not a man in england, of whatever degree, duke, earl, lord, or baron, but he would engage, within a short time, to present him to the king, dead or alive. but when the king would listen to none of his oilers, the robber chief said very proudly, "i am but a fool to ask grace at a graceless face; but had i guessed you would have used me thus, i would have kept the border-side in spite of the king of england and you, both, for i well know that the king henry would give the weight of my best horse in gold to know that i am sentenced to die this day." john armstrong was led to execution, with all his men, and hanged without mercy. the people of the inland countries were glad to get rid of him; but on the borders he was both missed and mourned, as a brave warrior, and a stout man-of-arms against england. but to return to gilnockie bridge! after crossing it we struggled on for another mile or two, and when about six miles from langholm we reached another bridge where our road again crossed the river. here we stopped in mute despair, leaning against the battlements, and listening to the water in the river as it rushed under the bridge. we must have been half asleep, when we were suddenly aroused by the sound of heavy footsteps approaching in the distance. whoever could it be? i suggested one of the border freebooters; but my brother, who could laugh when everybody else cried, said it sounded more like a free-clogger. we listened again, and sure enough it was the clattering of a heavy pair of clogs on the partly frozen surface of the road. we could not be mistaken, for we were too well accustomed to the sound of clogs in lancashire; but who could be the wearer! we had not long to wait before a man appeared, as much surprised to see us as we were to see him. we told him of our long walk the day before, how we had been disappointed in not getting lodgings, and asked him how far we were away from an inn. he told us we were quite near one, but it was no use going there, as "they wouldn't get up for the queen of england." he further told us he was going to the two o'clock "shift" at the colliery. "colliery!" my brother ejaculated; "but surely there isn't a coal-pit in a pretty place like this?" he assured us that there was, and, seeing we were both shivering with cold, kindly invited us to go with him and he would put us near to a good fire that was burning there. "how far is it?" we asked anxiously. "oh, only about half a mile," said the collier. so we went with him, and walked what seemed to be the longest half-mile we ever walked in all our lives, as we followed him along a fearfully rough road, partly on the tramlines of the canonbie collieries belonging to the duke of buccleuch, where two or three hundred men were employed. we each handed him a silver coin as he landed us in front of a large open fire which was blazing furiously near the mouth of the pit, and, bidding us "good morning," he placed a lighted lamp in front of his cap and disappeared down the shaft to the regions below. he was rather late owing to his having slackened his pace to our own, which was naturally slower than his, since walking along colliery sidings at night was difficult for strangers. we had taken of our boots to warm and ease our feet, when a man emerged from the darkness and asked us to put them on again, saying we should be more comfortable in the engine-house. if we stayed there we should be sure to catch a cold, as a result of being roasted on one side and frozen on the other. he kindly volunteered to accompany us there, so we thankfully accepted his invitation. we had some difficulty in following him owing to the darkness and obstructions in the way, but we reached the engine-room in safety, round the inside of which was a wooden seat, or bench, and acting upon his instructions we lay down on this to sleep, with a promise that he would waken us when he went off duty at six o'clock in the morning. we found it more comfortable here than on the windy pit bank, for there was an even and sleepy temperature. we were soon embosomed in the arms of nature's great refresher, notwithstanding the occasional working of the winding engines, sleeping as soundly on those wooden benches as ever we did on the best feather-bed we patronised on our journey. (_distance walked thirty-nine miles_.) _thursday, october th._ we were roused at six o'clock a.m. by the engine-driver, who had taken good care of us while we slept, and as we had had nothing to eat since our lunch at hawick the day before, except the fruit purchased from the toll-keeper there, which we had consumed long before reaching langholm, we were frightfully hungry. the engine-man told us there was a shop close by the colliery gate kept by a young man, where, if he happened to be in, we should be able to get some refreshments. he accompanied us to the place, and, after knocking loudly at the shop door, we were delighted to see the head of the shopkeeper appear through the window above. he was evidently well known to the engineer, who told him what we wanted, and he promised to "be down directly." it seemed a long time to us before the shop door was opened, and every minute appeared more like five than one; but we were soon comfortably seated in the shop, in the midst of all sorts of good things fit to eat. we should have liked to begin to eat them immediately, but the fire had to be lit and the kettle boiled, so we assisted with these operations while the young man cut into a fresh loaf of bread, broke open a pot of plum jam, opened a tin of biscuits, and, with the addition of a large slice of cheese and four fresh eggs, we had a really good breakfast, which we thoroughly enjoyed. he said it was a wonder we found him there, for it was very seldom he slept at the shop. his mother lived at a farm about a mile and a half away, where he nearly always slept; that night, however, he had been sleeping with his dog, which was to run in a race that day, and he spent the night with it lest it should be tampered with. he called the dog downstairs, and, though we knew very little about dogs, we could see it was a very fine-looking animal. our friend said he would not take £ for it, a price we thought exorbitant for any dog. when we had finished our enormous breakfast, we assisted the shopkeeper to clear the table, and as it was now his turn, we helped him to get his own breakfast ready, waiting upon him as he had waited upon us, while we conversed chiefly about colliers and dogs and our approaching visit to gretna green, which, as neither of us was married, was naturally our next great object of interest. [illustration: penton bridge, canonbie.] after our long walk the previous day, with very little sleep at the end of it, and the heavy breakfast we had just eaten, we felt uncommonly lazy and disinclined to walk very far that day. so, after wishing our friend good luck at the races, we bade him good-bye, and idly retraced our steps along the colliery road until we reached the bridge where we had met the collier so early in the morning. we had now time to admire the scenery, and regretted having passed through that beautiful part of the country during our weary tramp in the dark, and that we had missed so much of it, including the border towers on the river esk. riddel water, with its fine scenery, was on our left as we came from the colliery, where it formed the boundary between scotland and england, emptying itself into the river esk about two miles from canonbie bridge, which we now crossed, and soon arrived at the "cross keys inn," of which we had heard but failed to reach the previous night. the landlord of the inn, who was standing at the door, was formerly the driver of the royal mail stagecoach "engineer" which ran daily between hawick and carlisle on the edinburgh to london main road. a good-looking and healthy man of over fifty years of age, his real name was elder, but he was popularly known as mr. sandy or sandy elder. the coach, the last stage-coach that ever ran on that road, was drawn in ordinary weather by three horses, which were changed every seven or eight miles, the "cross keys" at canonbie being one of the stopping-places. [illustration: "cross keys inn."] mr. elder had many tales to tell of stage-coach days; one adventure, however, seemed more prominent in his thoughts than the others. it happened many years ago, when on one cold day the passengers had, with the solitary exception of one woman, who was sitting on the back seat of the coach, gone into the "cross keys inn" for refreshments while the horses were being changed. the fresh set of horses had been put in, and the stablemen had gone to the hotel to say all was ready, when, without a minute's warning, the fresh horses started off at full gallop along the turnpike road towards carlisle. great was the consternation at the inn, and sandy immediately saddled a horse and rode after them at full speed. meantime the woman, who mr. sandy said must have been as brave a woman as ever lived, crawled over the luggage on the top of the coach and on to the footboard in front. kneeling down while holding on with one hand, she stretched the other to the horses' backs and secured the reins, which had slipped down and were urging the horses forward. by this time the runaway horses had nearly covered the two miles between the inn and the tollgates, which were standing open, as the mail coach was expected, whose progress nothing must delay. fortunately the keeper of the first gate was on the look-out, and he was horrified when he saw the horses coming at their usual great speed without sandy the driver; he immediately closed the gate, and, with the aid of the brave woman, who had recovered the reins, the horses were brought to a dead stop at the gate, mr. sandy arriving a few minutes afterwards. the last run of this coach was in , about nine years before our visit, and there was rather a pathetic scene on that occasion. we afterwards obtained from one of mr. elder's ten children a cutting from an old newspaper she had carefully preserved, a copy of which is as follows: mr. elder, the landlord of the "cross keys hotel," was the last of the border royal mail coach drivers and was familiarly known as "sandy," and for ten years was known as the driver of the coach between hawick and carlisle. when the railway started and gave the death-blow to his calling, he left the seat of the stage coach, and invested his savings in the cosy hostelry of the road-side type immortalised by scott in his "young lochinvar." he told of the time when he did duty on the stage coach for dukes, earls, and lords, and aided run-a-way couples to reach the "blacksmith" at gretna green. he told of the days when he manipulated the ribbons from the box of the famous coach "engineer" when he dashed along with foaming horses as if the fate of a nation depended upon his reaching his stage at a given time. he could remember mosspaul inn at the zenith of its fame under the reigning sovereign mr. gownlock--whose tact and management made his hotel famous. he had frequently to carry large sums of money from the border banks and although these were the days of footpads and highwaymen, and coaches were "held up" in other parts, sandy's coach was never molested, although he had been blocked with his four-in-hand in the snow. he gave a graphic description of the running of the last mail coach from hawick to merrie carlisle in . willie crozier the noted driver was mounted on the box, and the horses were all decked out for the occasion. jemmie ferguson the old strapper, whose occupation like that of othello's was all gone, saw it start with a heavy heart, and crowds turned out to bid it good-bye. when the valleys rang with the cheery notes of the well-blown horn, and the rumbling sound of the wheels and the clattering hoofs of the horses echoed along the way, rich and poor everywhere came to view the end of a system which had so long kept them in touch with civilisation. the "engineer" guards and drivers with scarlet coats, white hats, and overflowing boots, and all the coaching paraphernalia so minutely described by dickens, then passed away, and the solitary remnant of these good old times was "sandy" elder the old landlord of the "cross keys" on canonbie lea. soon after leaving the "cross keys" we came to a wood where we saw a "warning to trespassers" headed "dangerous," followed by the words "beware of fox-traps and spears in these plantations." this, we supposed, was intended for the colliers, for in some districts they were noted as expert poachers. soon afterwards we reached what was called the scotch dyke, the name given to a mound of earth, or "dyke," as it was called locally, some four miles long and erected in the year between the rivers esk and sark to mark the boundary between england and scotland. we expected to find a range of hills or some substantial monument or noble ruin to mark the boundary between the two countries, and were rather disappointed to find only an ordinary dry dyke and a plantation, while a solitary milestone informed us that it was eighty-one and a half miles to edinburgh. we were now between the two tollbars, one in scotland and the other in england, with a space of only about fifty yards between them, and as we crossed the centre we gave three tremendous cheers which brought out the whole population of the two tollhouses to see what was the matter. we felt very silly, and wondered why we had done so, since we had spent five weeks in scotland and had nothing but praise both for the inhabitants and the scenery. it was exactly . a.m. when we crossed the boundary, and my brother on reflection recovered his self-respect and said he was sure we could have got absolution from sir walter scott for making all that noise, for had he not written: breathes there the man, with soul so dead, who never to himself hath said, this is my own, my native land! whose heart hath ne'er within him burn'd, as home his footsteps he hath turn'd. [illustration: netherby hall.] as the morning was beautifully fine, we soon forsook the highway and walked along the grassy banks of the esk, a charming river whose waters appeared at this point as if they were running up hill. we were very idle, and stayed to wash our feet in its crystal waters, dressing them with common soap, which we had always found very beneficial as a salve. we sauntered past kirkandrew's tower; across the river was the mansion of netherby, the home of the graham family, with its beautiful surroundings, immortalised by sir walter scott in his "young lochinvar," who came out of the west, and-- one touch to her hand, and one word in her ear, when they reached the hall-door, and the charger stood near; so light to the croupe the fair lady he swung, so light to the saddle before her he spran! "she is won! we are gone, over bank, bush, and scaur; they'll have fleet steeds that follow," quoth young lochinvar. there was mounting 'mong græmes of the netherby clan; forsters, fenwicks, and musgraves, they rode and they ran: there was racing and chasing on cannobie lee, but the lost bride of netherby ne'er did they see. so daring in love, and so dauntless in war, have ye e'er heard of gallant like young lochinvar? we were far more inclined to think and talk than to walk, and as we sat on the peaceful banks of the river we thought what a blessing it was that those border wars were banished for ever, for they appeared to have been practically continuous from the time of the romans down to the end of the sixteenth century, when the two countries were united under one king, and we thought of that verse so often quoted: the nations in the present day preserve the good old plan, that all shall take who have the power and all shall keep who can. we were not far from the narrowest point of the kingdom from east to west, or from one sea to the other, where the roman emperor, hadrian, built his boundary wall; but since that time, if we may credit the words of another poet who described the warriors and their origin, other nationalities have waged war on the borders-- from the worst scoundrel race that ever lived a horrid crowd of rambling thieves and drones, who ransacked kingdoms and dispeopled towns, the pict, the painted briton, treacherous scot by hunger, theft, and rapine, hither brought norwegian pirates--buccaneering danes, whose red-haired offspring everywhere remains; who, joined with norman french, compound the breed, from whence you time-born bordermen proceed. how long we should have loitered on the bank of the river if the pangs of hunger had not again made themselves felt we could not say, but we resolved at last to walk to longtown for some refreshments, and arrived there by noon, determined to make amends for our shortcomings after lunch, for, incredible though it seemed, we had only walked six miles! but we landed in a little cosy temperance house, one of those places where comfort prevailed to a much greater extent than in many more brilliant establishments. it was kept by one forster, a gentleman of distinction, possessing a remarkable temperament and following numerous avocations. he informed us he was the parish clerk, and that the lord bishop was holding a confirmation service in the church at p.m. we had intended only to stay for lunch and then resume our journey, but the mention of a much less important person than the lord bishop would have made us stay until tea-time, and travel on afterwards, so we decided to remain for the service. punctually at three o'clock, escorted by the son of our landlord, we entered the arthuret church, the parish church of longtown, about half a mile away from the town. it was built in and dedicated to st. michael, but had recently been restored and a handsome stained-glass window placed at the east end in memory of the late sir james graham, whose burial-place we observed marked by a plain stone slab as we entered the churchyard. in consequence of a domestic bereavement the organist was absent, and as he had forgotten to leave the key the harmonium was useless. our friend the parish clerk, however, was quite equal to the occasion, for as the psalm commencing "all people that on earth do dwell" was given out, he stepped out into the aisle and led off with the good old tune the "old hundredth," so admirably adapted for congregational use, and afterwards followed with the hymn beginning "before jehovah's awful throne," completing the choral part of the service to the tune of "duke street"; we often wondered where that street was, and who the duke was that it was named after. our admiration of the parish clerk increased when we found he could start the singing of psalms and on the correct note in the presence of a lord bishop, and we contemplated what might have been the result had he started the singing in a higher or a lower key. we rejoiced that the responsibility rested upon him and not on ourselves. the candidates for confirmation were now requested to stand while the remainder of the congregation remained seated. the bishop, dr. goodwin, delivered a homely, solemn, and impressive address. his lordship did not take any text, but spoke extempore, and we were well pleased with his address, so appropriate was it to the occasion; the language was easy and suited to the capacities of those for whom the service was specially held. as sympathisers with the temperance movement we thoroughly coincided with the bishop's observations when he affectionately warned his hearers against evil habits, amongst which he catalogued that of indulgence in intoxicating drinks, and warned the young men not to frequent public-houses, however much they might be ridiculed or thought mean for not doing so. the candidates came from three parishes, the girls dressed very plainly and as usual outnumbering the boys. the general congregation was numerically small, and we were surprised that there was no collection! service over, we returned to our lodgings for tea, intending to resume our walk immediately afterwards. we were so comfortable, however, and the experiences of the previous day and night so fresh in our minds, and bodies, that we decided to rest our still weary limbs here for the night, even though we had that day only walked six miles, the shortest walk in all our journey. [illustration: kirkandrews church.] our host, mr. forster, was moreover a very entertaining and remarkable man. he had been parish clerk for many years, a freemason for upwards of thirty years, letter-carrier or postman for fourteen years, and recently he and his wife had joined the good templars! he had many interesting stories of the runaway marriages at gretna green, a piece of borderland neither in scotland nor england, and he claimed to have suggested the act of parliament brought in by lord brougham to abolish these so-called "scotch" marriages by a clause which required twenty-one days' residence before the marriage could be solemnised, so that although the act was called lord brougham's act, he said it was really his. its effects were clearly demonstrated in a letter he had written, which appeared in the registrar-general's report, of which he showed us a copy, stating that while in the year , the year of the passing of lord brougham's act, there were marriages celebrated in the district of gretna green, thirty-nine entered as taking place in one day, november th, in the following year there were only thirty and in the next forty-one, showing conclusively that the act had been effectual. we could have listened longer to our host's stories, but we had to rise early next morning to make up for our loss of mileage, and retired early to make up for our loss of sleep on the previous night. (_distance walked six miles_.) _friday, october th._ we left longtown at . a.m. by the long and wide thoroughfare which gives rise to its name, and followed the carlisle road until we turned to the right for gretna green. our road lay between solway moss and the river esk, to both of which some historic events were attached. solway moss is about seven miles in circumference, and is covered with grass and rushes, but it shakes under the least pressure, and will swallow up nearly anything. in , after heavy rains, it burst, and, as in ireland, streams of black peaty mud began to creep over the plain and to overwhelm the houses. it was the scene of a battle fought on november th, , when the english army under sir thomas wharton defeated a scottish army of , men, who were either killed, drowned, or taken prisoners. one of the unfortunates was unearthed in later times by peat-diggers, a man on his horse, who had sunk in the bog. the skeletons were well preserved, and the different parts of the armour easily recognisable. the disastrous result of this battle so affected james v, king of scotland, that he is said to have died of a broken heart. personally, we thought he deserved a greater punishment for the murder of johnnie armstrong and his followers twelve years before this event, for armstrong was just the man who could and would have protected the borders. the river esk was associated with prince charlie, who, with his soldiers, had to cross it when retreating before the army of the duke of cumberland. it was a difficult operation to carry out, as the usually shallow ford had been converted by the melting snow into a swift-flowing current four feet deep. the cavalry were drawn up in two lines across the stream, one to break the current and the other to prevent any of the foot-soldiers being washed away as they crossed the river between the two lines of cavalry. lower down the river still were prince charlie and his officers, who were better mounted than the others. the foot-soldiers walked arm-in-arm, with their heads barely above the water, making the space between the cavalry lines to look as if it were set with paving-stones. one poor soldier lost his hold on his comrade and was washed down the river, and would certainly have been drowned had not the prince seized him by the hair, and, shouting in gaelic for help, held on until both of them were rescued. after being hunted in the highland glens for months with a ransom of £ , placed on his head--not a celt betraying his whereabouts--by the help of flora macdonald prince charlie escaped to brittany, and finally died at rome in the arms of the master of nairn in . in the beds of esk, a large sandbank where the tide meets the stream, presented an unusual spectacle, and a striking tribute to the dangerous character of the river especially when in flood. collected together on the beach were a varied assortment of animals and human beings, consisting of no less than black cattle, horses, , sheep, dogs, hares, many smaller animals, and human beings, all of whom had been cut off by the rapidly advancing tide. many other events have happened in this neighbourhood, one of the most sensational perhaps being the death of king edward i, "the hammer of the scots," also nicknamed "longshanks," from the length of his lower limbs, who died in on these marshes, requesting his effeminate son, the prince of wales, as he bade him farewell, not to bury his body until the scots were utterly subdued, but this wish was prevented by the defeat at the battle of bannockburn. we passed by some large peat-fields, and, crossing the river sark, were once more in scotland, notwithstanding the fact that we had so recently given three cheers as we passed out of it. we traversed the length of springfield, a stone-built village of whitewashed, one-storied cottages, in which we could see handloom weavers at work, nearly fifty of them being employed in that industry. formerly, we were told, the villagers carried on an illicit commerce in whisky and salt, on which there were heavy duties in england, but none on whisky in scotland. the position here being so close to the borders, it was a very favourable one for smuggling both these articles into england, and we heard various exciting stories of the means they devised for eluding the vigilance of the excise officers. as we passed through the neighbourhood at a quick rate, the villagers turned out to have a look at us, evidently thinking something important was going on. we saw many workers in the fields, who called out to us hinting about the nature of our journey, as we travelled towards gretna green. some of the women went so far as to ask us if we wanted any company. the most conspicuous objects in the village were the church and the remarkably high gravestones standing like sentinels in the churchyard. bonnie prince charlie arrived here on the afternoon of his birthday in , stabling his horse in the church, while the vicar fled from what he described in the church book as "the rebels." a small cottage--said to be the oldest in gretna--is shown in which prince charlie slept. the village green appeared to us as if it had been fenced in and made into a garden, and a lady pointed out an ancient-looking building, which she said was the hall where the original "blacksmith" who married the runaway couples resided, but which was now occupied by a gentleman from edinburgh. she explained the ceremony as being a very simple one, and performed expeditiously: often in the road, almost in sight of the pursuers of the runaway pair. all sorts and conditions of men and women were united there, some of them from far-off lands, black people amongst the rest, and she added with a sigh, "there's been many an unhappy job here," which we quite believed. there were other people beside the gentleman at the hall who made great profit by marrying people, both at springfield and gretna, and a list of operators, dated from the year , included a soldier, shoemaker, weaver, poacher, innkeeper, toll-keeper, fisherman, pedlar, and other tradesmen. but the only blacksmith who acted in that capacity was a man named joe paisley, who died in aged seventy-nine years. his motto was, "strike while the iron's hot," and he boasted that he could weld the parties together as firmly as he could one piece of iron to another. [illustration: joseph paisley, the celebrated gretna-green parson dec'd january , , aged . the first great "priest" of gretna green.] joe was a man of prodigious strength; he could bend a strong iron poker over his arm, and had frequently straightened an ordinary horse-shoe in its cold state with his hands. he could also squeeze the blood from the finger ends of any one who incurred his anger. he was an habitual drunkard, his greatest boast being that he had once been "teetotal" for a whole forenoon. when he died he was an overgrown mass of superfluous fat, weighing at least twenty-five stone. he was said to have earned quite a thousand pounds per year by his encroachments into the province of the cleric, and when on his deathbed he heard three carriages arrive, he consented to marry the three wealthy couples they contained, and found himself two or three hundred pounds richer than before. he also boasted that the marriage business had been in his family for quite one hundred years, and that his uncle, the old soldier gordon, used to marry couples in the full uniform of his regiment, the british grenadiers. he gave a form of certificate that the persons had declared themselves to be single, that they were married by the form of the kirk of scotland, and agreeably to that of the church of england. [illustration: gretna green.] one of the most celebrated elopements to gretna was that of the earl of westmorland and miss child, the daughter of the great london banker. the earl had asked for the hand of sarah, and had been refused, the banker remarking, "your blood is good enough, but my money is better," so the two young people made it up to elope and get married at gretna green. the earl made arrangements beforehand at the different stages where they had to change horses, but the banker, finding that his daughter had gone, pursued them in hot haste. all went well with the runaway couple until they arrived at shap, in westmorland, where they became aware they were being pursued. here the earl hired all the available horses, so as to delay the irate banker's progress. the banker's "money was good," however, and the runaways were overtaken between penrith and carlisle. hero the earl's "blood was good," for, taking deliberate aim at the little star of white on the forehead of the banker's leading horse, he fired successfully, and so delayed the pursuit that the fugitives arrived at gretna first; and when the bride's father drove up, purple with rage and almost choking from sheer exasperation, he found them safely locked in what was called the bridal chamber! the affair created a great sensation in london, where the parties were well known, heavy bets being made as to which party would win the race. at the close of the market it stood at two to one on the earl and the girl. in those days "postboys" were employed to drive the runaways from the hotels at carlisle to gretna, one of the most noted of whom was jock ainslie, on the staff of the "bush inn" at carlisle. on one occasion he was commissioned to drive a runaway couple, who had just arrived by the coach from london, to gretna, but when they got as far as longtown they insisted they were tired and must stay for dinner before going forward, so they sent jock back. he returned to carlisle rather reluctantly, advising the runaways to lose no time. but when he got back to the "bush inn" he saw the mother of the lady whom he had left at longtown drive up to the hotel door accompanied by a bow street officer. while they were changing horses, jock went to the stable, saddled a horse, rode off to longtown, and told his patrons what he had seen. they immediately hurried into a chaise, but had not gone far before they heard the carriage wheels of their pursuers. jock ainslie was quite equal to the occasion, and drove the chaise behind a thick bush, whence the pair had the satisfaction of seeing "mamma" hurry past at full speed in pursuit. while she was continuing her search on the annan road, jock quietly drove into springfield and had his patrons "hitched up" without further delay, and doubtless was well rewarded for his services. [illustration: willie lang the last of the "lang" line of priests.] it seemed a strange thing that lord brougham, who brought in the famous act, should himself have taken advantage of a "scotch" marriage, and that two other lord chancellors, both celebrated men, should have acted in the same manner; lord eldon, the originator of the proverb-- new brooms sweep clean, was married at gretna, and lord erskine at springfield. marriage in this part of scotland had not the same religious significance as elsewhere, being looked upon as more in the nature of a civil contract than a religious ceremony. the form of marriage was almost entirely a secular matter, and if a man and woman made a declaration before two witnesses that they were single persons and had resided twenty-one days in scotland, they were considered as being man and wife. at the point where the black esk and white esk rivers join, a remarkable custom called "handfasting" prevailed hundreds of years ago. here, at a place known as handfasting hough, young men and women assembled in great numbers and made matrimonial engagements by joining hands. the marriage was only binding for one year, but if both parties were then satisfied, the "handfasting" was continued for life. king robert ii of scotland, it was said, was one of those who was "hand-fasted" there. [illustration: (facsimile of lord erskine's signature.)] [illustration: springfield toll.] we now left gretna, still single, for carlisle, nine and a half miles away, the distance to glasgow in the opposite direction being eighty-five miles. we recrossed the river sark, the boundary here between scotland and england, the famous tollbar through which eloping couples had to hurry before they could reach gretna green. in those days gangs of men were ever on the watch to levy blackmail both on the pursued and their pursuers, and the heaviest purse generally won when the race was a close one. we saw a new hotel on the english side of the river which had been built by a mr. murray specially for the accommodation of the runaways while the "blacksmith" was sent for to join them together on the other side of the boundary, but it had only just been finished when lord brougham's act rendered it practically useless, and made it a bad speculation for mr. murray. passing through the tollgate we overtook a man with half a dozen fine greyhounds, in which, after our conversation with the owner of the racing dog at canonbie collieries, we had become quite interested; and we listened to his description of each as if we were the most ardent dog-fanciers on the road. one of the dogs had taken a first prize at lytham and another a second at stranraer. we passed through a country where there were immense beds of peat, hurrying through todhilis without even calling at the "highland laddie" or the "jovial butcher" at kingstown, and we crossed the river eden as we entered the border city of carlisle, sometimes called "merrie carlisle," or, as the romans had it, lugovalum. an elderly gentleman whom we overtook, and of whom we inquired concerning the objects of interest to be seen, appeared to take more interest in business matters than in those of an antiquarian nature, for he told us that "carr's biscuit manufactory" with its machinery was a far finer sight than either the cathedral or the castle. perhaps he was right, but our thoughts were more in the direction of bygone ages, with the exception of the letters that were waiting for us at the post office, and for which we did not forget to call. merrie carlisle, we were informed, was the chief residence of king arthur, whose supposed ghostly abode and that of his famous knights, or one of them, we had passed earlier in the week. we were now told that near penrith, a town to the south of carlisle, there was still to be seen a large circle surrounded by a mound of earth called "arthur's round table," and that in the churchyard were the giants' graves. in the very old ballad on the "lothely lady" king arthur was described as returning after a long journey to his queen guenevere, in a very sad mood: and there came to him his cozen, sir gawain, y' was a courteous knight; why sigh you soe sore, unkle arthur, he said, or who hath done thee unright? arthur told him he had been taken prisoner by a fierce, gigantic chief, who had only released him and spared his life on condition that he would return and pay his ransom on new year's day, the ransom being that he must tell the giant "that which all women most desire." when the morning of the day arrived, arthur was in great despair, for nearly all the women he had asked had given him different answers, but he was in honour bound to give himself up; and as he rode over the moors he saw a lady dressed in scarlet, sitting between an oak and a green holly. glancing at her, arthur saw the most hideous woman he had ever seen. then there as shold have stood her mouth, then there was sett her e'e, the other was in her forhead fast, the way that she might see. her nose was crooked, and turned outward, her mouth stood foul awry; a worse formed lady than she was, never man saw with his eye. king arthur rode on and pretended not to see her, but she called him back and said she could help him with his ransom. the king answered, "if you can release me from my bond, lady, i shall be grateful, and you shall marry my nephew gawain, with a gold ring." then the lothely lady told arthur that the thing all women desired was "to have their own way." the answer proved to be correct, and arthur was released; but the "gentle gawain" was now bound by his uncle's promise, and the "lothely lady" came to carlisle and was wedded in the church to gawain. when they were alone after the ceremony she told him she could be ugly by day and lovely by night, or _vice versa_, as he pleased, and for her sake, as she had to appear amongst all the fine ladies at the court, he begged her to appear lovely by day. then she begged him to kiss her, which with a shudder he did, and immediately the spell cast over her by a witch-step mother was broken, and gawain beheld a young and lovely maiden. she was presented to arthur and guenevere, and was no longer a "lothely" lady. then the ballad goes on: king arthur beheld the lady faire, that was soe faire and bright; he thanked christ in trinity, for sir gawain, that gentle knight. king arthur's table was supposed to have been made round for the same reason that john o' groat's was made octagonal--to avoid jealousy amongst his followers. [illustration: carlisle cathedral.] we visited the cathedral, which had suffered much in the wars, but in the fine east window some very old stained glass remained, while parts of the building exhibit the massive columns and circular arches typical of the norman architect. here, in the presence of king edward i and his parliament, robert the bruce, king of scotland, was excommunicated by the papal legate for the murder of the red comyn in the church of the minorite friars in dumfries. here, too, sir walter scott was married to charlotte carpenter in the presence of jane nicholson and john bird on december th, . sir walter was touring in the lake district in july of that year, and while staying at gilsland wells he first saw a fascinating and elegant young lady, the daughter of jean charpentier of lyons, then under the charge of the rev. john bird, a minor canon of carlisle cathedral. she was described, possibly by sir walter himself, as being rich in personal attractions, with a form fashioned as light as a fairy's, a complexion of the clearest and finest italian brown, and a profusion of silken tresses as black as the raven's wing. a humorous savant wrote the following critique on this description of the beauty of sir walter's fiancée: it is just possible the rascal had been reading some of the old welsh stories collected in the twelfth century and known as the mabinogion stories. in one oliven is described so-- "more yellow was her head than the yellow of the broom, and her skin was whiter than the foam of the wave, and fairer were her hands and her fingers than the blossoms of the wood anemone amidst the sprays of the meadow fountain. the eye of the trained hawk, the glance of the three-mewed falcon was not brighter than hers. her bosom was more snowed than the heart of the white swan; her cheek was redder than the reddest roses." [illustration: the "popping stone," gilsland.] or again, both of the love-stricken swains may have dipped, into the _arabian nights_, where imagination and picture painting runs riot. there was no doubt that scott fell deeply in love with her, so much so that a friend whom he visited in wrote that "scott was 'sair' beside himself about miss carpenter and that they toasted her twenty times over and raved about her until one o'clock in the morning." sir walter seemed to have acted in his courtship on the old north-country adage, "happy is the wooing that is not long a-doing," for he was married to her three months afterwards. the whole details are carefully preserved in local tradition. the river irthing runs through gilsland, and at the foot of the cliffs, which rise go feet above the river, were the sulphur wells. near these, on the bank of the river, was a large stone named the "popping stone," where it was said that sir walter scott "popped the question," and all who can get a piece of this stone, which, by the way, is of a very hard nature, and place it under the pillow at night, will dream of their future partners. the hotel people tell a good story of a gentleman, an entire stranger to the district, who went in company with a lady who knew the neighbourhood to see the famous stone. after walking for some distance they were passing a stone, when the gentleman asked, "is this the popping stone?" "no," answered his fair companion, "but any large stone will do." near the stone there was a bush called the "kissing bush," where sir walter was said to have sealed the sweet compact when the temperature was only "two in the shade." oh happy love! where love like this is found! oh heartfelt raptures! bliss beyond compare! i've paced much this weary mortal round, if heaven a draught of heavenly pleasure spare, one cordial in this melancholy vale, 'tis when a youthful loving modest pair in other's arms breathe out the tender tale beneath the "kissing bush" that scents the evening gale. [illustration: carlisle castle] john wesley visited carlisle and preached there on several occasions. rabbie burns, too, after the publication of the first edition of his poems, visited it in , patronising the "malt shovel inn," where, as he wrote, "he made a night of it." we paid a hurried visit to the castle on the summit of a sharp aclivity overlooking the river eden, in whose dungeons many brave men have been incarcerated, where we saw a dripping-or dropping-stone worn smooth, it was said, by the tongues of thirsty prisoners to whom water was denied. the dropping was incessant, and we were told a story which seems the refinement of cruelty, in which the water was allowed to drop on a prisoner's head until it killed him. from the castle mound we could see the country for a long distance, and there must have been a good view of the roman wall in ancient times, as the little church of stanwix we had passed before crossing the river eden was built on the site of a roman station on hadrian's wall, which there crossed the river on low arches. the wall was intended to form the boundary between england and scotland, and extended for seventy miles, from bowness-on-the-solway to wallsend-on-the-tyne, thus crossing the kingdom at its narrowest part. we left carlisle at a speed of four miles per hour, and within the hour we had our first near view of the cumberland hills, scawfell being the most conspicuous. we decided to go to maryport, however, as we heard that a great number of roman altars had recently been discovered there. we were now once more in england, with its old-fashioned villages, and at eleven miles from carlisle we reached wigton, whose streets and footpaths were paved with boulders and cobble-stones; here we stayed for refreshments. a further eight-miles' walk, some portion of it in the dark, brought us to aspatria, but in the interval we had passed brayton hall, the residence of sir wilfrid lawson, bart., m.p., the leader of the legislative temperance movement for the abolition of the liquor traffic, and who, at a later date, was said to be the wittiest member of the house of commons. as chairman of the united kingdom alliance, that held its annual gatherings in the great free trade hall in manchester, a building capable of seating , persons, so great was his popularity that the immense building, including the large platform, was packed with people long before the proceedings were timed to begin, there being left only sufficient space for the chairman and the speakers. the interval before the arrival of these gentlemen was whiled away by the audience in singing well-known hymns and songs, and on one occasion, when sankey and moody's hymns had become popular, just as the people were singing vociferously the second line of the verse-- see the mighty host advancing, satan leading on! [illustration: carlisle castle] sir wilfrid appeared on the platform followed by the speakers. his ready wit seized the humour of the situation, and it is said that he was so deeply affected by this amusing incident that it took him a whole week to recover! as a speaker he never failed to secure the attention and respect of his audience, and even of those in it who did not altogether agree with his principles. as an advocate of the total suppression of the liquor traffic, on every occasion his peroration was listened to with almost breathless attention, and concluded in an earnest and impressive manner which left a never-to-be-forgotten impression upon those who heard it, the almost magic spell by which he had held the vast audience being suddenly broken, as if by an electric shock, into thunders of applause when he recited his favourite verse. we can hear his voice still repeating the lines: slowly moves the march of ages, slowly grows the forest king, slowly to perfection cometh every great and glorious thing! it was p.m. as we entered aspatria, where we found lodgings for the night at isaac tomlinson's. we expected aspatria, from its name, to have had some connection with the romans, but it appeared to have been so called after aspatrick, or gospatrick, the first lord of allerdale, and the church was dedicated to st. kentigern. the beacon hill near the town was explored in , and a vault discovered containing the skeleton of a gigantic warrior seven feet long, who had been buried with his sword, dagger, gold bracelet, horse's bit, and other accoutrements dating from the sixth century. we had passed a small village near our road named bromfield, which was said to possess strong claims to have been the site of the battle of brunanburch, fought in the year , when anlaf, king of dublin, formed a huge confederacy with the king of the scots, the king of strathclyde, and owen, king of cumbria, against athelstan, king of england, by whom, however, they were signally defeated; but we afterwards came to a place a long way further south which also claimed to have been the site of that famous battle. according to the following record, however, our native county of chester appeared to have the strongest claim to that distinction: it is not actually certain where the battle of brunanburch was fought, but it is by all historians said to have taken place in the wirral peninsula about the site where bromborough is now situated. the battle took place in a.d., and it was here that athelstan defeated the united forces of scotland, cumberland, and the british and danish chiefs, which is recorded in the saxon chronicle in a great war song. the name given in the chronicle is brunesburgh, but at the time of the conquest it was called brunburgh. the fleet set sail from dublin under the command of the danish king anlaf or olaf to invade england. he had as his father-in-law, constantine, king of the scots, and many welsh chieftains supported him. they made good their landing but were completely routed by king athelstan, grandson of alfred, as stated above. it is more than probable that anlaf sailing from dublin would come over to england by the usual route to the havens opposite, near the great roadstead of the dee estuary. one must not forget that the sea has made great ravages upon this coast, destroying much ground between wallasey and west kirby, though compensating for it in some measure by depositing the material in the estuary itself in the shape of banks of mud and sand. nor must one overlook the existence of the old forest of wirral, which stretched, as the old saying ran-- from blacon point to hilbre squirrels in search of food might then jump straight from tree to tree. so thick the forest stood! chester was held by the king, for the warlike daughter of alfred, ethelfleda, had rebuilt it as a fort after it had been lying in waste for generations, and had established another at runcofan, or runcorn. it was natural, therefore, for anlaf to avoid the waters protected by athelstan's fleet and seek a landing perhaps at the old roman landing-place of dove point, near hoylake, or in the inlet now carved into the timber float at birkenhead. norse pirates had made a settlement here beforehand, as the place names, kirby, calby, greasby, and thorstaston, seem to indicate. bromborough would be just the spot for a strategist like athelstan to meet the invader, trying to force a way between the forest and the marshes about port sunlight. this old port at dove point has been washed away, though many wonderful relics of roman and earlier times have been found there, and are safely housed in the chester museum. once again it was used for the embarking of the army under william iii, when he sailed for ireland to meet the late king, james ii, in battle. when chester began to lose its trade through the silting up of its harbour, about the reigns of the lancastrian kings, it became necessary to sail from lower down the estuary, parkgate being in the best position and possessing a quay, while dawpool was also frequently used. but a good port was necessary, because ireland was frequently in rebellion, and troops were usually passed over the channel from this region. parkgate was most prosperous in the eighteenth century, but the construction of the great irish road through llangollen to holyhead, and of a good coach road from warrington to liverpool, and the later development of railways caused its decline, until in our time it was only known for its shrimps and as the headquarters of a small coast fleet of fishing-boats. it was to dawport, or darport, that dean swift usually sailed from dublin at the beginning of the eighteenth century for his frequent visits to his brother wits, addison and steele. it was strange how many common sayings of to-day were his in origin such as, "there is none so blind as they that won't see," and, "a penny for your thoughts." like many witty people, he must needs have his little joke. he was made dean of st. patrick's, dublin, in , and was accustomed to preach there each sunday afternoon, and was said to have preached on the same subject on sixteen consecutive occasions. on making his seventeenth appearance he asked the congregation if they knew what he was going to preach about. most of them answered "yes," while others replied "no." "some of you say yes," said the dean, "and some of you say no. those who know, tell those who don't know," and he immediately pronounced the benediction and left the pulpit! at chester he was accustomed to stay at the "yacht inn" in watergate street, the old street of roman origin, which led westwards to the river beneath the river gate. a dean is a dean, and his dignity must be preserved in a cathedral city. of a dean of chester of the early nineteenth century it is recounted that he would never go to service at the cathedral except in stately dignity, within his stage coach with postillions and outriders, and would never even take his wife with him inside. dean swift probably announced his arrival to his brother of chester as one king announces his approach to another king. but the story goes that a great cathedral function was on and no one came to welcome the great man. perhaps there was a little excuse, for most likely they had suffered from his tongue. but, however much they might have suffered, they would have hurried to see him had they foreseen his revenge. and perhaps a poor dinner had contributed to the acidity of his mind when he scratched on one of the windows the following verse: rotten without and mouldering within. this place and its clergy are all near akin! it is a far cry from the battle of brunanburch to dean swift, but the thought of anlaf took us back to ireland, and ireland and chester were closely connected in trade for many centuries. so it was with thoughts of our homeland that we retired for the night after adding another long day's walk to our tour. (_distance walked thirty-two and a half miles_.) _saturday, october th._ the long, straggling street of aspatria was lit up with gas as we passed along it in the early morning on the road towards maryport, and we marched through a level and rather uninteresting country, staying for slight boot repairs at a village on our way. we found maryport to be quite a modern looking seaport town, with some collieries in the neighbourhood. we were told that the place had taken its name from mary queen of scots; but we found this was not correct, as the name was given to it about the year , after mary the wife of humphrey senhouse, the lord of the manor at that period, the first house there apart from the old posting-house, having been built in the year . for centuries there had been a small fishing-village at the mouth of the river, which in the time of edward i was named ellenfoot, while the river itself was named the alne, now corrupted into ellen. maryport was of some importance in the time of the romans, and their camp, about five acres in extent, still overlooked the sea. it was probably founded by agricola about a.d. , and in a.d. was the station of the roman fleet under marcus menaeius agrippa, admiral of the roman fleet in british waters, and a personal friend of hadrian. the roman name of the station was probably glanoventa, though other names have been suggested. the north-east gateway was more distinct than other portions of the camp, the ruts made by the chariot wheels of the romans being still visible inside the threshold. the roman village in those days covered the four fields on the north-east side of the camp, and since the seventeenth century about forty roman altars had been found, seventeen of them having been discovered in , the year before our visit. they had been carefully buried about yards east of the camp, and were discovered through a plough striking against one of them. among them were altars to jupiter, mars, virtue, vulcan, neptune, belatucadrus, eternal rome, gods and goddesses, victory, and to the genius of the place fortune, rome. in addition there were twelve small or household altars, querns, roman millstones, cup and ring stones, a large, so-called, serpent stone, and several sepulchral slabs, sculptures, etc. there were also large quantities of samian and other pottery, and articles in glass, bronze, lead, and iron, with about coins, many of these remains being unique. this wonderful discovery proved that the romans were resident here right up to the end of their occupation of britain, as the coins bore the names of thirty-two roman emperors. the altars themselves were buried where they were found probably before a.d. . it is well known that their soldiers were drafted from many other nations, and there is distinct evidence that amongst others the first cohort of spaniards appeared to have been prominent, while the legionary stones were of the second and twentieth legions, the latter being stationed for a long time at chester and moved to the north of england in the latter half of the fourth century. [illustration: altar stones. "roman remains found at maryport, and dating probably about or before a.d. ."] [illustration: altar stones. "among them were altars to jupiter, mars, vulcan, household altars, and legionary stones."] [illustration: the serpent stone.] the roman ships carried stores here from deva, their station on the dee, now known as chester, for the use of the builders of hadrian's wall, so that maryport ought to be a happy hunting-ground for antiquaries. after the departure of the romans, maryport must have been left to decay for over a thousand years, and it seemed even now to be a place that very few tourists visited. netherhall, where most of the antiquities were carefully stored, was originally a peel tower, and up to the year was the home of the eaglesfields and the reputed birthplace of robert eaglesfield, the founder of queen's college, oxford; it was now in possession of the senhouse family. there was also the mote hill, overlooking the river and surrounded by a deep ditch, under the protection of which the roman galleys anchored. a romantic legend of the period of the roman occupation still clings to the neighbourhood, called the legend of the golden coffin: the daughter of one of the roman officers was loved by a young warrior from the other side of the solway. their trysting-place was discovered by the girl's father, who had a number of soldiers with him, and in spite of the entreaties of the girl, her lover was killed. with his death the maiden had no desire to live; night after night she made her way to the fatal spot, where she was eventually found, having died of a broken heart. the father prepared a wonderful funeral for her. her body was arranged in silken garments, and then placed in a golden coffin and buried in a deep grave just outside the camp, where her spirit was still supposed to haunt the place at midnight. on the sea coast a sunken forest existed, while the shore was covered with granite boulders of many sizes and shapes, and large numbers of similar stones were ploughed up in the fields, all apparently ice-borne, and having been carried mostly from criffel on the scottish coast, and the following legend was told here to explain their presence on the english side of the solway. there once lived a giant on criffel which was on the opposite coast of the solway firth, while another giant lived on skiddaw, one of the highest mountains in cumberland. for a time they lived in peace and quietness, but an occasion came when they quarrelled. then they took up stones and hurled them at each other; but many of them fell short, and hence they are now widely scattered. [illustration: wordsworth's birthplace, cockermouth.] we now returned towards the hills and followed what was once a roman road through a level country to cockermouth, passing on our way through the colliery village of dearham, a name meaning the "home of wild animals"; but we saw nothing wilder than a few colliers. the church here was built in , while the tower was built in the fourteenth century for defence against the scotch marauders. there were many old stones and crosses in the churchyard. cockermouth, as its name implies, is situated at the mouth of the river cocker, which here joins its larger neighbour the river derwent, and has been called the western gate of the lake district. here also were roman, saxon, and norman remains. the castle, standing in a strong position between the two rivers, was rebuilt in the reign of edward i, and in edward ii's time his haughty favourite, piers gaveston, resided in it for a short period. it was held for the king during the civil war, but was left in ruins after an attack by the parliamentarians in . the gateway tower displayed many coats of arms, and there was the usual dungeon, or subterranean chamber, while the habitable portion of the castle formed the residence of lord leconfield. the poet, william wordsworth, was born at cockermouth on april th, , about a hundred years before we visited it, and one of his itinerary poems of was an address from the spirit of cockermouth castle: thou look'st upon me, and dost fondly think, poet! that, stricken as both are by years, we, differing once so much, are now compeers, prepared, when each has stood his time, to sink into the dust. erewhile a sterner link united us; when thou in boyish play, entered my dungeon, did'st become a prey to soul-appalling darkness. not a blink of light was there; and thus did i, thy tutor, make thy young thoughts acquainted with the grave; while thou wert chasing the winged butterfly through my green courts; or climbing, a bold suitor, up to the flowers whose golden progeny still round my shattered brow in beauty wave. [illustration: cockermouth castle] mary queen of scots stayed at cockermouth on the night of may th, --after the defeat of her army at langside--at the house of henry fletcher, a merchant, who gave her thirteen ells of rich crimson velvet to make a robe she badly needed. [illustration: portinscale.] the weather turned out wet in the afternoon, so we stayed for tea at one of the inns in the town, and noted with curiosity that the number of the inhabitants in cockermouth was , at one census, and exactly the same number at the next, which followed ten years afterwards. the new moon was now due, and had brought with it a change in the weather, our long spell of fine weather having given place to rain. we did not altogether agree with our agricultural friends in cheshire that it was the moon that changed the weather, but it would be difficult to persuade the farmers there to the contrary, since the changes in the weather almost invariably came with the phases in the moon; so, without venturing to say that the moon changed the weather or that the weather changed the moon, we will hazard the opinion that the same influences might simultaneously affect both, and the knowledge that we were approaching the most rainy district in all england warned us to prepare for the worst. the scenery improved as we journeyed towards keswick, the "city of the lakes," but not the weather, which continued dull and rainy, until by the time we reached the british stronghold known as peel wyke it was nearly dark. here we reached bassenthwaite lake, four miles long and one mile broad, and had it not been for the rain and the darkness we might have had a good view across the lake of skiddaw mountain, , feet above sea-level and towards the right, and of helvellyn, a still higher mountain, rising above derwent water, immediately in front of us. we had seen both of these peaks in the distance, but as the rain came on their summits became enveloped in the clouds. we walked about three miles along the edge of bassenthwaite lake, passing the villages of thornthwaite and braithwaite, where lead and zinc were mined. on arriving at portinscale we crossed the bridge over the river derwent which connects that lake (derwent water) with bassenthwaite lake through which it flows, and thence, past cockermouth, to the sea at workington. soon after leaving portinscale we arrived at keswick, where we were comfortably housed until monday morning at the skiddaw hotel, formerly a licensed house, but since converted into a first-class temperance house by miss lawson, the sister of sir wilfrid lawson, bart., m.p. (_distance walked twenty-eight miles_.) _sunday, october th._ rain had fallen heavily during the night, but the weather cleared up a little as we wended our way to morning service at crosthwaite church, dedicated to st. kentigern, a bishop of glasgow, in the sixth century, and doing duty, we supposed, as the parish church of keswick. the font there dated from the year , and bore the arms of edward iii, with inscriptions on each of its eight sides which we could not decipher. in the chancel stood an alabaster tomb and effigy of sir john radcliffe and his wife, ancestors of the earl of derwentwater. the church also contained a monument to southey the poet, erected at a cost of £ , , and bearing the following epitaph written by the poet wordsworth: the vales and hills whose beauty hither drew the poet's steps, and fixed him here, on you his eyes have closed! and ye, lov'd books, no more shall southey feed upon your precious lore, to works that ne'er shall forfeit their renown. adding immortal labours of his own-- whether he traced historic truth, with zeal for the state's guidance, and the church's weal or fancy, disciplined by studious art, inform'd his pen, or wisdom of the heart. or judgements sanctioned in the patriot's mind by reverence for the rights of all mankind. wide were his aims, yet in no human breast could private feelings meet for holier rest. his joys, his griefs, have vanished like a cloud from skiddaw's top; but he to heaven was vowed. through his industrious life, and christian faith calmed in his soul the fear of change and death. we attended the same church in the afternoon, and both the sermons were preached by the curate, his texts being deut. vi. in the morning and hebrews iv. in the afternoon. we were surprised to see such large congregations on a wet day, but concluded that the people were so accustomed to rain in that part of the country that they looked upon it as a matter of course. the people of keswick evidently had other views as regards church-going than is expressed in the following lines by an author whose name we do not remember: no pelting rain can make us stay when we have tickets for the play; but let one drop the side-walk smirch. and it's too wet to go to church. at the morning service we sat in a pew in the rear of the church, and at one point in the service when it was usual in that part of the country for the congregation to sit down, one gentleman only remained standing. we could scarcely believe our own eyes when we recognised in this solitary figure the commanding form of colonel greenall of the warrington volunteers, a gentleman whom we know full well, for his brother was the rector of grappenhall, our native village, where the colonel himself formerly resided. he was a great stickler for a due recognition of that pleasing but old-fashioned custom now fallen out of use, of the boys giving the rector, the squire, or any other prominent member of their families a respectful recognition when meeting them in the village or on their walks abroad. on one occasion the boys had forgotten their usual obeisance when meeting some relatives of the colonel. he was highly indignant at this sin of omission, and took the earliest opportunity to bring the matter forcibly before his sunday-school class, of which my brother was a member. the colonel spoke long and feelingly to the boys on the subject of ordering themselves lowly and reverently before all their "betters," including governors, teachers, spiritual pastors and masters, and to all those who were put in authority over them, and wound up his peroration with these words, which my brother never forgot, "and now, boys, whenever you meet me, or any of my family, mind you always touch your hats!" [illustration: crosthwaite church, keswick.] we did not stop to speak to the colonel, as he was at the other end of the church and passed out through another door, but we were recognised by one of his men, who told us the colonel had only just removed to that neighbourhood. he had liked his summer's experiences there, but did not know how he would go on in the winter. the colonel and his man were the only persons we saw on the whole of our journey that we knew. to return to our boyish experiences and to the colonel, the subject of his sunday-school lesson was taken from the summary of the ten commandments in the church of england prayer book, where they were divided into two parts, the first four relating to our duty to god, and the remaining six to our duty towards our neighbour. it was surprising how these questions and answers learned in the days of our youth dwelt in our memories, and being sunday, we each wrote them down from memory with the same result, and we again record them for the benefit of any of our friends who wish to "read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest." "_question_.--what is thy duty towards god? "_answer_.--my duty towards god, is to believe in him, to fear him, and to love him with all my heart, with all my mind, with all my soul, and with all my strength; to worship him, to give him thanks, to put my whole trust in him, to call upon him, to honour his holy name and his word, and to serve him truly all the days of my life. "_question_.--what is thy duty towards thy neighbour? "_answer_.--my duty towards my neighbour, is to love him as myself, and to do unto all men, as i would they should do unto me: to love, honour, and succour my father and mother: to honour and obey the queen, and all that are put in authority under her: to submit myself to all my governors, teachers, spiritual pastors and masters: to order myself lowly and reverently to all my betters: to hurt no body by word nor deed: to be true and just in all my dealing: to bear no malice nor hatred in my heart: to keep my hands from picking and stealing, and my tongue from evil-speaking, lying, and slandering: to keep my body in temperance, soberness, and chastity: not to covet nor desire other men's goods; but to learn and labour truly to get mine own living, and to do my duty in that state of life, unto which it shall please god to call me." the word "duty" in the last paragraph of the explanation of one's duty to one's neighbour must have been in the thoughts of both nelson and his men at the battle of trafalgar when he signalled, "england expects that every man this day will do his duty." although objections may be raised to clauses in the summary, we always thought that our country could be none the worse, but all the better, if every one learned and tried to act up to the principles contained in these summaries of the ten commandments. in the evening we attended st. john's church, where the vicar officiated and preached from isaiah lxvii. to a large congregation, and after the service we returned to our hotel. keswick was a great resort of tourists and holiday people, and we were not without company at the hotel, from whom we obtained plenty of advice concerning our route on the morrow. we were strongly recommended to see the druidical circle and to climb skiddaw, whose summit was over , feet above sea-level, from which we should have a view scarcely surpassed in the whole of europe, and a scene that would baffle the attempts of ordinary men to describe, having taxed even the powers of southey and wordsworth. these recommendations and others were all qualified with the words "if fine." but, oh that little word "if"--so small that we scarcely notice it, yet how much does it portend! at any rate we could not arrive at a satisfactory decision that night, owing to the unfavourable state of the weather. fifth week's journey a week in the rain _monday, october th._ the morning was showery, but we were obliged to continue our walk, so we left keswick with the intention of visiting the falls of lodore, the large bowder stone, and the yew trees in borrowdale, and afterwards crossing over the fells to visit the graves of the poets at grasmere. we had been recommended to ascend the castle rigg, quite near the town, in order to see the fine views from there, which included bassenthwaite lake and derwent water. the poet gray, who died in , was so much impressed by the retrospect, and with what he had seen from the top where once the castle stood, that he declared he had "a good mind to go back again." unfortunately we had to forgo even that ascent, as the rain descended in almost torrential showers. so we journeyed on in the rain alongside the pretty lake of derwent water, which is about three miles long and about a mile and a half broad, the water being so clear, we were informed, that a small stone could be seen even if five or six yards below the surface. it was certainly a lovely lake, and, with its nicely wooded islands dotting its surface, recalled memories of loch lomond. the first of these islands, about six acres in extent, was named the vicar's or derwent island, on which a family mansion had been erected. on lord's island, which was quite near the side, were the ruins of an old summer-house built by the ratcliffe family with the stones from their ruined castle on castlerigg. the third island, which was in the centre of the lake, also had a summer-house that had been built there by the late sir wilfrid lawson, composed of unhewn stone and covered with moss to make it look ancient. this was known as st. herbert's island, after a holy hermit who lived there in the sixth century, the ruins of whose hermitage could still be traced. it was said that so great and perfect was the love of this saintly hermit for his friend st. cuthbert of holy island, whose shrine was ultimately settled at durham, that he used to pray that he might expire the moment the breath of life quitted the body of his friend, so that their souls might wing their flight to heaven in company. although not so large as lake windermere, derwent water was considered the most beautiful of the lakes because of these lovely islands on its surface and the grand hills that encircled it. this lake of unsurpassed beauty was associated both in name and reality with the unfortunate earl of derwentwater, who suffered death for the part he took in the jacobite rising in , and to whom lord's island belonged. he was virtually compelled by his countess to join the rising, for when she saw his reluctance to do so, she angrily threw her fan at his feet, and commanded him take that and hand her his sword. the earl gravely picked it up, returned it to her, and, drawing his sword, cried, "god save king james!" the jacobites were supporters of james ii, who was supplanted by william iii, prince of orange, in , james then retreating to ireland, where he was defeated at the battle of the boyne in . the rising in which the earl of derwentwater took part in the year was in support of the son of james ii, james edward, whose adherents were defeated at preston in november of the same year, the unfortunate earl, with many others, being taken prisoner. the son of this james edward was the "bonnie prince charlie" so beloved of the scots, who landed to claim the english crown in , and was defeated at the battle of culloden in , where the jacobite movement found its grave. much sympathy was felt at the time for the young earl of derwentwater, and there was a tradition in the family that in times of great peril a supernatural figure appeared to warn them of approaching fate. it is said that when his lordship was wandering over the hills, a figure approached clothed in the robe and hood of grey which the supernatural figure always wore, gave him a crucifix, which was to render him proof against bullet and sword, and then immediately disappeared. the earl joined the insurgents, who were defeated by the royal troops at preston, and he, with other leaders, was taken to london, placed in the tower, and condemned to death for treason. his wife, taking the family jewels with her, implored king george i, on her knees, for mercy; and sir robert walpole declared in the house of commons that he had been offered £ , if he would obtain lord derwentwater's pardon; but all efforts were in vain, for he died by the axe on tower hill, february th, , and his estates were forfeited to the government. [illustration: falls of lodore.] we enjoyed our walk along derwentwater in spite of the weather, but as we approached lodore, and heard the noise of the waters, we realised that we had scored one great advantage from the continued rain, for we could not have seen the falls to better advantage, as they fully carried out the description of southey, written when he was poet laureate of england, in the following jingling rhyme: "how does the water come down at lodore?" my little boy asked me thus, once on a time, moreover, he task'd me to tell him in rhyme; anon at the word there first came one daughter. and then came another to second and third the request of their brother, and hear how the water comes down at lodore, with its rush and its roar, as many a time they had seen it before. so i told them in rhyme, for of rhymes i had store. and 'twas my vocation that thus i should sing. because i was laureate to them and the king. visitors to the lake district, who might chance to find fine weather there, would be disappointed if they expected the falls to be equal to the poet's description, since heavy rains are essential to produce all the results described in his poem. but seen as we saw them, a torrential flood of water rushing and roaring, the different streams of which they were composed dashing into each other over the perpendicular cliffs on every side, they presented a sight of grandeur and magnificence never to be forgotten, while the trees around and above seemed to look on the turmoil beneath them as if powerless, except to lend enchantment to the impressive scene. and dashing and flashing and splashing and clashing-- and so never ending, but always descending, sounds and motions for ever are blending. all at once and all o'er, with a mighty uproar-- and this way the water comes down at lodore! the water rolled in great volumes down the crags, the spray rising in clouds, and no doubt we saw the falls at their best despite the absence of the sun. near lodore, and about yards from the shore of derwentwater, was a floating island which at regular intervals of a few years rises from the bottom exposing sometimes nearly an acre in extent, and at others only a few perches. this island was composed of a mass of decayed weeds and earthy matter, nearly six feet in thickness, covered with vegetation, and full of air bubbles, which, it was supposed, penetrated the whole mass and caused it to rise to the surface. [illustration: head of derwentwater. "so we journeyed on in the rain alongside the pretty lake of derwentwater; ... with its nicely wooded islands dotting its surface it recalled memories of loch lomond."] by this time we had become quite accustomed to being out in the rain and getting wet to the skin, but the temperature was gradually falling, and we had to be more careful lest we should catch cold. it was very provoking that we had to pass through the lake district without seeing it, but from the occasional glimpses we got between the showers we certainly thought we were passing through the prettiest country in all our travels. in scotland the mountains were higher and the lakes, or lochs, much larger, but the profiles of the hills here, at least of those we saw, were prettier. about two miles from the falls of lodore we arrived at the famous bowder stone. we had passed many crags and through bewitching scenery, but we were absolutely astonished at the size of this great stone, which wordsworth has described as being like a stranded ship: upon a semicirque of turf-clad ground, a mass of rock, resembling, as it lay right at the foot of that moist precipice, a stranded ship with keel upturned, that rests careless of winds and waves. [illustration: the bowder stone.] the most modest estimate of the weight of the bowder stone was , tons, and we measured it as being yards long and yards high. this immense mass of rock had evidently fallen from the hills above. we climbed up the great stone by means of a ladder or flight of wooden steps erected against it to enable visitors to reach the top. but the strangest thing about it was the narrow base on which the stone rested, consisting merely of a few narrow ledges of rock. we were told that fifty horses could shelter under it, and that we could shake hands with each other under the bottom of the stone, and although we could not test the accuracy of the statement with regard to the number of horses it could shelter, we certainly shook hands underneath it. to do this we had to lie down, and it was not without a feeling of danger that we did so, with so many hundreds of tons of rock above our heads, and the thought that if the rock had given way a few inches we should have been reduced to a mangled mass of blood and bones. our friendly greeting was not of long duration, and we were pleased when the ceremony was over. there is a legend that in ancient times the natives of borrowdale endeavoured to wall in the cuckoo so that they might have perpetual spring, but the story relates that in this they were not entirely successful, for the cuckoo just managed to get over the wall. we now continued our journey to find the famous yew trees of borrowdale, which wordsworth describes in one of his pastorates as "those fraternal four of borrowdale": but worthier still of note are those fraternal four of borrowdale, joined in one solemn and capacious grove; huge trunks! and each particular trunk a growth of intertwisted fibres serpentine up-coiling, and inveterately convolved; nor uniformed with phantasy, and looks that threaten the profane; a pillared shade, from whose grassless floor of red-brown hue, by sheddings from the pining umbrage tinged perennially--beneath whose sable roof of boughs, as if for festal purpose decked with unrejoicing berries--ghostly shapes may meet at noontide; fear and trembling hope, silence and foresight; death the skeleton, and time the shadow; there to celebrate, as in a natural temple scattered o'er with altars undisturbed of mossy stone, united worship; or in mute repose to lie, and listen to the mountain flood murmuring from glaramara's inmost caves. [illustration: borrowdale and seathwaite] it was a lonely place where the four yew trees stood, though not far from the old black lead works which at one time produced the finest plumbago for lead pencils in the world. as the rain was falling heavily, we lit a fire under the largest of the four trees, which measured about twenty-one feet in circumference at four feet from the ground, and sheltered under its venerable shade for about an hour, watching a much-swollen streamlet as it rolled down the side of a mountain. near the yew trees there was a stream which we had to cross, as our next stage was over the fells to grasmere; but when we came to its swollen waters, which we supposed came from "glaramara's inmost caves," they were not "murmuring" as wordsworth described them, but coming with a rush and a roar, and to our dismay we found the bridge broken down and portions of it lying in the bed of the torrent. we thought of a stanza in a long-forgotten ballad: london bridge is broken down! derry derry down, derry derry down! luckily we found a footbridge lower down the stream. it was now necessary to inquire our way at one of the isolated farms in the neighbourhood of borrowdale, where the people knew very little of what was going on in the world outside their own immediate environs. we heard a story relating to the middle of the eighteenth century, when in the absence of roads goods had to be carried on horseback. a rustic, who had been sent for a bag of lime, the properties of which were unknown in remote places, placed the bag on the back of his horse, and while he was returning up the hills the rain came on, soaking the bag so that the lime began to swell and smoke. the youth thought that it was on fire, so, jumping off his horse, he filled his hat with water from the stream and threw it on the bag. this only made matters worse, for the lime began smoking more than ever; so he lifted it from the horse's back and placed it in the water at the edge of the stream, where, in addition to smoking, it began to boil and to make a hissing sound, which so frightened the young man that he rode home in terror, feeling sure that it was the devil who had sneaked inside the bag! we made our way to a farmhouse which we could see in the distance, but the farmer advised us not to attempt to cross the fells, as it was misty and not likely to clear up that day. so we turned back, and in about two miles met a countryman, who told us we could get to grasmere over what he called the "green nip," a mountain whose base he pointed out to us. we returned towards the hills, but we had anything but an easy walk, for we could find no proper road, and walked on for hours in a "go as you please" manner. our whereabouts we did not know, since we could only see a few yards before us. we walked a long way up hill, and finally landed in some very boggy places, and when the shades of evening began to come on we became a little alarmed, and decided to follow the running water, as we had done on a very much worse occasion in the north of scotland. presently we heard the rippling of a small stream, which we followed, though with some difficulty, as it sometimes disappeared into the rocks, until just at nightfall we came to a gate at the foot of the fells, and through the open door of a cottage beheld the blaze of a tire burning brightly inside. we climbed over the gate, and saw standing in the garden a man who stared so hard at us, and with such a look of astonishment, that we could not have helped speaking to him in any case, even had he not been the first human being we had seen for many hours. when we told him where we had come from, he said we might think ourselves lucky in coming safely over the bogs on such a misty day, and told us a story of a gentleman from bradford who had sunk so deeply in one of the bogs that only with the greatest difficulty had he been rescued. he told us it was his custom each evening to come out of his cottage for a short time before retiring to rest, and that about a month before our visit he had been out one night as usual after his neighbours had gone to bed, and, standing at his cottage door, he thought he heard a faint cry. he listened again: yes, he could distinctly hear a cry for help. he woke up his neighbours, and they and his son, going in the direction from which the cries came, found a gentleman fast in the rocks. he had been on a visit to grasmere, and had gone out for an afternoon's walk on the fells, when the mist came on and he lost his way. as night fell he tried to get between some rocks, when he slipped into a crevice and jammed himself fast between them--fortunately for himself as it afterwards proved, for when the rescuing party arrived, they found him in such a dangerous position that, if he had succeeded in getting through the rocks the way he intended, he would inevitably have fallen down the precipice and been killed. after hearing these stories, we felt very thankful we were safely off the fells. without knowing it, we had passed the scene of the battle of dunmail raise, where dunmail, the last king of cumbria, an old british kingdom, was said to have been killed in fighting against edmund, king of england. the place we had stumbled upon after reaching the foot of the fells was wythburn, at the head of thirlmere lake, quite near amboth hall, with its strange legends and associations. the mansion was said to be haunted by supernatural visitors, midnight illuminations, and a nocturnal marriage with a murdered bride. the most remarkable feature of the story, however, was that of the two skulls from calgarth hall, near windermere, which came and joined in these orgies at amboth hall. these skulls formerly occupied a niche in calgarth hall, from which it was found impossible to dislodge them. they were said to have been buried, burned, ground to powder, dispersed by the wind, sunk in a well, and thrown into the lake, but all to no purpose, for they invariably appeared again in their favourite niche until some one thought of walling them up, which proved effectual, and there they still remain. the rain had now ceased, and the moon, only three days old, was already visible and helped to light us on our four-mile walk to grasmere. on our way we overtook a gentleman visitor, to whom we related our adventure, and who kindly offered us a drink from his flask. we did not drink anything stronger than tea or coffee, so we could not accept the whisky, but we were glad to accept his guidance to the best inn at grasmere, where we soon relieved the cravings of our pedestrian appetites, which, as might be imagined, had grown strongly upon us. (_distance walked twenty-two miles_.) _tuesday, october th._ grasmere. our first duty in the morning was to call at the post office for our letters from home, and then to fortify ourselves with a good breakfast; our next was to see the graves of the poets in the picturesque and quiet churchyard. we expected to find some massive monuments, but found only plain stone flags marking their quiet resting-places, particularly that of wordsworth, which was inscribed: william wordsworth mary wordsworth . the grave of hartley coleridge, his great friend, who was buried in , was also there. there are few who do not know his wonderful poem, "the ancient mariner," said to have been based on an old manuscript story of a sailor preserved in the bristol library. strange to say, not far from his grave was that of sir john richardson, a physician and arctic explorer, who brought home the relics of sir john franklin's ill-fated and final voyage to the arctic regions to discover the north-west passage. this brought to our minds all the details of that sorrowful story which had been repeatedly told to us in our early childhood, and was, to our youthful minds, quite as weird as that of "the ancient mariner." [illustration: grasmere church.] sir john franklin was born in . intended by his parents for the church, but bent on going to sea, he joined the royal navy when he was fourteen years of age, and served as a midshipman on the _bellerophon_ at the battle of trafalgar in , afterwards taking part in captain flinders' voyage of discovery along the coast of australia. his first voyage to the arctic regions was in , and after a long and eventful career he was created governor of van diemen's land in , whither criminals convicted of grave offences involving transportation for life were sent from england, where he did much for the improvement and well-being of the colony. on may th, , he left england with the two ships _erebus_ and _terror_, having on board officers and men--in all souls--on a voyage to the arctic regions in the hope of discovering the north-west passage. they reached stromness, in the orkneys, on july st, and were afterwards seen and spoken to in the north sea by the whaler _prince of wales_, belonging to hull. after that all was blank. lady franklin did not expect to receive any early news from her husband, but when two years passed away without her hearing from him, she became anxious, and offered a large reward for any tidings of him. in old explorers went out to search for him, but without result. still believing he was alive, she sent out other expeditions, and one was even dispatched from america. all england was roused, and the sympathy of the entire nation was extended to lady franklin. nine long years passed away, but still no news, until intelligence arrived that an eskimo had been found wearing on his head a gold cap-band which he said he had picked up where "the dead white men were." lady franklin then made a final effort, and on july st, , captain mcclintock sailed from england in the _fox_. in course of time the matter was cleared up. it was proved that the whole of the expedition had perished, sir john franklin having died on june th, . many relics were found and brought back to england. [illustration: dove cottage.] lady franklin, who died in , was still alive at the time we passed through grasmere. one of her last acts was to erect a marble monument to sir john franklin in westminster abbey, and it was her great wish to write the epitaph herself, but as she died before this was accomplished, it was written by alfred tennyson, a nephew of sir john by marriage, and read as follows: not here! the white north hath thy bones, and thou heroic sailor soul! art passing on thy happier voyage now towards no earthly pole. dean stanley added a note to the effect that the monument was "erected by his widow, who, after long waiting and sending many in search of him, herself departed to seek and to find him in the realms of light, th july, , aged eighty-three years." but to return to grasmere. wordsworth lived there from to at the dove cottage, of which, in the first canto of "the waggoner," he wrote: for at the bottom of the brow where once the "dove and olive-bough" offered a greeting of good ale to all who entered grasmere vale; and called on him who must depart to leave it with a jovial heart; there, where the "dove and olive-bough" once hung, a poet harbours now, a simple water-drinking bard. when wordsworth moved to rydal mount, this cottage, which had formerly been a public-house, was taken by that master of english prose, thomas de quincey, author of the _confessions of an english opium eater_. [illustration: rydal mount.] [illustration: the poet's seat, rydal water.] wordsworth had the habit of reciting his poetry aloud as he went along the road, and on that account the inhabitants thought he was not quite sane. when hartley coleridge, his great friend, asked an old man who was breaking stones on the road if he had any news, he answered, "why, nowte varry partic'lar; only awd wordsworth's brokken lowse ageean!" (had another fit of madness). on another occasion, a lady visitor asked a woman in the village whether wordsworth made himself agreeable among them. "well," she said, "he sometimes goes booin' his pottery about t'rooads an' t'fields an' tak's na nooatish o' neabody, but at udder times he'll say 'good morning, dolly,' as sensible as owder you or me." the annual sports held at grasmere were of more than local interest, and the rush-bearing was still kept up, but not quite in the manner prevalent in earlier centuries. when heating apparatus was unknown in churches, the rushes were gathered, loaded in a cart, and taken to the church, where they were placed on the floor and in the pews to keep the feet of the worshippers warm while they were in the church, being removed and replenished each year when the rush-bearing festival came round again. one of our earliest recollections was sitting amongst the rushes on the floor of a pew in the ancient country church at lymm in cheshire. [illustration: wordsworth's grave.] an item in the church book at grasmere, dating from the seventeenth century, recorded the cost of "ye ale bestowed on ye rush bearers," while in gingerbread appeared to have been substituted or added as a luxury to "ye ale." we passed alongside the pretty lakes of grasmere and rydal water amid beautiful scenery. mrs. hemans, in her sonnet, "a remembrance of grasmere," wrote: o vale and lake, within your mountain urn, smiling so tranquilly, and set so deep! oft doth your dreamy loveliness return. colouring the tender shadows of my sleep. your shores in melting lustre, seem to float on golden clouds from spirit-lands, remote isles of the blest:--and in our memory keep their place with holiest harmonies. fair scene most loved by evening and her dewy star! oh! ne'er may man, with touch unhallow'd, jar the perfect music of the charm serene: still, still unchanged, may _one_ sweet region wear smiles that subdue the soul to love, and tears, and prayer! on our way to ambleside we passed rydal mount, wordsworth's residence until his death in in the eightieth year of his age. mrs. hemans has described it as "a lovely cottage-like building, almost hidden by a profusion of roses and ivy." ambleside was a great centre for tourists and others, being situated at the head of the fine lake of windermere, to which its admirers were ambitious enough to apply sir walter scott's lines on loch katrine: in all her length far winding lay with promontory, creek, and bay, and islands that impurpled bright floated amid the livelier light. and mountains that like giants stand to sentinel enchanted land. there was a roman camp which we proposed visiting, and possibly helvellyn, but we were compelled for a time to seek refuge in one of the hotels from the rain. there we met a gentleman, a resident in the locality, who was what we might describe as a religious enthusiast, for he had a very exalted opinion of the vicar of ambleside, whom he described as a "christian man"--a term obviously making distinctions among vicars with which we heartily agreed. there must have been an atmosphere of poetry in the lake district affecting both visitors and natives, for in a small valley, half a mile from a lonely chapel, stood the only inn, bearing the strange sign of "the mortal man" on which some native poet, but not wordsworth, had written: o mortal man, who liv'st on bread, what is't that makes thy nose so red?-- thou silly ass, that looks so pale. it is with drinking burkett's ale. [illustration: the old mill at ambleside.] immediately behind ambleside there was a fearfully steep road leading up to the head of kirkstone pass, where at an altitude of quite , feet stood the "travellers' rest inn." in our time walking was the only means of crossing the pass, but now visitors are conveyed up this hill in coaches, but as the gradient is so steep in some parts, they are invariably asked to walk, so as to relieve the horses a little, a fact which found expression in the visitors' book at the "travellers' rest" in the following lines: he surely is an arrant ass who pays to ride up kirkstone pass, for he will find, in spite of talking, he'll have to walk and pay for walking. three parts of windermere is in lancashire, and it is the largest and perhaps the deepest water in the lake district, being ten and a half miles long by water, and thirteen miles by road along its shores; the water is at no point more than two miles broad. it is said to maintain the same level at the upper end whether it rains or not, and is so clear that in some places the fish can plainly be seen swimming far beneath its surface. the islands are clustered together at its narrowest part, by far the largest being belle isle, a finely wooded island with a mansion in the centre, and a noted stronghold of the royalists during the civil war, at which time it was in the possession of the ancient westmorland family of phillipson. we did not walk alongside windermere, but passed by the head of the lake to the old-world village of hawkshead, and called at the quaint old-fashioned inn known by the familiar sign of the "red lion." while tea was being prepared we surveyed the village, and on a stone in the churchyard we found the following epitaph: this stone can boast as good a wife as ever lived a married life, and from her marriage to her grave she was never known to mis-behave. the tongue which others seldom guide, was never heard to blame or chide; from every folly always free she was what others ought to be. [illustration: hawkshead square and inn.] we had a long talk with the mistress of the inn, who told us that wordsworth was educated at the grammar school in the village, and we were surprised to hear from her that the rev. richard greenall, whom we had often heard officiate when he was curate of our native village of grappenhall, was now the vicar of hawkshead. we had quite as exalted an opinion of him as the gentleman we met at ambleside had of his vicar. he was a clergyman who not only read the prayers, but prayed them at the same time: i often say my prayers, but do i ever pray? and it was a pleasure to listen to the modulations of his voice as he recited the lord's prayer, and especially when repeating that fine supplication to the almighty, beginning with the words "almighty and most merciful father." at that time it was not the custom to recite, read, or sing the prayers in one continual whine on one note (say g sharp) when offering up supplications to the almighty--a note which if adopted by a boy at school would have ensured for him a severe caning, or by a beggar at your door a hasty and forcible departure. nor were the lessons read in a monotone, which destroys all sense of their full meaning being imparted to the listeners--but this was in the "good old times"! [illustration: coniston.] we had to listen to another version of the story of the two calgarth skulls, from which it appeared that the phillipsons wanted a piece of land that belonged to dorothy, the wife of kraster cook, who refused to sell it, although asked repeatedly to do so. myles phillipson swore he would have that land "be they alive or dead." after a quiet interval he invited kraster and his wife dorothy to a feast, and afterwards accused them of stealing a silver cup. this they strongly denied, but the cup was found in their house, where it had been purposely hidden by the squire's orders. stealing was at that time a capital offence, and as phillipson was the magistrate he sentenced them both to death. in the court-room dorothy arose, and, glaring at the magistrate, said loudly, "guard thyself, myles phillipson. thou thinkest thou hast managed grandly; but that tiny lump of land is the dearest a phillipson has ever bought or stolen; for you will never prosper, neither your breed: whatever scheme you undertake will wither in your hand; the side you take will always lose; the time shall come when no phillipson will own one inch of land; and while calgarth walls shall stand, we'll haunt it night and day--never will ye be rid of us." they were both executed and their property appropriated, but ever afterwards the phillipsons had two skulls for their guests. they were found at christmas at the head of a stairway; they were buried in a distant region, but they turned up in the old house again; they were brazed to dust and cast to the wind; they were several years sunk in the lake; but the phillipsons never could get rid of them. meanwhile old dorothy's prophecy came true, and the family of phillipson came to poverty and eventually disappeared. we left hawkshead by a road leading to ulverston, for we had decided to visit furness abbey. had the weather been fine and clear, we should have had some splendid views, since we had windermere on one side and coniston water on the other; but the showers continued, and we could not even see the "coniston old man," although he raised his head to the height of , feet above sea-level. we were, in fact, passing through the district of seathwaite, where the rainfall is very much heavier than in any other district in england. we consoled ourselves, however, with the thought that we could not expect to see fine lakes in a land where there was no rainfall, and after walking a considerable distance in the darkness, two weary and rain-soddened pedestrians took refuge for the remainder of the night in the well-appointed temperance hotel at ulverston. (_distance walked twenty-four and a half miles_.) _wednesday, october th._ ulverston has been described as the "key to the lake district," and swartmoor, which adjoined the town, took its name from a german--colonel martin swart---to whom the duchess of burgundy in gave the command of about , flemish troops sent to support the pretended title of lambert simnel to the crown of england. he landed in ireland, where a great number of the irish joined him, and then, crossing over to england, landed in furness and marshalled his troops on the moor which still bears his name, and where he was joined by many other conspirators. they encountered the forces of king henry vii near newark-on-trent in june , and after a stubborn fight were defeated, , men, with all their commanders, being killed. ulverston is also associated with george fox, the founder of the society of friends. he was born in , at drayton-on-the-clay, in leicestershire, and in was imprisoned at derby for speaking "publickly" in a church after divine service, and bidding the congregation to "_tremble at the word of god_." this expression was turned into one of ridicule, and caused the society of friends all over the kingdom to be known as "quakers." fox preached throughout the country, and even visited america. when he came to ulverston, he preached at swartmoor hall, where he converted judge fell and his wife, after which meetings at the hall were held regularly. the judge died in , and in , eleven years after her husband's death, mrs. fell, who suffered much on account of her religion, married george fox, who in built the meeting-house at ulverston. he died two years afterwards, aged sixty-seven years, at white hart court, london, and was buried in banhill fields. leaving our bags at the hotel, we walked to furness abbey, which, according to an old record, was founded by king stephen in in the "vale of the deadly nightshade." it was one of the first to surrender to king henry viii at the dissolution of the monasteries, and the deed of surrender, dated april th, , was still in existence, by which the abbey and all its belongings were assigned to the king by the abbot, roger pile, who in exchange for his high position agreed to accept the living of dalton, one of his own benefices, valued at that time at £ per year. the common seal of the abbey was attached to the document, and represented the virgin mary standing in the centre of the circle with the infant in her left arm and a globe in her right hand. she stood between two shields of arms, which were suspended by bundles of nightshade, and on each of which were represented the three lions of england, each shield being supported from the bottom by a monk in his full dress and cowl. in the foreground in front of each monk was a plant of the deadly nightshade, and over his head a sprig of the same, while in the lower part was the figure of a wivern--_i.e._ a viper or dragon with a serpent-like tail--this being the device of thomas plantagenet, the second earl of lancaster, who was highly esteemed by the monks. we did not notice any nightshade plant either in or near the ruins of the abbey, but it was referred to in stell's description of becan-gill as follows: _hæc vallis unuit olim sibi nomen ab herba bekan, qua virtuit dulcis nune, tune sed acerbe; unde domus nomen bekangs-gille claruit._ [illustration: furness abbey] although my brother could repeat the first two rules in the latin grammar with their examples, one of which he said meant "the way to good manners is never too late," he would not attempt the english translation of these latin words. we were the only visitors then at the abbey, no doubt owing to the bad state of the weather, and we were surprised at the extent and magnificence of the ruins and the ponderous walls and archways, with their fine ornamentations, impressive reminders of their past greatness. in order to get a better view we mounted the adjoining hill, from which we could see a portion of the rising town of barrow-in-furness. we returned by the footpath alongside the railway, and entered into conversation with a man who was standing on the line. he informed us that he was the ganger, or foreman, over the plate-layers on the railway, and that at one time he had lived in manchester. he also said he had joined the good templars, who were making headway in barrow-in-furness, where he now resided. just before reaching the main road we were somewhat startled to see a railway train quite near the abbey ruins, and the thought of home, sweet home, accentuated by the rainy weather, came so strongly upon us that we asked ourselves the question, "shall we give in and go home!" we were only the length of one county away, and about to make a long detour to avoid going near, yet here was the train waiting that would convey us thither. what a temptation! but for the circumstance that we had left our bags at ulverston our story might have ended here. some of the streams over which we passed on our way were quite red in colour, and the puddles on the muddy roads were just like dark red paint, indicating the presence of iron ore. we saw several miners, who told us that they got the ore (known as haematite, or iron oxide) at a depth of from to yards, working by candle-light, and that they received about s. d. per ton as the product of their labour. the ore, it seemed, filled up large cavities in the mountain limestone. it was about one o'clock by the time we reached ulverston again, and we were quite ready for the good lunch which had been prepared for us. [illustration: the north transept, furness abbey.] leaving ulverston, we passed the old parish church and entered a picturesque footpath quite appropriately named the lover's walk and covered with fine trees, through which we had glimpses of morecambe bay; but the lovers had been either driven away by the rain or we were too early in the day for them to take their walks abroad. we mounted the hoad hill to inspect a lofty monument which had been erected on the top in the year , in memory of sir john barrow. sir john, the founder of the great works at barrow-in-furness (afterwards vickers, sons & maxim), the noise of which we had heard in the distance, was a native of the district, having been born in a small cottage near ulverston in . he travelled in china and south africa, and in became secretary to the admiralty, a position he held for forty years, during which he took part in fitting out lord nelson's fleet for the battle of trafalgar. he also assisted in promoting the expedition to the arctic regions which was commanded by sir john franklin. we were informed that his favourite saying was: "a man's riches consist not so much in his possessions as in the fewness of his wants"--a saying we were glad to adopt for ourselves. we passed through the entrance to the monument, but could see no one about. on a desk in the entrance-room lay a visitors' book, in which we wrote our names, and then ascended to the top of the monument by a rather dangerous staircase of over a hundred steps. as the well of the tower was open from top to bottom the ascent and descent were very risky for nervous people, and we felt thankful when we reached the foot of the staircase safely, though disappointed because the weather had prevented our enjoying the splendid view from the top that we had anticipated. as we were leaving the monument we met an old man who had charge of it, carrying some large mushrooms, which he told us he had seen from the top of the monument, and very fine ones they were too. [illustration: ulverston, barrows monument in the distance.] but we are forgetting to mention that we had passed through dalton--formerly the capital of furness--where george romney, the celebrated painter, was born in . west, the inventor of the key bugle, the forerunner of the modern cornet, was also a native of dalton-in-furness. as the days were rapidly becoming shorter and the gloomy weather made them appear shorter still, it was growing quite dark when we called for tea at a village inn, the sign on which informed us that it was "clarke's arms," and where we were very quickly served in the parlour. during our tea a tall, haggard-looking man, whose hands were trembling and whose eyes were bloodshot, entered the room, and asked us to have a glass each with him at his expense, saying, "i'm drunken jim topping as 'as had aw that heap o' money left him." he pressed us very hard again and again to have the drink, but we showed him the tea we were drinking, and we felt relieved when the landlord came in and persuaded him to go into the other room, where we soon heard an uproarious company helping "jim" to spend his "heap o' money" and to hasten him into eternity. the landlord afterwards informed us that "drunken jim" was a stonemason by trade, and that a relation of his had just died, leaving him £ , , as well as some property. [illustration: sir john barrow's monument.] it was dark when we left the inn, and about a mile farther, on the kendal road, we saw, apparently crossing the road, a large number of glowworms, which, owing to the darkness of the night, showed to the best advantage. so numerous were they that we had great difficulty in getting over them, for we did not wish to crush any under our feet. we had never seen more than two or three together before, so it was quite a novel sight for us to find so many in one place. presently we arrived at the entrance to a small village, where our attention was arrested by a great noise in a building a little distance from the road. the sound of juvenile voices predominated, and as my brother was a great lover of children, and especially of girls, as illustrated by a remark he was partial to--"girls and flowers are the nicest things that heaven sends us"--we must needs stop and see what was going on. climbing up some steps and passing under some trees, we found, as we had surmised, the village school. after looking through the windows we entered the schoolroom, whereupon the noise immediately ceased. we ascertained that it was the village choir awaiting the arrival of the schoolmistress to teach them the hymns to be sung in the church on the following sunday. my brother insisted that he had come to teach the choir that night, and went at once to the harmonium, which was unfortunately locked. he said he would no doubt be able to go on without it, and, having arranged the choir in order, was just about to commence operations when who should come in but the schoolmistress herself, causing us to beat a rather hasty retreat. we groped our way under the trees again and down the steps, and were quite surprised when suddenly we found ourselves close to a comfortable inn where we could be accommodated for the night. after supper we retired to rest, wondering whether we were to pass the night in lancashire or westmorland, for we had no idea where we were, and, strange to say, we forgot to ask the name of the place when we left in the morning. (_distance walked nineteen miles_.) _thursday, october th._ we left the inn at eight o'clock in the morning, but the weather still continued very rainy, and we had often to seek shelter on our way owing to the heavy showers. presently we came to a huge heap of charcoal, and were about to shelter near it when we were told that it was part of the gunpowder works in the rear, so we hurried away as fast as we could walk, for we did not relish the possibility of being blown into millions of atoms. when we reached what we thought was a fairly safe distance, we took refuge in an outbuilding belonging to a small establishment for smelting iron, and here we were joined by another wayfarer, sheltering like ourselves from the rain, which was coming down in torrents. he told us about the stonemason who had recently had the fortune left to him, but he said the amount mentioned in the newspaper was £ , and not £ , , as we had been informed. he wished the money had been left to him, as he thought he could have put it to better use, for he had been an abstainer from intoxicating drinks for twelve years, whereas the man with the fortune, who at the moment was drinking in a beerhouse close by, had no appetite for eating and would soon drink himself to death. what the fate of poor "jim topping" was we never knew, but we could not help feeling sorry for him, as he seemed to us one of those good-natured fellows who are nobody's enemy but their own. the man told us that jim was a heavy drinker before he had the fortune left him. he surmised that the place we had stopped at last night was haverthwaite in lancashire. we saw a book of poems written in the cumberland dialect, and copied the first and last verses of one that was about a robin redbreast: reed robin come into mey cabin, reed robin! threyce welcome, blithe warbler, to me! noo siddaw hes thrown a wheyte cap on, agean i'll gie shelter to thee! come, freely hop into mey pantry; partake o' mey puir holsome fare; tho' seldom i bwoast of a dainty. yet meyne, man or burd sal aye share. * * * * * o whoar is thy sweetheart, reed robin? gae bring her frae hoosetop or tree: i'll bid her be true to sweet robin, for fause was a fav'rite to me. you'll share iv'ry crumb i' mey cabin, we'll sing the weyld winter away-- i winna deceive ye, puir burdies! let mortals use me as they may. on leaving our shelter, we passed a large mill, apparently deserted, and soon afterwards reached newby bridge, where we crossed the river leven, which was rapidly conveying the surplus water from windermere towards the sea. near this was a large hotel, built to accommodate stage-coach traffic, but rendered unnecessary since the railway had been cut, and consequently now untenanted. we had already crossed the bridge at the head of lake windermere, and now had reached the bridge at the other end. an old book, published in , gave us the following interesting information about the lake: it was at one time thought to be unfathomable, but on the third and fourth of june, , when the water was six feet below its greatest known height, and three feet above the lowest ebb, a trial was made to ascertain by soundings the depth and form of the lake. its greatest depth was found to be near ecclesrigg crag-- feet. the bottom of the lake in the middle stream is a smooth rock; in many places the sides are perpendicular, and in some places they continue so for a mile without interruption. it abounds with fish, and the rivers brathay and rothay feed the lake at the upper end, and in the breeding-season the trout ascend the rothay, and the char the brathay only; but in the winter, when these fish are in season, they come into the shallows, where they are fished for in the night, at which time they are the more easily driven into the nets. we now turned along an old coach road which crossed the hills over cartmel fell to kendal, and appeared to be very little used. our road climbed steadily for about two miles, when suddenly there came a bright interval between the showers, and we had a magnificent view of a portion of lake windermere, with a steamboat leaving the landing-stage near newby bridge. we stood, as it were, riveted to the spot; but another shower coming on, the view vanished like a dream, though it lasted sufficiently long to bring us encouragement and to cheer us upon our wet and lonely way. the showers seemed as full of water as ever they could hold, and sheltering-places were by no means plentiful. sometimes sheltering behind trees and sometimes in farm buildings, we proceeded but slowly, and about eight miles from kendal we halted for lunch at a small inn, where we found cover for so long a time that, after walking about three miles from that town, we called at another inn for tea. it was astonishing how well we were received and provided for at these small inns in the country. every attention was given to us, a fire lighted to dry our coats, and the best food the place could provide was brought on to the table. we were shown into the parlour, and the best cups and saucers were brought out from the corner cupboards. the temperance movement appeared to be permeating the most unlikely places, and we were astonished to find the crockery here painted with temperance signs and mottoes, including a temperance star, and the words "be them faithful unto death." this seemed all the more remarkable when we saw that the sign on the inn was the "punch bowl." the rain had apparently been gradually clearing off, while we were at tea, but it came on again soon after we left the comfortable shelter of the inn, so we again took refuge--this time in the house of a tollgate, where we had a long talk with the keeper. he pointed out a road quite near us which had been made so that vehicles could get past the toll-bar on their way to and from kendal without going through the gates and paying toll. this had been constructed by a landowner for the use of himself and his tenants. as a retort the toll people had erected a stump at each side of the entrance, apparently with the object of placing a chain across the road, and had also erected a wooden hut to shelter a special toll-keeper who only attended on kendal market days. some mischievous persons, however, had overturned the hut, and we did not envy the man who on a day like this had to attend here to collect tolls without any shelter to protect him from the elements. tollgates and turnpikes were ancient institutions on the british roads, and in many places were in the hands of turnpike trusts, who often rented the tolls to outsiders and applied the rent chiefly to the repair of the roads. a fixed charge was made on cattle and vehicles passing through the gates, and the vehicles were charged according to the number of animals and wheels attached to them, a painted table of tolls being affixed to the tollhouse. the gates were kept closed, and were only opened when vehicles and cattle arrived, and after payment of the charges. there was no charge made to pedestrians, for whom a small gate or turnstile was provided at the side nearest the tollhouse. the contractors who rented the tolls had to depend for their profit or loss upon the total amount of the tolls collected minus the amount of rent paid and toll-keepers' wages. towards the close of the trusts the railways had made such inroads upon the traffic passing by road that it was estimated that the cost of collection of tolls amounted to per cent. of the total sum collected. the tollgate-keeper informed us that dick turpin, the highwayman, never paid any tolls, for no collector dare ask him for payment, and if the gate was closed, "black bess," his favourite mare, jumped over it. he had a lot to tell us about furness abbey. he knew that it had been built by king stephen, and he said that not far from it there was a park called oxen park, where the king kept his oxen, and that he had also a stirk park. he asked us if we had seen the small and very old church of cartmel fell, and when we told him we had not, he said that travellers who did not know its whereabouts often missed seeing it, for, although not far from the road, it was hidden from view by a bank or small mound, and there was a legend that some traveller, saint, or hermit who slept on the bank dreamed that he must build a church between two rivers running in opposite directions. he travelled all the world over, but could not find any place where the rivers ran in opposite directions, so he came back disappointed, only to find the rivers were quite near the place he started from. the church was of remote antiquity, and was dedicated to st. anthony, the patron saint of wild boars and of wild beasts generally; but who built the church, and where the rivers were to be found, did not transpire. we had carried our mackintoshes all the way from john o' groat's, and they had done us good service; but the time had now arrived when they had become comparatively useless, so, after thanking the keeper of the tollhouse for allowing us to shelter there, we left them with him as relics of the past. the great objection to these waterproofs was that though they prevented the moisture coming inwards, they also prevented it going outwards, and the heat and perspiration generated by the exertion of walking soon caused us to be as wet as if we had worn no protection at all. of course we always avoided standing in a cold wind or sitting in a cold room, and latterly we had preferred getting wet through to wearing them. we arrived in kendal in good time, and stayed at the temperance hotel. in the town we purchased two strong but rather rustic-looking umbrellas, without tassels or gold or silver handles--for umbrellas in the rainy region of the "north countrie" were wanted for use and not for ornament. we found them quite an agreeable change from the overalls. of course we held them up skilfully, and as we thought almost scientifically, when walking in the rain, and it was astonishing how well they protected us when holding them towards the same side and angle as the falling rain. many people we met were holding them straight up, and looking quite happy, reminding us of the ostrich when hunted and hard pressed, hiding its head in the sand and imagining that its body was covered also! the draper who sold us the umbrellas told us that professor kirk, whom we had heard in edinburgh, was to deliver an address in the evening on the good templar movement, so we decided to attend. the professor, a good speaker, informed us that there were between five and six hundred members of the order in kendal. mr. edward dawson of lancaster also addressed the meeting, and told us there were about three hundred members in lancaster, while the professor estimated the number in scotland at between fifty and sixty thousand. it was quite a new movement, which had its origin apparently in america, and was becoming the prevailing subject of conversation in the country we travelled through. [illustration: kendal castle.] kendal was an ancient place, having been made a market town by licence from richard coeur de lion. philippa, the queen of edward iii, wisely invited some flemings to settle there and establish the manufacture of woollen cloth, which they did. robin hood and his "merrie men" were said to have been clothed in kendal green, a kind of leafy green which made the wearers of it scarcely distinguishable from the foliage and vegetation of the forests which in robin hood's time covered the greater part of the country. lincoln green was an older cloth of pure english manufacture. robin hood was the outlawed earl of huntingdon, and shakespeare makes falstaff say-- all the woods are full of outlaws that in kendal green followed the outlawed earl of huntingdon. catherine parr was born at kendal, and an old writer, noting that she was the last queen of henry viii, added, "a lady who had the good fortune to descend to the grave with her head on, in all probability merely by outliving her tyrant." this beautiful and highly accomplished woman had already been married twice, and after the king's death took a fourth husband. she narrowly escaped being burnt, for the king had already signed her death-warrant and delivered it to the lord chancellor, who dropped it by accident, and the person who found it carried it to the queen herself. she was actually in conversation with the king when the lord chancellor came to take her to the tower, for which the king called him a knave and a fool, bidding him "avaunt from my presence." the queen interceded for the chancellor; but the king said, "ah, poor soul, thou little knowest what _he_ came about; of my word, sweetheart, he has been to thee a very knave." [illustration: kendal church.] kendal possessed a fine old church, in one of the aisles of which was suspended a helmet said to have belonged to major phillipson, whose family was haunted by the two skulls, and who was nicknamed by cromwell's men "robert the devil" because of his reckless and daring deeds. the phillipsons were great royalists, and colonel briggs of kendal, who was an active commander in the parliamentary army, hearing that the major was on a visit to his brother, whose castle was on the belle isle in lake windermere, resolved to besiege him there; but although the siege continued for eight months, it proved ineffectual. when the war was over, major phillipson resolved to be avenged, and he and some of his men rode over to kendal one sunday morning expecting to find colonel briggs in the church, and either to kill him or take him prisoner there. major phillipson rode into the church on horseback, but the colonel was not there. the congregation, much surprised and annoyed at this intrusion, surrounded the major, and, cutting the girths, unhorsed him. on seeing this, the major's party made a furious attack on the assailants, and the major killed with his own hand the man who had seized him, and, placing the ungirthed saddle on his horse, vaulted into it and rode through the streets of kendal calling upon his men to follow him, which they did, and the whole party escaped to their safe resort in the lake of windermere. this incident furnished sir walter scott with materials for a similar adventure in "rokeby," canto vi.: all eyes upon the gateway hung. when through the gothic arch there sprung a horseman arm'd, at headlong speed-- sable his cloak, his plume, his steed. fire from the flinty floor was spurn'd. the vaults unwonted clang return'd!-- one instant's glance around he threw, from saddle-bow his pistol drew. grimly determined was his look! his charger with the spurs he strook-- all scatter'd backward as he came, for all knew bertram risingham! three bounds that noble courser gave; the first has reach'd the central nave, the second clear'd the chancel wide. the third--he was at wycliffe's side. * * * * * while yet the smoke the deed conceals, bertram his ready charger wheels; but flounder'd on the pavement-floor the steed, and down the rider bore, and, bursting in the headlong sway. the faithless saddle-girths gave way. 'twas while he toil'd him to be freed. and with the rein to raise the steed. that from amazement's iron trance all wycliffe's soldiers waked at once. (_distance walked fifteen miles_.) _friday, october th._ we left kendal before breakfast, as we were becoming anxious about maintaining our average of twenty-five miles per day, for we had only walked nineteen miles on wednesday and fifteen miles yesterday, and we had written to our friends some days before saying that we hoped to reach york minster in time for the services there on sunday. [illustration: kirkby lonsdale church.] in the meantime we had decided to visit fountains abbey, so, crossing the river kent, we walked nine miles along a hilly road over the fells, which were about feet above sea-level. we stopped at a place called old town for breakfast, for which our walk through the sharp clear air on the fells had given us an amazing appetite. we then walked quickly down the remaining three miles to kirkby lonsdale, passing on our way the beautiful grounds and residence of the earl of bective. at the entrance to the town we came to the school, and as the master happened to be standing at the door, we took the opportunity of asking him some particulars about kirkby lonsdale and our farther way to fountains abbey. he was a native of scotland, and gave us some useful and reliable information, being greatly interested in the object of our journey. we found kirkby lonsdale to be quite a nice old-fashioned town with a church dedicated to st. mary--a sign, we thought, of its antiquity; the interior had been recently restored by the earl of bective at a cost of about £ , . an old board hanging up in the church related to one of the porches, on which was painted a crest and shield with the date , and the following words in old english letters: this porch by y' banes first builded was, (of heighholme hall they weare,) and after sould to christopher wood by william banes thereof last heyre. and is repayred as you do see and sett in order good by the true owner nowe thereof the foresaid christopher wood. there was also painted in the belfry a rhyming list of the "ringers' orders": if to ring ye do come here, you must ring well with hand and ear; keep stroke and time and go not out, or else you'll forfeit without doubt. he that a bell doth overthrow must pay a groat before he go; he that rings with his hat on, must pay his groat and so begone. he that rings with spur on heel, the same penalty he must feel. if an oath you chance to hear, you forfeit each two quarts of beer. these lines are old, they are not new. therefore the ringers must have their due. _n.b._--any ringer entering a peal of six pays his shilling. the first two lines greatly interested my brother, whose quick ear could distinguish defects when they occurred in the ringing of church bells, and he often remarked that no ringer should be appointed unless he had a good ear for music. there were one or two old-fashioned inns in the town, which looked very quaint, and kirkby old hall did duty for one of them, being referred to by the rhymester "honest" or "drunken barnaby" in his latin itinerary of his "travels in the north": i came to lonsdale, where i staid at hall, into a tavern made. neat gates, white walls--nought was sparing, pots brimful--no thought of caring; they eat, drink, laugh; are still mirth-making, nought they see that's worth care-taking. the men of the north were always warlike, and when in the year , in the time of james ii, a rumour was circulated that a large french army had landed on the coast of yorkshire, a great number of men assembled on the outskirts of the town and were waiting there ready for the call to arms, when news came that it was a false alarm. of course this event had to be recorded by the local poet, who wrote: in eighty-eight, was kirby feight. when nivver a man was slain; they ate the'r mey't, an' drank the'r drink, an' sae com' merrily heame again. we were sorry we could not stay longer in the neighbourhood of kirkby lonsdale, as the scenery in both directions along the valley of the river lune was very beautiful. as we crossed the bridge over it we noticed an old stone inscribed: fear god honer the king , and some other words which we could not decipher. the bridge was rather narrow, and at some unknown period had replaced a ford, which was at all times difficult to cross, and often dangerous, and at flood-times quite impassable, as the river here ran between rocks and across great boulders; it was, however, the only ready access to the country beyond for people living in kirkby lonsdale. one morning the inhabitants awoke to find a bridge had been built across this dangerous ford during the night, and since no one knew who had built it, its erection was attributed to his satanic majesty, and it was ever afterwards known as the devil's bridge. the bridge was very narrow, and, although consisting of three arches, one wide and the others narrow, and being feet long, it was less than twelve feet wide, and had been likened to burns' auld brig o' ayr, with your poor narrow footpath of a street. where twa wheelbarrows tremble when they meet. the country people had a tradition that it was built in windy weather by the devil, who, having only one apron full of stones, and the breaking of one of his apron-strings causing him to lose some of them as he flew over casterton fell, he had only enough left to build a narrow bridge. [illustration: devil's bridge, kirkby lonsdale.] another legend states that "once upon a time there lived a queer old woman whose cow and pony pastured across the river and had to cross it on their way to and from home. the old woman was known as a great cheat. one dark and wet night she heard her cow bellow, and knew that she was safely across the ford; but as the pony only whined, she thought that he was being carried away by the flood. she began to cry, when suddenly the devil appeared, and agreed to put up a bridge that night on conditions named in the legend: "to raise a bridge i will agree. that in the morning you shall see. but mine for aye the first must be that passes over. so by these means you'll soon be able to bring the pony to his stable. the cow her clover." in vain were sighs and wailings vented, as she at last appeared contented. it was a bargain--she consented-- for she was yorkshire. now home she goes in mighty glee. old satan, too, well pleased he went to his work, sir. he worked hard all night, and early in the morning the bridge was made, as the old woman knew by the terrible noise. he called to the old woman to come over, but she brought her little mangy dog, and, taking a bun out of her pocket, threw it over the bridge. the dog ran over after it. "now--crafty sir, the bargain was that you should have what first did pass across the bridge--so now--alas! the dog's your right." the cheater--cheated--struck with shame. squinted and grinned: then, in a flame he vanished quite. [illustration: ebbing and flowing well.] on reflection we came to the conclusion that whenever and however it was built, the bridge was of a type not uncommon in cheshire, and often called roman bridges, but erected in all probability in mediæval times, when only width enough was required for the passing of one horse--in other words, when most roads were nothing but bridlepaths. we were glad of the assistance afforded by the bridge for the rushing waters of the river lune were swollen by the heavy rains, and our progress in that direction would have been sadly delayed had we arrived there in the time of the ancient ford. we now passed the boundaries of lancashire and westmorland and entered the county of york, the largest in england. a large sale of cattle was taking place that day at a farm near the bridge, and for some miles we met buyers on their way to the sale, each of whom gave us the friendly greeting customary in the hilly districts of that hospitable county. seven miles from kirkby lonsdale we stopped at ingleton for some dinner, and just looked inside the church to see the fine old norman font standing on small pillars and finely sculptured with scenes relating chiefly to the childhood of our saviour. joseph with his carpenter's tools and the virgin mary seated with the infant saviour on her knees, the eastern magi bringing their offerings, herod giving orders for the destruction of the young children, rachel weeping, and others--all damaged in the course of centuries, though still giving one an idea of the great beauty of the font when originally placed in position. we heard about the many waterfalls to be seen--perhaps as many as could be visited in the course of a whole week; but we had seen--and suffered--so much water and so many waterfalls, that for the time being they formed no attraction. still we resolved to see more of this interesting neighbourhood on a future occasion. passing through clapham, said to be one of the finest villages in england, and where there was a cave supposed to run about half a mile underground, we came to some fine limestone cliffs to the left of our road, which were nearly white as we approached nearer to the town of settle, situated at the foot of giggleswick scar, alongside which our road passed. we visited the ebbing and flowing well, where the much-worn stones around it proclaimed the fact that for many ages pilgrims had visited its shrine; but how "nevison's nick," a famous highwayman, could have ridden his horse up the face of the rock leading up to it--even with the aid of his magic bridle--was more than we could understand. another legend stated that a nymph pursued by a satyr was so afraid that he would overtake her that she prayed to the gods to change her into a spring. her prayer was granted, and the ebbs and flows in the water were supposed to represent the panting of the nymph in her flight. [illustration: the market-place, settle.] we turned aside to visit giggleswick village, with its old cross, which seemed to be nearly complete, and we found the old church very interesting. it contained some ancient monuments, one of which represented sir richard temple, born , knighted at the battle of wakefield, , attainted for treason , pardoned by king edward iv, and died , the head of his charger being buried with him. there was also the tomb of samuel watson, the "old quaker," who interrupted the service in the church in , when the people "brok his head upon ye seates." then there was the famous grammar school, a very old foundation dating back to early in the sixteenth century. we were delighted with our visit to giggleswick, and, crossing the old bridge over the river ribble, here but a small stream, we entered the town of settle and called for tea at thistlethwaite's tea and coffee rooms. there were several small factories in the neighbourhood. we noticed that a concert had recently been held in the town in aid of a fund for presenting a lifeboat to the national society, one having already been given by this town for use on the stormy coasts of the island of anglesey. [illustration: giggleswick church.] leaving settle by the skipton road, we had gone about a mile when we met two men who informed us we were going a long way round either for ripon or york. they said an ancient road crossed the hills towards york, and that after we had climbed the hill at the back of the town we should see the road running straight for fourteen miles. this sounded all right, and as the new moon was now shining brightly, for it was striking six o'clock as we left the town, we did not fear being lost amongst the hills, although they rose to a considerable height. changing our course, we climbed up a very steep road and crossed the moors, passing a small waterfall; but whether we were on or off the ancient road we had no means of ascertaining, for we neither saw nor met any one on the way, nor did we see any house until we reached the ancient-looking village of kirby malham. here we got such very voluminous directions as to the way to malham that neither of us could remember them beyond the first turn, but we reached that village at about ten o'clock. we asked the solitary inhabitant who had not retired to rest where we could find lodgings for the night. he pointed out a house at the end of the "brig" with the word "temperance" on it in large characters, which we could see easily as the moon had not yet disappeared, and told us it belonged to the village smith, who accommodated visitors. all was in darkness inside the house, but we knocked at the door with our heavy sticks, and this soon brought the smith to one of the upper windows. in reply to our question, "can we get a bed for the night?" he replied in the yorkshire dialect, "our folks are all in bed, but i'll see what they say." then he closed the window, and all was quiet except the water, which was running fast under the "brig," and which we found afterwards was the river aire, as yet only a small stream. we waited and waited for what seemed to us a very long time, and were just beginning to think the smith had fallen asleep again, when we heard the door being unbolted, and a young man appeared with a light in his hand, bidding us "come in," which we were mighty glad to do, and to find ourselves installed in a small but very comfortable room. "you will want some supper," he said; and we assured him it was quite true, for we had not had anything to eat or drink since we left settle, and, moreover, we had walked thirty-five miles that day, through fairly hilly country. in a short time he reappeared with a quart of milk and an enormous apple pie, which we soon put out of sight; but was milk ever so sweet or apple pie ever so good! forty-five years have passed away since then, but the memory still remains; and the sweet sleep that followed--the rest of the weary--what of that? (_distance walked thirty-five miles_.) _saturday, october st._ one great advantage of staying the night in the country was that we were sure of getting an early breakfast, for the inns had often farms attached to them, and the proprietors and their servants were up early to attend to their cattle. this custom of early rising also affected the business of the blacksmiths, for the farmers' horses requiring attention to their shoes were always sent down early to the village smithy in order that they could be attended to in time to turn out to their work on the roads or in the fields at their usual hour. accordingly we were roused from our sound slumber quite early in the morning, and were glad to take advantage of this to walk as far as possible in daylight, for the autumn was fast coming to a close. sometimes we started on our walk before breakfast, when we had a reasonable prospect of obtaining it within the compass of a two-hours' journey, but malham was a secluded village, with no main road passing through it, and it was surrounded by moors on every side. there were several objects of interest in malham which we were told were well worth seeing: malham cove, janet's foss or gennetth's cave, and gordale scar. the first of these we resolved to see before breakfast. we therefore walked along a path which practically followed the course of the stream that passed under the brig, and after a fine walk of about three-quarters of a mile through the grass patches, occasionally relieved by bushes and trees, we reached the famous cove. here our farther way was barred by an amphitheatre of precipitous limestone rocks of a light grey colour, rising perpendicularly to the height of about feet, which formed the cove itself. from the base of these rocks, along a horizontal bedding plane and at one particular spot, issued the stream along which we had walked, forming the source of the river aire, which flows through skipton and on to leeds, the curious feature about it being that there was no visible aperture in the rocks, neither arch nor hole, from which it could come. the water appeared to gain volume from the loose stones under our feet, and as we had not seen a sight like this in all our travels, we were much surprised to find it forming itself immediately into a fair-sized brook. we gazed upwards to the top of the rocks, which were apparently unprotected, and wondered what the fate would be of the lost traveller who unconsciously walked over them, as there seemed nothing except a few small bushes, in one place only, to break his fall. we heard afterwards of a sorrowful accident that had happened there. it related to a young boy who one day, taking his little brother with him for company, went to look for birds' nests. on reaching the cove they rambled to the top of the cliff, where the elder boy saw a bird's nest, to which he went while his little brother waited for him at a distance, watching him taking the eggs. all at once he saw him stoop down to gather some flowers to bring to him, and then disappear. he waited some time expecting his brother to return, but as he did not come back the little fellow decided to go home. on the way he gathered some flowers, which he gleefully showed to his father, who asked him where he had got them, and where his brother was. the child said he had gone to sleep, and he had tried to waken him but couldn't; and when he told the full story, the father became greatly alarmed, and, taking his child with him, went to the foot of the cliffs, where he found his son lying dead where he had fallen, with the flowers still clasped in his hand! [illustration: malham cove.] we were afterwards told that above the cliff and a few miles up a valley a great stream could be seen disappearing quietly down into the rock. it was this stream presumably which lost itself in a subterranean channel, to reappear at the foot of malham cove. after breakfast we again resumed our journey, and went to inspect janet's cave or foss--for our host told us that it was no use coming to see a pretty place like malham without viewing all the sights we could while we were there. we walked up a lovely little glen, where it was said a fairy once resided, and which if it had been placed elsewhere would certainly have been described as the fairy glen; but whether or not janet was the name of the fairy we did not ascertain. in it we came to a pretty little waterfall dropping down from one step to another, the stream running from it being as clear as crystal. the rocks were lined with mosses, which had become as fleecy-looking as wool, as they were almost petrified by the continual dropping of the spray from the lime-impregnated water that fell down the rocks. there were quite a variety of mosses and ferns, but the chief of the climbing plants was what dickens described "as the rare old plant, the ivy green," which not only clung to the rocks, but had overshadowed them by climbing up the trees above. to see the small dark cave it was necessary to cross the stream in front of the waterfall, and here stepping-stones had been provided for that purpose, but, owing to the unusual depth of water, these were covered rather deeply, with the result that all the available spaces in our boots were filled with water. this was, of course, nothing unusual to us, as we had become quite accustomed to wet feet, and we now looked upon it as an ordinary incident of travel. the cave was said to have been the resort of goblins, and when we wondered where they were now, my brother mildly suggested that we might have seen them if we had possessed a mirror. we had seen a list of the names of the different mosses to be found in the malham district, but, as these were all in latin, instead of committing them to memory, we contented ourselves with counting the names of over forty different varieties besides hepaties, lichens, ferns, and many flowers: hie away, hie away, over bank and over brae, where the copsewood is the greenest, where the fountains glisten sheenest. where the lady-fern grows strongest, where the morning dew lies longest, where the blackcock sweetest sips it. where the fairy latest trips it; hie to haunts right seldom seen, lovely, lonesome, cool and green; over bank and over brae hie away, hie away! so we now "hied away" to find gordale scar, calling at a farmhouse to inquire the way, for we knew we must cross some land belonging to the farm before we could reach the scar. we explained to the farmer the object of our journey and that we wished afterwards to cross the moors. after directing us how to reach the scar, he said there was no necessity for us to return to malham if we could climb up the side of the waterfall at the scar, since we should find the road leading from malham a short distance from the top. he wished us good luck on our journey, and, following his instructions, we soon reached gordale scar. it was interesting to note the difference in the names applied to the same objects of nature in the different parts of the country we passed through, and here we found a scar meant a rock, a beck a brook, and a tarn, from a celtic word meaning a tear, a small lake. gordale scar was a much more formidable place than we had expected to find, as the rocks were about five yards higher than those at malham cove, and it is almost as difficult to describe them as to climb to the top! [illustration: gordale scar.] gordale beck has its rise near malham tarn, about , feet above sea-level; and, after running across the moor for about three miles, gathering strength in its progress, it reaches the top of this cliff, and, passing over it, has formed in the course of ages quite a considerable passage, widening as it approaches the valley below, where it emerges through a chasm between two rocks which rise to a great height. it was from this point we had to begin our climb, and few people could pass underneath these overhanging rocks without a sense of danger. the track at this end had evidently been well patronised by visitors, but the last of these had departed with the month of september, and as it was now late in october we had the scar all to ourselves. it was, therefore, a lonely climb, and a very difficult one as we approached the top, for the volume of water was necessarily much greater after the heavy autumnal rainfall than when the visitors were there in the summer; and as we had to pass quite near the falls, the wind blew the spray in some places over our path. it seemed very strange to see white foaming water high above our heads. there was some vegetation in places; here and there a small yew tree, which reminded us of churchyards and the dark plumes on funeral coaches; but there were also many varieties of ferns in the fissures in the rocks. when we neared the top, encumbered as we were with umbrellas, walking-sticks, and bags, we had to assist each other from one elevation to another, one climbing up first and the other handing the luggage to him, and we were very pleased when we emerged on the moors above. [illustration: kilnsey crags.] here we found the beck running deeply and swiftly along a channel which appeared to have been hewn out expressly for it, but on closer inspection we found it quite a natural formation. we have been told since by an unsentimental geologist that the structure is not difficult to understand. as in the case of the malham cove stream, this one passed into the rock and gradually ate out a hollow, while ultimately escaping from the cliff as in the cove; but the roof of the cave collapsed, forming the great chasm and revealing the stream as it leaped down from one level to another. looking about us on the top we saw lonely moors without a house or a tree in sight, and walked across them until we came to a very rough road--possibly the track which we expected to find leading from malham. malham tarn was not in sight, but we had learned that the water was about a mile in length and the only things to be seen there were two kinds of fish--perch and trout---which often quarrelled and decimated each other. the weather was dull, and we had encountered several showers on our way, passing between the parson's pulpit to the left, rising quite , feet, and the druid's altar to our right; but we afterwards learned that it was a poor specimen, and that there were much finer ones in existence, while the parson's pulpit was described as "a place for the gods, where a man, with a knowledge of nature and a lover of the same, might find it vantage ground to speak or lecture on the wonders of god and nature." we were pleased to get off the moors before further showers came on, and before we reached kilnsey, where this portion of the moors terminated abruptly in the kilnsey crags, we passed by a curious place called dowker bottom cave, where some antiquarian discoveries had been made about fifteen years before our visit, excavations several feet below the lime-charged floor of the cave having revealed the fact that it had been used by cave-dwellers both before and after the time of the romans: there were also distinct traces of ancient burials. the monks of furness abbey formerly owned about , acres of land in this neighbourhood, and a small vale here still bore the name of fountains dell; but the scotch raiders often came down and robbed the monks of their fat sheep and cattle. the valley now named littondale was formerly known as amerdale, and was immortalised as such by wordsworth in his "white doe of rylstone": unwooed, yet unforbidden. the white doe followed up the vale, up to another cottage, hidden in the deep fork of amerdale. the road passes almost under kilnsey crag, but though it seemed so near, some visitors who were throwing stones at it did not succeed in hitting it. we were a little more successful ourselves, but failed to hit the face of the rock itself, reminding us of our efforts to dislodge rooks near their nests on the tops of tall trees: they simply watched the stones rising upwards, knowing that their force would be spent before either reaching their nests or themselves. on arriving at kilnsey, we called at the inn for refreshments, and were told that the ancient building we saw was kilnsey old hall, where, if we had come earlier in the year, before the hay was put in the building, we could have seen some beautiful fresco-work over the inside of the barn doors! after lunch we had a very nice walk alongside the river wharfe to a rather pretty place named grassington, where an ancient market had been held since , but was now discontinued. we should have been pleased to stay a while here had time permitted, but we were anxious to reach pateley bridge, where we intended making our stay for the week-end. we now journeyed along a hilly road with moors on each side of us as far as greenhow hill mines, worked by the romans, and there our road reached its highest elevation at , feet above sea-level--the village church as regarded situation claiming to be the highest in yorkshire. we had heard of a wonderful cave that we should find quite near our road, and we were on the look-out for the entrance, which we expected would be a black arch somewhere at the side of the road, but were surprised to find it was only a hole in the surface of a field. on inquiry we heard the cave was kept locked up, and that we must apply for admission to the landlord of the inn some distance farther along the road. we found the landlord busy, as it was saturday afternoon; but when we told him we were walking from john o' groat's to land's end and wanted to see all the sights we could on our way, he consented at once to go with us and conduct us through the cave. we had to take off our coats, and were provided with white jackets, or slops, and a lighted candle each. we followed our guide down some steps that had been made, into what were to us unknown regions. we went along narrow passages and through large rooms for about two hundred yards, part of the distance being under the road we had just walked over. we had never been in a cave like this before. the stalactites which hung from the roof of the cavern, and which at first we thought were long icicles, were formed by the rain-water as it slowly filtered through the limestone rock above, all that could not be retained by the stalactite dropping from the end of it to the floor beneath. here it gradually formed small pyramids, or stalagmites, which slowly rose to meet their counterparts, the stalactites, above, so that one descended while the other ascended. how long a period elapsed before these strange things were formed our guide could not tell us, but it must have been very considerable, for the drops came down so slowly. it was this slow dropping that made it necessary for us to wear the white jackets, and now and then a drop fell upon our headgear and on the "slops." still we felt sure it would have taken hundreds of years before we should have been transformed into either stalactites or stalagmites. in some of the places we saw they had long since met each other, and in the course of ages had formed themselves into all kinds of queer shapes. in one room, which our guide told us was the "church," we saw the "organ" and the "gallery," and in another the likeness of a "bishop," and in another place we saw an almost exact representation of the four fingers of a man's hand suspended from the roof of the cave. some of the subterranean passages were so low that we could scarcely creep through them, and we wondered what would become of us if the roof had given way before we could return. many other images were pointed out to us, and we imagined we saw fantastic and other ghostly shapes for ourselves. [illustration: entrance to the cave.] we were careful to keep our candles alight as we followed our guide on the return journey, and kept as close together as we could. it was nearly dark when we reached the entrance of the cavern again, and our impression was that we had been in another world. farther south we explored another and a larger cave, but the vandals had been there and broken off many of the "'tites," which here were quite perfect. we had not felt hungry while we were in the cave, but these well-known pangs came on us in force immediately we reached the open air, and we were glad to accept the landlord's offer to provide for our inward requirements, and followed him home to the inn for tea. the landlord had told the company at the inn about our long walk, and as walking was more in vogue in those days than at later periods, we became objects of interest at once, and all were anxious to form our acquaintance. [illustration: stump cross caves the four fingers. the "'tites" and "'mites."] we learned that what we had noted as the greenhow cave was known by the less euphonius name of the "stump cross cavern." it appeared that in ancient times a number of crosses were erected to mark the limits of the great forest of knaresborough, a royal forest as far back as the twelfth century, strictly preserved for the benefit of the reigning monarch. it abounded with deer, wild boars, and other beasts of the chase, and was so densely wooded that the knaresborough people were ordered to clear a passage through it for the wool-carriers from newcastle to leeds. now we could scarcely see a tree for miles, yet as recently as the year the forest covered , acres and embraced twenty-four townships. before the reformation, the boundary cross on the greenhow side was known as the craven cross, for craven was one of the ancient counties merged in what is called the west riding. the reformers objected to crosses, and knocked it off its pedestal, so that only the stump remained. thus it gradually became known as the stump cross, and from its proximity the cavern when discovered was christened the stump cross cavern. we were informed that the lead mines at greenhow were the oldest in england, and perhaps in the world, and it was locally supposed that the lead used in the building of solomon's temple was brought from here. two bars of lead that had been made in the time of the romans had been found on the moors, and one of these was now to be seen at ripley castle in yorkshire, while the other was in the british museum. eugene aram, whose story we heard for the first time in the inn, was born at a village a few miles from greenhow. the weather had been showery during the afternoon, but we had missed one of the showers, which came on while we were in the cavern. it was now fine, and the moon shone brightly as we descended the steep hill leading to pateley bridge. we had crossed the river dibb after leaving grassington, and now, before crossing the river nidd at pateley bridge, we stayed at the "george inn," an old hostelry dating from the year . (_distance walked twenty-one and a half miles_.) _sunday, october nd._ we spent a fairly quiet day at pateley bridge, where there was not a great deal to see. what there was we must have seen, as we made good use of the intervals between the three religious services we attended in exploring the town and its immediate neighbourhood. we had evidently not taken refuge in one of the inns described by daniel defoe, for we were some little distance from the parish church, which stood on a rather steep hill on the opposite bank of the river. near the church were the ruins of an older edifice, an ancient description running, "the old chappel of the blessed virgin mary of pateley brigg in nidderdale." we climbed the hill, and on our way came to an old well on which was inscribed the following translation by dryden from the latin of ovid [ b.c.-a.d. ]: ill habits gather by unseen degrees, as brooks run rivers--rivers run to seas. and then followed the words: the way to church. we did not go there "by unseen degrees," but still we hoped our good habits might gather in like proportion. we went to the parish church both morning and evening, and explored the graveyards, but though gravestones were numerous enough we did not find any epitaph worthy of record--though one of the stones recorded the death in july of the four sons of robert and margaret fryer, who were born at one birth and died aged one week. in the afternoon we went to the congregational chapel, and afterwards were shown through a very old wesleyan chapel, built in , and still containing the old seats, with the ancient pulpit from which john wesley had preached on several occasions. it was curious to observe how anxious the compilers of the histories of the various places at which we stayed were to find a remote beginning, and how apologetic they were that they could not start even earlier. those of pateley bridge were no exception to the rule. the roman occupation might perhaps have been considered a reasonable foundation, but they were careful to record that the brigantes were supposed to have overrun this district long before the romans, since several stone implements had been found in the neighbourhood. one of the roman pigs of lead found hereabouts, impressed with the name of the emperor "domitian," bore also the word "brig," which was supposed to be a contraction of brigantes. a number of roman coins had also been discovered, but none of them of a later date than the emperor hadrian, a.d. , the oldest being one of nero, a.d. - . [illustration: the old parish church, pateley bridge.] previous to the fourteenth century the river nidd was crossed by means of a paved ford, and this might originally have been paved by the romans, who probably had a ford across the river where pateley bridge now stands for the safe conveyance of the bars of lead from the greenhow mines, to which the town owed its importance, down to the beginning of the nineteenth century. but though it could boast a saturday market dating from the time of edward ii, it was now considered a quiet and somewhat sleepy town. the valley along which the river nidd runs from its source in the moors, about ten miles away, was known as nidderdale. in the church book at middlesmoor, about six miles distant, were two entries connected with two hamlets on the banks of the nidd near pateley bridge which fix the dates of the christening and marriage of that clever murderer, eugene aram. we place them on record here: ramsgill.--eugenious aram, son of peter aram, bap. ye nd of october, . loftus.--eugenius aram and anna spence, married may th, after banns thrice pub. . we retired to rest early. our last week's walk was below the average, and we hoped by a good beginning to make up the mileage during the coming week, a hope not to be fulfilled, as after events proved. sixth week's journey a week of agony _monday, october rd._ we left pateley bridge at seven o'clock in the morning, and after walking about two miles on the ripley road, turned off to the left along a by-lane to find the wonderful brimham rocks, of which we had been told. we heard thrashing going on at a farm, which set us wondering whether we were on the same road along which chantrey the famous sculptor walked when visiting these same rocks. his visit probably would not have been known had not the friend who accompanied him kept a diary in which he recorded the following incident. they were walking towards the rocks when they, like ourselves, heard the sound of thrashing in a barn, which started an argument between them on their relative abilities in the handling of the flail. as they could not settle the matter by words, they resolved to do so by blows; so they made their way to the farm and requested the farmer to allow them to try their hand at thrashing corn, and to judge which of them shaped the better. the farmer readily consented, and accompanied them to the barn, where, stopping the two men who were at work, he placed chantrey and his friend in their proper places. they stripped for the fight, each taking a flail, while the farmer and his men watched the duel with smiling faces. it soon became evident that chantrey was the better of the two. the unequal contest was stopped, much to the chagrin of the keeper of the diary, by the judge giving his verdict in favour of the great sculptor. this happened about seventy years before our visit, but even now the old-fashioned method of thrashing corn had not yet been ousted by steam machinery, and the sound of the flails as they were swung down upon the barn floors was still one of the commonest and noisiest that, during the late autumn and winter months, met our ears in country villages. when the time came for the corn to be thrashed, the sheaves were placed on the barn floor with their heads all in the same direction, the binders which held them together loosened, and the corn spread out. two men were generally employed in this occupation, one standing opposite the other, and the corn was separated from the straw and chaff by knocking the heads with sticks. these sticks, or flails, were divided into two parts, the longer of which was about the size of a broom-handle, but made of a much stronger kind of wood, while the other, which was about half its length, was fastened to the top by a hinge made of strong leather, so that the flail was formed into the shape of a whip, except that the lash would not bend, and was as thick as the handle. the staff was held with both hands, one to guide and the other to strike, and as the thrashers were both practically aiming at the same place, it was necessary, in order to prevent their flails colliding, that one lash should be up in the air at the same moment that the other was down on the floor, so that it required some practice in order to become a proficient thrasher. the flails descended on the barn floors with the regularity of the ticking of a clock, or the rhythmic and measured footsteps of a man walking in a pair of clogs at a quickstep speed over the hard surface of a cobbled road. we knew that this mediæval method of thrashing corn would be doomed in the future, and that the old-fashioned flail would become a thing of the past, only to be found in some museum as a relic of antiquity, so we recorded this description of chantrey's contest with the happy memories of the days when we ourselves went a-thrashing corn a long time ago! [illustration: general view of brimham rocks.] what chantrey thought of those marvellous rocks at brimham was not recorded, but, as they covered quite fifty acres of land, his friend, like ourselves, would find it impossible to give any lengthy description of them, and might, like the auctioneers, dismiss them with the well-known phrase, "too numerous to mention." to our great advantage we were the only visitors at the rocks, and for that reason enjoyed the uninterrupted services of the official guide, an elderly man whose heart was in his work, and a born poet withal. [illustration: the dancing-bear rock.] the first thing we had to do was to purchase his book of poems, which, as a matter of course, was full of poetical descriptions of the wonderful rocks he had to show us--and thoroughly and conscientiously he did his duty. as we came to each rock, whether we had to stand below or above it, he poured out his poetry with a rapidity that quite bewildered and astonished us. he could not, of course, tell us whether the rocks had been worn into their strange forms by the action of the sea washing against them at some remote period, or whether they had been shaped in the course of ages by the action of the wind and rain; but we have appealed to our geological friend, who states, in that emphatic way which scientific people adopt, that these irregular crags are made of millstone grit, and that the fantastic shapes are due to long exposure to weather and the unequal hardness of the rock. our guide accompanied us first to the top of a great rock, which he called mount pisgah, from which we could see on one side a wilderness of bare moors and mountains, and on the other a fertile valley, interspersed with towns and villages as far as the eye could reach. here the guide told my brother that he could imagine himself to be like moses of old, who from pisgah's lofty height viewed the promised land of canaan on one side, and the wilderness on the other! but we were more interested in the astonishing number of rocks around us than in the distant view, and when our guide described them as the "finest freak of nature of the rock kind in england," we thoroughly endorsed his remarks. we had left our luggage at the caretaker's house, which had been built near the centre of this great mass of stones in the year , by lord grantley, to whom the property belonged, from the front door of which, we were told, could be seen, on a clear day, york minster, a distance of twenty-eight miles as the crow flies. as may be imagined, it was no small task for the guide to take us over fifty acres of ground and to recite verses about every object of interest he showed us, some of them from his book and some from memory. but as we were without our burdens we could follow him quickly, while he was able to take us at once to the exact position where the different shapes could be seen to the best advantage. how long it would have taken that gentleman we met near loch lomond in scotland who tried to show us "the cobbler and his wife," on the top of ben arthur, from a point from which it could not be seen, we could not guess, but it was astonishing how soon we got through the work, and were again on our way to find "fresh fields and pastures new." [illustration: the high rock.] we saw the "bulls of nineveh," the "tortoise," the "gorilla," and the "druids' temple"--also the "druids' reading-desk," the "druids' oven," and the "druid's head." then there was the "idol," where a great stone, said to weigh over two hundred tons, was firmly balanced on a base measuring only two feet by ten inches. there was the usual lovers' leap, and quite a number of rocking stones, some of which, although they were many tons in weight, could easily be rocked with one hand. the largest stone of all was estimated to weigh over one hundred tons, though it was only discovered to be movable in the year . the "cannon rock" was thirty feet long, and, as it was perforated with holes, was supposed to have been used as an oracle by the ancients, a question asked down a hole at one end being answered by the gods through the priest or priestess hidden from view at the other. the different recesses, our guide informed us, were used as lovers' seats and wishing stones. the "frog and the porpoise," the "oyster rock," the "porpoise's head," the "sphinx," the "elephant and yoke of oxen," and the "hippopotamus's head" were all clearly defined. the "dancing bear" was a splendidly shaped specimen, and then there was a "boat rock," with bow and stern complete. but on the "mount delectable," as our guide called it, there was a very romantic courting and kissing chair, which, although there was only room for one person to sit in it at a time, he assured us was, in summer time, the best patronised seat in the lot. we remunerated him handsomely, for he had worked hard and, as "england expects," he had done his duty. he directed us to go along a by-lane through sawley or sawley moor, as being the nearest way to reach fountains abbey: but of course we lost our way as usual. the brimham rocks were about , feet above sea-level, and from them we could see harrogate, which was, even then, a fashionable and rising inland watering-place. our guide, when he showed us its position in the distance, did not venture to make any poetry about it, so we quote a verse written by another poet about the visitors who went there: some go for the sake of the waters-- well, they are the old-fashioned elves-- and some to dispose of their daughters, and some to dispose of themselves. but there must be many visitors who go there to search in its bracing air for the health they have lost during many years of toil and anxiety, and to whom the words of an unknown poet would more aptly apply: we squander health in search of wealth, we scheme, and toil, and save; then squander wealth in search of health, and only find a grave. we live! and boast of what we own! we die! and only get a stone! [illustration: fountains and the river skell.] [illustration: fountains abbey. "how grand the fine old ruin appeared, calmly reposing in the peaceful valley below."] [illustration: the cloisters, fountains abbey. "many great warriors were buried beneath the peaceful shade of fountains abbey."] [illustration: the nave] fortunately we happened to meet with a gentleman who was going part of the way towards fountains abbey, and him we accompanied for some distance. he told us that the abbey was the most perfect ruin in england, and when we parted he gave us clear instructions about the way to reach it. we were walking on, keeping a sharp look out for the abbey through the openings in the trees that partially covered our way, when suddenly we became conscious of looking at a picture without realising what it was, for our thoughts and attention had been fixed upon the horizon on the opposite hill, where for some undefined reason we expected the abbey to appear. lo and behold, there was the abbey in the valley below, which we might have seen sooner had we been looking down instead of up. the effect of the view coming so suddenly was quite electrical, and after our first exclamation of surprise we stood there silently gazing upon the beautiful scene before us; and how grand the fine old ruin appeared calmly reposing in the beautiful valley below! it was impossible to forget the picture! why we had expected to find the abbey in the position of a city set upon a hill which could not be hid we could not imagine, for we knew that the abbeys in the olden times had to be hidden from view as far as possible as one means of protecting them from warlike marauders who had no sympathy either with the learned monks or their wonderful books. further they required a stream of water near them for fish and other purposes, and a kaleyard or level patch of ground for the growth of vegetables, as well as a forest--using the word in the roman sense, to mean stretches of woodland divided by open spaces--to supply them with logs and with deer for venison, for there was no doubt that, as time went on, the monks, to use a modern phrase, "did themselves well." all these conditions existed near the magnificent position on which the great abbey had been built. the river which ran alongside was named the skell, a name probably derived from the norse word _keld_, signifying a spring or fountain, and hence the name fountains, for the place was noted for its springs and wells, as-- from the streams and springs which nature here contrives, the name of fountains this sweet place derives. [illustration: the great tower] the history of the abbey stated that it was founded by thirteen monks who, wishing to lead a holier and a stricter life than then prevailed in that monastery, seceded from the cistercian abbey of st. mary's at york. with the archbishop's sanction they retired to this desolate spot to imitate the sanctity and discipline of the cistercians in the abbey of rieval. they had no house to shelter them, but in the depth of the valley there grew a great elm tree, amongst the branches of which they twisted straw, thus forming a roof beneath which they might dwell. when the winter came on, they left the shelter of the elm and came under that of seven yew-trees of extraordinary size. with the waters of the river skell they quenched their thirst, the archbishop occasionally sent them bread, and when spring came they built a wooden chapel. others joined them, but their accession increased their privations, and they often had no food except leaves of trees and wild herbs. even now these herbs and wild flowers of the monks grew here and there amongst the old ruins. rosemary, lavender, hyssop, rue, silver and bronze lichens, pale rosy feather pink, a rare flower, yellow mullein, bee and fly orchis, and even the deadly nightshade, which was once so common at furness abbey. one day their provisions consisted of only two and a half loaves of bread, and a stranger passing by asked for a morsel. "give him a loaf," said the abbot; "the lord will provide,"--and so they did. marvellous to relate, says the chronicle, immediately afterwards a cart appeared bringing a present of food from sir eustace fitz-john, the lord of the neighbouring castle of knaresborough, until then an unfriendly personage to the monks. [illustration: "beneath whose peaceful shades great warriors rest."] before long the monks prospered: hugh, the dean of york, left them his fortune, and in they began to build the abbey. other helpers came forward, and in course of time fountains became one of the richest monasteries in yorkshire. the seven yew trees were long remembered as the "seven sisters," but only one of them now remains. many great warriors were buried beneath the peaceful shade of fountains abbey, and many members of the percy family, including lord henry de percy, who, after deeds of daring and valour on many a hard-fought field as he followed the banner of king edward i all through the wilds of scotland, prayed that his body might find a resting-place within the walls of fountains abbey. lands were given to the abbey, until there were , acres attached to it and enclosed in a ring fence. one of the monks from fountains went to live as a hermit in a secluded spot adjoining the river nidd, a short distance from knaresborough, where he became known as st. robert the hermit. he lived in a cave hewn out of the rock on one side of the river, where the banks were precipitous and covered with trees. one day the lord of the forest was hunting, and saw smoke rising above the trees. on making inquiries, he was told it came from the cave of st. robert. his lordship was angry, and, as he did not know who the hermit was, ordered him to be sent away and his dwelling destroyed. these orders were in process of being carried out, and the front part of the cave, which was only a small one, had in fact been broken down, when his lordship heard what a good man st. robert the hermit was. he ordered him to be reinstated, and his cave reformed, and he gave him some land. when the saint died, the monks of fountains abbey--anxious, like most of their order, to possess the remains of any saint likely to be popular among the religious-minded--came for his body, so that they might bury it in their own monastery, and would have taken it away had not a number of armed men arrived from knaresborough castle. so st. robert was buried in the church at knaresborough. [illustration: the boundary stone knaresborough forest.] st. robert the hermit was born in , and died in , so that he lived and died in the days of the crusades to the holy land. although his name was still kept in remembrance, his cave and chapel had long been deserted and overgrown with bushes and weeds, while the overhanging trees hid it completely from view. but after a lapse of hundreds of years st. robert's cave was destined to come into greater prominence than ever, because of the sensational discovery of the remains of the victim of eugene aram, which was accidentally brought to light after long years, when the crime had been almost forgotten and the murderer had vanished from the scene of his awful deed. the tragedy enacted in st. robert's cave has been immortalised in poetry and in story: by lord lytton in his story of "eugene aram" and by tom hood in "the dream of eugene aram." aram was a man of considerable attainments, for he knew latin, greek, hebrew, and other languages, and was also a good mathematician as well as an antiquarian. he settled in knaresborough in the year , and among his acquaintances were one daniel clark and another, john houseman, and these three were often together until suddenly daniel clark disappeared. no one knew what had become of him, and no intelligence could be obtained from his two companions. aram shortly afterwards left the town, and it was noticed that houseman never left his home after dark, so they were suspected of being connected in some way with the disappearance of clark. it afterwards transpired that aram had induced clark to give a great supper, and to invite all the principal people in the town, borrowing all the silver vessels he could from them, on the pretence that he was short. the plot was to pretend that robbers had got in the house and stolen the silver. clark fell in with this plot, and gave the supper, borrowing all the silver he could. after all was over, they were to meet at clark's house, put the silver in a sack, and proceed to st. robert's cave, which at that time was in ruins, where the treasure was to be hidden until matters had quieted down, after which they would sell it and divide the money; clark was to take a spade and a pick, while the other two carried the bag in turns. clark began to dig the trench within the secluded and bush-covered cave which proved to be his own grave, and when he had nearly finished the trench, aram came behind and with one of the tools gave him a tremendous blow on the head which killed him instantly, and the two men buried him there. [illustration: st. robert's and eugene aram's cave.] clark's disappearance caused a great sensation, every one thinking he had run away with the borrowed silver. years passed away, and the matter was considered as a thing of the past and forgotten, until it was again brought to recollection by some workmen, who had been digging on the opposite side of the river to st. robert's cave, finding a skeleton of some person buried there. as the intelligence was spread about knaresborough, the people at once came to the conclusion that the skeleton was that of daniel clark, who had disappeared fourteen years before. although aram had left the neighbourhood soon after clark disappeared, and no one knew where he had gone, houseman was still in the town, and when the news of the finding of the skeleton reached him, he was drinking in one of the public-houses, and, being partly drunk, his only remark was, "it's no more dan clark's skeleton than it's mine." immediately he was accused of being concerned in the disappearance of clark, and ultimately confessed that aram had killed clark, and that together they had buried his dead body in st. robert's cave. search was made there, and clark's bones were found. one day a traveller came to the town who said he had seen aram at lynn in norfolk, where he had a school. officers were at once sent there to apprehend aram, and the same night-- two stern-faced men set out from lynn, through the cold and heavy mist; and eugene aram walked between with gyves upon his wrist. aram was brought up for trial, and made a fine speech in defending himself; but it was of no avail, for houseman turned "king's evidence" against him, telling all he knew on condition that he himself was pardoned. the verdict was "guilty," and aram was hanged at york in the year . [illustration: st. roberts chapel.] fountains abbey in its prime must have been one of the noblest and stateliest sanctuaries in the kingdom. the great tower was feet high, and the nave about feet long, while the cloisters--still almost complete, for we walked under their superb arches several times from one end to the other--were marvellous to see. one of the wells at fountains abbey was named robin hood's well, for in the time of that famous outlaw the approach to the abbey was defended by a very powerful and brave monk who kept quite a number of dogs, on which account he was named the cur-tail friar. robin hood and little john were trying their skill and strength in archery on the deer in the forest when, in the words of the old ballad: little john killed a hart of greece five hundred feet him fro, and robin was so proud of his friend that he said he would ride a hundred miles to find such another, a remark-- that caused will shadlocke to laugh. he laughed full heartily; there lives a curtail fryer in fountains abbey will beate bothe him and thee. the curtell fryer, in fountains abbey, well can a strong bow draw; he will beate you and your yeomen. set them all in a row. [illustration: robin hood's well, fountains abbey.] so robin, taking up his weapons and putting on his armour, went to seek the friar, and found him near the river skell which skirted the abbey. robin arranged with the friar that as a trial of strength they should carry each other across the river. after this had been accomplished successfully robin asked to be carried over a second time. but the friar only carried him part way and then threw him into the deepest part of the river, or, in the words of the ballad: and coming to the middle streame there he threw robin in; "and chuse thee, chuse thee, fine fellow, whether thou wilt sink or swim." robin evidently did not care to sink, so he swam to a willow bush and, gaining dry land, took one of his best arrows and shot at the friar. the arrow glanced off the monk's steel armour, and he invited robin to shoot on, which he did, but with no greater success. then they took their swords and "fought with might and maine": from ten o' th' clock that very day till four i' th' afternoon. then robin came to his knee of the fryer to beg a boone. "a boone, a boone, thou curtail fryer, i beg it on my knee; give me leave to set my horn to my mouth and to blow blastes three." the friar consented contemptuously, for he had got the better of the fight; so robin blew his "blastes three," and presently fifty of his yeomen made their appearance. it was now the friar's turn to ask a favour. "a boone, a boone," said the curtail fryer, "the like i gave to thee: give me leave to set my fist to my mouth and to whute whues three." and as robin readily agreed to this, he sounded his "whues three," and immediately-- halfe a hundred good band-dogs came running o'er the lee. "here's for every man a dog and i myself for thee." "nay, by my faith," said robin hood, "fryer, that may not be." two dogs at once to robin hood did goe. the one behinde, the other before; robin hood's mantle of lincoln greene offe from his backe they tore. and whether his men shot east or west. or they shot north or south, the curtail dogs, so taught they were, they kept the arrows in their mouth. "take up the dogs," said little john; "fryer, at my bidding be." "whose man art thou," said the curtail fryer, "come here to prate to me!" "i'm little john, robin hood's man. fryer, i will not lie. if thou tak'st not up thy dogs, i'll take them up for thee." little john had a bowe in his hands. he shot with mighte and maine; soon half a score of the fryer's dogs lay dead upon the plaine. "hold thy hand, good fellow," said the curtail fryer. "thy master and i will agree, and we will have new order ta'en with all the haste may be." then robin hood said to the friar: "if thou wilt forsake fair fountains dale and fountains abbey free, every sunday throughout the yeare a noble shall be thy fee. "and every holiday throughout the yeare changed shall thy garment be if thou wilt go to fair nottinghame and there remaine with me." this curtail fryer had kept fountains dale seven long years and more; there was neither knight, lord or earle could make him yield before. according to tradition, the friar accepted robin's offer and became the famous friar tuck of the outlaw's company of merrie men whom in _ivanhoe_ scott describes as exchanging blows in a trial of strength with richard coeur de lion. it was said that when robin hood died, his bow and arrows were hung up in fountains abbey, where they remained for centuries. we procured some refreshments near the abbey, and then walked on to ripon, through the fine park and grounds of studley royal, belonging to the marquis of ripon, and we esteemed it a great privilege to be allowed to do so. the fine trees and gardens and the beautiful waters, with some lovely swans floating on them, their white plumage lit up with the rays of the sun, which that day shone out in all its glory, formed such a contrast to the dull and deserted moors, that we thought the people of ripon, like ourselves, ought to be thankful that they were allowed to have access to these beautiful grounds. the town of ripon, like many others in the north of england, had suffered much in the time of the wars, and had had an eventful history, for after being burnt by the danes it was restored by alfred the great in the year , only to be destroyed once more by william the conqueror in his ruthless march through the northern counties. a survival of alfred's wise government still existed in the "wake-man," whose duty it was to blow a horn at nine o'clock each night as a warning against thieves. if a robbery occurred during the night, the inhabitants were taxed with the amount stolen. a horn was still blown, three blasts being given at nine o'clock at the market cross and three immediately afterwards at the mayor's door by the official horn-blower, during which performances the seventh bell in the cathedral was tolled. the ancient motto of the town was: except ye lord keep ye cittie ye wakeman waketh in vain. in the silver badges that adorned the horn were stolen by thieves, but they had long since been replaced, and the horn was now quite a grand affair, the gold chain purchased for it in costing £ . the town was again burnt by robert bruce in , when the north of england was being devastated after the disastrous battle of bannockburn; but it soon revived in importance, and in henry iv and his court retired thither to escape the plague which at that time was raging in london. in the time of the civil war charles i was brought to ripon by his captors, and lodged for two nights in a house where he was sumptuously entertained, and was so well pleased with the way he had been treated that his ghost was said to have visited the house after his death. the good old lady who lived there in those troubled times was the very essence of loyalty and was a great admirer of the murdered monarch. in spite of cromwell she kept a well-furnished wine-cellar, where bottles were continually being found emptied of their contents and turned upside down. but when she examined her servants about this strange phenomenon, she was always told that whenever the ghost of king charles appeared, the rats twisted their tails round the corks of the bottles and extracted them as cleverly as the lady's experienced butler could have done himself, and that they presented their generous contents in brimming goblets to the parched lips of his majesty, who had been so cruelly murdered. this reply was always considered satisfactory and no further investigation was made! "let me suffer loss," said the old lady, "rather than be thought a rebel and add to the calamities of a murdered king! king charles is quite welcome!" [illustration: ripon minster.] eugene aram, we were informed, spent some years of his life in ripon at a house in bond-gate. st. wilfrid was the patron saint of ripon, where he was born. legend states that at his birth a strange supernatural light shone over the house, and when he died, those who were in the death chamber claimed that they could hear the rustling of the angels' wings who had come to bear his spirit away. as we saw some figures relating to him in the cathedral we presumed that he must have been its patron saint. we found afterwards it was dedicated to st. peter and st. wilfrid. st. wilfrid was an enthusiast in support of the church control of rome. one sympathises with the poor king, who had to decide between the claims of rome and the celtic church, whether priests should have their hair cut this way or that, and if the date of easter should be decided by the moon or by some other way. he seems to have been a simple-minded fellow, and his decision was very practical. "i am told that christ gave peter the keys of heaven to keep, and none can get in without his permission. is that so?" to which wilfrid quickly answered "yes." "has your saint any power like that?" he asked oswin, who could but say "no." "then," said the king, "i vote for the side with the greater power," and decided in favour of wilfrid. like other cathedrals, ripon had suffered much in the wars, but there were many ancient things still to be seen there. near the font was a tomb covered with a slab of grey marble, on which were carved the figures of a man and a huge lion, both standing amongst some small trees. it was supposed to have covered the body of an irish prince who died at ripon on his way home from the holy war, in palestine, and who brought back with him a lion that followed him about just like a dog. in the cathedral yard there was an epitaph to a fisherman: here lies poor but honest bryan tunstall. he was a most expert angler until death, envious of his merit, threw out his line, and landed him here st day of april, . [illustration: ripon minster, west front] we left ripon by the boroughbridge road, and when about a mile from the town we met one of the dignitaries of the cathedral, who from his dress might have been anything from an archdeacon upwards. we asked him if he could tell us of any objects of interest on our farther way. he told us of aldborough, with its roman remains and the devil's arrows, of which we had never heard before; and he questioned us about our long tramp, the idea of which quite delighted him. we told him that we had thrown our mackintoshes away, and why we had done so, and had bought umbrellas instead; and he said, "you are now standing before a man who would give fifty pounds if he had never worn a mackintosh, for they have given me the rheumatism!" the church at kirkby hill had just been restored. we saw an epitaph in the churchyard similar to one which we found in a graveyard later on, farther south: whence i came it matters not. to whom related or by whom begot; a heap of dust is all that remains of me, 'tis all i am, and all the proud shall be. [illustration: the devil's arrows.] we soon reached the famous boroughbridge, one of the most historical places in all england, the borough meaning aldborough, the isuer of the brigantes and the isurium of the romans. here we crossed the bridge spanning the yorkshire river ouse, which almost adjoined aldborough, and were directed for lodgings to the house of a widowed lady quite near the church. it was nearly dark then, the moon, though almost at the full that night, not having yet risen. we decided to wait until after a substantial meal before visiting the devil's arrows a short distance away. there were only three of them left--two in a field on one side of the road, and one in a field opposite. the stones were standing upright, and were, owing to their immense size, easily found. we had inspected the two, and were just jumping over the gate to cross the narrow lane to see the other in the next field, when we startled a man who was returning, not quite sober, from the fair at boroughbridge. as we had our sticks in our hands, he evidently thought we were robbers and meant mischief, for he begged us not to molest him, saying he had only threepence in his pocket, to which we were welcome. we were highly amused, and the man was very pleased when he found he could keep the coppers, "to pay," as he said, "for another pint." the stones, weighing about tons each, were to feet high, and as no one knew who placed them there, their origin was ascribed to the devil; hence their name, "the devil's arrows." possibly, as supposed in other similar cases, he had shot them out of his bow from some great hill far away, and they had stuck in the earth here. there was fairly authentic evidence that twelve was the original number, and the bulk of opinion favoured an origin concerned with the worship of the sun, one of the earliest forms known. others, however, ascribe them to the romans, who erected boundary stones, of which several are known, on the hills farther south. we returned to our lodgings, but not to sleep, for our sleeping apartment was within a few feet of the church clock, on the side of a very low steeple. as we were obliged to keep our window open for fresh air, we could hear every vibration of the pendulum, and the sound of the ponderous bell kept us awake until after it struck the hour of twelve. then, worn out with fatigue, we heard nothing more until we awoke early in the morning. [illustration: aldborough church, boroughbridge.] (_distance walked twenty miles_.) _tuesday, october th._ the history of aldborough, the old _burh_ or fortified saxon settlement, in spite of its saxon name, could clearly be traced back to the time of the brigantes, the ancient britons, who inhabited the territory between the tweed and the humber. a celtic city existed there long before romulus and remus founded the city of rome, and it was at this city of isuer, between the small river tut and its larger neighbour the yore, that their queen resided. her name, in gaelic, was cathair-ys-maen-ddu ("queen of stones black"), rather a long name even for a queen, and meaning in english the queen of the city of the black stones, the remaining three, out of the original twelve, being those, now known as the devil's arrows, which we had seen the preceding night. [illustration: caer caradoc hill, church stretton.] the romans, however, when they invaded britain, called her cartismunda, her city isurium, and the brigantes' country they named brigantia. but as the brigantes made a determined resistance, their invasion of this part of england, begun in a.d. , was not completed until a.d. . queen cartismunda was related to the king of siluria, which then embraced the counties of hereford and monmouth, besides part of south wales. he was one of the greatest of the british chieftains, named caradoc by the britons and caractacus by the romans. he fought for the independence of britain, and held the armies of the most famous roman generals at bay for a period of about nine years. but eventually, in a.d. , he was defeated by the roman general ostorius scapula, in the hilly region near church stretton, in shropshire, not far from a hill still known as caer caradoc, his wife and daughters being taken prisoners in the cave known as caradoc's cave. he himself escaped to the isle of mona, afterwards named anglesey, with the object of rallying the british tribes there. it so happened that some connection existed between queen cartismunda and the romans who had defeated caradoc, and after that event ostorius scapula turned his army towards the north, where he soon reached the border of brigantia. as soon as the queen, of whose morals even the britons held no high opinion, heard of his arrival, she and her daughters hastened to meet the conqueror to make terms. if beauty had any influence in the settlement, she seems to have had everything in her favour, as, if we are to believe the description of one of the romans, who began his letter with the words "brigantes faemina dulce," the brigantes ladies must have been very sweet and beautiful. a most objectional part of the bargain was that caractacus should be delivered up to the roman general. so the queen sent some relatives to mona to invite him to come and see her at isuer, and, dreaming nothing of treachery, he came; but as soon as he crossed the border into the queen's country he was seized, bound and handed over to ostorius, who sent him to rome, together with his already captured wife and daughters. on arrival at rome caractacus was imprisoned with some of his countrymen and in course of time brought before the emperor claudius. the brave and fearless speech he made before the emperor on that occasion is one of the most famous recorded in history, and has been immortalised both in prose and poetry. "now i have spoken, do thy will; be life or death my lot. since britain's throne no more i fill, to me it matters not. my fame is clear; but on my fate thy glory or thy shame must wait." he ceased: from all around upsprung a murmur of applause; for well had truth and freedom's tongue maintained their holy cause. the conqueror was the captive then-- he bade the slave be free again. tradition states that one of his companions in the prison in rome was st. paul, who converted him to the christian faith, with two of his fellow-countrymen, linus and claudia, who are mentioned in st. paul's second epistle to timothy (iv. ). descendants of caradoc are still to be traced in england in the family of craddock, whose shield to this day is emblazoned with the words: "betrayed! not conquered." we awoke quite early in the morning--a fact which we attributed to the church clock, although we could not remember hearing it strike. my brother started the theory that we might have been wakened by some supernatural being coming through the open window, from the greensward beneath, where "lay the bones of the dead." aldborough church was dedicated to st. andrew, and the register dated from the year --practically from the time when registers came into being. it contained a curious record of a little girl, a veritable "nobody's child," who, as a foundling, was brought to the church and baptized in as "elizabeth nobody, of nobody." [illustration: knaresborough castle.] oliver cromwell, about whom we were to hear so much in our further travels, was here described in the church book as "an impious arch-rebel," but this we afterwards found was open to doubt. he fought one of his great battles quite near aldborough, and afterwards besieged knaresborough castle, about eight miles away. he lodged at an old-fashioned house in that town. in those days fireplaces in bedrooms were not very common, and even where they existed were seldom used, as the beds were warmed with flat-bottomed circular pans of copper or brass, called "warming-pans," in which were placed red-hot cinders of peat, wood, or coal. a long, round wooden handle, like a broomstick, was attached to the pan, by means of which it was passed repeatedly up and down the bed, under the bedclothes, until they became quite warm, both above and below. as this service was performed just before the people retired to rest, they found a warm bed waiting for them instead of a cold one. but of course this was in the "good old times." afterwards, when people became more civilised (!), they got into bed between linen sheets that were icy cold, and after warming them with the heat of their bodies, if they chanced to move an inch or two during the night they were either awakened, or dreamed about icebergs or of being lost in the snow! the young daughter of the house where oliver cromwell lodged at knaresborough had the task of warming oliver's bed for him, and in after years when she had grown up she wrote a letter in which she said: "when cromwell came to lodge at our house i was then but a young girl, and having heard so much talk about the man, i looked at him with wonder. being ordered to take a pan of coals and 'aire' his bed, i could not forbear peeping over my shoulders to see this extraordinary man, who was seated at the far side of the room untying his garters. having aired the bed i went out, and shutting the door after me, i peeped through the keyhole, when i saw him rise from his seat, advance to the bed, and fall on his knees, in which attitude i left him for some time. when returning i found him still at prayer---and this was his custom every night as long as he stayed at our house--i concluded he must be a good man, and this opinion i always maintained, though i heard him blamed and exceedingly abused." aldborough was walled round in the time of the romans, and portions of the walls were still to be seen. so many roman relics had been found here that aldborough had earned the title of the yorkshire pompeii. so interested were we in its antiquities that we felt very thankful to the clerical dignitary at ripon for having advised us to be sure to visit this ancient borough. [illustration: tessellated roman pavement unearthed at aldborough.] we now wended our way to one of the village inns, where we had been told to ask permission from the landlord to see the roman tessellated pavement in his back garden. we were conducted to a building, which had been roofed over to cover it. our attendant unlocked the door, and after the sawdust which covered the floor had been carefully brushed aside, there was revealed to our gaze a beautifully executed floor, in which the colours of the small tiles were as bright as if they had been recently put there. we could scarcely realise that the work we were looking at was well-nigh two thousand years old: it looked more like the work of yesterday. it had been accidentally discovered by a man who was digging in the garden, at about two feet below the surface of the soil; it was supposed to have formed the floor of a dwelling belonging to some highly placed roman officer. we were speculating about the depth of soil and the difference in levels between the roman period and the present, but we found afterwards that the preservation of this beautiful work, and of others, was due not to any natural accumulations during the intervening centuries, but to the fact that the devastating danes had burnt the town of aldborough, along with many others, in the year , and the increased depth of the soil was due to the decomposition of the burnt ruins and debris. when we noted any event or object dating from , we described it as "one hundred years before our visit," but here we had an event to record that had happened one thousand years before. neither the attendant nor the landlord would accept any remuneration for their services, and to our cordial thanks replied, "you are quite welcome." we now went to see the cottage museum, which was well filled with roman relics of all kinds, arranged in such fashion as would have done credit to a very much larger collection. the roman remains stored here were described as "one of the most comprehensive collections of roman relics in england," and included ornaments and articles in glass, iron, and bronze. there was also much pottery and tiles; also coins, images, and all kinds of useful and ornamental articles of the time of the roman occupation in britain. besides self-coloured tiles, there were some that were ornamented, one representing the "capitoli wolf," a strange-looking, long-legged animal, with its face inclined towards the spectator, while between its fore and hind legs could be seen in the distance the figures of romulus and remus, the founders of the city of rome, who, tradition states, were suckled in their infancy by a wolf. but my brother reminded me that none of these things were fit to eat, and that our breakfast would now be ready, so away we sped to our lodgings to get our breakfast and to pay our bill, and bid good-bye to our landlady, who was a worthy, willing old soul. just across the river, about a mile away, was the site of the "white battle," fought on october th, --one of the strangest and most unequal battles ever fought. it occurred after the english had been defeated at bannockburn, and when the scots were devastating the north of england. the scots had burnt and plundered boroughbridge in under sir james douglas, commonly known, on account perhaps of his cruelty, as the "black douglas." even the children were afraid when his name was mentioned, for when they were naughty they were frightened with the threat that if they were not good the black douglas would be coming; even the very small children were familiar with his name, for a nursery song or lullaby of that period was-- hush ye, hush ye, little pet ye, hush ye, hush ye, do not fret ye, the black douglas shall not get ye. just before the "white battle" the english queen isabel, wife of edward ii, had taken up her abode with a small retinue in the country near york, when an effort was made by the scots to capture her; they nearly succeeded, for she only just managed to get inside the walls of york when the scots appeared and demanded admittance. this was refused by the aged archbishop melton, who had the bulwarks manned and the fortifications repaired and defended. the scots were enraged, as york was strongly fortified, and they shouted all manner of epithets to the people behind the walls; one of them actually rode up to the micklegate bar and accused the queen of all manner of immoralities, challenging any man to come forth and clear her fame. the archbishop in a stirring appeal called upon every man and youth to attack the invaders. his eloquence was irresistible, and although there were not more than fifty trained soldiers in the city, they attacked the scots, who retreated. the archbishop's army was utterly unskilled in the arts of war, and carried all kinds of weapons, many of them obsolete. the bishop of ely, lord high chancellor of england, rode alongside the archbishop, and behind them rode the lord mayor, followed by a multitude of clergy in white surplices, with monks, canons, friars, and other ecclesiastics, all fully dressed in the uniform of their offices. but only one result was possible, for they were opposed to , of robert bruce's best-trained soldiers. meantime the scots did not know the character of the foe before whom they were retreating, but, crossing the river swale near the point where it meets the yore, they set fire to a number of haystacks, with the result that the smoke blew into the faces of the archbishop and his followers, as the wind was blowing in their direction. they, however, pressed bravely forward, but the scots attacked them both in front and rear, and in less than an hour four thousand men and youths, their white robes stained with blood, were lying dead on the field of battle, while many were drowned in the river. the sight of so many surpliced clergy struck terror into the heart of the earl of murray and his men, who, instead of pursuing farther the retreating army, amongst whom were the aged archbishop and his prelates--the lord mayor had been killed--retired northwards. through the long hours of that night women, children, and sweethearts gazed anxiously from the walls of york, watching and waiting for those who would never return, and for many a long year seats were vacant in the sacred buildings of york. thus ended the "battle of the white," so named from the great number of surpliced clergy who took part therein. the old archbishop escaped death, and one of the aged monks wrote that-- the triumphal standard of the archbishop also was saved by the cross-bearer, who, mounted on a swift horse, plunged across the river, and leaving his horse, hid the standard in a dense thicket, and escaped in the twilight. the pike was of silver, and on the top was fixed the gilded image of our lord jesus christ. near where it was hidden a poor man was also hiding, and he twisted some bands of hay round it, and kept it in his cottage, and then returned it to the bishop. about this time england was like a house divided against itself, for the barons had revolted against king edward ii. a battle was again fought at boroughbridge on june nd, , between the rebel army led by the earls of lancaster and hereford, and the king's forces who were pursuing them. they were obliged to retreat over the bridge, which at that time was built of wood; but when they reached it, they found another part of the king's army of whose presence they were unaware, so they had to fight for the possession of the bridge. during the fight a welshman, armed with a long spear, and who was hidden somewhere beneath the bridge, contrived to thrust his spear through an opening in the timbers right into the bowels of humphrey de bohun, the earl of hereford, who fell forward mortally wounded. thus died one of the most renowned warriors in england. the earl of lancaster made a final effort to cross the bridge, but his troops gave way and fled, the earl taking refuge in the old chapel of boroughbridge, from which he was dragged, stripped of his armour, and taken to york. thence he was conveyed to his own castle at pontefract, and lowered into a deep dungeon, into which, we were told, when we visited that castle later, he had himself lowered others, and soon afterwards he was condemned to death by the revengeful edward, who had not forgotten the earl's share in the death of his favourite, piers gaveston. mounted on a miserable-looking horse, amidst the gibes and insults of the populace, he was led to the block, and thus died another of england's famous warriors. [illustration: oliver cromwell, the great parliamentarian.] needless to relate, we had decided to visit york minster as our next great object of interest after fountains abbey, and by accident rather than design we had in our journey to and from york to pass over two battle-fields of first importance as decisive factors in the history of england--viz., marston moor and towton field. marston moor lay along our direct road from aldborough to york, a distance of about sixteen miles. here the first decisive battle was fought between the forces of king charles i and those of the parliament. his victory at marston moor gave cromwell great prestige and his party an improved status in all future operations in the civil war. nearly all the other battles whose sites we had visited had been fought for reasons such as the crushing of a rebellion of ambitious and discontented nobles, or perhaps to repel a provoked invasion, and often for a mere change of rulers. men had fought and shed their blood for persons from whom they could receive no benefit, and for objects in which they had no interest, and the country had been convulsed and torn to pieces for the gratification of the privileged few. but in the battle of marston moor a great principle was involved which depended en the issue. it was here that king and people contended--the one for unlimited and absolute power, and the other for justice and liberty. the iron grasp and liberty-crushing rule of the tudors was succeeded by the disgraceful and degrading reign of the stuarts. the divine right of kings was preached everywhere, while in charles i's corrupt and servile court the worst crimes on earth were practised. charles had inherited from his father his presumptuous notions of prerogative and divine right, and was bent upon being an absolute and uncontrolled sovereign. he had married henrietta, the daughter of the king of france, who, though possessed of great wit and beauty, was of a haughty spirit, and influenced charles to favour the roman catholic church as against the puritans, then very numerous in britain, who "through the bishop's courts were fined, whipt, pilloried, and imprisoned, so that death was almost better than life." [illustration: john hampden.] a crisis had to come, and either one man must yield or a whole nation must submit to slavery. the tax named "ship money," originally levied in the eleventh century to provide ships for the navy, was reintroduced by charles in in a very burdensome form, and the crisis came which resulted in the civil war, when hampden, who resided in the neighbourhood of the chiltern hills, one of the five members of parliament impeached by charles, refused to pay the tax on the ground that it was illegal, not having been sanctioned by parliament. he lost his case, but the nation was aroused and determined to vindicate its power. hampden was killed in a small preliminary engagement in the early stages of the war. the king was supported by the bulk of the nobility, proud of their ancient lineage and equipments of martial pomp, and by their tenants and friends; while the strength of the parliamentary army lay in the town population and the middle classes and independent yeomanry: prerogative and despotic power on the one hand, and liberty and privilege on the other. the royal standard was raised at nottingham and the din of arms rang through the kingdom. the fortress of hull had been twice besieged and bravely defended, and the drawn battle of edgehill had been fought. in the early part of both parties began the war in earnest. a scottish army had been raised, but its advance had been hindered by the marquis of newcastle, the king's commander in the north. in order to direct the attention of newcastle elsewhere, lord fernando fairfax and sir thomas his son, who had been commissioned by parliament to raise forces, attacked bellasis, the king's yorkshire commander, and governor of york, who was at selby with , men, and defeated them with great loss, capturing bellasis himself, many of his men, and all his ordnance. newcastle, dismayed by the news, hastened to york and entered the city, leaving the scots free to join fairfax at netherby, their united forces numbering , foot and , horse. these partially blockaded york, but newcastle had a strong force and was an experienced commander, and with a bridge across the river ouse, and a strong body of horse, he could operate on both sides of the stream; so crawford, lindsey, and fairfax sent messengers to the earl of manchester, who was in lincolnshire, inviting him to join them. he brought with him , foot and , horse, of the last of which oliver cromwell was lieutenant-general. even then they could not invest the city completely; but newcastle was beginning to lose men and horses, and a scarcity of provisions prevailed, so he wrote to the king that he must surrender unless the city could be relieved. charles then wrote to prince rupert, and said that to lose york would be equivalent to losing his crown, and ordered him to go to the relief of york forthwith. [illustration: prince rupert.] rupert, the son of frederick v, elector of bavaria, and a nephew of charles i, was one of the most dashing cavalry officers in europe. he lost no time in carrying out his commission, and in a few days newcastle received a letter saying that he was stabling his horses that same night at knaresborough, and that he would be at york the following day, rupert's own horse being stabled that same night in the church at boroughbridge. the news was received with great rejoicings by the besieged garrison and the people in york, but spread dismay amongst the besiegers, who thought york was about to capitulate. to stay in their present position was to court disaster, so they raised the siege and encamped on hessey moor, about six miles away, in a position which commanded the road along which rupert was expected to travel. but by exercise of great military skill he crossed the river at an unexpected point and entered york on the opposite side. the prince, as may be imagined, was received with great rejoicings; bells were rung, bonfires lighted, and guns fired, and the citizens went wild with triumphant excitement. difficulties arose, however, between newcastle, who was a thoughtful and experienced commander, and rupert, who, having relieved the city, wanted to fight the enemy at once. as he scornfully refused advice, newcastle retired, and went with the army as a volunteer only, meantime there were dissensions among the parliamentary generals, who were divided in their opinions--the english wishing to fight, and the scots wishing to retreat. they were all on their way to tadcaster, in search of a stronger position, when suddenly the vanguard of rupert reached the rearguard of the other army at the village of long marston. this division of the retreating army included their best soldiers, and was commanded by leslie and two other brave men, sir thomas fairfax and oliver cromwell. their rearguard halted, and, seeing the plain covered with pursuers, they sent word to the generals who had gone on in front, asking them to return and take possession of the dry land of the moor, which was higher than that occupied by the royalist army. oliver cromwell had already risen in the opinion of the army by his conduct in lincolnshire, and he was dreaded by the royalists, for he had already shown his ability to command. stalwart and clumsy in frame, he had an iron constitution, and was a bold and good rider and a perfect master of the broadsword then in use. he had also a deep knowledge of human nature, and selected his troopers almost entirely from the sons of respectable farmers and yeomen, filled with physical daring and religious convictions, while his own religious enthusiasm, and his superiority in all military virtues, gave him unbounded power as a leader: what heroes from the woodland sprung when through the fresh awakened land the thrilling cry of freedom rung. and to the work of warfare strung the yeoman's iron hand. the generals who had gone on in front now returned with their men to the assistance of their rearguard, and the whole army was brought into position on the high ground in the middle of the day, july nd, . the position was a good one, sloping down gradually towards the enemy. the royalist army numbered about , men, and that of the parliament slightly more. it must have been a wonderful sight to see these , of the best and bravest men the kingdom could produce, ready to wound and kill each other. the war-cry of the royalists was "god and the king," and that of the others was "god with us"--both sides believing they were fighting for the cause of religion. there were curses on one side and prayers on the other, each captain of the parliament prayed at the head of his company and each soldier carried a bible bearing the title "the souldier's pocket bible, issued for use in the commonwealth army in ." it only consisted of fifteen pages of special passages that referred particularly to the soldier's life and temptations. cromwell stood on the highest point of the field--the exact position, locally know as "cromwell's gap," was pointed out to us--but at the time of the great battle it was covered with a clump of trees, of which now only a few remained. the battle, once begun, raged with the greatest fury; but cromwell and his "ironsides" (a name given to them because of their iron resolution) were irresistible, and swept through the enemy like an avalanche; nothing could withstand them--and the weight of their onset bore down all before it. their spirit could not be subdued or wearied, for verily they believed they were fighting the battles of the lord, and that death was only a passport to a crown of glory. newcastle's "white coats," a regiment of thoroughly trained soldiers from the borders of cheshire and wales, who would not retreat, were almost annihilated, and prince rupert himself only escaped through the superior speed of his horse, and retired into lancashire with the remains of his army, while newcastle and about eighty others fled to scarborough, and sailed to antwerp, leaving sir thomas glemham, the governor of york, to defend that city. but as most of his artillery had been lost at marston moor, and the victors continued the siege, he was soon obliged to surrender. he made a very favourable agreement with the generals of the parliamentarian forces, by the terms of which, consisting of thirteen clauses, they undertook to protect the property and persons of all in the city, not plunder or deface any churches or other buildings, and to give a safe conduct to officers and men--who were to march out with what were practically the honours of war--as far as skipton. the agreement having been signed by both parties on july th, , sir thomas glemham, with his officers and men, marched out of the city of york with their arms, and "with drums beating, colours flying, match lighted, bullet in mouth, bag and baggage," made for skipton, where they arrived safely. the battle of marston moor was a shock to the royalist cause from which it never recovered. [illustration: york minster.] from marston moor we continued along the valley of the river ouse until we arrived at the city of york, which cromwell entered a fortnight after the battle; but we did not meet with any resistance as we passed through one of its ancient gateways, or "bars." we were very much impressed with the immense size and grandeur of the great minster, with its three towers rising over two hundred feet in height. we were too late to see the whole of the interior of this splendid old building, but gazed with a feeling of wonder and awe on one of the largest stained-glass windows in the world, about seventy feet high, and probably also the oldest, as it dated back about five hundred years. the different scenes depicted in the beautiful colours of the ancient glass panels represented every important biblical event from the creation downwards. we were surprised to find the window so perfect, as the stained-glass windows we had seen elsewhere had been badly damaged. but the verger explained that when the minster was surrendered to the army of the commonwealth in the civil war, it was on condition that the interior should not be damaged nor any of the stained glass broken. we could not explore the city further that afternoon, as the weather again became very bad, so we retreated to our inn, and as our sorely-tried shoes required soling and heeling, we arranged with the "boots" of the inn to induce a shoemaker friend of his in the city to work at them during the night and return them thoroughly repaired to the hotel by six o'clock the following morning. during the interval we wrote our letters and read some history, but our room was soon invaded by customers of the inn, who were brought in one by one to see the strange characters who had walked all the way from john o' groat's and were on their way to the land's end, so much so that we began to wonder if it would end in our being exhibited in some show in the ancient market-place, which we had already seen and greatly admired, approached as it was then by so many narrow streets and avenues lined with overhanging houses of great antiquity. we were, however, very pleased with the interest shown both in ourselves and the object of our walk, and one elderly gentleman seemed inclined to claim some sort of relationship with us, on the strength of his having a daughter who was a schoolmistress at rainford village, in lancashire. he was quite a jovial old man, and typical of "a real old english gentleman, one of the olden time." he told us he was a wesleyan local preacher, but had developed a weakness for "a pipe of tobacco and a good glass of ale." he said that when dick turpin rode from london to york, his famous horse, "black bess," fell down dead when within sight of the towers of the minster, but the exact spot he had not been able to ascertain, as the towers could be seen from so long a distance. york, he said, was an older city than london, the see of york being even older than that of canterbury, and a lord mayor existed at york long before there was one in london. he described the grand old minster as one of the "wonders of the world." he was very intelligent, and we enjoyed his company immensely. [illustration: york minster.] [illustration: micklegate bar, york.] [illustration: stone gate, york.] york was the "caer ebranc" of the brigantes, where septimus severus, the roman emperor, died in a.d. , and another emperor, constantius, in . the latter's son, who was born at york, was there proclaimed emperor on the death of his father, to become better known afterwards as constantine the great. in a.d. king arthur was said to have spent christmas at york in company with his courtiers and the famous knights of the round table; but geoffrey of monmouth, who recorded this, was said to have a lively imagination in the way of dates and perhaps of persons as well. it is, however, certain that william the conqueror built a castle there in , and robert de clifford a large tower. (_distance walked sixteen miles_.) _wednesday, october th._ the boots awoke us early in the morning, only to say that he had sent a messenger unsuccessfully into the town for our shoes; all the consolation he got was that as soon as they were finished, his friend the shoemaker would send them down to the hotel. it was quite an hour after the time specified when they arrived, but still early enough to admit of our walking before breakfast round the city walls, which we found did not encircle the town as completely as those of our county town of chester. where practicable we explored them, and saw many ancient buildings, including clifford's tower and the beautiful ruins of st. mary's abbey. we also paid a second visit to the ancient market-place, with its quaint and picturesque surroundings, before returning to our inn, where we did ample justice to the good breakfast awaiting our arrival. [illustration: monk bar, york.] we left the city of york by the same arched gateway through which we had entered on the previous day, and, after walking for about a mile on the roman road leading to tadcaster, the calcaria of the romans and our next stage, we arrived at the racecourse, which now appeared on our left. here we entered into conversation with one of the officials, who happened to be standing there, and he pointed out the place where in former years culprits were hanged. from what he told us we gathered that the people of york had a quick and simple way of disposing of their criminals, for when a man was sentenced to be hanged, he was taken to the prison, and after a short interval was placed in a cart, to which a horse was attached, and taken straightway to the gallows. here a rope was suspended, with a noose, or running knot, at the end, which was placed round the culprit's neck, and after other preliminaries the hangman saw to it that the man's hands were securely handcuffed and the noose carefully adjusted. at a given signal from him the cart was drawn from under the man's feet, leaving him swinging and struggling for breath in the air, where he remained till life was extinct. the judge when passing the death-sentence always forewarned the prisoner what would happen to him, and that he would be taken from there to the prison, and thence to the place of execution, "where you will be hanged by the neck until you are dead, dead, dead." why he repeated the last word over and over again we could not explain. it was spoken very solemnly, and after the first time he used it there was a pause, and after the second, a longer pause, and then came the third in an almost sepulchral tone of voice, while a death-like silence pervaded the court, each word sounding like an echo of the one before it: dead!--dead!!--dead!!! perhaps, like the trinity, it gave a sense of completion. [illustration: st. mary's abbey, york.] the executions in those days were public, and many people attended them as they would a fair or the races; and when held outside the towns, as at york, a riotous mob had it in its power either to lynch or rescue the prisoner. but hangings were afterwards arranged to take place on a scaffold outside the prison wall, to which the prisoner could walk from the inside of the prison. the only one we ever went to see was outside the county gaol, but the character of the crowd of sightseers convinced us we were in the wrong company, and we went away without seeing the culprit hanged! there must have been a great crowd of people on the york racecourse when eugene aram was hanged, for the groans and yells of execration filled his ears from the time he left the prison until he reached the gallows and the cart was drawn from under him, adding to the agony of the moment and the remorse he had felt ever since the foul crime for which he suffered. as we stood there we thought what an awful thing it must be to be hanged on the gallows.[footnote: in later years we were quite horrified to receive a letter from a gentleman in yorkshire who lived in the neighbouring of knaresborough in which he wrote: "i always feel convinced in my own mind that eugene aram was innocent. note these beautiful lines he wrote the night before his execution: "come, pleasing rest! eternal slumber fall, seal mine, that once must seal the eyes of all; calm and composed, my soul her journey takes, no _guilt_ that _troubles_, and no _heart_ that _aches_! adieu, thou sun! all bright like her arise; adieu, fair friends! and all that's good and wise. "i could give you," he added, "the most recent thoughts and opinions about the tragedy, and they prove beyond doubt his innocence!"] but, like other dismal thoughts, we got rid of it as soon as possible by thinking how thankful we should be that, instead of being hanged, we were walking through the level country towards tadcaster, a roman station in the time of agricola. from some cause or other we were not in our usual good spirits that day, which we accounted for by the depression arising from the dull autumnal weather and the awful histories of the wars he had been reading the previous night. but we afterwards attributed it to a presentiment of evil, for we were very unfortunate during the remainder of the week. perhaps it is as well so; the human race would suffer much in anticipation, did not the almighty hide futurity from his creatures. [illustration: old gothic church, tadcaster.] just before reaching tadcaster we crossed the river wharfe, which we had seen higher up the country, much nearer its source. here we turned to the left to visit pontefract, for the sole reason, for aught we knew, that we had heard that liquorice was manufactured there, an article that we had often swallowed in our early youth, without concerning ourselves where or how that mysterious product was made. it was quite a change to find ourselves walking through a level country and on a level road, and presently we crossed the river cock, a small tributary of the wharfe, close by the finely wooded park of grimstone, where grim the viking, or sea pirate, settled in distant ages, and gave his name to the place; he was also known as "the man with the helmet." we then came to the small hamlet of towton, where on the lonely heath was fought the battle of towton field, one of the most bloody battles recorded in english history. this great and decisive battle was fought in the wars of the roses, between the rival houses of york and lancaster, for the possession of the english crown--a rivalry which began in the reign of henry vi and terminated with the death of richard iii at the battle of bosworth field. it has been computed that during the thirty years these wars lasted, , of the gentry and common people, nobles, and princes of the royal blood were killed, all this carnage taking place under the emblems of love and purity, for the emblem or badge of the house of lancaster was the red rose, and that of york the white. the rivalry between the two houses only came to an end when henry vii, the lancastrian, married the princess elizabeth, the daughter of edward iv, the yorkist. the battle of towton, like many others both before and since, was fought on a sunday, which happened to be palm sunday in the year , and the historian relates that on that day the "heavens were overcast, and a strong march wind brought with it a blinding snowstorm, right against the faces of the lancastrians as they advanced to meet the yorkists, who quickly took advantage of the storm to send many furious showers of arrows from their strong bows right into the faces of the lancastrians, causing fearful havoc amongst them at the very outset of the battle. these arrows came as it were from an unknown foe, and when the lancastrians shot their arrows away, they could not see that they were falling short of the enemy, who kept advancing and retreating, and who actually shot at the lancastrians with their own arrows, which had fallen harmlessly on the ground in front of the yorkists. when the lancastrians had nearly emptied their quivers, their leaders hurried their men forward to fight the enemy, and, discarding their bows, they continued the battle with sword, pike, battle-axe, and bill. thus for nearly the whole of that sabbath day the battle raged, the huge struggling mass of humanity fighting like demons, and many times during that fatal day did the fortune of war waver in the balance: sometimes the white rose trembling and then the red, while men fought each other as if they were contending for the gate of paradise! for ten hours, with uncertain result, the conflict raged, which shakespeare compared to "the tide of a mighty sea contending with a strong opposing wind," but the arrival of , fresh men on the side of the yorkists turned the scale against the lancastrians, who began to retreat, slowly at first, but afterwards in a disorderly flight. the lancastrians had never anticipated a retreat, and had not provided for it, for they felt as sure of victory as the great duke of wellington at waterloo, who, when he was asked by a military expert what provision he had made for retreat in the event of losing the battle, simply answered, "none!" the lancastrians were obliged to cross the small river cock in their retreat, and it seemed almost impossible to us that a small stream like that could have been the cause of the loss of thousands upon thousands of the finest and bravest soldiers in england. but so it happened. there was only one small bridge over the stream, which was swollen and ran swiftly in flood. this bridge was soon broken down with the rush of men and horses trying to cross it, and although an active man to-day could easily jump over the stream, it was a death-trap for men weighted with heavy armour and wearied with exertion, the land for a considerable distance on each side the river being very boggy. as those in front sank in the bog, those from behind walked over them, and as row after row disappeared, their bodies formed the road for others to walk over. the carnage was terrible, for king edward had ordered that no quarter must be given and no prisoners taken. it was estimated that , of the lancastrians were slaughtered in this battle and in the pursuit which followed, and that , men in all were killed on that dreadful day. in some parts of yorkshire the wild roses were very beautiful, ranging in colour from pure white to the deepest red, almost every shade being represented; the variation in colour was attributed to the difference in the soil or strata in which they grew. but over this battle-field and the enormous pits in which the dead were buried there grew after the battle a dwarf variety of wild rose which it was said would not grow elsewhere, and which the country people thought emblematical of the warriors who had fallen there, as the white petals were slightly tinged with red, while the older leaves of the bushes were of a dull bloody hue; but pilgrims carried many of the plants away before our time, and the cultivation of the heath had destroyed most of the remainder. in the great battle of towton field many noblemen had perished, but they appeared to have been buried with the rank and file in the big pits dug out for the burial of the dead, as only a very few could be traced in the local churchyards. the earl of westmorland, however, had been buried in saxton church and lord dacres in saxton churchyard, where his remains rested under a great stone slab, feet long, - / feet wide, and inches thick, the latin inscription on which, in old english characters, was rapidly fading away: hic jacet ranulphus d.s. de dakreet--miles et occisus erat in bello principe henrico vie anno dom .-- die martii videlicet domica die palmarum--cujus anime propitietur deus.--amen. the local poet, in giving an account of the battle, has written:-- the lord dacres was slain at nor acres, for his lordship had been killed in a field known as the north acres. he had removed his gorget, a piece of armour which protected the throat, for the purpose, it was supposed, of getting a drink to quench his thirst, when he was struck in the throat by a bolt, or headless arrow, shot from a cross-bow by a boy who was hiding in a bur-tree or elder bush. the boy-archer must have been a good shot to hit a warrior clothed from head to foot in armour in the only vulnerable point exposed, but in those days boys were trained to shoot with bows and arrows from the early age of six years, their weapons, being increased in size and strength as they grew older; their education was not considered complete until they could use that terrible weapon known as the english long-bow, and hit the smallest object with their arrows. lord dacres was buried in an upright position, and his horse was buried with him; for many years the horse's jaw-bone and teeth were preserved at the vicarage, one of his lordship's ancestors, who died fighting on flodden field, had been buried in a fine tomb in lanercrost abbey. lord clifford was another brave but cruel warrior who was killed in a similar way. he had removed his helmet from some unexplained cause--possibly to relieve the pressure on his head--when a random arrow pierced his throat; but his death was to many a cause of rejoicing, for owing to his cruel deeds at the battle of wakenfield, he had earned the sobriquet of "the butcher." while that battle was raging, the duke of york's son, the earl of rutland, a youth only seventeen years of age, described as "a fair gentleman and maiden-like person," was brought by his tutor, a priest, from the battle-field to shelter in the town. here he was perceived by clifford, who asked who he was. the boy, too much afraid to speak, fell on his knees imploring for mercy, "both by holding up his hands and making dolorous countenance, for his speech was gone from fear." "save him," said the tutor, "for he is a prince's son and, peradventure, might do you good hereafter." with that word clifford marked him, and said, "by god's blood thy father slew mine, and so will i thee, and all thy kin," and, saying this, he struck the earl to the heart with his dagger, and bade the tutor bear word to his mother and brothers what he had said and done. not content with this, when he came to the body of the duke, the child's father, he caused the head to be cut off and a paper crown to be placed on it; then, fixing it on a pole, he presented it to the queen, saying, "madame, your war is done--here is your king's ransom." the head was placed over the gates of york by the side of that of the earl of salisbury, whom queen margaret had ordered to be beheaded. for some little time we had been walking through what was known as the "kingdom of elmet," but whether this was associated with the helmet of grim we were unable to ascertain, though we shrewdly suspected it was an old celtic word. we arrived at the village of sherburn-in-elmet, an important place in ancient times, where once stood the palace of athelstan, the grandson of alfred the great, the first ruler of all england, who was crowned king of england in the year . in celebration of his great victory over the combined army of the danes and scots at brunnanburgh, king athelstan presented his palace here, along with other portions of the kingdom of elmet, to the see of york, and it remained the archbishop of york's palace for over three hundred years. but when the see of york was removed to cawick, a more convenient centre, the sherburn palace was pulled down, and at the time of our visit only the site and a portion of the moat remained. we were much interested in the church, as the historian related that "within the walls now existing the voices of the last saxon archbishop and the first norman archbishop have sounded, and in the old church of sherburn has been witnessed the consummation of the highest ambition of chivalric enterprise, and all the pomp attending the great victory of athelstan at brunnanburgh." here in the time of edward ii, in , "a secret conclave was held, attended by the archbishop, the bishops of durham and carlisle, and abbots from far and near, the earls of lancaster and hereford, and many barons, baronets, and knights. to this assembly sir john de bek, a belted knight, read out the articles which lancaster and his adherents intended to insist upon." but what interested us most in the church was the "janus cross" the romans dedicated the month of january to janus, who was always pictured with two faces, as january could look back to the past year and forwards towards the present. the janus cross here had a curious history; it had been found in the ruins of an ancient chapel in the churchyard dedicated to the "honour of st. mary and the holy angels." one of the two churchwardens thought it would do to adorn the walls of his residence, but another parishioner thought it would do to adorn his own, and the dispute was settled by some local solomon, who suggested that they should cut it in two and each take one half. so it was sawn vertically in two parts, one half being awarded to each. in course of time the parts were again united and restored to the church. [illustration: st. janus cross, sherburn-in-elmert church.] arriving at ferry bridge, we crossed the river aire, which we had seen at its source, but which here claimed to have become one of the most useful rivers in yorkshire, for its waters were valuable for navigation and for the manufacturing towns near which they passed. my foot, which had pained me ever since leaving york, so that i had been limping for some time, now became so painful that i could scarcely walk at all. still, we were obliged to reach pontefract in order to procure lodgings for the night, so my brother relieved me of all my luggage excepting the stick, in order that i might hobble along to that town. it was with great difficulty that i climbed up the hill to the inn, which was in the upper part of the town, and there i was painfully relieved by the removal of my boot, and found that my ankle was seriously swollen and inflamed. it might, of course, have arisen through over-exertion, but we came to the conclusion that it was caused through the repair of my boots at york. before arriving there the heels were badly worn down at one side, and as i had been practically walking on the sides of my feet, the sudden reversion to the flat or natural position had brought on the disaster that very nearly prevented us from continuing our walk. we applied all the remedies that both our hostess and ourselves could think of, but our slumbers that night were much disturbed, and not nearly so continuous as usual. (_distance walked twenty-three and a half miles_.) _thursday, october th._ [illustration: the old church, pontefract.] the great object of interest at pontefract was the castle, the ruins of which were very extensive. standing on the only hill we encountered in our walk of the previous day, it was formerly one of the largest and strongest castles in england, and had been associated with many stirring historical events. it was here that king richard ii was murdered in the year , and the remains of the dismal chamber where this tragedy took place still existed. during the wars of the roses, when in queen margaret appeared in the north of yorkshire with an army of , men, the newly appointed king, edward iv, sent the first portion of his army to meet her in charge of his most influential supporter, the earl of warwick, the "king maker." the king followed him to pontefract with the remainder of his army, and the old castle must have witnessed a wonderful sight when that army, to the number of , men, was marshalled in the plains below. but it was in the civil war that this castle attained its greatest recorded notoriety, for it was besieged three times by the forces of the parliament. sir thomas fairfax was in charge of the first siege, and took possession of the town in , driving the garrison into the castle. he had a narrow escape from death on that occasion, as a cannon-ball passed between him and colonel forbes so close that the wind caused by its passage knocked both of them down to the ground, forbes losing the sight of one of his eyes. the castle was strongly defended, but just as one of the towers collapsed, a shot from the castle struck a match, and the spark, falling into fairfax's powder stores, caused a tremendous explosion which killed twenty-seven of his men. in january forbes sent a drum to the castle to beat a parley, but the governor, colonel lowther, and his brave garrison said they would go on with the defence to the last extremity. the besiegers then began to lay mines, but these were met by counter-mines driven by the garrison, who now began to suffer from want of food. at this critical moment a royalist force of , horse arrived under sir marmaduke langdale, who had made a forced march from oxford to relieve the garrison. he drove off the besiegers, first to ferry bridge, and afterwards to sherburn and tadcaster, inflicting severe loss, and so the garrison was revictualled. the parliamentary forces, however, soon made their appearance again, and on march st, , the second siege began. they again took possession of the town, and after four months of incessant cannonading the garrison capitulated and the castle was garrisoned by the other side. the war continued in other parts of the country, and towards the end of it a conspiracy was formed by the royalists to recover possession of the castle, which through the treachery of a colonel maurice was successful. many of the garrison at that time lived outside the walls of the castle, and maurice persuaded the governor, cotterel, to order them to move their homes inside, to which he assented, issuing an order in the country for beds to be provided on a certain day. taking advantage of this, maurice and another conspirator dressed themselves as country gentlemen, with swords by their sides, and with nine others, disguised as constables, made their appearance at the castle entrance early in the morning, so as to appear like a convoy guarding the safe passage of the goods. the governor, who kept the keys, was still in bed, and the soldier on guard at the inside of the gates, who was in league with maurice, went to inform him the beds had arrived. he handed over the keys, and, not suspecting treachery, remained in bed with his sword at his side as usual. the remainder of the conspirators then drew their swords, and the garrison, on condition that their lives should be spared, surrendered, and were put into one of the prison dungeons. the conspirators then went to the room of the governor, who, hearing a noise, jumped out of bed and defended himself, but was soon wounded, disarmed, and placed in the dungeon along with the rest, while the royalists took possession of the castle. this happened in june . the dungeons in the castle, which were still to be seen, were of the most awful description, for, sunk deep down into the solid rock, it was scarcely necessary to write over them-- abandon hope, all ye who enter here. there was one dungeon under the round tower, which was reached by passing down some winding steps, into which no ray of light ever entered, as dark and dismal a place as could be imagined. here earl rivers and his fellow peers were incarcerated, praying for their execution to end their misery. there was also a cellar for the storage of food and drink, sunk some forty or fifty feet in the solid rock, and capable of holding two or three hundred men, and this too was used as a dungeon by the royalists. here the prisoners taken by the royalist army were confined, and many of their names appeared cut in the walls of solid rock. the history of these places, if it could be written, would form a chapter of horrors of the most dreadful character, as in olden times prisoners were often forgotten by their captors, and left in the dungeons to perish. it was not without a tinge of satisfaction that we heard that the earl of lancaster, to whom the castle belonged, was himself placed in one of these dungeons after the battle of boroughbridge in , and after being imprisoned there a short time, where he had so often imprisoned others, was led out to execution. the third siege of pontefract castle happened in the autumn of , for after the parliamentarians had gained the upper hand, the castles that still held out against them were besieged and taken, but the turn of pontefract castle came last of all. oliver cromwell himself undertook to superintend the operations, and general lambert, one of the ablest of cromwell's generals, born at kirkby malham, a yorkshire village through which we had passed some days before, was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces. he arrived before the castle on december th, , but such was the strength of the position that though he had a large number of soldiers and a great service of artillery, it was not until march th, , when scarcely one hundred men were left to defend the walls, that the garrison capitulated. meantime the tremendous effect of the artillery brought to bear against them had shattered the walls, and finally parliament ordered the castle to be dismantled. with the surrender of this castle the civil war came to an end, but not before king charles i had been beheaded. [illustration: the gate and keep, pontefract castle.] last year, before we began our walk from london to lancashire, we visited whitehall and saw the window in the banqueting-hall through which, on january th, , about two months before pontefract castle surrendered, he passed on his way to the scaffold outside. in its prime pontefract castle was an immense and magnificent fortification, and from its ruins we had a fine view on all sides of the country it had dominated for about six hundred years. we were now journeying towards the more populous parts of the country, and the greater the mileage of our walk, the greater became the interest taken both in us and our adventures. several persons interviewed us in our hotel at pontefract, and much sympathy was extended towards myself, as my foot was still very painful in spite of the remedies which had been applied to it; but we decided not to give in, my brother kindly consenting to carry all the luggage, for we were very anxious not to jeopardise our twenty-five miles' daily average beyond recovery. my boot was eased and thoroughly oiled; if liquorice could have done it any good, we could have applied it in addition to the other remedies, as we had bought some both for our own use and for our friends to eat when we reached home. all we had learned about it was that it was made from the root of a plant containing a sweet juice, and that the greek name of it was _glykyr-rhiza_, from _glykys_, sweet, and _rhiza_, root. after making a note of this formidable word, i did not expect my brother to eat any more liquorice; but his special aversion was not greek, but latin, as he said both his mind and body had been associated with that language through the medium of the cane of his schoolmaster, who believed in the famous couplet: 'tis education forms the common mind. and with the cane we drive it in behind! he was always suspicious of the latin words attached to plants, and especially when quoted by gardeners, which i attributed to jealousy of their superior knowledge of that language; but it appeared that it was founded on incidents that occurred many years ago. he was acquainted with two young gardeners who were learning their business by working under the head gardener at a hall in cheshire, the owner of which was proud of his greenhouses and hothouses as well as of the grounds outside. as a matter of course everything appeared up to date, and his establishment became one of the show-places in the neighbourhood. the gardener, an elderly man, was quite a character. he was an irishman and an orangeman as well, and had naturally what was known in those parts as "the gift of the gab." the squire's wife was also proud of her plants, and amongst the visitors to the gardens were many ladies, who often asked the gardener the name of a plant that was strange to them. as no doubt he considered it _infra dig._ to say he did not know, and being an irishman, he was never at a loss when asked, "what do you call this plant?" he would reply, "oh, that, mum, is the hibertia canadensus, mum!" and a further inquiry would be answered in a similar manner--"that, mum, is the catanansus rulia, mum!" and again the lady would thank him and walk on apparently quite pleased and happy, probably forgetting the name of the plant before she had gone through the gardens. the young men were often at work in the houses while the visitors were going through, and of course they were too deeply engaged in their work either to see the visitors or to hear all the conversation that was going on, but they told my brother that they could always tell when the gardener did not know the real name of a plant by his invariably using these two names on such occasions, regardless of the family or species of the plant in question. pomfret was the local abbreviation of pontefract, the name of the town, and "pomfret liquorice" claimed not only to be a sweetmeat, but a throat remedy as well, and was considered beneficial to the consumer. the sample we purchased was the only sweet we had on our journey, for in those days men and women did not eat sweets so much as in later times, they being considered the special delicacies of the children. the sight of a man or woman eating a sweet would have caused roars of ridicule. nor were there any shops devoted solely to the sale of sweets in the country; they were sold by grocers to the children, though in nothing like the variety and quantity that appeared in later years. the most common sweet in those days was known as "treacle toffy," which was sold in long sticks wrapped from end to end in white paper, to protect the children's fingers when eating it, in spite of which it was no unusual sight to see both hands and faces covered with treacle marks, and thus arose the name of "treacle chops," as applied to boys whose cheeks were smeared with treacle. there was also toffy that was sold by weight, of which everton toffee was the chief favourite. my brother could remember a little visitor, a cousin of ours, who could not speak very plainly, and who always called a cup a "tup," being sent to the village shop for a pound of coffee, and his delight when he returned laden with a pound of toffy, which was of course well-nigh devoured before the mistake was found out! by this day we were ready for anything except walking as we crawled out of the town to find our way to doncaster, and our speed, as might be imagined, was not excessive; for, including stoppages, which were necessarily numerous, we only averaged one mile per hour! there was a great bazaar being held in pontefract that day, to be opened by lord houghton, and we met several carriages on their way to it. after we had walked some distance, we were told--for we stopped to talk to nearly every one we met--that we were now passing through barnsdale forest. we could not see many trees, even though this was formerly the abode of robin hood and little john, as well as will scarlett. it was in this forest that robin, hearing of the approach of the bishop of hereford, ordered his men to kill a good fat deer, and to make a repast of it by the side of the highway on which the bishop was travelling. robin dressed himself and six of his men in the garb of shepherds, and they took their stand by the fire at which the venison was being roasted. when the bishop came up, with his retinue, he asked the men why they had killed the king's deer, and said he should let the king know about it, and would take them with him to see the king. "oh pardon, oh pardon," said bold robin hood, "oh pardon, i thee pray. for it becomes not your lordship's coat to take so many lives away." "no pardon, no pardon," said the bishop, "no pardon i thee owe; therefore make haste and come along with me, for before the king ye shall go." then robin pulled his bugle horn from beneath his coat and blew a long blast, and threescore and ten of his followers quickly appeared-- all making obeysance to robin hood, 'twas a comely sight to see; "what is the matter, master?" said little john, "that you blow so heartily?" robin replied that the bishop of hereford refused all pardon for slaying the deer, and had said they must at once accompany him to the king. little john then suggested that they should cut off the bishop's head and throw him in a grave; but the bishop craved pardon of the outlaw for his interference, and declared that had he known who was on the road, "he would have gone some other way." "no pardon, no pardon," said bold robin hood, "no pardon i thee owe; therefore make haste and come along with me, for to merry barnsdale you shall go." so thither they led the bishop, and made him sup with them right merrily and royally. "call in a reckoning," said the bishop, "for methinks it grows wondrous high;" "lend me your purse, master," said little john, "and i'll tell you by and bye!" little john took the bishop's cloak and spread it upon the ground. and out of the bishop's portmanteau he told three hundred pound. "here's money enough, master," said little john, "and a comely sight to see; it makes me in charity with the bishop, though he heartily loveth not me." robin took the bishop by the hand, and he caused the music to play; and he made the bishop to dance in his boots. and glad he could get away! [illustration: doncaster racecourse. "we had walked for five days over the broad acres of yorkshire and had seen many fine horses, for horse-breeding was a leading feature of that big county, and horses a frequent subject of conversation."] we heard all sorts of stories from the roadmen, some of which might not be true; but in any case about seven miles from doncaster we reached robin hood's well, at the side of the road. it was quite a substantial structure, built of soft limestone, and arched over, with a seat inside--on which doubtless many a weary wayfarer had rested before us. the interior was nearly covered with inscriptions, one dated and some farther back than that. we had a drink of water from the well, but afterwards, when sitting on the seat, saw at the bottom of the well a great black toad, which we had not noticed when drinking the water. the sight of it gave us a slight attack of the horrors, for we had a particular dread of toads. we saw at the side of the road a large house which was formerly an inn rejoicing in the sign of "robin hood and little john," one of the oldest inns between york and london. we called at a cottage for tea, and here we heard for the first time of the yorkshireman's coat-of-arms, which the lady of the house told us every yorkshireman was entitled to place on his carriage free of tax! it consisted of a flea, and a fly, a flitch of bacon, and a magpie, which we thought was a curious combination. the meaning, however, was forthcoming, and we give the following interpretation as given to us: a flea will bite! and so will a yorkshireman; a fly will drink out of anybody's cup! and so will a yorkshireman; a magpie will chatter! and so will a yorkshireman: and a flitch of bacon looks best when it's hung! and so does a yorkshireman. we fancied a lancashire man must have written that ditty. [illustration: robin hood's well.] the moon was shining brightly as we left the cottage, and a man we met, when he saw me limping so badly, stopped us to inquire what was the matter. he was returning from doncaster, and cheered us up by pointing to the moon, saying we should have the "parish lantern" to light us on our way. this appeared to remind him of his parish church, where a harvest thanksgiving had just been held, with a collection on behalf of the hospital and infirmary. he and seven of his fellow servants had given a shilling each, but, although there were "a lot of gentry" at the service, the total amount of the collection was only one pound odd. the minister had told them he could scarcely for shame carry it in, as it was miserably small for an opulent parish like that! we arrived at doncaster at . p.m., and stayed at the temperance hotel in west laith street. the landlord seemed rather reluctant about letting us in, but he told us afterwards he thought we were "racing characters," which greatly amused us since we had never attended a race-meeting in our lives! (_distance walked fourteen miles_.) _friday, october th._ our host at doncaster took a great interest in us, and, in spite of my sprained ankle, we had a good laugh at breakfast-time at his mistaking us for "racing characters." my brother related to him his experiences on the only two occasions he ever rode on the back of a horse unassisted. the first of these was when, as quite a young boy, he went to visit his uncle who resided near preston in lancashire, and who thought it a favourable opportunity to teach him to ride. he was therefore placed on the back of a quiet horse, a groom riding behind him on another horse, with orders not to go beyond a walking pace; but when they came near the barracks, and were riding on the grass at the side of the road, a detachment of soldiers came marching out through the entrance, headed by their military band, which struck up a quickstep just before meeting the horses. my brother's horse suddenly reared up on its hind legs, and threw him off its back on to the grass below, or, as he explained it, while the horse reared up he reared down! he was more frightened than hurt, but the groom could not persuade him to ride on the horse's back any farther, so he had to lead the horses home again, a distance of two miles, while my brother walked on the footpath. it was years before he attempted to ride on horseback again, but this time he was mounted upon an old horse white with age, and very quiet, which preferred walking to running; this second attempt also ended disastrously. it was a very hot day, and he had ridden some miles into the country when he came to a large pit, on the opposite side of the road to a farmhouse, when, without any warning, and almost before my brother realised what was happening, the horse walked straight into this pit, and, in bending its head to drink at the water, snatched the bridle out of his hands. he had narrowly escaped drowning on several occasions, and was terrified at the thought of falling into the water, so, clutching hold of the horse's mane with both hands, he yelled out with all his might for help--which only served to make the horse move into a deeper part of the pit, as if to have a bathe as well as a drink. his cries attracted the attention of some irish labourers who were at work in a field, and they ran to his assistance. one of them plunged into the water, which reached half way up his body, and, taking hold of my brother, carried him to the road and then returned for the horse. he was rewarded handsomely for his services, for my brother verily believed he had saved him from being drowned. he was much more afraid of the water than of the horse, which was, perhaps, the reason why he had never learned to swim, but he never attempted to ride on horseback again. on the wall in front of the farmhouse an old-fashioned sundial was extended, on the face of which were the words: time that is past will never return, and on the opposite corner were the latin words _tempus fugit_ (time flies). my brother seemed to have been greatly impressed by these proverbs, and thought of them as he led the white horse on his three-mile walk towards home; they seemed engraven upon his memory, for he often quoted them on our journey. [illustration: the guildhall, doncaster.] my ankle seemed to be a shade easier, and, after the usual remedies had again been applied, we started on another miserable walk, or limp, for we only walked twelve miles in twelve hours, following the advice of our host to take it easy, and give the ankle time to recover. we rested many times on the road, stopped to talk to many people, got to know all about the country we were passing through, read papers and books, called for refreshments oftener than we needed them, wrote letters to our friends, and made copious entries in our diaries---in fact did everything except walk. the country was very populous, and we attracted almost universal sympathy: myself for my misfortune, and my brother for having to carry all the luggage. doncaster takes its name from the river don, on which it is situated, and it was the only town in england, after london and york, that possessed a "mansion house." we had walked for five days over the broad acres of yorkshire and had seen many fine horses, for horse-breeding, we found, was a leading feature in that big county, and horses a frequent subject of conversation. doncaster was no exception to the rule, as the doncaster races were famous all over england, and perhaps in other countries beyond the seas. we were too late in the year for the great st. leger race, which was held in the month of september, and was always patronised by royalty. on that occasion almost every mansion in the county was filled with visitors "invited down" for the races, and there was no doubt that agricultural yorkshire owed much of its prosperity to the breeding of its fine horses. the racecourse was situated on a moor a little way out of the town, the property of the corporation, and it was said that the profit made by the races was so great that the doncaster people paid no rates. this might of course be an exaggeration, but there could be no doubt that the profit made by the corporation out of the moor on which the races were held would largely reduce the rates of the town. doncaster races owed their origin to a famous arab horse named rasel-fedawi (or the "headstrong"), which was purchased from the anazeh tribe of arabs by a mr. darley, an englishman who at that time resided at aleppo, a turkish trading centre in northern syria. this gentleman sent the horse to his brother at aldby park in yorkshire, and what are now known as "thoroughbreds" have descended from him. his immediate descendants have been credited with some wonderful performances, and the "flying childers," a chestnut horse with a white nose and four white legs, bred from a mare born in , named "betty leedes," and owned by leonard childers of doncaster, was never beaten. all sorts of tales were told of his wonderful performances: he was said to have covered feet at each bound, and to have run the round course at newmarket, miles furlongs, in six minutes and forty seconds. after him came another famous horse named "eclipse" which could, it was said, run a mile a minute. when he died in his heart was found to weigh pounds, which accounted for his wonderful speed and courage. admiral rous records that in the year the english racehorse was fifteen hands high, but after the darley arabian, the average height rose to over sixteen hands. it was said that there were races at doncaster in the seventeenth century, but the great st. leger was founded by general st. leger in , and the grand stand was built in the following year. the yorkshire gentlemen and farmers were naturally all sportsmen, and were credited with keeping "both good stables and good tables." the invitation to "have a bite and a sup" was proverbial, especially in the wold or moorland districts, where hospitality was said to be unbounded. a learned man wrote on one occasion that "an honest walk is better than a skilled physician. it stimulates heart, brain, and muscles alike, sweeping cobwebs from the mind and heaviness from the heart." but this was probably not intended to apply to a man with a sore foot, and it was difficult to understand why the ankle failure had come so suddenly. we could only attribute it to some defect in the mending of the boot at york, but then came the mystery why the other ankle had not been similarly affected. the day was beautifully fine, but the surroundings became more smoky as we were passing through a mining and manufacturing district, and it was very provoking that we could not walk through it quickly. however, we had to make the best of it, imagining we were treading where the saints had trod, or at any rate the romans, for this was one of their roads to the city of york upon which their legions must have marched; but while we crossed the rivers over bridges, the romans crossed them by paved fords laid in the bed of the streams, traces of which were still to be seen. we made a long stay at comsborough, and saw the scanty remains of the castle, to which oliver cromwell had paid special attention, as, in the words of the historian, "he blew the top off," which had never been replaced. and yet it had a very long history, for at the beginning of the fourth century it was the burgh of conan, earl of kent, who with maximian made an expedition to armorica (now brittany), where he was eventually made king, which caused him to forsake his old burgh in england. maximian was a nephew of king coel, or cole, the hero of the nursery rhyme, of which there are many versions: old king cole was a jolly old soul, and a jolly old soul was he; he called for his ale, and he called for his beer, and he called for his fiddle-diddle-dee. [illustration: conisborough castle.] but he seemed to have been a jolly old sinner as well, for he formed the brilliant idea of supplying his soldiers with british wives, and arranged with his father-in-law, the duke of cornwall, to send him several shiploads from the "old country," for british women were famous for their beauty. his request was complied with, but a great storm came on, and some of the ships foundered, while others were blown out of their course, as far as germany, where the women landed amongst savages, and many of them committed suicide rather than pass into slavery. who has not heard of st. ursula and her thousand british virgins, whose bones were said to be enshrined at cologne cathedral, until a prying medico reported that many of them were only dogs' bones--for which heresy he was expelled the city as a dangerous malignant. troublesome times afterwards arose in england, and on the yorkshire side, briton and saxon, and pict and scot, were mixed up in endless fights and struggles for existence. it was about this period that vortigern, the british king, invited hengist and horsa, the saxon princes, to lend their assistance against the picts and the scots, which they did for a time; and when hengist asked for a residence in his country, the king gave him conan's burgh, which was then vacant. conan was never again seen in england, but in his great-grandson aurelius ambrosius became king of the britons. in the meantime the saxons had so increased in numbers that they determined to fight for the possession of the country, and, headed by hengist, who had turned traitor, fought a great battle, in the course of which eldol, duke of gloucester, encountered hengist in single combat, and, seizing him by the helmet, dragged him into the british ranks shouting that god had given his side the victory. the saxons were dismayed, and fled in all directions, and hengist was imprisoned in his own fortress of conisborough, where a council of war was held to decide what should be his fate. some were against his being executed, but eldol's brother eldad, bishop of gloucester, "a man of great wisdom and piety," compared him to king agag, whom the prophet "hewed to pieces," and so hengist was led through the postern gate of the castle to a neighbouring hill, and beheaded. here aurelius commanded him to be buried and a heap of earth to be raised over him, because "he was so good a knight." a lady generally appeared in these old histories as the cause of the mischief, and it was said that one reason why king vortigern was so friendly with hengist was that hengist had a very pretty daughter named rowena, whom the king greatly admired: a road in conisborough still bears her name. aurelius then went to wales, but found that vortigern had shut himself up in a castle into which aurelius was unable to force an entrance, so he burnt the castle and the king together; and in a wild place on the rocky coast of carnarvonshire, vortigern's valley can still be seen. sir walter scott, who was an adept in selecting old ruins for the materials of his novels, has immortalised conisborough in his novel of _ivanhoe_ as the residence, about the year , of the noble athelstane or athelstone, who frightened his servants out of their wits by demanding his supper when he was supposed to be dead. yorkshire feasts were famous, and corresponded to the "wakes" in lancashire and cheshire. there was a record of a feast at conisborough on the "morrow of the exaltation of the holy cross," september th, , in the " th year of king edward, son of king edward," which was carried out by sir ralph de beeston, one of our cheshire knights, and sir simon de baldiston (stewards of the earl of lancaster), to which the following verse applied: they ate as though for many a day they had not ate before. and eke as though they all should fear that they should eat no more. and when the decks were fairly cleared and not a remnant nigh, they drank as if their mighty thirst would drain the ocean dry. a curious old legend was attached to the town well in wellgate, which formerly supplied most of the inhabitants of conisborough with water; for once upon a time, when the town was suffering from a great drought, and the people feared a water famine, they consulted an old man known by the name of st. francis, who was very wise and very holy. he told the people to follow him singing psalms and hymns to the willow vale, on the low road. there he cut a wand from a willow tree, and stuck it into the ground, and forthwith a copious supply of water appeared which had flowed steadily ever since. the wand had been so firmly and deeply stuck into the ground by st. francis that it took root and grew into a large tree. in there was a great flood in sheffield, which did a lot of damage, and amongst the debris that floated down the river was noticed a cradle containing a little baby. it was rescued with some difficulty, and was still alive when we passed through the town, being then eight years old. [illustration: roche abbey.] after leaving conisborough we lost sight of the river don, which runs through mexborough; but we came in touch with it again where it was joined by the river rother, at rotherham. here we crossed over it by the bridge, in the centre of which stood the decayed chapel of our lady. on our way we had passed to our right sprotborough, where in king wulfhere when out hunting came to a cave at the side of the river where a hermit named st. ceadde or st. chad dwelt, the country at that time being "among sheep and distant mountains which looked more like lurking-places for robbers and dens of wild beasts than dwellings of men." there were many objects of interest on each side of our road, including, a few miles to the left, roche abbey, the seat of the earl of scarborough, and to the right wentworth house, one of the largest private houses in england, and the seat of earl fitzwilliam, the owner of the far-famed wharncliffe crags, which are skirted by the waters of the river don. it was in wharncliffe forest that friar tuck, the jolly chaplain of robin hood, had his abode; and below the crags, in the bed of the river don, there was a rock that appeared to be worn by the friction of some cylindrical body coiled about it. this was supposed to be the famous dragon of wantley, an old name for wharncliffe. it was here that the monster was attacked and slain by guy, the famous earl of warwick. near the top of the crag, which was formerly a hunting-seat, stood a lodge where an inscription on a stone in the floor of the back kitchen stated that "geoffrey de wortley, knight of the body to the kings richard iii, henry vii, and henry viii, built this lodge for his pleasure, so that he might hear the red deer bray." in the lodge too was a most ponderous boot said to have been worn by oliver cromwell at the battle of marston moor. we stayed at rotherham for the night. (_distance walked twelve miles_.) _saturday, october th._ the inn where we stayed the night had not been very satisfactory, as, although the cooking was good, the upper apartments were below the average. we took to the road again as early as possible, especially as a decided improvement showed itself in the condition of my swollen foot, and we were able to make a little better progress. for some days we had been walking through a comparatively level country, but from the appearance of the hills to our right as well as before us, we anticipated a stiff climb. it was not until we approached sheffield that the tug of war began, and, strange to say, i found it easier to walk uphill than on a level surface. meantime we continued through a level and busy country, and were in no danger of losing our way, for there were many people to inquire of in case of necessity. at one time it had been a wild and lonely place, known as attercliffe common, and we were told that dick turpin had been gibbeted there. we had often heard of turpin, and knew that he was hanged, but did not remember where, so we were anxious to see the exact spot where that famous "knight of the road" ended his existence. we made inquiries from quite a number of people, but could get no satisfactory information, until we met with an elderly gentleman, who informed us that it was not dick turpin who was gibbeted there, but a "gentleman" in the same profession, whose name was spence broughton, the only trace of him now being a lane that bore his name. as far as he knew, dick turpin had never been nearer sheffield than maltby, a village five miles away, and that was on his ride from london to york. he was hanged at tyburn. the hills we could see were those of the pennine range, with which we must have formed acquaintance unconsciously when farther north, as although the high hills in the lake district, through which we had passed, were not included in the range, some of the others must have been, since the pennines were bounded on one side by cumberland, westmorland, and lancashire, and on the other by northumberland, durham, and yorkshire, attaining an elevation of , feet in the north and , feet in the south. the pennines here were described to us as the "backbone of england," for they were looked upon as being in the centre, equidistant from the east and west coasts, and hereabouts thirty miles in breadth. the district verging upon sheffield was well known to the romans as producing the best iron in the world, the ore or iron-stones being obtained in their time by digging up the earth, which was left in great heaps after the iron-stones had been thrown out; many of these excavations were still to be seen. in manufacturing the iron they took advantage of the great forests around them to provide the fuel for smelting the ore, for it was a great convenience to have the two elements so near at hand, as it saved carriage from one to the other. forests still existed thereabouts in the time of robin hood, and were well known to him and his band of "merrie men," while his jovial chaplain, friar tuck, had his hermitage amongst their deep recesses. many woods round sheffield still remained in the time of mary queen of scots, who passed some portion of her imprisonment at the old manor house, which was then a castellated mansion. visitors were now conducted up a narrow flight of stairs to a flat roof covered with lead, from which that unfortunate queen had looked out over the hills and forests, and breathed the pure air as it passed over them. but now all appeared to be fire and smoke, and the great works which belched them forth seemed a strange and marvellous sight to us after walking so long through such lonely districts. [illustration: the smoke of sheffield. "the district verging upon sheffield was well known to the romans as producing the best iron in the world."] sheffield has a world-wide reputation for its cutlery and for its other productions in brass, iron, and steel, for the manufacture of which pure water of a particular variety was essential. the town was well provided in that respect, for no less than five rivers flowed towards sheffield from the pennine range above. from the finest steel all sorts of things were made, ranging from the smallest needle or steel pen up to the largest-sized gun or armour-plate. it would no doubt have interested us greatly to look through one of the works, but such as we passed were labelled "no admittance except on business," which we interpreted to mean that no strangers were allowed to enter, lest they might carry away with them the secrets of the business, so we walked slowly onward in the hope of reaching, before nightfall, our next great object of interest, "the great cavern and castle of peveril of the peak." passing along the ecclesall road, we saw, in nicely wooded enclosures, many of the houses of manufacturers and merchants, who, like ourselves in after life, left their men to sleep in the smoke while they themselves went to breathe the purer air above, for ecclesall was at a fair elevation above the town. but one gentleman whom we saw assured us that, in spite of the heavy clouds of smoke we had seen, the town was very healthy, and there was more sunshine at sheffield than in any other town in england. shortly afterwards we came to a finger-post where a road turned off towards norton and beauchief abbey. norton was the village where the sculptor chantrey, of whom, and his works, we had heard so much, was born, and the monument to his memory in the old church there was an attraction to visitors. chantrey was a man of whom it might safely be said "his works do follow," for my brother, who always explored the wild corners of the country when he had the opportunity, was once travelling in wales, and told a gentleman he met that he intended to stay the night at the inn at the devil's bridge. this was not the devil's bridge we had crossed so recently at kirkby lonsdale, but a much more picturesque one, which to visit at that time involved a walk of about thirteen miles in the mountainous region behind aberystwyth. "have you ever seen that fine monument by chantrey there?" asked the gentleman. "no," said my brother in astonishment, knowing the wild nature of the country thereabouts. "well," he said, "mind you go and see it! here is my card, and when you have seen it, write me whether you have seen a finer monument in all your life." my brother found the monument in a small church about three miles from the hotel in the hills above. he was very much astonished and deeply impressed by the sculpture, acknowledging in his promised letter that it was by far the finest he had seen. the origin of it was as follows: the owner of the estate had an only child, a daughter, lovely, clever, and accomplished, but slightly deformed in her back. when she was twenty-one years old she was taken by her parents to london to have her back straightened, but never recovered from the operation. the statuary represented the daughter lying on a couch, her father standing at the head looking down into the eyes of his dying daughter, while her mother is kneeling at the foot in an attitude of prayer. the daughter's instruments of music and painting, with her books, appear under the couch, while every small detail, from the embroidery on the couch to the creases in the pillow, are beautifully sculptured. this great work of art cost £ , , and was exhibited in london for some time before it was placed in the small church of hafod. it was said to have made chantrey's fortune. [illustration: the chantrey monument in hafod church.] beauchief abbey, we were informed, was built by the murderers of thomas a becket in expiation of their sin, but only a few fragments of the buildings now remained. we halted for rest and refreshments at the "fox house inn," which stood at a junction of roads and was formerly the hunting-box of the duke of rutland. we had by this time left the county of york and penetrated about four miles into derbyshire, a county we may safely describe as being peculiar to itself, for limestone abounded in the greater part of its area. even the roads were made with it, and the glare of their white surfaces under a brilliant sun, together with the accumulation of a white dust which rose with the wind, or the dangerous slippery mud which formed on them after rain or snow or frost, were all alike disagreeable to wayfarers. but in later times, if the worthy writer who ventured into that county on one occasion, had placed his fashionable length on the limy road when in a more favourable condition than that of wet limy mud, he might have written derbyshire up instead of writing it down, and describing it as the county beginning with a "big d." [illustration: the plague cottages, eyam.] the colour of the green fields which lined the roads contrasted finely in the distance with the white surface of the roads, both fields and roads alike were neatly fenced in with stone walls. we wondered many times where all these stones could have come from, and at the immense amount of labour involved in getting them there and placing them in position. their purpose in breaking the force of the wind was clear, for the greater part of the county consisted of moors, some portions of which were being cultivated, and although they were almost entirely devoid of trees, there were plenty of trees to be seen in the valleys, the dales of derbyshire being noted for their beauty. the river derwent ran along the valley opposite the inn, and on the other side was the village of eyam, which became famous in the time of the great plague of london in . it seemed almost impossible that a remote village like that could be affected by a plague in london, but it so happened that a parcel arrived by coach from london addressed to a tailor in eyam, who opened it with the result that he contracted the disease and died; in the same month five others died also, making a total of six for september, which was followed by deaths in october, in november, and in december. then came a hard frost, and it was thought that the germs would all be killed, but it broke out again in the following june with deaths, july , august , september , and october , and then the plague died out--possibly because there were very few people left. during all this time eyam had been isolated from the rest of the world, for if a villager tried to get away he was at once driven back, and for any one to go there was almost certain death. the earl of devonshire, who nobly remained at chatsworth all the time, sent provisions periodically to a certain point where no one was allowed to pass either inwards or outwards. at this time even the coins of the realm were considered to be infectious, and large stones hollowed out like basins, which probably contained some disinfectant, were placed between eyam and the villages which traded with them. meantime the rector of eyam, whose name was mompesson, stood his ground like a true hero, ministering to his parishioners; and, although his wife contracted the disease and died, and though he referred to himself as "a dying man," yet was he mercifully preserved; so too was the rev. thomas stanley, who had been ejected from the rectory after eighteen years' service because he would not subscribe to the corporation act of . he stood by mompesson and did his duty quite as nobly; and some years afterwards, when some small-minded people appealed to the duke of devonshire as lord lieutenant of the county to have stanley removed, he indignantly refused and rebuked the petitioners very strongly. william and mary howitt wrote a long poem entitled "the desolation of hyam," and described the village as-- among the verdant mountains of the peak there lies a quiet hamlet, where the slope of pleasant uplands wards the north winds bleak: below, wild dells romantic pathways ope: around, above it, spreads a shadowy cope of forest trees: flower, foliage and clear rill wave from the cliffs, or down ravines elope: it seems a place charmed from the power of ill by sainted words of old:--so lovely, lone and still. william wood wrote the _plague chronicle_, and on his gravestone was inscribed: men like visions are; time all doth claim; he lives who dies and leaves a lasting name. we had often read the wonderful epitaphs on the tombs of the nobility, but we had been warned that in former times these were often written by professional men who were well paid for their services, and the greater the number of heavenly virtues attributed to the deceased, the greater of course the fee; but those written by the poetical curate of eyam were beyond suspicion if we may judge from the couplet he wrote to be placed on the gravestone of a parishioner: since life is short and death is always nigh, on many years to come do not rely. we were now passing through little john's country, and we heard more about him in this neighbourhood than of his master, robin hood, for little john's well was not far away, and hathersage, our next stage, was where he was buried. we were very much interested in robin hood and little john, as my name was robert, and my brother's name was john. he always said that little john was his greatest ancestor, for in the old story-books his name appeared as john nailer. but whether we could claim much credit or no from the relationship was doubtful, as the stanza in the old ballad ran: robin hood did little good and little john did less. in later times the name had been altered to naylor, in order, we supposed, to hide its humble though honourable origin; for there was no doubt that it was a nailer who fastened the boards on noah's ark, and legend stated that when he came to nail the door on, he nailed it from the inside! the stanza, he explained, might have been written by the bishop of hereford or one of robin hood's other clients, whom he and little john had relieved of his belongings; but the name naylor was a common one in south yorkshire, and, although our branch of the family were natives of south lancashire, their characteristics showed they were of the same stock, since, like little john, they were credited with having good appetites and with being able to eat and retain any kind of food and in almost any quantity. on one occasion we happened to meet with a gentleman named taylor, and, after remarking there was only one letter different between his name and ours, my brother said, "but we are much the older family," and then named the noah's ark incident; when the gentleman quietly remarked, "i can beat you." "surely not," said my brother. "yes, i can," replied mr. taylor, "for my ancestor made the tails for adam's coat! he was a tailer." my brother collapsed! but the greatest blow he received in that direction was when he found a much more modern story of "robin hood and little john," which gave little john's real name as john little, saying that his name was changed to little john because he was such a big man. my brother was greatly annoyed at this until he discovered that this version was a comparatively modern innovation, dating from the time of sir walter scott's _talisman_, published in , and inserted there because the proper name would not have suited sir walter's rhyme: "this infant was called 'john little,' quoth he; "which name shall be changed anon. the words we'll transpose, so wherever he goes his name shall be called little john." on our way from the "fox house inn" to hathersage we passed some strange-looking rocks which were said to resemble the mouth of a huge toad; but as we had not studied the anatomy of that strange creature, and had no desire to do so, a casual glance as we walked along a down gradient into hathersage was sufficient. as we entered the village we saw a party of men descending a road on our right, from whom we inquired the way to little john's grave, which they told us they had just been to visit themselves. they directed us to go up the road that they had just come down, and one of them advised us to call at the small inn which we should find at the top of the hill, while another man shouted after us, "aye! and ther's a mon theere 'ats getten 'is gun!" we found the inn, but did not ask to see the gun, being more interested at the time in bows and arrows, so we called at the inn and ordered tea. it was only a cottage inn, but the back of it served as a portion of the churchyard wall, and the mistress told us that when little john lay on his deathbed in the room above our heads, he asked for his bow and arrow, and, shooting through the window which we would see from the churchyard at the back of the inn, desired his men to bury him on the spot where they found his arrow. [illustration: the toad's mouth.] we went to see the grave while our tea was being prepared, and found it only a few yards from the inn, so presumably little john was very weak when he shot the arrow. the grave stood between two yew trees, with a stone at the head and another at the foot, the distance between them being ten feet. the church was a very old one, dating from the early part of the fourteenth century. it was said that a search for little john's skeleton had been made in , when only a thigh-bone had been found; but as this measured twenty-nine and a half inches, a very big man must have been buried there. on our right across the moor rose sharply what seemed to be a high, continuous cliff, which we were told was the "edge" of one of the thick, hard beds of millstone grit, and as we proceeded the edge seemed to be gradually closing in upon us. after tea we walked slowly on to castleton, where we selected a clean and respectable-looking private house to stay and rest over the week-end, until monday morning. (_distance walked twenty-two miles_.) _sunday, october th._ we were very comfortable in our apartments at castleton, our host and hostess and their worthy son paying us every possible attention. they were members of the wesleyan church, and we arranged with the young man that if he would go with us to the parish church in the morning, we would go to the wesleyan chapel in the evening with him. so in the morning we all went to church, where we had a good old-fashioned service, and saw a monument to the memory of a former vicar, a mr. bagshawe, who was vicar of castleton from to ; the epitaph on it described him as-- a man whose chief delight was in the service of his master--a sound scholar--a tender and affectionate husband--a kind and indulgent parent--and a lover of peace and quietness, who is gone to that place where he now enjoys the due reward of his labours. this vicar had kept a diary, or journal, from which it appeared that he began life in a good position, but lost his money in the "south sea bubble," an idea floated in the year as a financial speculation to clear off the national debt, the company contracting to redeem the whole debt in twenty-six years on condition that they were granted a monopoly of the south sea trade. this sounded all right, and a rush was made for the shares, which soon ran up in value from £ to £ , , fabulous profits being made. sir robert walpole, who was then chancellor of the exchequer, and afterwards prime minister for the long period of twenty-two years, was strongly opposed to the south sea scheme, and when, ten years later, he exposed it, the bubble burst and the whole thing collapsed, thousands of people, including the worthy vicar of castleton, being ruined. [illustration: castleton church.] it also appeared from the diary that, like the vicar goldsmith describes, he was "passing rich on forty pounds a year," for he never received more than £ per year for his services. the prices he paid for goods for himself and his household in the year formed very interesting reading, as it enabled us to compare the past with the present. bohea tea was s. per pound; chickens, threepence each; tobacco, one penny per ounce; a shoulder of mutton cost him fifteen-pence, while the forequarter of a lamb was eighteen-pence, which was also the price of a "cod's head from sheffield." he also recorded matters concerning his family. he had a son named harry whom he apprenticed to a tradesman in leeds. on one occasion it appeared that the vicar's wife made up a parcel "of four tongues and four pots of potted beef" as a present for hal's master. one of the most pleasing entries in the diary was that which showed that harry had not forgotten his mother, for one day a parcel arrived at the vicarage from leeds which was found to contain "a blue china cotton gown," a present from hal to his mother. who fed me from her gentle breast. and hush'd me in her arms to rest, and on my cheeks sweet kisses prest? my mother. who sat and watched my infant head when sleeping on my cradle bed. and tears of sweet affection shed? my mother. who ran to help me when i fell, and would some pretty story tell, or kiss the place to make it well? my mother. who taught my infant lips to pray. and love god's holy book and day. and walk in wisdom's pleasant way? my mother. and can i ever cease to be affectionate and kind to thee, who wast so very kind to me? my mother. ah! no, the thought i cannot bear, and if god please my life to spare, i hope i shall reward thy care. my mother. when thou art feeble, old, and grey. my healthy arm shall be thy stay, and i will soothe thy pains away, my mother. after dinner we decided to visit the castle of _peveril of the peak_, and as the afternoon was very fine we were able to do so, under the guidance of our friend. we were obliged to proceed slowly owing to my partially disabled foot, and it took us a long time to reach the castle, the road being very narrow and steep towards the top--in fact, it was so difficult of approach that a handful of men could have defeated hundreds of the enemy. we managed to reach the ruins, and there we reposed on the grass to view the wild scenery around us and the curious split in the limestone rocks through which led the path known as the "winnats," a shortened form of wind gates, owing to the force of the wind at this spot. the castle was not a large one, and there were higher elevations quite near; but deep chasms intervened, and somewhere beneath us was the largest cave in england. while we were resting our friend related the history of the castle, which had been built by william peverell in , and rebuilt by henry ii in - after he had received here the submission of malcolm, king of scotland. peverell was a natural son of william the conqueror, who had distinguished himself at the battle of hastings, for which william had bestowed upon him many manors in derbyshire. what was known as the peak of derbyshire we found was not one single rock, as we supposed, but a huge tableland with rising heights here and there. our friend, whose name was william, told us a legend connected with the peverell family. pain peverell, the lord of whittington, in shropshire, had two daughters, the elder of whom was very beautiful, and had so many admirers that she could not decide which of them to accept. so she consulted her father on the matter, who advised her to accept only the "bravest of the brave," or the one who could prove himself to excel all others in martial skill. her father therefore proclaimed a tournament, which was to take place, in the words of an ancient writer, at "peverell's place in the peke," inviting all young men of noble birth to compete for the hand of the beautiful "mellet," whose dowry was to be whittington castle. the contest, as might be supposed, was a severe one, and was won by a knight bearing a maiden shield of silver with a peacock for his crest, who vanquished, amongst others, a knight of burgundy and a prince of scotland. he proved to be fitzwarren, and the castle of whittington passed to him together with his young bride. [illustration: castleton rocks.] our friend was surprised when we told him we knew that castle and the neighbourhood very well, and also a cottage there where dick whittington was born, who afterwards became sir richard de whittington, lord mayor of london. we again discussed the question of the desirability of returning home, as we were now much nearer than when at furness abbey, where we had nearly succumbed to home-sickness before; but my brother said he should continue the journey alone if i gave in, and as he kindly consented again to carry all the luggage, i agreed to complete the journey with him. [illustration: the winnats, castleton.] i walked down the hill supported by my brother on one side and our friend on the other, and returned to the latter's home for tea, after which our host showed us some remarkable spar stones--dog-tooth spar we were told was their name--found in the lead mines, whose white crystals glistened in the light, and i could see by the covetous look in my brother's eyes that he was thinking of the rockeries at home. his look was also seen by our worthy host, for he subsequently presented him with the stones, which my brother afterwards declared were given to him as a punishment for coveting his neighbour's goods. it was now time to fulfil our engagement to accompany our friend to the wesleyan chapel and to go through what proved one of the most extraordinary services we ever attended. our host and hostess went with us, but they sat in a pew, while we three sat on a form. we remained for the "prayer meeting," which the minister announced would be held after the usual service. we had read that the "amens" of the early christians could be heard at long distances, but we never attended a meeting where the ejaculations were so loud and fervent as they were here. each man seemed to vie with his neighbour as to which could shout the louder, and every one appeared to be in great earnest. the exclamations were not always "amens," for we heard one man shout "aye!" at exactly the same moment as another man shouted "now!" and if the leader had not been possessed of a stentorian voice he would not at times have been able to make himself heard. the primitive custom of conducting prayer meetings was evidently kept up at castleton, as might perhaps have been expected in a place which before the appearance of the railway was so remote and inaccessible, but it was difficult to realise that "yes" and "no," or "aye" and "now," could have the same meaning when ejaculated at the same moment. still, it might have been so in this case. who knows! in travelling through the country we had noticed that in the neighbourhood of great mountains the religious element was more pronounced than elsewhere, and the people's voices seemed stronger. at the close of this second service, for which nearly the whole of the congregation stayed, the conductor gave out one of isaac watts's well-known hymns, and the congregation sang it with heart and voice that almost made the rafters in the roof of the chapel vibrate as if even they were joining in the praises of the lord! these were the first two verses: jesus shall reign where'er the sun doth his successive journeys run; his kingdom stretch from shore to shore, till moons shall wax and wane no more. people and realms of every tongue dwell on his love with sweetest song, and infant voices shall proclaim their early blessing on his name. we must say we joined as heartily as any of the others, for it was sung to one of the good old methodist tunes common to all the churches in the days of wesley. as we walked back through the village we felt all the better for having attended the full service, and later, when we watched the nearly full moon rise in the clear night air above the hills, our thoughts turned instinctively towards the great almighty, the father and maker and giver of all! seventh week's journey _monday, october th._ [illustration: peveril castle.] the scots as a nation are proverbial for their travelling propensities; they are to be found not only in every part of the british isles, but in almost every known and unknown part of the wide world. it was a jocular saying then in vogue that if ever the north pole were discovered, a scotsman would be found there sitting on the top! sir walter scott was by no means behind his fellow countrymen in his love of travel, and like his famous moss-troopers, whose raids carried them far beyond the borders, even into foreign countries, he had not confined himself "to his own--his native land." we were not surprised, therefore, wrhen we heard of him in the lonely neighbourhood of the peak of derbyshire, or that, although he had never been known to have visited the castle or its immediate surroundings, he had written a novel entitled _peveril of the peak_. this fact was looked upon as a good joke by his personal friends, who gave him the title of the book as a nickname, and sir walter, when writing to some of his most intimate friends, had been known to subscribe himself in humorous vein as "peveril of the peak." [illustration: entrance to the peak cavern.] there were several objects of interest well worth seeing at castleton besides the great cavern; there was the famous blue john mine, that took its name from the peculiar blue stone found therein, a kind of fibrous fluor-spar usually blue to purple, though with occasional black and yellow veins, of which ornaments were made and sold to visitors, and from which the large blue stone was obtained that formed the magnificent vase in chatsworth house, the residence of the duke of devonshire, and in other noble mansions which possess examples of the craft. in the mine there were two caverns, one of them feet and the other feet high, "which glittered with sparkling stalactites." then there was the speedwell mine, one of the curiosities of the peak, discovered by miners searching for ore, which they failed to find, although they laboured for years at an enormous cost. in boring through the rock, however, they came to a large natural cavern, now reached by descending about a hundred steps to a canal below, on which was a boat for conveying passengers to the other end of the canal, with only a small light or torch at the bow to relieve the stygian darkness. visitors were landed on a platform to listen to a tremendous sound of rushing water being precipitated somewhere in the fearful and impenetrable darkness, whose obscurity and overpowering gloom could almost be felt. on the slope of the eldon hill there was also a fearful chasm called the eldon hole, where a falling stone was never heard to strike the bottom. this had been visited in the time of queen elizabeth by the earl of leicester, who caused an unfortunate native to be lowered into it to the full length of a long rope; when the poor fellow was drawn up again he was "stark mad," and died eight days afterwards. we had to leave all these attractions to a later visit, since we had come to castleton to see the largest cavern of all, locally named the "devil's hole," but by polite visitors the "peak cavern." the approach to the cavern was very imposing and impressive, perpendicular rocks rising on both sides to a great height, while peveril castle stood on the top of the precipice before us like a sentinel guarding entrance to the cavern, which was in the form of an immense gothic arch feet high, feet wide, and said to be large enough to contain the parish church and all its belongings. this entrance, however, was being used as a rope-walk, where, early as it was, the workers were already making hempen ropes alongside the stream which flowed from the cavern, and the strong smell of hemp which prevailed as we stood for a few minutes watching the rope-makers was not at all unpleasant. [illustration: rope-walk at entrance inside cave, castleton, in .] if it had been the entrance to hades, to which it had been likened by a learned visitor, we might have been confronted by cerberus instead of our guide, whom our friends had warned overnight that his attendance would be required early this morning by distinguished visitors, who would expect the cave to be lit up with coloured lights in honour of their visit. the guide as he handed a light to each of us explained apologetically that his stock of red lights had been exhausted during the season, but he had brought a sufficient number of blue lights to suit the occasion. we followed him into the largest division of the cavern, which was feet long and feet high, the total length being about half a mile. it contained many other rooms or caves, into which he conducted us, the first being known as the bell house, and here the path we had been following suddenly came to an end at an arch about five yards wide, where there was a stream called the river styx, over which he ferried us in a boat, landing us in a cave called the hall of pluto, the being who ruled over the greek hades, or home of departed spirits, guarded by a savage three-headed dog named cerberus. the only way of reaching the "home," our guide told us, was by means of the ferry on the river styx, of which charon had charge, and to ensure the spirit having a safe passage to the elysian fields it was necessary that his toll should be paid with a coin placed beforehand in the mouth or hand of the departed. we did not, however, take the hint about the payment of the toll until after our return journey, when we found ourselves again at the mouth of the great cavern, a privilege perhaps not extended to pluto's ghostly visitors, nor did we see any of those mysterious or mythological beings; perhaps the nearest approach to them was the figure of our guide himself, as he held aloft the blue torch he had in his hand when in the hall of pluto, for he presented the appearance of a man afflicted with delirium tremens or one of those "blue devils" often seen by victims of that dreadful disease. we also saw roger rain's house, where it always rained, summer and winter, all the year round, and the robbers' cave, with its five natural arches. but the strangest cave we visited was that called the "devil's wine cellar," an awful abyss where the water rushed down a great hole and there disappeared. her most gracious majesty, queen victoria, visited the cavern in , and one of the caves was named victoria in memory of that event; we had the honour of standing on the exact spot where she stood on that occasion. our visit to the cavern was quite a success, enhanced as it was by the blue lights, so, having paid the guide for his services, we returned to our lodgings to "pack up" preparatory to resuming our walk. the white stones so kindly presented to my brother--of which he was very proud, for they certainly were very fine specimens--seemed likely to prove a white elephant to him. the difficulty now was how to carry them in addition to all the other luggage. hurrying into the town, he returned in a few minutes with an enormous and strongly made red handkerchief like those worn by the miners, and in this he tied the stones, which were quite heavy and a burden in themselves. with these and all the other luggage as well he presented a very strange appearance as he toiled up the steep track through cave dale leading from the rear of the town to the moors above. it was no small feat of endurance and strength, for he carried his burdens until we arrived at tamworth railway station in staffordshire, to which our next box of clothes had been ordered, a distance of sixty-eight and a half miles by the way we walked. it was with a feeling of real thankfulness for not having been killed with kindness in the bestowal of these gifts that he deposited the stones in that box. when they reached home they were looked upon as too valuable to be placed on the rockeries and retained the sole possession of a mantelshelf for many years. my ankle was still very weak, and it was as much as i could do to carry the solitary walking-stick to assist me forwards; but we were obliged to move on, as we were now quite fifty miles behind our projected routine, and we knew there was some hard work before us. when we reached the moors, which were about a thousand feet above sea-level, the going was comparatively easy on the soft rich grass which makes the cow's milk so rich, and we had some good views of the hills. that named mam tor was one of the "seven wonders of the peak," and its neighbour, known as the shivering mountain, was quite a curiosity, as the shale, of which it was composed, was constantly breaking away and sliding down the mountain slope with a sound like that of falling water. bagshawe cavern was near at hand, but we did not visit it. it was so named because it had been found on land belonging to sir william bagshawe, whose lady christened its chambers and grottos with some very queer names. across the moors we could see the town of tideswell, our next objective, standing like an oasis in the desert, for there were no trees on the moors. we had planned that after leaving there we would continue our way across the moors to newhaven, and then walk through dove dale to ashbourne in the reverse direction to that taken the year before on our walk from london to lancashire. before reaching tideswell we came to a point known as lane head, where six lane-ends met, and which we supposed must have been an important meeting-place when the moors, which surrounded it for miles, formed a portion of the ancient peak forest. we passed other objects of interest, including some ancient remains of lead mining in the form of curious long tunnels like sewers on the ground level which radiated to a point where on the furnaces heaps of timber were piled up and the lead ore was smelted by the heat which was intensified by these draught-producing tunnels. [illustration: tideswell church.] when peak forest was in its primeval glory, and the kings of england with their lords, earls, and nobles came to hunt there, many of the leading families had dwellings in the forest, and we passed a relic of these, a curious old mansion called hazelbadge hall, the ancient home of the vernons, who still claim by right as forester to name the coroner for west derbyshire when the position falls vacant. tideswell was supposed to have taken its name from an ebbing and flowing well whose water rose and fell like the tides in the sea, but which had been choked up towards the end of the eighteenth century, and reopened in the grounds of a mansion, so that the cup-shaped hollow could be seen filling and emptying. a market had existed at tideswell since the year , and one was being held as we entered the town, and the "george inn," where we called for refreshments, was fairly well filled with visitors of one kind or another. we left our luggage to the care of the ostler, and went to visit the fine old church adjacent, where many ancient families lie buried; the principal object of interest was the magnificent chancel, which has been described as "one gallery of light and beauty," the whole structure being known as the cathedral of the peak. there was a fine monumental brass, with features engraved on it which throw light on the church ritual of the day, to the memory of bishop pursglove, who was a native of tideswell and founder of the local grammar school, who surrendered his priory of gisburn to henry viii in , but refused, in , to take the oath of supremacy. sampson meverill, knight constable of england, also lies buried in the chancel, and by his epitaph on a marble tomb, brought curiously enough from sussex, he asks the reader "devoutly of your charity" to say "a pater noster with an ave for all xtian soules, and especially for the soule of him whose bones resten under this stone." meverill, with john montagu, earl of shrewsbury, fought as "a captain of diverse worshipful places in france," serving under john, duke of bedford, in the "hundred years' war," and after fighting in eleven battles within the space of two years he won knighthood at the duke's hands at st. luce. in the churchyard was buried william newton, the minstrel of the peak, and samuel slack, who in the last quarter of the eighteenth century was the most popular bass singer in england. when quite young slack competed with others for a position in a college choir at cambridge, and sang purcell's famous air, "they that go down to the sea in ships." when he had finished, the precentor rose immediately and said to the other candidates, "gentlemen, i now leave it to you whether any one will sing after what you have just heard!" no one rose, and so slack gained the position. soon afterwards georgiana, duchess of sutherland, interested herself in him, and had him placed under spofforth, the chief singing master of the day, under whose tuition he greatly improved, taking london by storm. he was for many years the principal bass at all the great musical festivals. so powerful was his voice, it is said, that on one occasion when he was pursued by a bull he uttered a bellow which so terrified the animal that it ran away, so young ladies who were afraid of these animals always felt safe when accompanied by mr. slack. when singing before king george iii at windsor castle, he was told that his majesty had been pleased with his singing. slack remarked in his derbyshire dialect, which he always remembered, "oh, he was pleased, were he? i thow't i could do't." slack it was said made no effort to improve himself either in speech or in manners, and therefore it was thought that he preferred low society. when he retired and returned to his native village he was delighted to join the local "catch and glee club," of which he soon became the ruling spirit. it held its meetings at the "george inn" where we had called for refreshments, and we were shown an old print of the club representing six singers in hogarthian attitudes with glasses, jugs, and pipes, with slack and his friend chadwick of hayfield apparently singing heartily from the same book slack's favourite song, "life's a bumper fill'd by fate." tideswell had always been a musical town; as far back as the year there was a "tideswell music band," which consisted of six clarionets, two flutes, three bassoons, one serpent, two trumpets, two trombones, two french horns, one bugle, and one double drum--twenty performers in all. they had three practices weekly, and there were the usual fines for those who came late, or missed a practice, for inattention to the leader, or for a dirty instrument, the heaviest fine of all being for intoxication. but long after this there was a tideswell brass band which became famous throughout the country, for the leader not only wrote the score copies for his own band, but lithographed and sold them to other bands all over the country. [illustration: "life's a bumper."] we were particularly interested in all this, for my brother had for the past eight years indulged in the luxury of a brass band himself. the band consisted of about twenty members when in full strength, and as instruments were dear in those days it was a most expensive luxury, and what it had cost him in instruments, music, and uniforms no one ever knew. he had often purchased "scores" from metcalf, the leader of the tideswell band, a fact that was rather a source of anxiety to me, as i knew if he called to see metcalf our expedition for that day would be at an end, as they might have conversed with each other for hours. i could not prevent him from relating at the "george" one of his early reminiscences, which fairly "brought down the house," as there were some musicians in the company. his band had been formed in , and consisted of about a dozen performers. christmas time was coming on, when the bandsmen resolved to show off a little and at the same time collect some money from their friends to spend in the new year. they therefore decided that the band should go out "busking" each evening during christmas week. they had only learned to play five tunes--two of them belonging to well-known hymns, a third "god save the queen," while the remaining two were quicksteps, one of which was not quite perfectly learned. they were well received in the village, and almost every house had been visited with the exception of the hall, which was some distance away, and had been left till the last probably owing to the fact that the squire was not particularly noted for his liberality. if, however, he had been at home that week, and had any sense of music, he would have learned all their tunes off by heart, as the band must have been heard clearly enough when playing at the farms surrounding the mansion. to avoid a possibility of giving offence, however, it was decided to pay him a visit; so the band assembled one evening in front of the mansion, and the conductor led off with a psalm tune, during which the hall door was opened by a servant. at this unexpected compliment expectations rose high amongst the members of the band, and a second psalm tune was played, the full number of verses in the hymn being repeated. then followed a pause to give the squire a chance of distinguishing himself, but as he failed to rise to the occasion it was decided to play a quickstep. this was followed by a rather awkward pause, as there were some high notes in the remaining quickstep which the soprano player said he was sure he could not reach as he was getting "ramp'd" already. at this moment, however, the situation was relieved by the appearance of a female servant at the door. the member of the band who had been deputed to collect all donations at once went to the door, and all eyes were turned upon him when he came back towards the lawn, every member on tip-toe of expectation. but he had only returned to say that the squire's lady wished the band to play a polka. this spread consternation throughout the band, and one of the younger members went to the conductor saying, "a polka! a polka! i say, jim, what's that?" "oh," replied the conductor, "number three played quick!" now number three was a quickstep named after havelock the famous english general in india, so "havelock's march played quick" had to do duty for a polka; but the only man who could play it quickly was the conductor himself, who after the words, "ready, chaps!" and the usual signal "one-two-three," dashed off at an unusual speed, the performers following as rapidly as they could, the bombardon and the double b, the biggest instruments, finishing last with a most awful groan, after which the conductor, who couldn't stop laughing when once he started, was found rolling on the lawn in a kind of convulsion. it took them some time to recover their equilibrium, during which the hall door remained open, and a portion of the band had already begun to move away in despair, when they were called back by the old butler appearing at the hall door with a silver tray in his hand. the collector's services were again requisitioned, and he returned with the magnificent sum of one shilling! as most of the farmers had given five shillings and the remainder half a crown, the squire's reputation for generosity had been fully maintained. one verse of "god save the queen," instead of the usual three, was played by the way of acknowledgment, and so ended the band's busking season in the year . we quite enjoyed our visit to tideswell, and were rather loath to leave the friendly company at the "george inn," who were greatly interested in our walk, several musical members watching our departure as the ostler loaded my brother with the luggage. tideswell possessed a poet named beebe eyre, who in was awarded £ out of the queen's royal bounty, which probably inspired him to write: tideswell! thou art my natal spot, and hence i love thee well; may prosperous days now be the lot of all that in thee dwell! the sentiments expressed by the poet coincided with our own. as we departed from the town we observed a curiosity in the shape of a very old and extremely dilapidated building, which we were informed could neither be repaired, pulled down, nor sold because it belonged to some charity. on the moors outside the town there were some more curious remains of the romans and others skilled in mining, which we thought would greatly interest antiquarians, as they displayed more methods of mining than at other places we had visited. a stream had evidently disappointed them by filtering through its bed of limestone, but this they had prevented by forming a course of pebbles and cement, which ran right through tideswell, and served the double purpose of a water supply and a sewer. we crossed the old "rakes," or lines, where the romans simply dug out the ore and threw up the rubbish, which still remained in long lines. clever though they were, they only knew lead when it occurred in the form known as galena, which looked like lead itself, and so they threw out a more valuable ore, cerusite, or lead carbonate, and the heaps of this valuable material were mined over a second time in comparatively recent times. the miner of the middle ages made many soughs to drain away the water from the mines, and we saw more of the tunnels that had been made to draw air to the furnaces when wood was used for smelting the lead. the forest, like many others, had disappeared, and anna seward had exactly described the country we were passing through when she wrote: the long lone tracks of tideswell's native moor, stretched on vast hills that far and near prevail. bleak, stony, bare, monotonous, and pale. the poet newton had provided the town with a water supply by having pipes laid at his own expense from the well head at the source of the stream which flowed out of an old lead-mine. lead in drinking-water has an evil name for causing poisoning, but the tideswell folk flourish on it, since no one seems to think of dying before seventy, and a goodly number live to over ninety. they have some small industries, cotton manufacture having spread from lancashire into these remote districts. it is an old-fashioned place, with houses mostly stuccoed with broken crystals and limestone from the "rakes" and containing curiously carved cupboard doors and posts torn from churches ornamented in jacobean style by the sacrilegious cromwellians, many of them having been erected just after the great rebellion. [illustration: the duke of bridgewater.] [illustration: bridge carrying the canal overhead.] we now journeyed along the mountain track until it descended sharply into miller's dale; but before reaching this place we were interested in the village of formhill, where brindley, the famous canal engineer, was born in . brindley was employed by the great duke of bridgewater, the pioneer of canal-making in england, to construct a canal from his collieries at worsley, in lancashire, to manchester, in order to cheapen the cost of coal at that important manufacturing centre. it was an extraordinary achievement, considering that brindley was quite uneducated and knew no mathematics, and up to the last remained illiterate. most of his problems were solved without writings or drawings, and when anything difficult had to be considered, he would go to bed and think it out there. at the worsley end it involved tunnelling to the seams of coal where the colliers were at work so that they could load the coal directly into the boats. he constructed from ten to thirteen miles of underground canals on two different levels, with an ingeniously constructed connection between the two. after this he made the great bridgewater canal, forty miles in length, from manchester to runcorn, which obtained a fall of one foot per mile by following a circuitous route without a lock or a tunnel in the whole of its course until it reached its terminus at the river mersey. in places where a brook or a small valley had to be crossed the canal was carried on artificially raised banks, and to provide against a burst in any of these, which would have caused the water to run out of the canal, it was narrowed at each end of the embankment so that only one boat could pass through at a time, this narrow passage being known as a "stop place." at the entrance to this a door was so placed at the bottom of the canal that if any undue current should appear, such as would occur if the embankment gave way, one end of it would rise into a socket prepared for it in the stop-place, and so prevent any water leaving the canal except that in the broken section, a remedy simple but ingenious. on arriving at runcorn the boats were lowered by a series of locks into the river mersey, a double service of locks being provided so that boats could pass up and down at the same time and so avoid delay. [illustration: james brindley.] when the water was first turned into the canal, brindley mysteriously disappeared, and was nowhere to be found; but as the canal when full did not burst its embankments, as he had feared, he soon reappeared and was afterwards employed to construct even more difficult canals. he died in , and was buried in harriseahead churchyard on the cheshire border of staffordshire. it is computed that he engineered as many miles of canals as there are days in the year. [illustration: the bottom locks at runcorn.] it must have been a regular custom for the parsons in derbyshire to keep diaries in the eighteenth century, for the vicar of wormhill kept one, like the vicar of castleton, both chancing to be members of the bagshawe family, a common name in that neighbourhood. he was a hard-working and conscientious man, and made the following entry in it on february rd, _sunday_.--preached at wormhill on the vanity of human pursuits and human pleasures, to a polite audience, an affecting sermon. rode in the evening to castleton, where i read three discourses by secker. in the forest i was sorry to observe a party of boys playing at football. i spoke to them but was laughed at, and on my departure one of the boys gave the football a wonderful kick--a proof this of the degeneracy of human nature! on reaching miller's dale, a romantic deep hollow in the limestone, at the bottom of which winds the fast-flowing wye, my brother declared that he felt more at home, as it happened to be the only place he had seen since leaving john o' groat's that he had previously visited, and it reminded him of a rather amusing incident. [illustration: the bridgewater canal--where it enters the mines at worsley.] our uncle, a civil engineer in london, had been over on a visit, and was wearing a white top-hat, then becoming fashionable, and as my brother thought that a similar hat would just suit the dark blue velveteen coat he wore on sundays, he soon appeared in the prevailing fashion. he was walking from ambergate to buxton, and had reached miller's dale about noon, just as the millers were leaving the flour mills for dinner. one would have thought that the sight of a white hat would have delighted the millers, but as these hats were rather dear, and beyond the financial reach of the man in the street, they had become an object of derision to those who could not afford to wear them, the music-hall answer to the question "who stole the donkey?" being at that time "the man with the white hat!" he had met one group of the millers coming up the hill and another lot was following, when a man in the first group suddenly turned round and shouted to a man in the second group, "i say, jack, who stole the donkey?" but jack had not yet passed my brother, and, as he had still to face him, he dared not give the customary answer, so, instead of replying "the man with the white hat," he called out in the derbyshire dialect, with a broad grin on his face, "th' feyther." a roar of laughter both behind and in front, in which my brother heartily joined, followed this repartee. probably some of the opprobrium attached to the white hat was because of its having been an emblem of the radicals. we had seen that worn by sir walter scott in his declining days, but we could not think of including him in that extreme political party, though its origin dated back to the time when he was still alive. probably the emblem was only local, for it originated at preston in lancashire, a place we knew well, commonly called proud preston, no doubt by reason of its connection with the noble family of stanley, who had a mansion in the town. preston was often represented in parliament by a stanley, and was looked upon as a pocket borough. in the turbulent times preceding the abolition of the corn laws a powerful opponent, in the person of mr. henry hunt, a demagogue politician, who had suffered imprisonment for advocating chartism, appeared at the preston election of to oppose the honourable e.g. stanley, afterwards earl of derby. he always appeared wearing a white hat, and was an eloquent speaker, and for these reasons earned the sobriquet of "orator" hunt and "man with the white hat." the election contest was one of the most exciting events that ever occurred in preston, and as usual the children took their share in the proceedings, those on mr. stanley's side parading the streets singing in a popular air: hey! ho! stanley for ever! stanley for ever! hey! ho! stanley for ever ho! stanley, stanley, stanley, ho! stanley is my honey ho! when he weds he will be rich, he will have a coach and six. then followed the chorus to the accompaniment of drums and triangles: hey! ho! stanley for ever, ho! in spite of this, however, and similar ditties, "orator hunt," by a total vote of , , became m.p. for preston, and it was said that it was through this incident that the radicals adopted the white hat as their emblem. lord derby was so annoyed at the result of the election that he closed his house, which stood across the end of a quiet street, and placed a line of posts across it, between which strong chains were hung, and on which my brother could remember swinging when a boy. one of our uncles was known as the "preston poet" at that time, and he wrote a poem entitled "the poor, god bless 'em!" the first verse reading: let sycophants bend their base knees in the court and servilely cringe round the gate, and barter their honour to earn the support of the wealthy, the titled, the great; their guilt piled possessions i loathe, while i scorn the knaves, the vile knaves who possess 'em; i love not to pamper oppression, but mourn for the poor, the robb'd poor--god bless 'em! a striking contrast to the volubility of mr. hunt was mr. samuel horrocks, also m.p. for preston, whose connection with the "big factory" in preston probably gained him the seat. he was said to have been the "quiet member," never known to make a speech in the house of commons, unless it was to ask some official to close a window. the main thoroughfare in preston was fishergate, a wide street, where on one saturday night two men appeared walking up the middle of the street, carrying large papers suspended over their arms and shouting at the top of their voices. "the speech of samuel horrocks, esquire, m.p., in the british house of commons! one penny," which they continued to repeat. "eh! owd sammy's bin makkin' a speech," and a rush was made for the papers. the streets were poorly lighted in those days, and the men did a roaring business in the dark. one man, however, was so anxious to read the speech that he could not wait until he got home, but went to a shop window, where there was a light, but the paper was blank. thinking they had given him the wrong paper, he ran after the men and shouted, pointing to the paper, "hey, there's nowt on it." "well," growled one of the men, "_he said nowt_." [illustration: chatsworth house.] we now climbed up the opposite side of the dale, and continued on the moorland road for a few miles, calling at the "flagg moor inn" for tea. by the time we had finished it was quite dark, and the landlady of the inn did her best to persuade us to stay there for the night, telling us that the road from there to ashbourne was so lonely that it was possible on a dark night to walk the whole distance of fourteen miles without seeing a single person, and as it had been the great fair at newhaven that day, there might be some dangerous characters on the roads. when she saw we were determined to proceed farther, she warned us that the road did not pass through any village, and that there was only a solitary house here and there, some of them being a little way from the road. the road was quite straight, and had a stone wall on each side all the way, so all we had got to do was to keep straight on, and to mind we did not turn to the right or the left along any of the by-roads lest we should get lost on the moors. it was not without some feeling of regret that we bade the landlady "good night" and started out from the comfortable inn on a pitch-dark night. fortunately the road was dry, and, as there were no trees, the limestone of which it was composed showed a white track easily discernible in the inky darkness which surrounded it. as we got farther on our way we could see right in front a great illumination in the mist or clouds above marking the glare from the country fair at newhaven, which was only four miles from the inn we had just left. we met quite a number of people returning from the fair, both on foot and in vehicles, and as they all appeared to be in good spirits we received a friendly greeting from all who spoke to us. presently arriving at newhaven itself, which consisted solely of one large inn, we found the surrounding open space packed with a noisy and jovial crowd of people, the number of whom absolutely astonished us, as the country around appeared so desolate, and we wondered where they all could have come from. newhaven, which had been a very important place in the coaching-days, was a big three-storeyed house with twenty-five bedrooms and stabling for a hundred horses. it stood at a junction of roads about , feet above sea-level in a most lonely place, and in the zenith of its popularity there was seldom a bedroom empty, the house being quite as gay as if it had been in london itself. it had been specially built for the coach traffic by the then duke of devonshire, whose mansion, chatsworth house, was only a few miles distant. king george iv stayed at newhaven on one occasion, and was so pleased with his entertainment that he granted to the inn a free and perpetual licence of his own sovereign pleasure, so that no application for renewal of licence at brewster sessions was ever afterwards required; a fact which accounted in some measure for the noisy company congregated therein, in defiance of the superintendent of police, who, with five or six of his officers, was standing in front of the fair. booths had been erected by other publicans, but the police had ordered these to be removed earlier in the day to prevent further disturbances. we noticed they had quite a number of persons in custody, and when i saw a policeman looking very critically at the miscellaneous assortment of luggage my brother was carrying, i thought he was about to be added to the number; but he was soon satisfied as to the honesty of his intentions. the "new haven" must have meant a new haven for passengers, horses, and coaches when the old haven had been removed, as the word seemed only to apply to the hotel, which, as it was ten miles both from buxton and ashbourne, and also on the roman road known as via gellia, must have been built exactly to accommodate the ten-mile run of the coaches either way. it quite enlivened us to see the old-fashioned shows, the shooting-boxes, the exhibitions of monstrosities, with stalls displaying all sorts of nuts, sweets, gingerbreads, and all the paraphernalia that in those days comprised a country fair, and we should have liked to stay at the inn and visit some of the shows which were ranged in front of it and along the green patches of grass which lined the ashbourne road; but in the first place the inn was not available, and in the second our twenty-five-mile average daily walk was too much in arrears to admit of any further delay. [illustration: the dove holes, dovedale.] all the shows and stalls were doing a roaring trade, and the naphtha lamps with which they were lighted flared weirdly into the inky darkness above. had we been so minded, we might have turned aside and found quarters at an inn bearing the odd sign of "the silent woman" (a woman with her head cut off and tucked under her arm, similar to one nearer home called the "headless woman"--in the latter case, however, the tall figure of the woman was shown standing upright, without any visible support, while her head was calmly resting on the ground--the idea seeming to be that a woman could not be silent so long as her head was on her body), but we felt that ashbourne must be reached that night, which now seemed blacker than ever after leaving the glaring lights in the fair. nor did we feel inclined to turn along any by-road on a dark night like that, seeing that we had been partly lost on our way from london the previous year, nearly at the same place, and on quite as dark a night. on that memorable occasion we had entered dovedale near thorpe, and visited the lovers' leap, reynard's cave, tissington spires, and dove holes, but darkness came on, compelling us to leave the dale to resume our walk the following morning. eventually we saw a light in the distance, where we found a cottage, the inmates of which kindly conducted us with a lantern across a lonely place to the village of parwich, which in the derbyshire dialect they pronounced "porritch," reminding us of our supper. [illustration: tissington spires.] [illustration: reynard's cave, dovedale.] it was nearly closing-time when we were ushered into the taproom of the village inn among some strange companions, and when the hour of closing arrived we saw the head of the village policeman appear at the shutter through which outside customers were served with beer. the landlord asked him, "will you have a pint?" looking significantly at ourselves, he replied, "no, thank you," but we noticed the "pint" was placed in the aperture, and soon afterwards disappeared! at newhaven we ascertained that we were now quite near hartington and dovedale. hartington was a famous resort of fishermen and well known to isaak walton, the "father of fishermen," and author of that famous book _the compleat angler or the contemplative man's recreation_, so full of such cheerful piety and contentment, such sweet freshness and simplicity, as to give the book a perennial charm. he was a great friend of charles cotton of beresford hall, who built a fine fishing-house near the famous pike pool on the river dove, over the arched doorway of which he placed a cipher stone formed with the combined initials of walton and himself, and inscribed with the words "piscatoribus sacrum." it was said that when they came to fish in the fish pool early in the morning, cotton smoked tobacco for his breakfast! what spot more honoured than this beautiful place? twice honoured truly. here charles cotton sang, hilarious, his whole-hearted songs, that rang with a true note, through town and country ways, while the dove trout--in chorus--splashed their praise. here walton sate with cotton in the shade and watched him dubb his flies, and doubtless made the time seem short, with gossip of old days. their cyphers are enlaced above the door, and in each angler's heart, firm-set and sure. while rivers run, shall those two names endure, walton and cotton linked for evermore--- and piscatoribus sacrum where more fit a motto for their wisdom worth and wit? say, where shall the toiler find rest from his labours, and seek sweet repose from the overstrung will? away from the worry and jar of his neighbours where moor-tinted streamlets flow down from the hill. then hurrah! jolly anglers, for burn and for river. the songs of the birds and the lowing of kine: the voice of the river shall soothe us for ever, then here's to the toast, boys--"the rod and the line!" [illustration: tissington hall, gateway.] we walked in the darkness for about six miles thinking all the time of dovedale, which we knew was running parallel with our road at about two miles' distance. when we reached tissington, about three miles from ashbourne, the night had become lighter, and there ought to have been a considerable section of the moon visible if the sky had been clear. here we came to quite a considerable number of trees, but the village must have been somewhere in the rear of them. well-dressing was a custom common in derbyshire, and also on a much smaller scale in some of the neighbouring counties; but this village of tissington was specially noted in this respect, for it contained five wells, all of which had to be dressed. as the dressers of the different wells vied with each other which should have the best show, the children and young people had a busy time in collecting the flowers, plants, buds, and ferns necessary to form the display. the festival was held on holy thursday, and was preceded with a service in the church followed by one at each of the wells, and if the weather was fine, hundreds of visitors assembled to criticise the work at the different wells. the origin of well-dressing is unknown, but it is certainly of remote antiquity, probably dating back to pagan times. that at tissington was supposed to have developed at the time of the black plague in the fourteenth century, when, although it decimated many villages in the neighbourhood, it missed tissington altogether--because, it was supposed, of the purity of the waters. but the origin of well-dressing must have been of much greater antiquity: the custom no doubt had its beginnings as an expression of praise to god from whom all blessings flow. the old proverb, "we never know the value of water till the well runs dry," is singularly appropriate in the hilly districts of derbyshire, where not only the wells, but the rivers also have been known to dry up, and when the spring comes and brings the flowers, what could be more natural than to thank the almighty who sends the rain and the water, without which they could not grow. [illustration: tissington church.] we were sorry to have missed our walk down dove dale, but it was all for the best, as we should again have been caught in the dark there, and perhaps i should have injured my foot again, as the path along the dale was difficult to negotiate even in the daylight. in any case we were pleased when we reached ashbourne, where we had no difficulty in finding our hotel, for the signboard of the "green man" reached over our heads from one side of the main street to the other. (_distance walked twenty-six and a half miles_.) _tuesday, october st._ the inn we stayed at was a famous one in the days of the stagecoaches, and bore the double name "the green man and the black's head royal hotel" on a sign which was probably unique, for it reached across the full width of the street. a former landlord having bought another coaching-house in the town known as the "black's head," transferred the business to the "green man," when he incorporated the two signs. we were now on the verge of dr. johnson's country, the learned compiler of the great dictionary, who visited the "green man" in company with his companion, james boswell, whose _life of dr. johnson_ is said to be the finest biography ever written in the english language. they had a friend at ashbourne, a dr. taylor, whom they often visited, and on one occasion when they were all sitting in his garden their conversation turned on the subject of the future state of man. johnson gave expression to his views in the following words, "sir, i do not imagine that all things will be made clear to us immediately after death, but that the ways of providence will be explained to us very gradually." [illustration: "the green man and black's head."] boswell stayed at the "green man" just before journeying with dr. johnson to scotland, and was greatly pleased by the manners of the landlady, for he described her as a "mighty civil gentlewoman" who curtseyed very low as she gave him an engraving of the sign of the house, under which she had written a polite note asking for a recommendation of the inn to his "extensive acquaintance, and her most grateful thanks for his patronage and her sincerest prayers for his happiness in time and in blessed eternity." the present landlady of the hotel appeared to be a worthy successor to the lady who presided there in the time of boswell, for we found her equally civil and obliging, and, needless to say, we did justice to a very good breakfast served up in her best style. [illustration: in ashbourne church in ye olden time.] the old hall of ashbourne, situated at the higher end of the town, was a fine old mansion, with a long history, dating from the cockayne family, who were in possession of lands here as early as the year , and who were followed by the boothby family. the young pretender, "bonnie prince charlie," who had many friends in england, stayed a night at the hall in , and the oak door of the room in which he slept was still preserved. he and his highlanders never got farther than derby, when he had to beat a hurried retreat, pursued by the duke of cumberland. prince charlie, to avoid the opposing army at stafford and lichfield, turned aside along the churnet valley, through leek, and so to ashbourne. at derby he called a council of war, and learned how the royal forces were closing in upon him, so that reluctantly a retreat was ordered. then began a period of plundering and rapine. the highlanders spread over the country, but on their return never crossed into staffordshire, for, as the story goes, the old women of the woodlands of needwood forest undertook to find how things were going, and crept down to the bridges of sudbury and scropton. as it began to rain, they used their red flannel petticoats as cloaks, which the highlanders, spying, took to be the red uniforms of soldiers, and a panic seized them--so much so, that some who had seized some pig-puddings and were fastening them hot on a pole, according to a local ditty, ran out through a back door, and, jumping from a heap of manure, fell up to the neck in a cesspool. the pillage near ashbourne was very great, but they could not stay, for the duke was already at uttoxoter with a small force. [illustration: ashbourne church.] george canning, the great orator who was born in and died when he was prime minister of england in , often visited ashbourne old hall. in his time the town of ashbourne was a flourishing one; it was said to be the only town in england that benefited by the french prisoners of war, as there were officers, including three generals, quartered there in , and it was estimated that they spent nearly £ , in ashbourne. an omnibus was then running between ashbourne and derby, which out of courtesy to the french was named a "diligence," the french equivalent for stage-coach; but the derby diligence was soon abbreviated to the derby "dilly." the roads at that time were very rough, macadamised surfaces being unknown, and a very steep hill leading into the ashbourne and derby road was called _bête noire_ by the french, about which canning, who was an occasional passenger, wrote the following lines: so down the hill, romantic ashbourne, glides the derby dilly, carrying three insides; one in each corner sits and lolls at ease, with folded arms, propt back and outstretched knees; while the pressed bodkin, pinched and squeezed to death, sweats in the midmost place and scolds and pants for breath. we were now at the end of the last spur of the pennine range of hills and in the last town in derbyshire. as if to own allegiance to its own county, the spire of the parish church, which was feet high, claimed to be the "pride of the peak." in the thirteenth-century church beneath it, dedicated to st. oswald, there were many fine tombs of the former owners of the old hall at ashbourne, those belonging to the cockayne family being splendid examples of the sculptor's art. we noted that one member of the family was killed at the battle of shrewsbury in , while another had been knighted by king henry vii at the siege of tournay. the finest object in the church was the marble figure of a little child as she appeared-- before decay's effacing fingers have swept the lines where beauty lingers, which for simplicity, elegance, and childlike innocence of face was said to be the most interesting and pathetic monument in england. it is reputed to be the masterpiece of the english sculptor thomas banks, whose work was almost entirely executed abroad, where he was better known than in england. the inscriptions on it were in four different languages, english, italian, french, and latin, that in english being: i was not in safety, neither had i rest, and the trouble came. the dedication was inscribed: to penelope only child of sir brooke boothby and dame susannah boothby. born april th , died march th . she was in form and intellect most exquisite the unfortunate parents ventured their all in this frail bark, and the wreck was total. the melancholy reference to their having ventured their all bore upon the separation between the father and mother, which immediately followed the child's death. the description of the monument reads as follows: the figure of the child reclines on a pillowed mattress, her hands resting one upon the other near her head. she is simply attired in a frock, below which her naked feet are carelessly placed one over the other, the whole position suggesting that in the restlessness of pain she had just turned to find a cooler and easier place of rest. [illustration: penelope.] her portrait was painted by sir joshua reynolds, her name appearing in his "book of sitters" in july , when she was just over three years of age, and is one of the most famous child-pictures by that great master. the picture shows little penelope in a white dress and a dark belt, sitting on a stone sill, with trees in the background. her mittened hands are folded in her lap, and her eyes are demurely cast down. she is wearing a high mob-cap, said to have belonged to sir joshua's grandmother. this picture was sold in to the earl of dudley for , guineas, and afterwards exhibited at burlington house, when it was bought by mr. david thwaites for £ , . the model for the famous picture "cherry ripe," painted by sir john everett-millais, was miss talmage, who had appeared as little penelope at a fancy-dress ball, and it was said in later years that if there had been no penelope boothby by sir joshua reynolds, there would have been no "cherry ripe" by sir john everett-millais. sir francis chantrey, the great sculptor, also visited ashbourne church. his patron, mrs. robinson, when she gave him the order to execute that exquisite work, the sleeping children, in lichfield cathedral, expressly stipulated that he must see the figure of penelope boothby in ashbourne church before he began her work. accordingly chantrey came down to the church and completed his sketch afterwards at the "green man inn," working at it until one o'clock the next morning, when he departed by the london coach. ashbourne is one of the few places which kept up the football match on shrove tuesday, a relic probably of the past, when the ball was a creature or a human being, and life or death the object of the game. but now the game was to play a stuffed case or the biggest part of it up and down the stream, the ecclesbourne, until the mill at either limit of the town was reached. the river dove, of which it has been written the "dove's flood is worth a king's good," formed the boundary between derbyshire and staffordshire, which we crossed by a bridge about two miles after leaving ashbourne. this bridge, we were told, was known as the hanging bridge, because at one time people were hanged on the tree which stood on the border between the two counties, and we might have fared badly if our journey had been made in the good old times, when "tramps" were severely treated. across the river lay the village of mayneld, where the landlord of the inn was killed in a quarrel with prince charlie's men in their retreat from derby for resisting their demands, and higher up the country a farmer had been killed because he declined to give up his horse. they were not nearly so orderly as they retreated towards the north, for they cleared both provisions and valuables from the country on both sides of the roads. a cottage at mayneld was pointed out to us as having once upon a time been inhabited by thomas, or tom moore, ireland's great poet, whose popularity was as great in england as in his native country, and who died in at the age of seventy-three years. the cottage was at that time surrounded by woods and fields, and no doubt the sound of ashbourne church bells, as it floated in the air, suggested to him one of his sweetest and saddest songs: those evening bells! those evening bells, how many a tale their music tells of youth and home and that sweet time when last i heard their soothing chime. those joyous hours are passed away, and many a heart that then was gay within the tomb now darkly dwells, and hears no more those evening bells. and so 'twill be when i am gone: the tuneful peal will still ring on: while other bards shall walk these dells and sing your praise, sweet evening bells. we passed calwick abbey, once a religious house, but centuries ago converted into a private mansion, which in the time of handel ( - ) was inhabited by the granville family. handel, although a german, spent most of his time in england, and was often the guest of the nobility. it was said that it was at calwick abbey that his greatest oratorios were conceived, and that the organ on which he played was still preserved. we ourselves had seen an organ in an old hall in cheshire on which he had played when a visitor there, and where was also shown a score copy in his own handwriting. all that was mortal of handel was buried in westminster abbey, but his magnificent oratorios will endure to the end of time. on arrival at ellastone we left our luggage at the substantially built inn there while we went to visit norbury church, which was well worth seeing, and as my foot had now greatly improved we were able to get over the ground rather more quickly. norbury was granted to the fitzherberts in , and, strange as it may appear, the original deed was still in the possession of that ancient family, whose chief residence was now at swynnerton at the opposite side of staffordshire, where they succeeded the swynnerton family as owners of the estate. the black image of that grim crusader swynnerton of swynnerton still remained in the old chapel there, and as usual in ancient times, where the churches were built of sandstone, they sharpened their arrows on the walls or porches of the church, the holes made in sharpening them being plainly visible. church restorations have caused these holes to be filled with cement in many places, like the bullet holes of the more recent period of the civil war, but holes in the exact shape of arrow heads were still to be seen in the walls at swynnerton, the different heights showing some of the archers to have been very tall men. in spite of severe persecution at the time of the reformation this branch of the family of the fitzherberts adhered to the roman catholic faith, sir thomas fitzherbert being one of the most prominent victims of the elizabethan persecutions, having passed no less than thirty years of his life in various prisons in england. norbury church was not a large one, but the chancel was nearly as large as the nave. it dated back to the middle of the fourteenth century, when henry of kniveton was rector, who made the church famous by placing a number of fine stained-glass windows in the chancel. the glass in these windows was very chaste and beautiful, owing to the finely tinted soft browns and greens, now probably mellowed by age, and said to rank amongst the finest of their kind in england. the grand monuments to the fitzherberts were magnificently fine examples of the art and clothing of the past ages, the two most gorgeous tombs being those of the tenth and eleventh lords, in all the grandeur of plate armour, collars, decorations, spurs, and swords; one had an angel and the other a monk to hold his foot as he crossed into the unknown. the figures of their families as sculptured below them were also very fine. considering that one of the lords had seventeen children and the other fifteen it was scarcely to be wondered at that descendants of the great family still existed. sir nicholas, who died in , occupied the first tomb, his son the second, and his children were represented dressed in the different costumes of their chosen professions, the first being in armour with a cross, and the next as a lawyer with a scroll, while another was represented as a monk with a book, but as the next had his head knocked off it was impossible to decipher him; others seemed to have gone into businesses of one kind or another. the oldest monument in the church was a stone cross-legged effigy of a warrior in armour, dating from about the year ; while the plainest was the image of a female corpse in a shroud, on a gravestone, who was named ... elysebeth ... the which decessed the yeare that is goone, a thousand four hundred neynty and oone. the church was dedicated to st. barloke, probably one of the ancient british divines. on returning to ellastone we learned that the inn was associated with "george eliot," whose works we had heard of but had not read. we were under the impression that the author was a man, and were therefore surprised to find that "george eliot" was only the _nom de plume_ of a lady whose name was marian evans. her grandfather was the village wheelwright and blacksmith at ellastone, and the prototype of "adam bede" in her famous novel of that name. [illustration: george elliot's "donnithorpe arms," ellastone.] it has been said that no one has ever drawn a landscape more graphically than marian evans, and the names of places are so thinly veiled that if we had read the book we could easily have traced the country covered by "adam bede." thus staffordshire is described as loamshire, derbyshire as stoneyshire, and the mountains of the peak as the barren hills, while oakbourne stands for ashbourne, norbourne for norbury, and hayslope, described so clearly in the second chapter of _adam bede_, is ellastone, the "donnithorpe arms" being the "bromley arms hotel," where we stayed for refreshments. it was there that a traveller is described in the novel as riding up to the hotel, and the landlord telling him that there was to be a "methodis' preaching" that evening on the village green, and the traveller stayed to listen to the address of "dinah morris," who was elizabeth evans, the mother of the authoress. [illustration: alton towers.] wootton hall, which stands immediately behind the village of ellastone, was at one time inhabited by jean jacques rousseau, the great french writer, who, when he was expelled from france, took the hall for twelve months in , beginning to write there his _confessions_, as well as his _letters on botany_, at a spot known as the "twenty oaks." it was very bad weather for a part of the time, and snowed incessantly, with a bitterly cold wind, but he wrote, "in spite of all, i would rather live in the hole of one of the rabbits of this warren, than in the finest rooms in london." we now hurried across the country, along old country lanes and over fields, to visit alton towers; but, as it was unfortunately closed on that day, it was only by trespassing that we were able to see a part of the grounds. we could see the fine conservatories, with their richly gilded domes, and some portion of the ground and gardens, which were in a deep dell. these were begun by richard, earl of shrewsbury, in the year , who, after years of labour, and at enormous expense, converted them from a wilderness into one of the most extraordinary gardens in europe, almost baffling description. there was a monument either to himself or the gardener, on which were the words: he made the desert smile. from the uttoxeter road we could see a gothic bridge, with an embankment leading up to it, and a huge imitation of stonehenge, in which we were much interested, that being one of the great objects of interest we intended visiting when we reached salisbury plain. we were able to obtain a small guide-book, but it only gave us the information that the gardens consisted of a "labyrinth of terraces, walls, trellis-work, arbours, vases, stairs, pavements, temples, pagodas, gates, parterres, gravel and grass walks, ornamental buildings, bridges, porticos, seats, caves, flower-baskets, waterfalls, rocks, cottages, trees, shrubs and beds of flowers, ivied walls, moss houses, rock, shell, and root work, old trunks of trees, etc., etc.," so, as it would occupy half a day to see the gardens thoroughly, we decided to come again on some future occasion. a gothic temple stood on the summit of a natural rock, and among other curiosities were a corkscrew fountain of very peculiar character, and vases and statues almost without end. we now followed the main road to the staffordshire town of uttoxeter, passing the ruins of croxden abbey in the distance, where the heart of king john had been buried, and where plenty of traces of the extreme skill in agriculture possessed by the monks can be seen. one side of the chapel still served as a cowshed, but perhaps the most interesting features were the stone coffins in the orchard as originally placed, with openings so small, that a boy of ten can hardly lie in one. but we missed a sight which as good churchmen we were afterwards told we ought to have remembered. october st was all-hallows eve, "when ghosts do walk," and here we were in a place they revelled in--so much so that they gave their name to it, duninius' dale. here the curious sights known as "will-o'-the-wisp" could be seen magnificently by those who would venture a midnight visit. but we had forgotten the day. [illustration: croxden abbey.] we stopped for tea at uttoxeter, and formed the opinion that it was a clean but rather sleepy town. there was little to be seen in the church, as it was used in the seventeenth century as a prison for scottish troops, "who did great damage." it must, however, have been a very healthy town, if we might judge from the longevity of the notables who were born there: sir thomas degge, judge of western wales and a famous antiquary, was born here in , and died aged ninety-two; thomas allen, a distinguished mathematician and philosopher, the founder of the college at dulwich and the local grammar school as well, born , died aged ninety; samuel bentley, poet, born , died aged eighty-three; admiral alan gardner, born at the manor house in , and who, for distinguished services against the french, was raised to the irish peerage as baron gardner of uttoxeter, and was m.p. for plymouth, died aged sixty-seven; mary howitt, the well-known authoress, born , also lived to the age of eighty-nine. a fair record for a small country town! john wesley preached in the marketplace, in the centre of which was a fountain erected to the memory of dr. samuel johnson, the distinguished lexicographer. his father, whose home was at lichfield, was a bookseller and had a bookstall in uttoxeter market, which he attended on market days. the story is told that on one occasion, not feeling very well, he asked his son, samuel, to take his place, who from motives of pride flatly refused to do so. from this illness the old man never recovered, and many years afterwards, on the anniversary of that sorrowful day, dr. samuel johnson, then in the height of his fame, came to the very spot in the market-place where this unpleasant incident occurred and did penance, standing bareheaded for a full hour in a pitiless storm of wind and rain, much to the surprise of the people who saw him. [illustration: the white cattle of chartley.] we now bade good-bye to the river dove, leaving it to carry its share of the pennine range waters to the trent, and walked up the hill leading out of the town towards abbots bromley. we soon reached a lonely and densely wooded country with bagot's wood to the left, containing trees of enormous age and size, remnants of the original forest of needwood, while to the right was chartley park, embracing about a thousand acres of land enclosed from the same forest by the earl of derby, about the year . in this park was still to be seen the famous herd of wild cattle, whose ancestors were known to have been driven into the park when it was enclosed. these animals resisted being handled by men, and arranged themselves in a semi-circle on the approach of an intruder. the cattle were perfectly white, excepting their extremities, their ears, muzzles, and hoofs being black, and their long spreading horns were also tipped with black. chartley was granted by william rufus to hugh lupus, first earl of chester, whose descendant, ranulph, a crusader, on his return from the holy war, built beeston castle in cheshire, with protecting walls and towers, after the model of those at constantinople. he also built the castle at chartley about the same period, a.d. , remarkable as having been the last place of imprisonment for the unfortunate mary queen of scots, as she was taken from there in to be executed at fotheringhay. [illustration: the "bank inn," chartley.] [illustration: beggars' oak, bagots wood. "we soon reached a lonely and densely wooded country with bagots wood to the left, containing trees of enormous size--remnants of the original forest of needham."] we were interested in these stories of chartley castle, for in our own county cattle with almost the same characteristics were preserved in the parks of lyme and somerford, and probably possessed a similar history. that ranulph was well known can be assumed from the fact that langland in his _piers plowman_ in the fourteenth century says: i cannot perfitly my paternoster as the priest it singeth. but i can rhymes of robin hood and randall erie of chester. queer company, and yet it was an old story that robin did find an asylum at chartley castle. [illustration: the horn dancers, abbots bromley.] we overtook an elderly man on the road returning home from his day's toil on the bagot estate, and he told us of an old oak tree of tremendous size called the "beggar's oak"; but it was now too dark for us to see it. the steward of the estate had marked it, together with others, to be felled and sold; but though his lordship was very poor, he would not have the big oak cut down. he said that both dick turpin and robin hood had haunted these woods, and when he was a lad a good many horses were stolen and hidden in lonely places amongst the thick bushes to be sold afterwards in other parts of the country. the "beggar's oak" was mentioned in the _history of staffordshire_ in , when its branches were measured by dr. darwen as spreading feet in every direction. there was also a larger oak mentioned with a trunk feet - / inches in circumference, but in a decayed condition. this was named the swilcar lawn oak, and stood on the crown lands at marchington woodlands, and in bagot's wood were also the squitch, king, and lord bagot's walking stick, all fine trees. there were also two famous oaks at mavesyn ridware called "gog and magog," but only their huge decayed trunks remained. abbots bromley had some curious privileges, and some of the great games were kept up. thus the heads of the horses and reindeers for the "hobby horse" games were to be seen at the church. [illustration: market place, abbot's bromlay] the owner of this region, lord bagot, could trace his ancestry back to before the conquest, for the normans found one bagod in possession. in course of time, when the estate had become comparatively poor, we heard that the noble owner had married the daughter of mr. bass, the rich brewer of burton, the first of the peerage marriages with the families of the new but rich. we passed the butter cross and the old inn, reminiscent of stage-coach days, as the church bell was tolling, probably the curfew, and long after darkness had set in, for we were trying to reach lichfield, we came to the village of handsacre, where at the "crown inn" we stayed the night. (_distance walked twenty-five miles_.) _wednesday, november st._ although the "crown" at handsacre was only a small inn, we were very comfortable, and the company assembled on the premises the previous evening took a great interest in our travels. we had no difficulty in getting an early breakfast, and a good one too, before leaving the inn this morning, but we found we had missed seeing one or two interesting places which we passed the previous night in the dark, and we had also crossed the river trent as it flowed towards the great brewery town of burton, only a few miles distant. [illustration: where offa's dyke crosses the mais road.] [illustration: lichfield cathedral] daylight found us at the foot of the famous cannock chase. the chase covered about , acres of land, which had been purposely kept out of cultivation in olden times in order to form a happy hunting-ground for the mercian kings, who for years ruled over that part of the country. the best known of these kings was offa, who in the year had either made or repaired the dyke that separated england from wales, beginning at chepstow in monmouthshire, and continuing across the country into flintshire. it was not a dyke filled with water, as for the most part it passed over a very hilly country where water was not available, but a deep trench sunk on the welsh side, the soil being thrown up on the english side, forming a bank about four yards high, of which considerable portions were still visible, and known as "offa's dyke." cannock chase, which covered the elevations to our right, was still an ideal hunting-country, as its surface was hilly and diversified, and a combination of moorland and forest, while the mansions of the noblemen who patronised the "hunt" surrounded it on all sides, that named "beau-desert," the hall or hunting-box of the marquis of anglesey, being quite near to our road. we soon arrived at lichfield, and on entering the town the three lofty and ornamental spires of the cathedral, which from their smart appearance were known as "the three ladies," immediately attracted our attention. but for these, travellers entering lichfield by this road might easily have passed the cathedral without noticing it, as it stands on low and rather swampy ground, where its fine proportions do not show to advantage. the close of the cathedral, which partially surrounded it, was heavily fortified in the time of the civil war, causing the cathedral to be very badly damaged, for it suffered no less than three different sieges by the armies of the parliament. [illustration: st. chad's well, lichfield.] the cathedral was dedicated to st. chad, but whether he was the same st. chad whose cave was in the rocky bank of the river don, and about whom we had heard farther north, or not, we could not ascertain. he must have been a water-loving saint, as a well in the town formed by a spring of pure water was known as st. chad's well, in which the saint stood naked while he prayed, upon a stone which had been preserved by building it into the wall of the well. there was also in the cathedral at one time the "chapel of st. chad's head," but this had been almost destroyed during the first siege of . the ancient writings of the patron saint in the early welsh language had fortunately been preserved. written on parchment and ornamented with rude drawings of the apostles and others, they were known as st. chad's gospels, forming one of the most treasured relics belonging to the cathedral, but, sad to relate, had been removed by stealth, it was said, from the cathedral of llandaff. the first siege began on march nd, , which happened to be st. chad's day, and it was recorded that during that siege "lord brooke who was standing in the street was killed, being shot through the eye by dumb dyott from the cathedral steeple." the cathedral was afterwards used by cromwell's men as a stable, and every ornament inside and outside that they could reach was greatly damaged; but they appeared to have tried to finish the cathedral off altogether, when in they stripped the lead from the roof and then set the woodwork on fire. it was afterwards repaired and rebuilt, but nearly all the ornaments on the west front, which had been profusely decorated with the figures of martyrs, apostles, priests, and kings, had been damaged or destroyed. at the restoration an effort was made to replace these in cement, but this proved a failure, and the only perfect figure that remained then on the west front was a rather clumsy one of charles ii, who had given a hundred timber trees out of needwood forest to repair the buildings. many of the damaged figures were taken down in , and some others were removed later by the dean, who was afraid they might fall on his head as he went in and out of the cathedral. [illustration: "the three ladies"] in those days chimney sweepers employed a boy to climb up the inside of the chimneys and sweep the parts that could not be reached with their brush from below, the method of screwing one stale to the end of another and reaching the top in that way being then unknown. these boys were often cruelly treated, and had even been known to be suffocated in the chimney. the nature of their occupation rendered them very daring, and for this reason the dean employed one of them to remove the rest of the damaged figures, a service which he satisfactorily performed at no small risk both to himself and others. there is a very fine view in the interior of the cathedral looking from west to east, which extends to a distance of feet, and of which sir gilbert scott, the great ecclesiastical architect, who was born in , has written, "i always hold this work to be almost absolute perfection in design and detail"; another great authority said that when he saw it his impressions were like those described by john milton in his "il penseroso": let my due feet never fail to walk the studious cloisters pale, and love the high embossed roof, with antique pillars massy proof, and storied windows richly dight, casting a dim, religious light: there let the pealing organ blow, to the full-voiced quire below. in service high, and anthems clear, as may with sweetness, through mine ear, dissolve me into ecstacies. and bring all heaven before mine eyes. we had not much time to explore the interior, but were obliged to visit the white marble effigy by the famous chantrey of the "sleeping children" of prebendary robinson. it was beautifully executed, but for some reason we preferred that of little penelope we had seen the day before, possibly because these children appeared so much older and more like young ladies compared with penelope, who was really a child. another monument by chantrey which impressed us more strongly than that of the children was that of bishop ryder in a kneeling posture, which we thought a very fine production. there was also a slab to the memory of admiral parker, the last survivor of nelson's captains, and some fine stained-glass windows of the sixteenth century formerly belonging to the abbey of herckrode, near liège, which sir brooke boothby, the father of little penelope, had bought in belgium in and presented to the cathedral. [illustration: the west door, lichfield.] the present bishop, bishop selwyn, seemed to be very much loved, as everybody had a good word for him. one gentleman told us he was the first bishop to reside at the palace, all former bishops having resided at eccleshall, a town twenty-six miles away. before coming to lichfield he had been twenty-two years in new zealand, being the first bishop of that colony. he died seven years after our visit, and had a great funeral, at which mr. w.e. gladstone, who described selwyn as "a noble man," was one of the pall-bearers. the poet browning's words were often applied to bishop selwyn: we that have loved him so, followed and honour'd him, lived in his mild and magnificent eye, caught his clear accents, learnt his great language, made him our pattern to live and to die. there were several old houses in lichfield of more than local interest, one of which, called the priest's house, was the birthplace in of elias ashmole, windsor herald to king charles ii, and founder of the ashmolean museum at oxford. when we got into the town, or city, we found that, although st. chad was the patron saint of the cathedral, there was also a patron saint of lichfield itself, for it was johnson here, johnson there, and johnson everywhere, so we must needs go and see the house where the great doctor was born in . we found it adjoining the market-place, and in front of a monument on which were depicted three scenes connected with his childhood: the first showing him mounted on his father's back listening to dr. sacheverell, who was shown in the act of preaching; the second showed him being carried to school between the shoulders of two boys, another boy following closely behind, as if to catch him in the event of a fall; while the third panel represents him standing in the market-place at uttoxeter, doing penance to propitiate heaven for the act of disobedience to his father that had happened fifty years ago. when very young he was afflicted with scrofula, or king's evil; so his mother took him in , when he was only two and a half years old, to london, where he was touched by queen anne, being the last person so touched in england. the belief had prevailed from the time of edward the confessor that scrofula could be cured by the royal touch, and although the office remained in our prayer book till , the jacobites considered that the power did not descend to king william and queen anne because "divine" hereditary right was not fully possessed by them; which doubtless would be taken to account for the fact that johnson was not healed, for he was troubled with the disease as long as he lived. when he was three years old he was carried by his father to the cathedral to hear dr. sacheverell preach. this gentleman, who was a church of england minister and a great political preacher, was born in . he was so extremely bitter against the dissenters and their whig supporters that he was impeached before the house of lords, and suspended for three years, while his sermon on "perils of false brethren," which had had an enormous sale, was burnt by the common hangman! it was said that young johnson's conduct while listening to the doctor's preaching on that occasion was quite exemplary. [illustration: monument to samuel johnson, lichfield.] johnson was educated at the lichfield grammar school under dr. hunter, who was a very severe schoolmaster, and must have been one of those who "drove it in behind," for johnson afterwards wrote: "my master whipt me very well. without that i should have done nothing." dr. hunter boasted that he never taught a boy anything; he whipped and they learned. it was said, too, that when he flogged them he always said: "boys, i do this to save you from the gallows!" johnson went to oxford, and afterwards, in , opened a school near lichfield, advertising in the _gentleman's magazine_ for young gentleman "to be boarded and taught the latin and greek languages, by samuel johnson." he only got eight pupils, amongst whom was david garrick, who afterwards became the leading tragic actor of his time. johnson had for some time been at work on a tragedy called _the tragedy of irene_, though whether this decided garrick to become a tragedy actor is not known; the play, however, did not succeed with the play-going public in london, and had to be withdrawn. neither did the school succeed, and it had to be given up, johnson, accompanied by david garrick, setting off to london, where it was said that he lived in a garret on fourpence-halfpenny per day. many years afterwards, when johnson was dining with a fashionable company, a remark was made referring to an incident that occurred in a certain year, and johnson exclaimed: "that was the year when i came to london with twopence-halfpenny in my pocket." garrick overheard the remark, and exclaimed: "eh, what do you say? with twopence-halfpenny in your pocket?" "why, yes; when i came with twopence-halfpenny in my pocket, and thou, davy, with three-halfpence in thine." poverty haunted johnson all through life until , when he was granted a pension of £ a year by king george iii, on the recommendation of lord bute, the prime minister, who, in making the offer, said: "it is not given you for anything you are to do, but for what you have done." in the meantime johnson had brought out his great dictionary, at which he had worked for years in extreme poverty, and in the progress of which he had asked lord chesterfield to become his patron, in the hope that he would render him some financial assistance. when he went to see him, however, he was kept waiting for over an hour, while his lordship amused himself by conversing with some second-rate mortal named "colley cibber," and when this man came out, and johnson saw who it was for whom he had been kept waiting, he hurriedly and indignantly took his departure. when his dictionary was nearly ready for publication and likely to become a great success, his lordship wrote to johnson offering to become his patron; but it was now too late, and johnson's reply was characteristic of the man, as the following passages from his letter show: seven years, my lord, have now passed since i waited in your outward rooms, or was repulsed from your door; during which time i have been pushing on with my work through difficulties, of which it is useless to complain, and have brought it, at last, to the verge of publication, without one act of assistance, one word of encouragement, or one-smile of favour. such treatment i did not expect, for i never had a patron before. the notice you have been pleased to take of my labours, had it been early, had been kind; but it has been delayed till i am indifferent, and cannot enjoy it; till i am solitary, and cannot impart it; till i am known, and do not want it. i hope it is no cynical asperity not to confess obligations where no benefit has been received, or to be unwilling that the public should consider me as owing that to a patron which providence has enabled me to do for myself! [illustration: lichfield cathedral, west front.] johnson's name is often associated with london taverns, but it would be wrong to assume on that account that he had bibulous tendencies, for although he described boswell, who wrote his splendid biography, as a "clubable" man, and the tavern chair as the throne of human felicity, it should be remembered that there were no gentlemen's clubs in london in those days, hence groups of famous men met at the taverns. johnson had quite a host of friends, including garrick, burke, goldsmith, savage (whose biography he wrote), sheridan, and sir joshua reynolds. when sir joshua reynolds and johnson were dining at mrs. garrick's house in london they were regaled with uttoxeter ale, which had a "peculiar appropriate value," but johnson's beverage at the london taverns was lemonade, or the juice of oranges, or tea, and it was his boast that "with tea he amused the evenings, with tea solaced the midnight hour, and with tea welcomed the morning." he was credited with drinking enormous quantities of that beverage, the highest number of cups recorded being twenty-five at one time, but the size of the cups were very much smaller in those days. johnson, who died in at the age of seventy-five, was buried in westminster abbey, and, mainly through the exertions of his friend sir joshua reynolds, a statue of him was erected in st. paul's cathedral. other eminent men besides dr. johnson received their education at lichfield grammar school: elias ashmole, founder of the ashmolean museum at oxford, joseph addison the great essayist, whose father was dean of lichfield, and david garrick the actor, were all educated at the grammar school. there were five boys who had at one period attended the school who afterwards became judges of the high court: lord chief justice willes, lord chief justice wilmot, lord chief baron parker, mr. justice noel, and sir richard lloyd, baron of the exchequer. leaving lichfield, we passed along the racecourse and walked as quickly as we could to tamworth, where at the railway station we found our box awaiting us with a fresh change of clothing. in a few minutes we were comfortably rigged out for our farther journey; the box, in which my brother packed up the stones, was then reconsigned to our home address. i was now strong enough to carry my own luggage, which seemed to fit very awkwardly in its former position, but i soon got over that. there was at tamworth a fine old church dedicated to st. editha which we did not visit. we saw the bronze statue erected in to the memory of the great sir robert peel, bart., who represented tamworth in parliament, and was twice prime minister, and who brought in the famous bill for the abolition of the corn laws. these laws had been in operation from the year . but times had changed: the population had rapidly grown with the development of industries, so that being limited to home production, corn reached such a high price that people came to see that the laws pressed hardly upon the poorer classes, hence they were ultimately abolished altogether. the bill was passed in , cobden, bright, and villiers leading the agitation against them, and after the corn laws were abolished a period of great prosperity prevailed in england. [illustration: sir robert peel. _from the portrait by sir thomas lawrence_.] sir robert peel died from the effect of an accident sustained when riding on horseback in hyde park, on june th, ; he fell from his horse, dying three days afterwards, and was buried in his mausoleum, in the parish church of drayton bassett, a village about two miles from tamworth. it was the day of the municipal elections as we passed through tamworth, but, as only one ward was being contested, there was an almost total absence o f the excitement usual on such occasions. [illustration: tamworth castle.] tamworth castle contains some walls that were built by the saxons in a herringbone pattern. there was a palace on the site of the castle in the time of ofta, which was the chief residence of the kings of mercia; but william the conqueror gave the castle and town of tamworth and the manor of scrivelsby in lincolnshire to his dispensor, or royal steward, robert of fontenaye-le-marmion in normandy, whose family were the hereditary champions of the dukes of normandy: these lincoln lands the conqueror gave, that england's glove they might convey to knight renowned amongst the brave-- the baron bold of fontenaye. [illustration: the "lady" bridge, tamworth.] robert marmion, therefore, was the first "king's champion of england," an honour which remained in his family until the death of the eighth lord, philip marmion, in . this man was one of the leading nobles at the court of henry iii, and the stubborn defender of kenilworth castle, acting as king's champion at the coronation of edward i on august th, . the duty of the king's champion on the day of coronation was to ride completely armed on a barbed horse into westminster hall, and there to challenge to combat any who should gainsay the king's title. on the death of philip de marmion the castle of tamworth passed by marriage to the trevilles, sir alexander treville, as owner of the castle, officiating; as royal champion at the coronation of edward iii in ; but at the coronation of richard ii, in , the right of the treville family to act as champion was disputed by sir john dymoke, to whom the manor of scrivelsby had descended by marriage from another relative of phillip marmion. it was decided that the office went with the manor of scrivelsby, and the dymokes had acted as king's champion ever since, their coat of arms bearing in latin the motto, "i fight for the king." as we passed over what is known as the lady bridge spanning the river tame, just where it joins the river anker at the foot of the castle, we saw a stone built in the bridge called the marmion stone, and remembered sir walter scott's "tale of flodden field" and his famous lines: "charge, chester, charge! on, stanley, on!" were the last words of marmion. but we found other references in sir walter's "marmion": two pursuivants, whom tabards deck, with silver scutcheon round their neck and there, with herald pomp and state, they hail'd lord marmion: they hail'd him lord of fontenaye, of lutterward, and scrivelsbaye, of tamworth tower and town. and in the fifth canto in "marmion," king james of scotland is made to say: "southward i march by break of day; and if within tantallon strong. the good lord marmion tarries long, perchance our meeting next may fall at tamworth, in his castle-hall."-- the haughty marmion felt the taunt, and answer'd, grave, the royal vaunt: "much honour'd were my humble home, if in its halls king james should come. * * * * * and many a banner will be torn, and many a knight to earth be borne, and many a sheaf of arrows spent. ere scotland's king shall cross the trent." sir walter described marmion as having been killed in the battle together with one of his peasants, and that as both bodies had been stripped and were covered with wounds, they could not distinguish one from the other, with the result that the peasant was brought and buried at lichfield instead of his lord. short is my tale:--fitz-eustace' care a pierced and mangled body bare to moated lichfield's lofty pile; and there, beneath the southern aisle, a tomb, with gothic sculpture fair, did long lord marmion's image bear, (now vainly for its sight you look; 'twas levell'd when fanatic brook the fair cathedral storm'd and took; but, thanks to heaven, and good saint chad, a guerdon meet the spoiler had!) there erst was martial marmion found, his feet upon a couchant hound, his hands to heaven upraised: and all around, on scutcheon rich, and tablet carved, and fretted niche, his arms and feats were blazed. and yet, though all was carved so fair, and priest for marmion breathed the prayer, the last lord marmion lay not there. [illustration: merevale abbey.] [illustration: "king dick's well."] the marmion stone on the bridge has five unequal sides, and at one time formed the base for a figure of the virgin and the child, which stood on the bridge. the ancient family of basset of drayton, a village close by, were in some way connected with this stone, for on one side appeared the arms of the family, on another the monogram m.r. surmounted by a crown, and on the two others the letters i.h.c. about two miles farther on we entered the village of fazeley, purposely to see a house where a relative of ours had once resided, being curious to know what kind of a place it was. here we were only a short distance away from drayton manor, at one time the residence of the great sir robert peel. having gratified our curiosity, we recrossed the river tame, passing along the great watling street, the roman road which king alfred used as a boundary in dividing england with the danes, towards atherstone in search of "fields and pastures new," and in a few miles reached the grounds of merevale abbey, now in ruins, where robert, earl ferrers, was buried, long before coffins were used for burial purposes, in "a good ox hide." here we reached the town of atherstone, where the staple industry was the manufacture of hats, the atherstone company of hat-makers being incorporated by charters from james i and charles ii. many of the chiefs on the west coast of africa have been decorated with gorgeous hats that have been made at atherstone. when the romans were making their famous street and reached the spot where atherstone now stands, they came, according to local tradition, to a large stone that was in their way, and in moving it they disturbed a nest of adders, which flew at them. the stone was named adders' stone, which gradually became corrupted to athers' stone, and hence the name of the town. the corporation of the governors embodied this incident in their coat of arms and on the grammar school, which was endowed in : a stone showed the adders as springing upwards, and displaying the words, "adderstonien sigil scholæ." we called at the "old red lion inn," and, going to explore the town while our refreshments were being prepared, found our way to a church, once part of a monastery, where the old fourteenth-century bell was still tolled. it was in the chancel of this church that henry, earl of richmond, partook of holy communion on the eve of his great victory over richard iii at the battle of bosworth field, by which he became king henry vii. he had also spent a night at the "three tuns inn" preparing his plans for the fight, which occurred two days later, august nd, . there was on the site of the battle a well named "king dick's well," which was covered with masonry in the form of a pyramid, with an entrance on one of its four sides, and which covered the spring where richard, weary of fighting, had a refreshing drink before the final charge that ended in his death. he, however, lost the battle, and henry of richmond, who won it, was crowned king of england at stoke golding church, which was practically on the battlefield, and is one of the finest specimens of decorated architecture in england. but what an anxious and weary time these kings must have had! not only they, but all others. when we considered how many of them had been overthrown, assassinated, taken prisoners in war, executed, slain in battle, forced to abdicate, tortured to death, committed suicide, and gone mad, we came to the conclusion that shakespeare was right when he wrote, "uneasy lies the head that wears a crown." in his _king richard ii_ he makes the king say: "and nothing can we call our own but death, and that small model of the barren earth which serves as paste and cover to our bones. for god's sake, let us sit upon the ground and tell sad stories of the death of kings: how some have been deposed, some slain in war, some haunted by the ghosts they have deposed, some poison'd by their wives, some sleeping kill'd; all murder'd." one good result of the battle of bosworth field was that it ended the "wars of the roses," which had been a curse to england for thirty years. [illustration: bull baiting stone, atherstone.] bull-baiting was one of the favourite sports of our forefathers, the bull being usually fastened to an iron ring in the centre of a piece of ground, while dogs were urged on to attack it, many of them being killed in the fight. this space of land was known as the bull-ring, a name often found in the centre of large towns at the present day. we knew a village in shropshire where the original ring was still to be seen embedded in the cobbled pavement between the church and the village inn. but at atherstone the bull had been fastened to a large stone, still to be seen, but away from the road, which had now been diverted from its original track. the ancient whipping-post, along with the stocks, which had accommodation for three persons, had found their last resting-place inside the old market-hall. they must have been almost constantly occupied and used in the good old times, as atherstone was not only on the great watling street, but it had a unique position on the other roads of the country, as an old milestone near our hotel, where we found our refreshments waiting our arrival, informed us that we were a hundred miles from london, a hundred miles from liverpool, and a hundred miles from lincoln, so that atherstone could fairly claim to be one of the central towns in england, though the distance to lincoln had been overstated. [illustration: stocks in atherstone market-hall.] we continued walking along the watling street for a short distance, until we reached the end of the town, and then we forked on to the right towards nuncaton; but in a very short distance we came to the village of mancetter, where there was a fine old church, apparently the parish church of atherstone. when the romans were here they protected their "street" by means of forts, and one in a small chain of these was at mancetter, the manduesdum of the romans, their camp appearing in the form of a square mound, with the "street" passing through the centre. inside the church were quite a number of very old books, in one of which we were shown a wood-cut representing the burning of robert glover and cornelius bongley at coventry in . glover was a gentleman who lived at the manor house here, and was one of the mancetter martyrs, the other being mrs. lewis, a tenant of his who lived at the manor house farm. she was burnt in , two years later. a large tablet was placed in the church to their memories, both of them having suffered for their adherence to the protestant faith. the east-end window was a curiosity, for it contained a large quantity of thirteenth-century stained glass which had been brought here from merevale abbey. it was probably damaged both there and in transit, as it seemed to have a somewhat rough appearance; the verger informed us, when pointing out several defects in the figures, that a local glazier had been employed to erect it who did not understand such work, and though he had no doubt done his best, he had made some awkward mistakes. why david's sword appeared behind his back the verger could not explain, so my brother suggested that either the head or the body had been turned the wrong way about. [illustration: the manor house, mancetter.] there were five bells in the church tower, the largest of which was, of course, the tenor bell, weighing thirty-three hundredweight, and the words that had been cast on it set us a-thinking: my soaring sound does warning give that a man on earth not only lives. there were usually some strange records in these country churchyards, and we generally found them in the older portions of the burial-grounds; but we had very little time to look for them as the night was coming on, so we secured the services of the verger, who pointed out in the new part of the churchyard a stone recording the history of charles richard potter in the following words: born--may , . married--may , . died--may , . so the eleventh day of may was a lucky or an unlucky day for mr. potter--probably both; but one strange feature which we only thought of afterwards was that he had lived exactly the allotted span of three score years and ten. in the old part of the yard were the following epitaphs: the earth's a city full of crooked streets death is ye market-place where all must meet if life was merchandise that man could buy the rich would always live ye poor must die. in bygone times it was no unusual thing to find dead bodies on the road, or oftener a short distance from it, where the owners had laid themselves down to die; we ourselves remembered, in a lonely place, only a field's breadth from the coach road to london, a pit at the side of which years ago the corpse of a soldier had been found in the bushes. here, apparently, there had been a similar case, with the exception that the man had been found by the side of the watling street instead of the fields adjoining. no one in the district knew who the stranger was, but as sufficient money had been found on him to pay the cost of the burial, his corpse was placed in mancetter churchyard, and as his name was unknown, some mysterious initials, of which no one now living knew the meaning, appeared on the headstone. here lieth interr'd the body of i. h. i. m. what ere we was or am it matters not to whom related, or by whom begot, we was, but am not. ask no more of me 'tis all we are and all that you must be. we now hurried on, but as every finger-post had been painted white to receive the new letters, the old words beneath the paint were quite illegible, and, the road being lonely, of course we got lost, so, instead of arriving at nuneaton, we found ourselves again at the watling street, at a higher point than that where we had left it when leaving atherstone. nearly opposite the lane end from which we now emerged there was a public-house, set back from the road, where a sign, suspended from a pole, swung alongside the watling street to attract the attention of travellers to the inn, and here we called to inquire our way to nuneaton. the name of the house was the "royal red gate inn," the pole we had seen on the watling street holding a wooden gate painted red. we asked why the red gate was a royal one, and the landlady said it was because queen adelaide once called there, but who queen adelaide was, and when she called there, she did not know. when asked what she called for, she replied, "i don't know, unless it was for a drink!" as we did not know who queen adelaide was ourselves, we had to wait until we reached nuneaton, where we were informed that she was the wife of william iv, and that in her retirement she lived at sudbury hall in derbyshire, so this would be on her coach road to and from london. the lane at one end of the red gate went to fenney drayton, where george fox the quaker was born, about whom we had heard farther north; but we had to push on, and finally did reach nuneaton for the night. _(distance walked twenty-seven miles_.) _thursday, november nd._ in our early days we used to be told there was only one man in manchester, which fact was true if we looked at the name; in the same way we were told there was but one nun in nuneaton, but the ruins of the nunnery suggested that there must have been quite a number there in the past ages. we had seen many monasteries in our travels, but only one nunnery, and that was at york; so convent life did not seem to have been very popular in the north country, the chorus of a young lady's song of the period perhaps furnishing the reason why: [illustration: "george elliot."] then i won't be a nun, and i shan't be a nun; i'm so fond of pleasure that i _cannot_ be a nun. the nuns had of course disappeared and long since been forgotten, but other women had risen to take their places in the minds and memories of the people of nuneaton, foremost amongst whom was mary ann evans, who was born about the year at the south farm, arbury, whither her father, belonging to the newdegate family, had removed from derbyshire to take charge of some property in warwickshire. "george eliot" has been described as "the greatest woman writer in english literature," and as many of her novels related mainly to persons and places between nuneaton and coventry, that district had been named by the nuneaton people "the country of george eliot." _scenes of clerical life_ was published in , and _the mill on the floss_ in , and although the characters and places are more difficult to locate than those in _adam bede_, the "bull hotel" at nuneaton has been identified as the "red lion" in her novel, where mr. dempster, over his third glass of brandy and water, would overwhelm a disputant who had beaten him in argument, with some such tirade as: "i don't care a straw, sir, either for you or your encyclopædia; a farrago of false information picked up in a cargo of waste paper. will you tell me, sir, that i don't know the origin of presbyterianism? i, sir, a man known through the county; while you, sir, are ignored by the very fleas that infest the miserable alley in which you were bred!" [illustration: south farm, arbury, the birthplace of "george eliot"] we left the "newdegate arms" at nuneaton early in the morning, on our way to lutterworth, our next object of interest, and passed by the village of hartshill, where michael drayton was born in . he was a lyric poet of considerable fame and a friend of shakespeare. his greatest work, _polyolbion_, a poetic description of different parts of england, was published in . he became poet laureate, and at his death, in , was buried in westminster abbey. we again went astray owing to the finger-posts being without names, but at length reached the watling street at cross-roads, where there was a very old public-house called "the three pots," and here we turned to the right along the street. the road was very lonely, for there were very few houses on the street itself, the villages being a mile or two away on either side, but we had not gone very far before we met a church of england clergyman, who told us he had just returned from india, and that he would much have liked to form one of our company in the journey we were taking. he was sorry he had not met us lower down the road so that he could have detained us a short time to listen to some of our tales of adventures, and he would have given us a glass of beer and some bread and cheese; which he altered to milk and eggs when we told him we did not drink beer. we explained to him that we should never be able to complete our journey if we joined the company of the beer-drinkers at the many taverns we passed, and lingered at, on our way. our experience was that we were expected to tell tales, and the farther we travelled the more we should have had to tell. he quite saw the force of our argument, and then he said: "i presume you are not married," and when we told him we were not, he said, "i thought not, as you would never have been allowed to engage in so long a journey," and added, "i am just about to be married myself." we told him we were sorry he was about to lose his liberty, and, wishing him much happiness, and again thanking him for his proffered hospitality, we resumed our march. [illustration: high cross, the centre of england.] in passing through country villages we often met the local clergyman or doctor, of whom we invariably inquired concerning any objects of interest to be seen. it was marvellous how many of them expressed a wish to imitate our example. this, however, was only on fine days, for we seldom met those gentlemen when the weather was bad, and we wondered whether, if we had, they would still have expressed a wish to form one of our company! fine weather prevailed that day, and we soon arrived at the high cross which marked the roman centre of england. it was at this point that their most celebrated roads, the fosse way and the watling street, crossed each other, running, we supposed, from north-east to south-west and from north-west to south-east, to the extreme ends of the kingdom in each direction. the cross in the time of the romans was made of wood, being replaced or renewed in successive generations, until in the middle of the seventeenth century it was utilised as a finger-post, consisting of a long pole with four arms, to direct the way from "london to west chester," and from "york to bristol." in an ornamental stone cross was erected on the same spot by a number of gentlemen headed by basil, the fourth earl of denbigh, who had large estates in that neighbourhood. the tableland on which it stood was feet above the sea-level, rivers running from it in every direction, and such was the extent of the country visible from the cross that with the aid of a telescope fifty-six churches could be seen. this elevated position might account for the cross being struck by lightning in and partially destroyed, but the inscriptions on the base, which had been left standing, were still visible, although partially obscured by the numerous names and initials of vandals, who have succeeded in closing many interesting places to more civilised and sensible people. we could perhaps go further and describe them as fools, for what will it matter to posterity what their initials or names are; they only rouse the ire of those who follow them and a feeling of disappointment that they had not caught the offenders in their act of wanton mischief and been able to administer some corporal punishment or other. years ago the benevolent owner of a fine estate situated near a town decided to open his beautiful grounds to his poorer neighbours, but before doing so he erected at the entrance gate two large wooden tablets resembling the two tablets of the ten commandments formerly fixed in churches but now rapidly disappearing, and on these he caused his conditions and desires to be painted in poetry, four verses on each tablet. they represent what most landowners desire but few obtain: i no chief to enter at this gate to wander through this fine estate; the owner of this ancient hall a kindly welcome bids to all: yet hopes that no one will neglect the following wishes to respect. ii when in the meadows grown for hay. keep to the drive or right of way. fright not the cattle on the lea nor damage flower nor shrub nor tree; and let no vestiges be found of paper, scattered o'er the ground. iii one more request will sure suffice: from carving any rude device refrain! and oh let no one see your name on post, or bridge or tree. such were the act of fool, whose name we fear can ne'er descend to fame. iv your olive-branches with you take, and let them here their pastime make. these scenes will ever seem more fair when children's voices fill the air: or bring, as comrade in your stroll, your dog, if under due control. v if, to the gentle art inclined, to throw a fly you have a mind. send in your card and state your wish to be allowed to catch a fish: or if the woodland to explore, pray seek permission at the door. vi these boons are granted not quite free, y'et for a very moderate fee; nor fear but what it is ordained that all the money thus obtained shall to the fund be handed down for aid to sick in yonder town. vii the owner of this blest domain himself to sojourn here is fain; and if by land or sea he roam yet loveth best his native home, which, for two centuries or near, his ancestors have held so dear. viii admire well the graceful art of nature's hand in every part: full well he knoweth how to prize this fair terrestrial paradise; and 'tis his wish sincere and true that others should enjoy it too. but to return to the high cross and the watling street. the description on the cross was in latin, of which the following is a translation: the noblemen and gentry, ornaments of the counties of warwickshire and leicestershire at the instance of the right honourable basil earl of denbigh, have caused this pillar to be erected in grateful as well as perpetual remembrance of peace at last restored by her majesty queen anne. if, traveller, you search for the footsteps of the ancient romans you may here behold them. for here their most celebrated ways crossing one another extend to the utmost boundaries of britain. here the bennones kept their quarters and at the distance of one mile from here claudius, a certain commander of a cohort, seems to have had a camp towards the street, and towards the fosse a tomb. we were pleased to see that the remains of the cross had been enclosed in the garden of a house belonging to the earl of denbigh, a descendant of the earl who had been instrumental in building it, and it was now comparatively safe from further defacement. the romans built stations along their roads, and near the high cross stood their military station bennones, on the side of which many roman remains, including a roman urn, had been discovered. it was of great importance to them that any hostile movement amongst the turbulent britons should be reported immediately, so young men who were quick runners were employed to convey intelligence from one station to another; but this system was improved upon later by building on the side of the road, in as prominent a position as possible, at intervals of five or six miles, a house where forty horses were stabled so that news or soldiers could, if required, be carried by relays of horses a distance of a hundred miles along the road in the course of a single day. we were now only about twelve miles from leicester, and we had to walk about six miles in that county in order to reach lutterworth, famous throughout england as the parish where the great reformer john wiclif spent the last nineteen years of his life as rector. we passed through a fine grazing and fox-hunting country on our way, and found lutterworth a rather pleasantly situated little town. our first visit was naturally to the church, and as we walked along the quiet street leading up to it we saw a woman standing at her cottage door, to whom we spoke concerning the great divine, asking incidentally how long it was since he was rector there. she said she did not know exactly, but as far as she could remember she thought it was about years since he died. on arriving at the church we found that it was about years since wiclif departed, and we thought it strange that a lady who lived almost under the shadow of the church steeple could have been so ill-informed. the church had recently been restored, and a painting of the day of doom, or judgment, had been discovered over the arch of the chancel under the whitewash or plaster, which we were told oliver cromwell had ordered to be put on. at the top of this picture our saviour was represented as sitting on a rainbow with two angels on each side, two of whom were blowing trumpets, and on the earth, which appeared far down below, the graves were opening, and all sorts of strange people, from the king down to the humblest peasant, were coming out of their tombs, while the fire and smoke from others proclaimed the doom of their occupants, and skulls and bones lay scattered about in all directions. [illustration: john wiclif. _from the portrait in lutterworth church_] it was not a very pleasant picture to look upon, so we adjourned to the vestry, where we were shown a vestment worn by wiclif in which some holes had been cut either with knives or scissors. on inquiry we were informed that the pieces cut out had been "taken away by visitors," which made us wonder why the vestment had not been taken better care of. we were shown an old pulpit, and the chair in which wiclif fell when he was attacked by paralysis, and in which he was carried out of church to die three days afterwards. we could not describe his life and work better than by the inscription on the mural monument subscribed for in : sacred to the memory of john wiclif the earliest champion of ecclesiastical reformation in england. he was born in yorkshire in the year , and in the year he was presented to the rectory of lutterworth. at oxford he acquired not only the renown of a consummate schoolman, but the far more glorious title of the evangelical doctor. his whole life was one perpetual struggle against the corruptions and encroachments of the papal court and the impostures of its devoted auxiliaries, the mendicant fraternities. his labours in the cause of scriptural truths were crowned by one immortal achievement, his translation of the bible into the english tongue. this mighty work drew on him, indeed, the bitter hatred of all who were making merchandise of the popular credulity and ignorance, but he found abundant reward in the blessing of his countrymen of every rank and age, to whom he unfolded the words of eternal light. his mortal remains were interred near this spot, but they were not allowed to rest in peace. after a lapse of many years his bones were dragged from the grave and consigned to the flames; and his ashes were cast in the waters of the adjoining stream. that he was a man of distinction may be taken for granted, as he was master of that famous college at oxford, balliol college, where his picture hangs in the dining-hall to-day. when in lichfield cathedral, where we saw chantrey's monument of bishop ryder, we had omitted to ask for particulars about him, but here we were told that he was appointed rector of lutterworth in , and had been a benefactor to the town. he was made canon of windsor in , dean of wells , bishop of gloucester , and finally became bishop of lichfield and coventry. he died at hastings in , and as chantrey himself died in , his monument of bishop ryder, that had impressed us so deeply, must have been one of his latest and best productions. [illustration: lutterworth church] lutterworth was the property of william the conqueror in , and it was king edward iii who presented the living to wiclif, who was not only persecuted by the pope, but also by the archbishop of canterbury and the bishop of london. on two occasions he had to appear before the papal commission, and if he had not been the personal friend of john o' gaunt, duke of lancaster, the fourth son of the king edward who had given him the living, and probably the most powerful man in england next to the king, he would inevitably have suffered martyrdom. he was equally fortunate in the following reign, as john o' gaunt was uncle to richard ii, the reigning monarch, under whose protection he was spared to finish his great work and to translate the holy bible so that it could be read in the english language. we went to see the bridge which crossed the small stream known as the river swift, for it was there that wiclif's bones were burned and the ashes thrown into the stream. the historian related that they did not remain there, for the waters of the swift conveyed them to the river avon, the river avon to the river severn, the severn to the narrow seas, and thence into the wide ocean, thus becoming emblematic of wiclif's doctrines, which in later years spread over the wide, wide world. a well-known writer once humorously observed that the existence of a gallows in any country was one of the signs of civilisation, but although we did not see or hear of any gallows at lutterworth, there were other articles, named in the old books of the constables, which might have had an equally civilising influence, especially if they had been used as extensively as the stocks and whipping-post as recorded in a list of vagrants who had been taken up and whipped by constables cattell and pope, from october th, , to september th, . the records of the amounts paid for repairs to the various instruments of torture, which included a lock-up cage for prisoners and a cuck, or ducking-stool, in which the constables ducked scolding wives and other women in a deep hole near the river bridge, led us to conclude that they must have been extensively used. a curious custom prevailed in lutterworth in olden times. there were two mills on the river swift, and the people were compelled to grind all their malt at one mill and all their corn at another, and to bake all their bread in one oven; in those "days of bondage" a person durst not buy a pound of flour from any other miller. these privileges were abused by the millers to make high charges, and it was on record that a person who ventured to bake a cake in his own oven was summoned, but discharged on his begging pardon and paying expenses. this unsatisfactory state of things continued until the year , when a rebellion arose headed by a local patriot named bickley. this townsman roused his fellow-citizens to resist, and built a malthouse of his own, his example being soon followed by others, who defied the owner of the privileged mill, and entered into a solemn bond to defend any action that might be brought against them. the contest was one of the most interesting and remarkable ever known in the district, and was decided at the leicester assizes in july , the verdict being in favour of the parishioners, with costs to the amount of £ . one of the greatest curiosities to be seen in lutterworth was an old clock which was there in , and still remained in good working order; the description of it reads as follows: the case is of mahogany; and the face is oval, being nineteen inches by fifteen inches. the upper part exhibits a band of music, consisting of two violins, a violoncello, a german flute, three vocal performers, and a boy and girl; the lower part has the hour and minutes indicated by neat gilt hands; above the centre is a moment hand, which shows the true dead beat. on the right is a hand pointing to--chimes silent--all dormant--quarters silent--all active; to signify that the clock will perform as those words imply. on the left is a hand that points to the days of the week, and goes round in the course of seven days, and shifts the barrel to a fresh time at noon and midnight. the clock strikes the hour, the four quarters, and plays a tune three times over every three hours, either on the bells alone, the lyricord, or on both together. three figures beat exact time to the music, and three seem to play on their instruments; and the boy and the girl both dance through the whole if permitted. but still, by a touch all are dormant, and by another touch all are in action again. the lyricord will play either low or loud. the machine goes eight days, either as a watch clock, quarter clock, quarter-chime-clock or as a quarter chime lyrical clock. it will go with any or all parts in action, or with any or all parts dormant. it has four chime barrels, and plays sixty-five tunes, many of them in two or three parts, on nineteen musical bells, and on the like number of double musical wires. a child may do everything necessary to show its varied and complicated action. [illustration: lutterworth and the river swift, where the ashes of wiclif were scattered.] the maker was mr. deacon, a baptist minister of barton-in-the-beans, who began life as a farm boy when he was eleven years of age. a gentleman happened to call on the farmer one evening and had some nuts given to him, and as he could not crack them, one of the other servants said to the boy, "sam, bring the wooden nut-crackers you made!" when the boy brought them, the visitor, after cracking a nut, examined them carefully for some time, and was so struck with the ingenuity displayed in their construction that he took the lad and apprenticed him to a clock-maker in leicester, where he became one of the cleverest workmen in the kingdom, the most elaborate and curious piece of mechanism he made being this wonderful clock. we returned from lutterworth by a different route, for we were now off to see peeping tom at coventry; but our experiments on the roads were not altogether satisfactory, for we got lost in some by-roads where there was no one to inquire from, and eventually reached the snug little village of monks kirby. here, according to the name of the village, we should at one time have found a danish settlement, and at another a church belonging to the monks; but on this occasion we found a church and a comfortable-looking inn opposite to it, where we called for an early tea. this was quickly served and disposed of, and shortly afterwards we reached, coming from the direction of the high cross, the fosse, or foss-way, one of the four great roads made by the romans in england, so named by them because there was a fosse, or ditch, on each side of it. we walked along its narrow and straight surface until we came to a road which crossed it, and here, about halfway between rugby and coventry, we turned to the right, leaving the "fosse" to continue its course across dunsmore heath, where in ancient times guy, the famous earl of warwick, slew the terrible dun cow of dunsmore, "a monstrous wyld and cruell beast." the village of brinklow was now before us, presenting a strange appearance as we walked towards it from the brook below, for at the entrance stood a lofty mound formerly a roman camp, while behind it was a british tumulus. in the civil war there was much fighting all along the road from here to coventry, and cromwell's soldiers had not left us much to look at in the church, as the windows had all been "blown out" at that time, leaving only some small pieces of stained glass. the church, however, was quite a curiosity, for it sloped with the hill, and was many feet lower at the tower end than at the east. we walked along a rather steep inclined plane until we came to a flight of four steps which landed us on the chancel floor, where another inclined plane brought us up to the foot of the two steps leading to the altar; we were told that there was only one other church built in such a form "in all england." we were now well within the borders of the county of warwickshire, which, with the other two midland counties of worcestershire and staffordshire, formerly contained more leading roman catholic families than any other part of england, so we were not surprised when we heard that we were passing through a country that had been associated with the gunpowder plot, and that one incident connected with it had occurred at combe abbey, which we would pass a mile or two farther on our way. the originator of the gunpowder plot, catesby, was intimately connected with many of the leading families in these counties, and was lineally descended from the catesby of king richard iii's time, whose fame had been handed down in the old rhyme: the rat, the cat, and lovel the dog rule all england under the hog. the rat meaning ratcliffe, the cat catesby, and the hog king richard, whose cognisance was a boar. robert catesby, the descendant of the "cat," was said to be one of the greatest bigots that ever lived; he was the friend of garnet, the jesuit, and had been concerned in many plots against queen elizabeth; when that queen died and king james, the son of mary queen of scots, ascended the throne, their expectations rose high, for his mother had suffered so much from queen elizabeth that they looked upon her as a martyr, and were sure that their form of religion would now be restored. but great was their chagrin when they found that james, probably owing to his early education under john knox in scotland, was more ready to put the laws in force against the papists than to give them greater toleration. [illustration: the old manor house, ashby st. ledgers.] catesby and his friends resolved to try to depose james and to place the princess elizabeth, daughter of james i, afterwards the beautiful queen of bohemia, whom her royal parents had placed under the care of the earl of harrington, then the owner of combe abbey, about five miles from coventry, on the throne in his stead. the conspirators assembled at dunchurch, near rugby, but held their meetings about six miles away, in a room over the entrance to the old manor house at ashby st. ledgers, the home of catesby, where it was proposed to settle matters by blowing up the houses of parliament. these were to be opened on november th, , when the king, queen, and prince of wales, with the lords and commons, would all be assembled. in those days the vaults, or cellars, of the parliament house were let to different merchants for the storage of goods, and one of these immediately under the house of lords was engaged and filled with some innocent-looking barrels, in reality containing gunpowder, which were covered by faggots of brushwood. all preparations were now completed except to appoint one of their number to apply the torch, an operation which would probably involve certain death. in the meantime catesby had become acquainted with guy fawkes, a member of an old yorkshire family, and almost as bigoted a papist as himself, who had joined the conspirators at dunchurch, the house where he lodged being still known as guy fawkes' house, and when the question came up for decision, he at once volunteered his services, as he was a soldier and a brave man. they were accepted, and sir everard digby was to stay at dunchurch in order to be ready to seize the young princess elizabeth while the others went to london. it so happened that one of the conspirators had a friend, lord monteagle, whom he knew would be sure to attend the opening of parliament, and as he did not want him to be killed he caused an anonymous letter to be written warning him not to attend the opening of parliament, "for though there be no appearance of any stir, yet i say they shall receive a terrible blow this parliament, and yet shall not see who hurts them." the letter was delivered to monteagle by a man in a long coat, who laid it on his table and disappeared immediately. it was afterwards handed to king james, who, after reading the last paragraph, repeated it aloud, "and yet they shall not see who hurts them," and said to cecil, "this smells gunpowder!" their suspicions were aroused, but they waited until midnight on november th, and then sent soldiers well armed to search the vaults, where they found a man with a long sword amongst the barrels. he fought savagely, but was soon overpowered. when the conspirators found that their plot had been discovered, and that guy fawkes was in custody, instead of escaping to france as they might easily have done, they hastened down to dunchurch, "as if struck by infatuation," in the wild hope of capturing the young princess and raising a civil war in her name; but by the time they reached combe abbey, the earl of harrington had removed elizabeth to coventry, which at that time was one of the most strongly fortified places in england. they now realised that their game was up, and the gang dispersed to hide themselves; but when the dreadful nature of the plot became known, it created such a profound sensation of horror throughout the country, that every one joined in the search for the conspirators, who in the end were all captured and executed. great rejoicings were held, bonfires lit, bells rung, and guns fired in almost every village, and thereby the people were taught to-- remember, remember, the fifth of november the gunpowder, treason, and plot. these celebrations have been continued on each fifth of november for centuries, november th becoming known as "bonfire day." and in our book of common prayer there was a special service for the day which was only removed in the time of queen victoria. guy fawkes was executed on february th, . fortunately for the protestants the reign of the queen who was known by them as the "bloody queen mary" was of short duration, for they were then subjected to very great cruelties; on the other hand there was no doubt that during the much longer reign of queen elizabeth that followed, the papists also suffered greatly; still under james they were now bound to suffer more in every way, short of death, for the great mass of their fellow-countrymen had turned against them owing to the murderous character of the gunpowder plot, so-- on bonfire day, as britons should, they heaped up sticks, and turf, and wood; and lighted bonfires bright and hot, in memory of the popish plot! we were ourselves greatly interested in november th, which was now due to arrive in three days' time; not because some of our ancestors had been adherents to the roman catholic faith, nor because of the massacres, for in that respect we thought one side was quite as bad as the other; but because it happened to be my birthday, and some of our earliest and happiest associations were connected with that day. i could remember the time when a candle was placed in every available window-pane at home on november th, and when i saw the glare of the big bonfire outside and the pin-wheels, the rip-raps, and small fireworks, and heard the church bells ringing merrily, and the sound of the guns firing, i naturally thought as a child that all these tokens of rejoicing were there because it was my birthday. then the children from the village came! first one small group and then another; these were the "soulers," or "soul-cakers," who ought to have appeared, according to history, on all souls' day; they were generally satisfied with apples or pears, or with coppers. the most mysterious visitor was the horse's head, or hobby horse, which came without its body or legs, but could make a noise just like the neighing of a horse, and could also open its mouth so wide that a glass filled with beer could pass down its throat. to complete the illusion we could hear its jaws, which were filled with very large teeth, close together with a crack, and although the glass was returned in some way or other, we never saw the beer again. the horse's head was accompanied by a lot of men known as mummers, dressed in all sorts of queer clothes, who acted a short play, but the only words i could remember were, "king george, king george, thou hast killed my only son!" and at that point one of the actors fell on the grass as if he were dead. but these were reveries of the past; when the spell broke i found myself walking with my brother in the dark alongside the grounds of combe abbey, the only lights we could see being some in the park, which might have been those from the abbey itself. we were expecting to come upon a private menagerie which was supposed to exist somewhere in the park, and we had prepared ourselves for the roars of the lions seeking their prey as they heard our footsteps on the road, or for the horrid groans of other wild animals; but beyond a few minor noises, which we could not recognise, all was quiet, and passing the small village of binley we soon arrived at coventry, where we stayed for the night at an ancient hostelry near the centre of the town. st. george, the patron saint of england, who lived in the early part of the fourth century, and was reckoned among the seven champions of christendom, was said to have been born in coventry. in olden times a chapel, named after him, existed here, in which king edward iv, when he kept st. george's feast on st. george's day, april rd, , attended service. coventry was a much older town than we expected to find it, and, like lichfield, it was known as the city of the three spires; but here they were on three different churches. we had many arguments on our journey, both between ourselves and with others, as to why churches should have towers in some places and spires in others. one gentleman who had travelled extensively through britain observed that towers were more numerous along the sea coasts and on the borders of wales and scotland, while spires were most in evidence in the low midland plains where trees abounded. in these districts it was important to have part of the church standing out from the foliage, while on a hill or a bare cliff a short tower was all that was needed. he actually knew more than one case where the squires in recent times had a short spire placed on the top of the church tower, like the extinguisher of an old candlestick, because it was said they needed guide-posts by which to find their way home from hunting! [illustration: st. michael's church spire, coventry.] in olden times, ere the enemy could approach the village, the cattle were able to be driven in the church, while the men kept an easy look-out from the tower, and the loopholes in it served as places where arrows could be shot from safe cover. in some districts we passed through we could easily distinguish the position of the villages by the spires rising above the foliage, and very pretty they appeared, and at times a rivalry seemed to have existed which should possess the loftiest or most highly decorated spire, some of them being of exceptional beauty. the parish churches were almost invariably placed on the highest point in the villages, so that before there were any proper roads the parishioners could find their way to church so long as they could see the tower or spire, and to that position at the present day, it is interesting to note, all roads still converge. we had no idea that the story of lady godiva and peeping tom was so ancient, but we found it dated back to the time of leofric, earl of mercia, who in founded an abbey here which was endowed by his wife, the lady godiva. the earl, the owner of coventry, levied very hard taxes on the inhabitants, and treated their petitions for relief with scorn. lady godiva, on the contrary, had moved amongst the people, and knew the great privations they had suffered through having to pay these heavy taxes, and had often pleaded with her husband on their behalf. at last he promised her that he would repeal the taxes if she would ride naked through the town, probably thinking his wife would not undertake such a task. but she had seen so much suffering amongst the poor people that she decided to go through the ordeal for their sakes, and the day was fixed, when she would ride through the town. orders were given by the people that everybody should darken their windows and retire to the back part of their houses until lady godiva had passed. all obeyed except one man, "tom the tailor," afterwards nicknamed "peeping tom," who, as the lady rode by on her palfrey, enveloped in her long tresses of hair, which fell round her as a garment, looked down on her from his window, and of him the historian related that "his eyes chopped out of his head even as he looked." the ride ended, the taxes were repealed, and ever afterwards the good lady godiva was enshrined in the hearts of the people of coventry. many years later a beautiful stained-glass window was placed in the parish church to commemorate this famous event, and leofric was portrayed thereon as presenting godiva with a charter bearing the words: i luriche for love of thee doe make coventry toll free. [illustration: thomas parr =_the olde, old, very olde man or thomas par, the sonne of john parr of winnington in the parish of alberbury. in the county of shropshire who was borne in in the raigne of king edward the th and is now living in the strand, being aged yeares and odd monethes he dyed november the th and is now buryed in westminster _=] this story tennyson has immortalised, and its memory is still perpetuated in the pageants which are held from time to time in the city. coventry was described in by jeremiah wharton, an officer under the earl of essex in the parliamentary army, as "a city environed with a wall, co-equal with, if not exceeding, that of london, for breadth and height, and with gates and battlements, and magnificent churches and stately streets, and abundant fountains of water, altogether a place very sweetly situated, and where there was no lack of venison." the walls of coventry, begun in the year , were very formidable, being six yards high and three yards thick, and having thirty-two towers and twelve principal gates. they defied both edward iv and charles i when with their armies they appeared before them and demanded admission, but they were demolished after the civil war by order of charles ii, because the people of coventry had refused admission to his father, king charles i. coventry possessed a greater number of archives than almost any other town in england, covering eight centuries and numbering over eleven thousand. my brother was delighted to find that one of them related to a very old man named thomas parr, recording the fact that he passed through the town on his way to london in , at the age of years. it reminded him of a family medicine known as old parr's pills, which at one time was highly prized; they had been used by our grandfather, who died in his ninety-seventh year, and he often wondered whether his longevity was in any way due to those pills. they were supposed to have been made from the same kind of herbs as old parr was known to have used in his efforts to keep himself alive, and during supper my brother talked about nothing else but that old man; if he was an authority on anything, it was certainly on old thomas parr. this man was born on the montgomery border of shropshire, where a tablet to his memory in great wollaston church bore the following inscription: the old, old, very old man thomas parr was born at wynn in the township of winnington within the chapelry of great wollaston, and parish of alberbury, in the county of salop, in the year of our lord . he lived in the reigns of kings and queens of england, king edward iv. and v. richard iii. henry vii. viii. edward vi. queen mary, queen elizabeth. king james i. king charles i. he died the thirteenth and was buried at westminster abbey on the fifteenth november age years and months. john taylor, known as the water poet because he was a thames waterman, who was born in , and died in , was a contemporary of parr, and wrote a book in , the same year that old parr died, entitled _the olde, olde, very olde man_, in which he described thomas parr as an early riser, sober, and industrious: though old age his face with wrinkles fill. he hath been handsome and is comely still; well-faced, and though his beard not oft corrected yet neate it grows, not like a beard neglected. earl arundel told king charles i about this very old man, and he expressed a desire to see him; so the earl arranged to have him carried to london. when the men reached old parr's cottage, which is still standing, they found an old man sitting under a tree, apparently quite done. feeling sure that he was the man they wanted, they roused him up, and one said, "we have come for you to take you to the king!" the old man looked up at the person who spoke to him, and replied, "hey, mon! it's not me ye want! it's me feyther!" "your father!" they said, in astonishment; "where is he?" "oh, he's cuttin' th' hedges!" so they went as directed, and found a still older man cutting away at a hedge in the small field adjoining the cottage, and him they took, together with his daughter, for whom the earl had provided a horse. musicians also went with him, and it was supposed that he was exhibited at the different towns they called at on their way to london, and such was the crush to see him in coventry that the old man narrowly escaped being killed. when he was taken into the presence of king charles, the king said, "well, parr, you've lived a long time," and parr answered, "yes i have, your majesty." "what do you consider the principal event in your long life?" asked the king, to which parr replied that he hardly knew, but mentioned some offence which he had committed when he was a hundred years old, and for which he had to do penance in alberbury church, with the young woman sitting beside him barefooted, and dressed in white clothing! whereupon king charles said, "oh, fie, fie, parr, telling us of your faults and not your virtues!" [illustration: old parr's cottage.] parr was fêted in london to such an extent that he died of surfeit, and was buried in the poets' corner in westminster abbey, where his tombstone still exists, and is inscribed: thomas parr of y'e county of sallop borne in a'p . he lived in y'e reignes of ten princes viz:-- k. edw. . k. edw. . k. rich. . k. hen. . k. hen. . k. edw. . q. ma. q. eliz. k. ja. & k. charles aged years & was buried here novemb. . . his portrait was painted by van dyck, who at that time was the court painter of king charles i, and there were other oil paintings of him in various places in england and abroad. (_distance walked thirty-one miles_.) _friday, november rd._ [illustration: st. michael's church, coventry.] our hotel was quite near the coventry parish church dedicated to st. michael, which was said to be the largest parish church in england, so we went out early this morning to visit it. we found it to be a very fine church, and in it we saw some workmen erecting a beautiful stained-glass window in which they had already placed the likeness of two saints, one of whom was st. ambrose. we wondered why they should be putting such images in what we supposed to be the reformed church of england. the men told us we should find a very fine stained-glass window across the way in st. mary's hall, which had been erected in the time of henry vi, and was originally the work of john thornton of coventry, who also had charge of the erection of the famous east window we had already seen in york minster. we only saw the exterior of the windows in st. mary's hall, as we could not find any door that was open, so we hurried away to form the acquaintance of "peeping tom," whose image we had come so many miles to see. we found him high up on a corner of a street as if looking down on the passers-by below. the building in which he appeared was doing duty as a public-house, so we went in and saw the landlord, to whom we explained the nature of our visit and journey, and he kindly conducted us up the steps to the small room at the top of the house where peeping tom was to be seen. he was a repulsive-looking image of humanity, made of wood, without arms, and with a hideous face; how long he had occupied his present position no one knew, but as we had seen images of wood made hundreds of years ago, we were willing to suppose that he was a relic of antiquity. photography at the time of our visit was only in its infancy, but small cards, inches long by - / inches wide, with photographic views on them, were beginning to make their appearance--picture postcards being then unknown. on our tour we collected a number of these small cards, which were only to be found in the more populous places. in our case we were able to get one at coventry of peeping tom, a facsimile of which we here produce. we did not stay long in his company, for we looked upon him as an ugly and disreputable character, but hurried back to our hotel for a good breakfast before starting on our walk to the country of shakespeare. [illustration: peeping tom at his window.] [illustration: peeping tom.] the dull days of november were now upon us, which might account to some extent for the sleepy appearance of the old town of coventry; but it appeared that underlying all this was a feeling of great depression caused by the declining state of its two staple industries--watches and silk. the manufacture of watches had been established here for many years, for as early as the archives recorded that a watch-maker had been appointed mayor of coventry, and for anything we knew the manufacture of silk might have been quite as old an industry there; but the competition of american and swiss watches was making itself seriously felt, and the treaty with france which admitted french silks into england, duty free, was still more disastrous, causing much apprehension for the future prosperity of the "good old town." we lost a little time before starting, as my brother had seen something in a shop window that he wanted to buy, but having forgotten the exact position of the shop, we had to search diligently until we found it. it was quite an artistic bookmarker made of white silk, with ornamental bordering in colours which blended sweetly, enclosing a scroll, or unfolding banner, which only displayed one word at each fold: the lord is my shepherd; i shall not want. i never knew what became of that book-mark until years later, after he was married, when i saw it in his family bible, and then i could guess where it had been in the interval. i noticed also that he began to quicken his speed considerably, and to be inclined to walk farther each day, his explanation being that we were obliged to make up for lost time. i also noticed that he wrote more notes in his diary in shorthand, his knowledge of which i envied. he said that before he started on the journey he imagined he knew the history of england, but had now become convinced that he had it all to learn, and he thought the best way to learn it thoroughly was by walking from john o' groat's to land's end. [illustration: kenilworth castle from the bridge.] a story was once told of two commercial travellers who had travelled extensively, and were asked to write down the prettiest road in all england, and one of them wrote "from kenilworth to coventry" and the other wrote "from coventry to kenilworth"! this was the road on which we had now to walk to reach what was known as "shakespeare's country." there were many pretty roads in england, and although this road was very fine, being wide and straight and passing through a richly wooded country, we had seen many prettier roads as regarded scenery. we soon arrived at the historical castle of kenilworth, which, judging from the extent of its ruins and lofty towers, must at one time have been a magnificent place. according to local history the castle was originally built in the reign of henry i, and at one time it was in the possession of simon de montfort, earl of leicester, who was born in , and who has been described as the "father of english parliaments." henry belonged to the plantagenet family, the reigning house from henry ii in to richard iii, who was killed at the battle of bosworth field in . the strangest history in that family appeared to be that of eleanor plantagenet, the daughter of henry ii, who caused her to be married when only four years old to the great earl of pembroke, who was then forty, and who took her as a bride to his home when she was only fourteen years old, leaving her a widow at sixteen. she was thrown into such an agony of grief that she took a solemn vow in the presence of the archbishop of canterbury never to marry again, but to become a bride of christ. seven years afterwards, however, she returned to the court of her brother, who was then henry iii, and, meeting simon de montfort, earl of leicester, the king's favourite, one of the most handsome and accomplished of courtiers, to whom he had given kenilworth castle, the widowed countess forgot her vow, and though solemnly warned by the archbishop of the peril of breaking her oath, montfort easily persuaded henry to give him his sister in marriage. the king knew that both the church and the barons would be violently opposed to the match, and that they could only be married secretly; so on one cold january morning in they were married in the king's private chapel at windsor; but the secret soon became known to the priests and the peers, and almost provoked a civil war. the princess eleanor was not happy, as her husband, who had lost the favour of her brother the king, was ultimately killed in the cause of freedom, along with her eldest son, at the battle of evesham. he was the first to create a parliament. [illustration: elizabeth, queen of england.] in the year a festival was held at kenilworth, attended by one hundred knights of distinction, and the same number of ladies, at which silks were worn for the first time in england, and in edward ii was there compelled to sign his abdication in favour of his son. kenilworth castle probably attained the zenith of its prosperity in the time of queen elizabeth, who in conferred it upon her favourite, robert dudley, earl of leicester, who entertained her there with great magnificence on four different occasions, , , , and . but the former glory of kenilworth castle had departed, and we only saw it in the deplorable condition in which it had been left by cromwell's soldiers. they had dismantled the lofty towers, drained the lake, destroyed the park, and divided the land into farms, and we looked upon the ruins of the towers, staircases, doorways, and dungeons with a feeling of sorrow and dismay. we could distinguish the great hall, with its chimney-pieces built in the walls; but even this was without either floor or roof, and the rest appeared to us as an unintelligible mass of decaying stonework. and yet, about half a century before we made our appearance at the ruins, a visitor arrived who could see through them almost at a glance, and restored them in imagination to their former magnificence, as they appeared in the time of queen elizabeth. he has described the preparations for the great feast given in her honour in by the earl of leicester, and resuscitated the chief actors in that memorable and magnificent scene. he was described as "a tall gentleman who leaned rather heavily on his walking-stick," and although little notice was taken of him at the time, was none other than the great sir walter scott, whose novel _kenilworth_ attracted to the neighbourhood crowds of visitors who might never have heard of it otherwise. we had begun to look upon sir walter in the light of an old acquaintance, once formed never to be forgotten, and admired his description of kenilworth castle: the outer wall of this splendid and gigantic structure inclosed seven acres, a part of which was occupied by extensive stables, and by a pleasure garden, with its trim arbours and parterres, and the rest formed a large base-court, or outer yard, of the noble castle. the lordly structure itself, which rose near the centre of this spacious enclosure was composed of a huge pile of magnificent castellated buildings, apparently of different ages, surrounding an inner court, and bearing in the names of each portion attached to the magnificent mass, and in the armorial bearings which were there blazoned, the emblems of mighty chiefs who had long passed away, and whose history, could ambition have lent ear to it, might have read a lesson to the haughty favourite who had now acquired and was augmenting the fair domain. a large and massive keep, which formed the citadel of the castle, was of uncertain, though great antiquity. it bore the name of cæsar, perhaps from its resemblance to that in the tower of london so called. the external wall of this royal castle was on the south and west sides adorned and defended by a lake, partly artificial, across which leicester had constructed a stately bridge, that elizabeth might enter the castle by a path hitherto untrodden. beyond the lake lay an extensive chase, full of red deer, fallow deer, roes, and every species of game, and abounding with lofty trees, from amongst which the extended front and massive towers of the castle were seen to rise in majesty and beauty. the great feast provided by the earl of leicester in honour of the visit of queen elizabeth to kenilworth castle in was of a degree of magnificence rarely equalled either before or since, extending continuously over the seventeen days of the queen's stay, beginning at two o'clock, at which time the great clock at the castle was stopped and stood at that hour until the princess departed. the cost of these ceremonies was enormous, the quantity of beer alone consumed being recorded as hogsheads. [illustration: kenilworth castle, leicester buildings and cÆsar's tower.] sir walter describes the preparations for the feast and the heterogeneous nature of the crowd of people who attended it. the resources of the country for miles round were taxed to their utmost, for not only the queen's purveyors, but the earl of leicester's household officers had been scouring it in all directions to provide the necessary viands and provisions. the services in this respect of all the leading families had been requisitioned, and-- they took this opportunity of ingratiating themselves by sending large quantities of provisions and delicacies of all kinds, with game in huge quantities, and whole tuns of the best liquors, foreign and domestic. thus the high-roads were filled with droves of bullocks, sheep, calves and hogs, and choked with loaded wains, whose axle-trees creaked under their burdens of wine-casks and hogsheads of ale, and huge hampers of grocery goods, and slaughtered game, and salted provisions, and sacks of flour. perpetual stoppages took place as these wains became entangled; and their rude drivers, swearing and brawling till their wild passions were fully raised, began to debate precedence with their wagon-whips and quarter-staves, which occasional riots were usually quieted by a purveyor, deputy-marshal's man, or some other person in authority breaking the heads of both parties. here were, besides, players and mummers, jugglers and showmen, of every description, traversing in joyous bands the paths which led to the palace of princely pleasure; for so the travelling minstrels had termed kenilworth in the songs which already had come forth in anticipation of the revels, which were there expected. in the midst of this motley show, mendicants were exhibiting their real or pretended miseries, forming a strange though common contrast betwixt the vanities and the sorrows of human existence. all these floated along with the immense tide of population, whom mere curiosity had drawn together; and where the mechanic, in his leathern apron, elbowed the dink and dainty dame, his city mistress; where clowns with hobnailed shoes were treading on the kibes of substantial burghers and gentlemen of worship; and where joan of the dairy, with robust pace and red sturdy arms, rowed her way onwards, amongst those prim and pretty moppets, whose sires were knights and squires. the throng and confusion was, however, of a gay and cheerful character. all came forth to see and to enjoy, and all laughed at the trifling inconveniences which at another time might have chafed their temper. excepting the occasional brawls we have mentioned among that irritable race the carmen, the mingled sounds which arose from the multitude were those of light-hearted mirth and tiptoe jollity. the musicians preluded on their instruments--the minstrels hummed their songs--the licensed jester whooped betwixt mirth and madness, as he brandished his bauble--the morrice-dancers jangled their bells--the rustics hallow'd and whistled--men laughed loud, and maidens giggled shrill; while many a broad jest flew like a shuttle-cock from one party to be caught in the air, and returned from the opposite side of the road by another, at which it was aimed. [illustration: entrance to the great hall, kenilworth.] the arrival of the queen, who had journeyed from warwick castle, had been somewhat delayed, and the guards had some difficulty in keeping the course clear until she appeared with the lords and ladies who accompanied her. it was dark when she approached the castle, and immediately there arose from the multitude a shout of applause, so tremendously vociferous that the country echoed for miles around. the guards, thickly stationed upon the road by which the queen was to advance, caught up the acclamation, which ran like wildfire to the castle, and announced to all within that queen elizabeth had entered the royal castle of kenilworth. the whole music of the castle sounded at once, and a round of artillery, with a salvo of small arms, was discharged from the battlements; but the noise of drums and trumpets, and even of the cannon themselves, was but faintly heard amidst the roaring and reiterated welcome of the multitude. as the noise began to abate, a broad glare of light was seen to appear from the gate of the park, and, broadening and brightening as it came nearer, advance along the open and fair avenue that led towards the gallery tower, lined on either hand by the retainers of the earl of leicester. the word was passed along the lines, "the queen! the queen! silence, and stand fast!" onward came the cavalcade, illuminated by thick waxen torches, in the hands of as many horsemen, which cast a light like that of broad day all around the procession, but especially on the principal group, of which the queen herself, arrayed in the most splendid manner, and blazing with jewels, formed the central figure. she was mounted on a milk-white horse, which, she reined with peculiar grace and dignity, and in the whole of her stately and noble carriage you saw the daughter of a hundred kings. [illustration: kenilworth castle in .] leicester, who glittered like a golden image with jewels and cloth of gold, rode on her majesty's right hand, as well in quality as her host as of her master of the horse. the black steed which he mounted had not a single white hair on his body, and was one of the most renowned chargers in europe, having been purchased by the earl at large expense for this royal occasion. as the noble steed chafed at the slow speed of the procession, and, arching his stately neck, champed on the silver bits which restrained him, the foam flew from his mouth and speckled his well-formed limbs as if with spots of snow. the rider well became the high place which he held and the proud animal which he bestrode, for no man in england, or perhaps in europe, was more perfect than dudley in horsemanship and all other exercises belonging to his rank. he was bareheaded, as were all the courtiers in the train, and the red torchlight shone upon his long curled tresses of dark hair and on his noble features, to the beauty of which even the severest criticism could only object the lordly fault, as it may be termed, of a forehead somewhat too high. on that proud evening he wore all the graceful solicitude of a subject, to show himself sensible of the high honour which the queen was conferring on him, and all the pride and satisfaction which became so glorious a moment. the train, male and female, who attended immediately upon the queen's person, were of course of the bravest and the fairest--the highest born nobles and the wisest councellors of that distinguished reign, and were followed by a crowd of knights and gentlemen. it was now the part of the huge porter, a man of immense size, to deliver an address and drop his club and resign his keys to give open way to the goddess of the night and all her magnificent train, but as he was so overwhelmed with confusion of spirit--the contents of one immense black jack of double ale--sir walter only records the substance of what the gigantic warder ought to have said in his address: what stir, what turmoil, have we for the nones? stand back, my masters, or beware your bones! sirs, i'm a warder, and no man of straw, my voice keeps order, and my club gives law. yet soft,--nay stay--what vision have we here? what dainty darling this--what peerless peer? what loveliest face, that loving ranks enfold. like brightest diamond chased in purest gold? dazzled and blind, mine office i forsake, my club, my key, my knee, my homage take. bright paragon, pass on in joy and bliss;-- beshrew the gate that opes not wide at such a sight as this! elizabeth received most graciously the homage of the herculean porter and then passed through the guarded tower amidst the sounds of trumpets and other instruments stationed on the tower and in various parts of the castle, and dismounted near mortimer's tower, which was as light as day as she walked across the long bridge built especially for her and lit with torches on either side. she had no sooner stepped upon the bridge than a new spectacle was provided, for as soon as the music gave signal that she was so far advanced, a raft on the lake, disposed as to resemble a small floating island, illuminated by a great variety of torches, and surrounded by floating pageants formed to represent sea-horses, on which sat tritons, nereids, and other fabulous deities of the seas and rivers, made its appearance upon the lake, and, issuing from behind a small heronry where it had been concealed, floated gently towards the farther end of the bridge. on the islet appeared a beautiful woman, clad in a watchet-coloured silken mantle, bound with a broad girdle, inscribed with characters like the phylacteries of the hebrews. her feet and arms were bare, but her wrists and ankles were adorned with gold bracelets of uncommon size. amidst her long silky black hair she wore a crown or chaplet of artificial mistletoe, and bore in her hand a rod of ebony tipped with silver. two nymphs attended on her, dressed in the same antique and mystical guise. the pageant was so well managed that the lady of the floating island, having performed her voyage with much picturesque effect, landed at mortimer's tower with her two attendants, just as elizabeth presented herself before that outwork. the stranger then in a well-penned speech announced herself as that famous lady of the lake renowned in the stories of king arthur, who had nursed the youth of the redoubted sir lancelot, and whose beauty had proved too powerful both for the wisdom and the spells of the mighty merlin. since that period she had remained possessed of her crystal dominions, she said, despite the various men of fame and might by whom kenilworth had been successively tenanted. the saxons, the danes, the normans, the saintlowes, the clintons, the montforts, the mortimers, the plantagenets, great though they were in arms and magnificence, had never, she said, caused her to raise her head from the waters which hid her crystal palace. but a greater than all these great names had now appeared, and she came in homage and duty to welcome the peerless elizabeth to all sport which the castle and its environs, which lake or land, could afford! the queen received the address with great courtesy and the lady of the lake vanished, and arion, who was amongst the maritime deities, appeared upon his dolphin in her place. but amidst all this pageantry sir walter throws a side-light on mervyn's tower, where we see a prisoner, a pale, attenuated, half dead, yet still lovely lady, amy robsart, the neglected wife of leicester, incarcerated there while her husband is flirting with the queen in the gay rooms above. her features are worn with agony and suspense as she looks through the narrow window of her prison on the fireworks and coloured fires outside, wondering perhaps whether these were emblems of her own miserable life, "a single spark, which is instantaneously swallowed up by the surrounding darkness--a precarious glow, which rises but for a brief space into the air, that its fall may be lower." [illustration: mervyn's tower, kenilworth castle.] sir walter scott described kenilworth as "a place to impress on the musing visitor the transitory value of human possessions, and the happiness of those who enjoy a humble lot in virtuous contentment," and it was with some such thoughts as these in our own minds that we hurried away across fields and along lovely by-lanes towards leamington, our object in going there by the way we did being to get a view of the great mansion of stoneleigh, the residence of lord leigh, who was also a landowner in our native county of chester. it seemed a very fine place as we passed through the well-wooded park surrounding it, and presently reached his lordship's village of ashow, where the old church, standing on a small knoll at the end of the village, looked down upon the river avon below, which was here only a small stream. the roofs of many of the cottages were thatched with straw, and although more liable to be set on fire than those covered with the red tiles so common in the county of warwick, they looked very picturesque and had the advantage of not being affected so much by extremes of temperature, being warmer in winter and cooler in summer for those who had the good fortune to live under them. we noticed several alms houses in the village, and near the smithy had a talk with an old man who was interested to know that we came from cheshire, as he knew his lordship had some property there. he told us that when a former lord leigh had died, there was a dispute amongst the leigh family as to who was the next owner of the estate, and about fifty men came up from cheshire and took possession of the abbey; but as the verdict went against them they had to go back again, and had to pay dearly for their trespass. he did not know where the leighs came from originally, but thought "they might have come from cheshire," so we told him that the first time they were heard of in that county was when the devil brought a load of them in his cart from lancashire. he crossed the river mersey, which divided the two counties, at a ford near warrington, and travelled along the knutsford road, throwing one of them out occasionally with his pikel, first on one side of the road and then on the other, until he had only a few left at the bottom of his cart, and as he did not think these worth taking any farther, he "keck'd" his cart up and left them on the road, so there were persons named lee, legh, or leigh living on each side of that road to the present day. the old man seemed pleased with our story and grinned considerably, and no doubt it would be repeated in the village of ashow after we had left, and might probably reach the ears of his lordship himself. two of the lees that the devil left on the road when he upset his cart took possession of the country on either side, which at that time was covered with a dense forest, and selected large oak trees to mark their boundaries, that remained long after the other trees had disappeared. but in course of time it became necessary to make some other distinction between the two estates, so it was arranged that one landlord should spell his name legh and the other leigh, and that their tenants should spell the name of the place high legh in one case and high leigh in the other, so that when name-plates appeared on carts, each landlord was able to tell to which estate they belonged. there were many antiquities in the country associated with his satanic majesty, simply because their origin was unknown, such as the devil's bridge over which we had passed at kirkby lonsdale, and the devil's arrows at aldborough, and it was quite possible that the remote antiquity of the legh family might account for the legend connected with them. there were several facts connected with the cheshire estate of the leghs which interested us, the first being that my grandfather was formerly a tenant on the estate, and the squire had in his possession the rent rolls for every year since about . a fact that might interest ladies who are on the lookout for a mr. wright is, that out of a hundred tenants on that estate at the present day, twenty-seven householders bear the name of wright. [illustration: remains of the broad oak, high legh.] but the strangest incident connected with high legh was the case of a young man who came from scotland to work in the squire's gardens there. he had attended warrington market, and was returning over the river bridge when he stopped to look at a placard announcing a missionary meeting to be held in the town that night. he decided to stay, although he had quite seven miles to walk on his way home, and was so impressed by what he heard that he decided to become a missionary himself, and became one of the most famous missionaries of the nineteenth century. his name was robert moffat, and he laboured hard in south africa, where his son-in-law, david livingstone, following his example, also became a renowned explorer and missionary in the "dark continent." accept me for thy service, lord, and train me for thy will, for even i in fields so broad some duties may fulfil; and i will ask for no reward except to serve thee still. moffat. [illustration: robert moffat.] we soon arrived at leamington, which was quite an aristocratic town, and different from any other we had seen on our journey, for it consisted chiefly of modern houses of a light stone colour, which contrasted finely with the trees with which the houses were interspersed and surrounded, and which must have appeared very beautiful in the spring time. the chief object of interest there was the spa, which although known to travellers in the seventeenth century, had only come into prominence during recent times, or since the local poets had sung its praises. in the introduction to a curious book, published in by james bissett, who described himself as "medallist to his majesty king george the third, proprietor of the picture gallery, public, news-room, and the museum at leamington," there appeared the following lines: nay! foreigners of rank who this look o'er to try the wells may quit their native shore; for when they learn the virtues of the spaw twice tens of thousands to the spot will draw, as when its wondrous powers are pointed out and men found cap'ring who have had the gout; when pallid cheeks regain their roseate blush and vigorous health expels the hectic flush when those once hypp'd cast the crutch away; sure when the pride of british spas they see they'll own the humble instrument in me! the spa, it appeared, had been patronised by royalty on several occasions, and queen victoria in acceded to the request that the inhabitants might henceforth style the town the "royal leamington spa." benjamin satchwell claimed to have discovered the principal well there in , and on his tombstone in the churchyard appeared the following: hail the unassuming tomb of him who told where health and beauty bloom, of him whose lengthened life improving ran-- a blameless, useful, venerable man. we only stayed a short time here, and then walked quickly through a fine country to the ancient town of warwick, with guy's cliffe and blacklow hill to our right, the monument on the hill being to piers gaveston, earl of cornwall, the hated favourite of edward ii. gaveston was beheaded on the hill on july st, , and the modern inscription reads: in the hollow of this rock was beheaded, on the first day of july , by barons, lawless as himself, piers gaveston, earl of cornwall, the minion of a hateful king, in life and death a memorable instance of misrule. [illustration: guy's tower, warwick] gaveston surrendered to the insurgent barons at scarborough, on condition that his life should be spared; but he had offended the earl of warwick by calling him the "black hound of arden," and the earl caused him to be conveyed to warwick castle. when brought before warwick there, the earl muttered, "now you shall feel the hound's teeth," and after a mock trial by torchlight he was led out of the castle and beheaded on the hill. every one of the barons concerned in this rather diabolical action died by violence during the next few years. [illustration: warwick castle from the river. "as we crossed the bridge we had a splendid view of warwick castle ... the finest example of a fortified castle in england ... the 'fairest monument of ancient and chivalrous splendour yet uninjured by time.'"] [illustration: warwick castle] [illustration: the portcullis.] [illustration: entrance towers.] [illustration: warwick castle] as we crossed the bridge leading over the river avon we had a splendid view of warwick castle, which had the reputation of being the finest example of a fortified castle in england, sir walter scott describing it as "the fairest monument of ancient and chivalrous splendour which yet remain uninjured by time." it could boast of a continuous history from the time of ethelfreda, the daughter of the saxon king, alfred the great, and its towers rose to a considerable height, cæsar's tower reaching an elevation of feet. here could be seen the famous and exquisite vase of warwick, in white marble, of unknown age and of fabulous value, said to have been found at the bottom of a lake near hadrian's villa, at tivoli, in italy. there were an immense number of curios in the castle, some of which were connected with that famous character guy, earl of warwick, including his shield, sword, and helmet, and his kettle of bell-metal, twenty-six feet wide and capable of holding gallons of water. we had no time to visit the interior of the castle, but it was interesting to read, in one of his letters, what dr. adam clark saw there in : "i was almost absolutely a prey to astonishment and rapture while i contemplated the painting of the wife of schneider by rubens, such a speaking canvas i never beheld." he saw the large etruscan vases collected by sir william hamilton, some bronze cups dug out of the ruins of herculaneum, and the bed in which queen anne slept and which, according to report, she wrought with her own hands. in the armoury he was permitted to fit on some of the armour, and attempted also to wield the sword of guy, earl of warwick, which weighed seventy pounds. he also examined the rest of guy's gigantic equipments, not omitting his porridge-pot, which held no gallons and was filled every time an earl of warwick came of age. this guy was not the famous king maker, but the original guy, who lived at a time when england was covered with thick forests in which savage beasts, now unknown, roamed at large, causing great havoc amongst the early settlers, both to their persons and their cattle. of gigantic stature, he was renowned for his courage and prowess, and, being in love with the fair felice at warwick castle, for her sake he performed prodigious feats of valour, both at home and abroad. amongst other monsters which preyed upon and terrified human beings he killed the wild and fierce dun cow which infested dun's moor, a place we had passed by the previous day; and we were reminded of his prowess when we saw the sign of the "dun cow" displayed on inns in the country, including that on the hotel at dunchurch. he went on a pilgrimage to the holy land, where he killed many saracens, and when on his return he landed at portsmouth, king athelstane, ignorant of his name, asked him if he would become his champion in a contest on which the fate of england depended. the king told him that the danes had with them a champion named colbran, a gigantic saracen, and that they had offered to stake their fortunes on a duel between him and an english champion, not yet found, on condition that if colbran won, england must be given up to anlaf, king of denmark, and govelaph, king of norway. guy undertook the fight willingly, and defeated and killed the gigantic saracen, after which he privately informed the king that he was the earl of warwick. he secured the hand and affections of the fair felice, but when the thoughts of all the people he had killed began to haunt him, he left her, giving himself up to a life of devotion and charity, while he disappeared and led the life of a hermit. she thought he had gone into foreign lands, and mourned his loss for many years; but he was quite near the castle all the time, living beside the river avon in a cave in a rock, which is still called guys cliffe, and where he died. huge bones were found and kept in the castle, including one rib bone, which measured nine inches in girth at its smallest part and was six and a half feet long; but this was probably a bone belonging to one of the great wild beasts slain by the redoubtable guy. we were sorry we could not explore the castle, but we wanted particularly to visit the magnificent beauchamp chapel in st. mary's church at warwick. we found this one of those places almost impossible to describe, and could endorse the opinion of others, that it was "an architectural gem of the first water and one of the finest pieces of architectural work in the kingdom." it occupied twenty-one years in building, and contains the tomb of richard beauchamp, under whose will the chapel was begun in ; robert dudley, earl of leicester, the haughty favourite of queen elizabeth, was also entombed here. we had too much to do to-day to stay very long in any place we visited, but we were interested in the remains of a ducking-stool in the crypt of the church, although it was far from being complete, the only perfect one of which we knew being that in the priory church of leominster, which reposed in a disused aisle of the church, the property of the corporation of that town. it was described as "an engine of universal punishment for common scolds, and for butchers, bakers, brewers, apothecaries, and all who give short measure, or vended adulterated articles of food," and was last used in , when a scolding wife named jenny pipes was ducked in a deep place in one of the small rivers which flowed through that town. the following lines, printed on a large card, appeared hanging from one of the pillars in the aisle near the stool: [illustration: tombs in the beauchamp chapel.] [illustration: the ducking-stool, warwick.] there stands, my friend, in yonder pool, an engine called a ducking stool; by legal power commanded down, the joy, and terror of the town. if jarring females kindle strife, give language foul, or lug the coif: if noisy dames should once begin to drive the house with horrid din, away! you cry, you'll grace the stool we'll teach you how your tongue to rule. down in the deep the stool descends, but here, at first, we miss our ends, she mounts again, and rages more than ever vixen did before. if so, my friend, pray let her take a second turn into the lake; and rather than your patience lose thrice and again, repeat the dose, no brawling wives, no furious wenches no fire so hot, but water quenches. [illustration: the ducking-stool, leominster] the stool was exactly like a chair without legs, fastened on one end of a long pole, in the centre of which was a framework with solid wooden wheels. the culprit was fastened in the chair with her face towards the men, who were at the other end of the pole, and who had to push and guide the machine through the narrow streets of the town until they reached the "deep hole," where the unfortunate woman had to be ducked overhead in the river. her feet were securely tied to the top of the pole to prevent them from being hurt when passing through the town, and to hinder her from using them to keep her head above the water. the poet describes the "engine called a ducking-stool" as the "joy and terror of the town," but the "joy" could only have been that of the men, women, and children who could be spared to see the show, and knew the woman's scolding propensities. if she continued scolding after the first "duck," down she went again, and again, until, as we imagined, half filled with water, she was unable to scold further, and so the water triumphed in the end: no brawling wives, no furious wenches no fire so hot, but water quenches. the tower of st. mary's church was built on four lofty arches, one of which formed the entrance to the church while the other three formed entrances to the street, the footpath passing through two of them. [illustration: lord leicester's hospital and gate.] we passed alongside the ancient and picturesque half-timbered building known as lord leicester's hospital, which was one of the few buildings in the town that escaped the fire in . it had been built by robert dudley, earl of leicester, the favourite of queen elizabeth and of kenilworth fame, to accommodate twelve poor men or brethren besides the master, who, according to dugdale the famous antiquary, "were to be clothed in blew cloth, with a ragged staff embroydered on the left sleeve," and not to go into the town without them. the hospital dated from , but what was formerly the banqueting-hall belonged to an earlier period, and owed its preservation largely to the fact that the timber of which the roof had been constructed was spanish chestnut, a timber which grew luxuriantly in the forests of england, and resembled english oak. it was largely used by the monks in the building of their refectories, as no worm or moth would go near it and no spider's web was ever woven there, the wood being poisonous to insects. it is lighter in colour than oak, and, seeing the beams so clean-looking, with the appearance of having been erected in modern times, it is difficult for the visitor to realise that they have been in their present position perhaps for five or six centuries. over one of the arched doorways in the old hospital appeared the insignia of the bear and the ragged staff, which was also the sign of public houses, notably that at cumnor, the village of amy robsart. this we discovered to be the arms of the earls of warwick, originating during the time of the first two earls: the first being arth or arthgal of the round table--arth meaning bear--and the second morvid, who in single combat overcame a mighty giant who came against him with a club--a tree pulled up by the roots and stripped of its branches; and in remembrance of his victory over the giant the "ragged staff" ever afterwards appeared on the coat of arms of the earls of warwick. [illustration: cÆsar's tower, warwick castle.] at the end of the hospital stood st. james's chapel, built over the west gate of the town, which we left by the footpath leading both under the church and its tower, on our way to stratford-on-avon. [illustration: shakespeare's house (before restoration).] we walked the eight miles which separated the two towns at a quick speed, and, leaving our luggage at the "golden lion inn" at the entrance to stratford, we went to explore that town, and soon arrived at the birthplace of shakespeare, one of the few houses in england where no fire is ever lit or candle lighted. it was a very old-fashioned house built with strong oak beams, the ceiling of the room in which shakespeare was born in being so low that visitors could easily reach it, and they had written their names both on it and the walls until there was scarcely an available space left. written with lead pencil, some of the autographs were those of men distinguished in every rank of life both past and present, and would doubtless have become very valuable if they had been written in a book, but we supposed visitors' books had not been thought of in those days. we wondered if the walls would ever be whitewashed again, and this thought might have occurred to sir walter scott when he scratched his name with a diamond on one of the window panes. it was at another house in the town that shakespeare wrote his plays and planted a mulberry-tree in the garden. this mulberry-tree used to be one of the objects of interest at stratford, nearly every pilgrim who arrived there going to see it. there came a time when the house and garden changed hands, and were sold to a clergyman named gastrell, who we were sorry to learn was a countryman of ours, as he belonged to cheshire. he had married a "lady of means," who resided at lichfield, and they bought this house and garden, we supposed, so that they might "live happily ever afterwards"; but the parson, who must have had a very bad temper, was so annoyed at people continually calling to see the mulberry-tree that he cut it down. it was probably owing to this circumstance that he had a furious quarrel with the corporation of stratford because they raised the rates on his property. when he complained that they were excessive and the surveyor insisted on their being paid, gastrell ended the matter by pulling the house down to the ground, and leaving the neighbourhood, so we supposed it was then a case of-- where he's gone and how he fares nobody knows and nobody cares. eventually the site became a public garden, where a slip of the mulberry-tree may still be seen. [illustration: shakespeare's tomb, stratford-on-avon.] shakespeare died in , and was buried in the church at stratford, where on the ancient stone that covered his remains were inscribed in old english characters the well-known words: good friend, for jesus' sake forbear to dig the dust enclosed here, blest be the man that spares these stones, and curst be he that moves my bones. shakespeare's threatened curse was doubtless one reason why his bones had remained undisturbed, for it was no uncommon occurrence in his time for the bones of the dead to be removed from a tomb and to be replaced or mingled with those of a stranger, for even the tomb of his daughter, who died in , shared that fate, her epitaph being effaced and replaced by another of a person in no way related to the shakespeare family, but who was buried in the same grave. in one corner of the church was a tomb bearing the effigy of john o'combe, who we thought might have hailed from the neighbourhood of the old abbey of that name which we passed the night before. in spite of his benefactions recorded in the church, he was looked upon as a usurer, because he charged per cent, for his money. he was at one time a friend of shakespeare, and often asked the poet, who was no doubt acquainted with his rate of interest, to write him an epitaph. when at length he acceded to his request he greatly offended combe by writing: "ten in the hundred" lies here en-graved, 'tis a hundred to ten if his soul be saved. if any one asks who lies in his tomb-- "oho" quoth the devil "'tis my john o'combe." shakespeare bought the house in which he wrote his plays from the clopton family, calling it "new place," and a sorrowful story was connected with the clopton vault in stratford church. sir hugh clopton, who was buried there, was lord mayor of london in , and had a very beautiful young daughter named charlotte, who, according to her portrait, which was still in existence, had light blue eyes and pale golden hair. in the time when a plague was raging in stratford she was said to have been found sitting in a chair in the garden apparently dead, and was at once carried to the vault to be buried. a few days afterwards another member of the family died of the plague, and was also taken to the vault; but when the torch-bearers descended the steps leading into the vault, the light from their torches revealed the form of charlotte clopton leaning against the side of the tomb. they were stricken with horror, but had arrived too late to save her, as she was now quite dead. the poor girl must have been in a trance when they carried her to the vault, and in her agony of hunger had bitten a piece of flesh from her own shoulder! we found the "golden lion" quite a comfortable hotel, and had a first-class tea there in the company of an actor from london, who, like ourselves, was exploring the country hereabouts, though perhaps from a different point of view, and who had a lot to tell us about shakespeare and his plays. he had been to a village named bidford a few miles away where there was an old-fashioned inn, in the courtyard of which shakespeare and his friends had acted his _midsummer's night dream_ long before it appeared in london. it was at that inn that shakespeare on one occasion had too much to drink, and when on his way home to stratford he lay down under a thorn tree to sleep off the effects; the tree was fenced round later on in memory of that rather inglorious event. although we were temperance men, we had to admit that the old inns where the stage-coaches stopped to exchange passengers and horses had a great attraction for us, and it was not without a feeling of regret that we found them being gradually closed throughout the country we passed through. they had mostly been built after the same model, the gateway or door at the entrance being arched over and placed in the centre of the front of the hotel. through this archway the coaches, with passengers and luggage, could pass in and out, a door on each side of the entrance leading into different sections of the inn. the yards of the inns were in the form of an oblong, generally roofed over, and along each side were the out-offices, storerooms, and stables, with a flat roof overhead, extending backwards as far as the bedroom doors, and forming a convenient platform for passengers' luggage as it was handed on and off the roof of the coach. the outside edge of the platform was sometimes ornamented with a low palisade, which gave the interior of the covered yard quite a pleasant and ornamental appearance. [illustration] such was the character of the inns that existed in the time of shakespeare, and although sanitary regulations in later times required the horses to be provided for in stable-yards farther in the rear, very little structural alteration in the form of the inns had taken place. the actor told us that in shakespeare's time nearly all the acting outside london and much within was done in the courtyards of these inns. the actors travelled in two covered wagons or coaches, and when they arrived at the inn they were drawn into the inn yard, while two members of the party went out into the town or village vigorously beating a drum to announce the arrival of the actors, almost the entire resident population, men, women, and children, following them to the inn yard to listen to the play, which custom, he said, was referred to by shakespeare in one of his plays in the passage: the actors have come and the rout are following! the covers were then taken off the top of the wagons and placed round the sides of the wheels, to act as screens while the actors changed their dresses, which had to be done underneath the coaches. meanwhile boards, kept at the inns specially for that purpose, were fastened over the tops of the wagons, and on these the actors performed their plays. the squire, or lord of the manor, had the right to see the plays free of charge, and when he came, a bar of wood was placed across the entrance to one of the horse-boxes to keep off the spectators who thronged the inn yard. from these people the actors collected what money they could, while those who were better able to pay were accommodated on the platform above the stables, which commanded a better view of the play. when theatres were built, he informed us, they were modelled in the same shape as the yards of these inns, their arrangement being also the same: the stage represented the boards on the wagons and the actors dressed underneath it, the pit corresponded to the inn yard, the gallery to the platform over the stables, the boxes to the place railed off for the squire. the actor was not sure about the stalls, and thought these were instituted at a later period; but we reminded him that stalls were a necessary adjunct to stables. [illustration: stratford-on-avon church.] he also told us that the actors had a language peculiar to their profession, which also dated from the time when they acted in the country inn yards, for even when they travelled by train they were always "on the road," and when acting in the theatre they were still "on the boards." we asked him if he knew about shakespeare's stealing the deer from charlecote park, sir thomas lucy's property, and he said he did; but the report was not quite correct, for at that time the park was surrounded by common land, and it was there that shakespeare shot the deer, which only went into the park to die. shakespeare followed it, and as he was removing the carcase he was caught and summoned; the case hinged on whether he had his weapon with him or not. as that could not be proved against him, the case was dismissed. it appears that the law of england is the same on that point to-day as in the time of shakespeare, for if a man shoots a hare on his own land, and it dies on adjoining land belonging to some one else, he has a perfect right to remove it, providing he does not take his gun with him, which would constitute a punishable offence. we were sorry to leave the hotel, as we should have been very comfortable there, and the actor, who wanted to hear of our adventures, did his best to persuade us to stay; but our average must be made up, and i particularly wanted to celebrate my birthday on the following sunday at oxford. it was quite dark as we crossed the river bridge on our way to kineton, ten miles distant, and we soon lost sight of the lights of stratford; as we left we could see the church being lit up for evening service. a man on the bridge in directing us the way to kineton told us we should pass the park where "old shakespeare stole the deer," and he seemed to think he was a regular poacher there. we could not see the deer, but we heard them as we passed alongside the park, the noise resembling that of a pig, but not nearly so loud. we soon afterwards arrived at a fair-sized village about half-way between stratford and kineton, where we recrossed the river and, turning towards the right, walked along a lonely road for an hour or two, until we reached kineton, where we intended to stay the night. we were, however, doomed to disappointment, for, as the railway was being cut through there, the whole place was completely filled with engineers and navvies, who had taken up all the accommodation. there was not even a chair "to be let," so we were obliged to move on in the hope that we might come to some house or village on the road where we could obtain lodgings for the night. we had already walked thirty miles and were sleepy and tired and could not walk quickly enough to keep ourselves warm, for the night was damp with fog and very cold, and our quick walk had caused us to perspire, so that we were now in what might be termed a cold sweat, a danger to which we were often exposed during these later stages of our long journey. fortunately for us, however, the cuttings from the sides of the hedges and ditches, which extended for miles, had been tied in neat little bundles, possibly for sale, and deposited on the sides of the road, and every now and then we set fire to one of these and stayed a few minutes to warm ourselves, expecting every moment to attract the attention of a policeman, and get ourselves into trouble, but none appeared. the last quarter of the moon was now due, and although we could not see it through the misty clouds overhead, it lighted up the air considerably when it rose, so that we could then see the fields on either side of the road, especially when we came to an upward gradient. we gradually became conscious of what appeared to be a great black cloud in front of us as we climbed up the road, and were astonished when we perceived that instead of a cloud it was a tremendous hill, towards which our road was leading us. we had been walking for days through a level country, and did not expect to come to a hill like this, and this strange and sudden development sharpened us up a little, for we had only been walking at about the rate, including stoppages, of one mile per hour, so we walked steadily up the hill, and presently came in sight of some large trees, from which we knew that we were approaching civilisation; we had not seen a single habitation or a living being of any kind since leaving kineton. on the other side of a field to the left of our road we could see a rustic-looking shed which we resolved to visit, so, climbing over the fence, we walked cautiously towards it, and found it was an ancient store-shed for hay and straw. we listened attentively for a few moments and, as there was no wind, we could have heard the breathing of a man or of any large animal that might have been sleeping there; but as all appeared quiet, we sat down on the dry straw thankful to be able to rest our weary limbs if only for a short time. we had some difficulty in keeping ourselves awake, but we durst not go to sleep as the night was so very cold, and there was a rough floor immediately above us which had caused us some uneasiness. when we heard the footsteps of some small animal creeping stealthily amongst the straw over our heads, as if preparing to make a spring, we decided to evacuate our rather eerie position. it might have been a rat or more likely a cat, but as we did not care for the company of either of these animals, we lost no time in regaining the road. as we approached the top of the hill we came to some quaint-looking houses, which appeared much too large for their occupiers to take in visitors at that early hour of the morning, especially two tramps like ourselves. we were almost sure that one of the houses was an inn, as it had a sign on the wall, though too high up for us to read in the dark. presently we passed what appeared to be an old castle. we could now only walk very slowly, or at a speed that my musical brother described as about equivalent to the "dead march in saul," and at seven o'clock in the morning reached the entrance to the town of banbury, exciting considerable curiosity among the men we met on the way to their work in the country. we called at the first respectable-looking inn that we came to, where the mistress informed us we could not have two beds, "as the other people hadn't got up yet," but a gentleman who had to leave early was just getting up now, and we "could have his bed if we liked." we were glad to accept the offer lest in going farther we might fare worse. we could hear the gentleman's heavy footsteps on the floor above our heads, and as soon as the room was prepared we got into the bed he had vacated, which was still quite warm, extremely thankful to get in anywhere, and in spite of the noises usual in inns on saturday morning we "slept like bricks" until eleven o'clock, the hour arranged for our "call." (_distance walked forty-two and a half miles_.) _saturday, november th._ [illustration: edge hill.] we were quite surprised to find that the night before we had been walking along the site of one of the most famous battles--because it was the first--in the great civil war of the seventeenth century, named after the strange hill we had walked over, and known to history as the "battle of edge hill." we learned that had we crossed it on a fine clear day instead of in the dark we should have obtained a splendid view over the shires of warwick, gloucester, and worcester, and portions of other counties besides. the hill itself stood in warwickshire, but we had crossed the boundary into oxfordshire on our way to banbury some time in the early hours of the morning. the royalist army, under king charles i, had encamped a few miles from banbury, when prince rupert sent the king word that the army of the parliament, under the command of the earl of essex, had arrived at kineton. the king's army had left shrewsbury two days before essex's army departed from worcester, and, strange as it might appear, although they were only about twenty miles away from each other at the start, they travelled almost side by side for ten days without either army knowing the whereabouts of the other. the distance between them was only six miles when the news reached the king, who, although the day was then far advanced, resolved to give battle at once. the earl of lindsey, who had acquired his military experience fighting in the low countries, was general of the king's army, while the king's nephew, prince rupert, the finest cavalry officer of his day, commanded the horse, sir jacob astley the foot, sir arthur aston the dragoons, sir john heyden the artillery, and lord bernard a troop of guards. the estates and revenues of this single troop were estimated to be at least equal to those of all the members who, at the commencement of the war, voted in both houses of parliament; so if money could have won the battle, the king's army ought to have been victorious; the king, moreover, had the advantage of a strong position, as his army was well placed under the summit of the hill. the battle was fought on sunday, october rd, , and resulted in a draw, and, though the armies stood facing each other the next day, neither of them had the heart to take the initiative or to fight again, for, as usual in such warfare, brother had been fighting against brother and father against son; so essex retired to warwick and the king to oxford, the only town on whose loyalty he could depend. but to return to the battle! the prayer of sir jacob astley, the commander of the king's foot soldiers, has been recorded as if it were one of the chief incidents on that unhappy day, and it was certainly admirable and remarkable, for he said, "o lord! thou knowest how busy i must be this day. if i forget thee, do not thou forget me!" and then in place of the usual "amen" he called out "march on, boys!" prince rupert, with his dashing and furious charge, soon put essex's cavalry to flight, pursuing them for miles, while the right wing was also driven back; but when the king's reserve, commanded by sir john byron, saw the flight of both wings of essex's army, they made sure that the battle was won, and, becoming anxious for some share in the victory, joined the others in their chase. sir william balfour, however, who commanded essex's reserve, seeing the advantage this afforded him, wheeled about upon the royal infantry, now left without horse, and dashed in amongst them, slaying right and left. lindsay fell mortally wounded, and was taken prisoner, and his son in trying to save him shared the same fate, while the royal standard bearer, sir edmund verney, was slain and the standard taken; but this was afterwards recovered. when rupert returned from his reckless chase, it looked more like a defeat than a victory. both armies had suffered severely, and when mr. fisher, the vicar of kineton, was commissioned by lord essex to number those killed on the side of the parliament, he estimated them at a little over , men, all of whom were buried in two large pits on land belonging to what was afterwards known as battle farm, the burial-places being known as the grave fields. as these were about half-way between radway and kineton, we were quite near them when we were lighting the fires on the sides of the road the night before, and this may have accounted for the dreary loneliness of the road, as no one would be likely to live on or near the fields of the dead if he could find any more desirable place. it was at the village of radway where tradition stated the king and his sons breakfasted at a cottage in which for many years afterwards the old table was shown to visitors on which their breakfast stood, and it was on the hill near there where the boy-princes, charles and james, narrowly escaped being captured as they were watching the battle that was being fought on the fields below. we were in no hurry to leave banbury, for we had not recovered from the effects of our long walk of the previous day and night, and were more inclined to saunter about the town than to push on. it is astonishing how early remembrances cling to us in after life: we verily believed we had come to banbury purposely to visit its famous cross, immortalised in the nursery rhyme: ride a cock-horse to banbury cross, to see a fine lady get on a white horse; she's rings on her fingers and bells on her toes. and she shall have music wherever she goes. [illustration: banbury cross.] the rhyme must, like many others, have been of great antiquity, for the old cross of banbury had been removed by the puritans in the year , and its place taken by a much finer one, recently erected to commemorate the marriage of the emperor frederick of germany to the princess royal of england. the fine lady and the white horse were also not to be found, but we heard that the former was supposed to have been a witch, known as the witch of banbury, while the white horse might have been an emblem of the saxons or have had some connection with the great white horse whose gigantic figure we afterwards saw cut out in the green turf that covered the white chalk cliffs of the berkshire downs. the nursery rhyme incidentally recorded the fact that the steps at the base of the cross at banbury were formerly used as a convenience to people in mounting on the backs of their horses, and reminded us of the many isolated flights of three or four stone steps we had seen on our travels, chiefly near churches and public-houses and corners of streets, which had been used for the same purpose, and pointed back to those remote times when people rode on horseback across fields and swampy moors and along the pack-horse roads so common in the country long before wheeled vehicles came into common use. we had eaten eccles cakes in lancashire, and shrewsbury cakes in shropshire, and had walked through scotland, which robbie burns had described as-- the land o' cakes and brither scots, but we had never heard of banbury cakes until we walked through the streets of that town, and found that the making of these cakes formed one of its leading industries. the cakes in scotland were of a sterner, plainer character than those farther south, the cakes at banbury being described as a mixture between a tart and a mince-pie. we purchased some, and found them uncommonly good, so we stowed a few in our bags for use on our way towards oxford. this industry in banbury is a very old one, for the cakes are known to have been made there as far back as , when the old cross was pulled down, and are mentioned by ben jonson, a great dramatist, and the friend of shakespeare. he was poet laureate from , and had the honour of being buried in westminster abbey. in his comedy _bartholomew fair_, published in , he mentions that a banbury baker, whom he facetiously named mr. "zeal-of-the-lord busy," had given up the making of these cakes "because they were served at bridals and other profane feasts." this baker, we imagined, must have been a puritan, for from the reign of queen elizabeth to that of charles ii banbury had been noted for the large number of puritans who lived there, and for their religious zeal; they had even been accused of altering the names of the staple industries of the town from "cakes and ale" to "cakes and zeal," and were unpopular in some quarters, for braithwaite in his _drunken barnaby_ cuts at them rather savagely: to banbury came i, o profane one: where i saw a puritane one hanging of his cat on monday for killing of a mouse on sunday. [illustration: the puritan.] the academy at banbury was famous as the place where dean swift began to write his famous satire entitled _travels of lemuel gulliver_, the reading of which had been one of the pleasures of our schoolboy days. he was said to have copied the name from a tombstone in the churchyard. there were several charming old gabled houses in the town, and in "ye olde reindeere inn" was a beautiful room called the "globe," a name given it from a globular chandelier which once stood near the entrance. this room was panelled in oak now black with age, and lighted by a lofty mullioned window extending right across the front, while the plastered ceiling was considered to be one of the finest in the county of oxford. in the high street stood a very fine old house with, three gables erected about the year , on which was placed an old sun-dial that immediately attracted our attention, for inscribed on it appeared the latin words, "aspice et abi" ("look and go"), which we considered as a hint to ourselves, and as the old castle had been utterly demolished after the civil war, and the fine old parish church, "more like a cathedral than a church," blown up with gunpowder in "to save the expense of restoring it," we had no excuse for staying here any longer, and quickly left the town on our way to oxford. [illustration: the reindeer inn, banbury. (outside the globe room.)] the latin motto "look and go" reminded my brother of an old timber-built mansion in staffordshire which, as it stood near a road, everybody stayed to admire, its architectural proportions being so beautiful. it was said that when the fugitive king charles was in hiding there he was greatly alarmed at seeing a man on the road staring stedfastly at the house, and as he remained thus for a considerable period, the king at last exclaimed impatiently, "go, knave, what lookest at!" long after the king had departed the owner of the house caused his words to be carved in large characters along a great beam extending in front of the mansion, which travellers in the present day still stay to admire, though many take the words as being meant for themselves, and move on as we did at banbury, but perhaps more slowly and reluctantly. we had the valley of the river cherwell to our left, and at deddington we saw the site of the old castle from which piers gaveston, the unlucky favourite of edward ii, was taken by the earl of warwick. he had surrendered to "joseph the jew," the earl of pembroke, at scarborough on condition that the barons spared his life, but warwick said he never agreed to that, and as gaveston had greatly offended him by nicknaming him the "black hound" or the "black dog," he took him to warwick castle and wreaked his venegance upon him by cutting off his head. by what we called a "forced march" we arrived at the grounds of the famous palace of woodstock, and were lucky in meeting with a woodman who took us across the park, where we had a fine view of the monument, the lake, and the magnificent palace of blenheim. [illustration: blenheim palace.] woodstock is a place full of history and in a delightful position, with woods still surrounding it as in the days of yore, when it was the abode of kings and a royal residence. a witenagemot, or supreme council, was held here by king ethelred in the year , and alfred the great pursued his literary work here by translating the _consolations of boethius_, and in the grounds he had a deer-fold. in domesday book it is described as a royal forest, and henry i had an enclosure made in the park for lions and other wild beasts, which he surrounded by a very high wall, in which menagerie he placed the first porcupine ever seen in england, presented to him by william de montpellier. the country people at that time imagined that the quills of the porcupine were weapons which the animal could shoot at those who hunted it. henry ii resided at the palace with the lady of his love, the fair rosamond. she was the second daughter of walter, lord de clifford, who built his castle on a cliff overlooking a ford on the river wye at clifford in herefordshire, and his daughter rosa-mundi (the rose of the world) was born there. she had a local lover whom she discarded when prince henry appeared on the scene, and finally henry took her away to woodstock, where he built magnificent apartments for her and her children, the entrance to which was through an intricate maze in the castle grounds. the rear of the buildings adjoined the park, so that rosamond and her children could pass out at the back into the park and woods without being perceived from the castle. queen eleanor was naturally jealous when she heard that she had been superseded in the king's affections, and it was said she tried all available means to discover the whereabouts of the fair rosamond, but without success, until she contrived to fasten a thread of silk to one of the king's spurs, which she afterwards followed in the maze in the castle grounds to the point where it had broken off at the secret entrance. she waited for her opportunity, and when the king was away she had the trap-door forced open, and, taking a large bowl of poison in one hand and a sharp dagger in the other, found rosamond near a well in the park and commanded her to end her life either with one or the other. rosamond took the poison, "and soe shee dyed," and the well ever since has been known as fair rosamond's well; we afterwards found another well of the same name in shropshire. she had two sons, one of whom became the earl of salisbury and the other archbishop of york; an old ballad runs:-- but nothing could this furious queen therewith appeased bee: the cup of deadlye poyson strong. as she knelt on her knee, she gave this comlye dame to drink, who took it in her hand; and from her bended knee arose and on her feet did stand. and casting up her eyes to heaven, she did for mercy calle; and drinking up the poyson strong. her life she lost with-alle. edward iii and his queen phillipa resided at woodstock in the fourteenth century, and it was here that the black prince, who figured so largely in english history, was born. a nice little love story was connected with their court. the king had a page and the queen had a damsel, who fell deeply in love with each other, and whenever they got a chance walked out in the beautiful park and woods which surrounded the castle, where the young man made some poetry about the "cuckoo and nightingale," whose notes they so often heard amongst the sylvan beauties of woodstock. the king was pleased with the poetry, and the young page became quite a favourite with him. he afterwards became known as the "father of english poetry." his name was chaucer, and he achieved immortality by his "canterbury tales." he was not only successful in his own love affairs, but assisted john o' gaunt with his, and was instrumental in obtaining for him the hand of blanche of lancaster, who had inherited from her father, the duke of lancaster, an enormous fortune, of which kenilworth formed a part. chaucer wrote an allegorical history of that love story in his poem entitled "chaucer's dream," and john o' gaunt being a true friend, as was shown by his protection of his friend john wiclif, the great reformer, chaucer had no reason to regret the services he had rendered, for his fortunes rose with those of john o' gaunt, whose great power and wealth dated from the marriage. chaucer described woodstock park as being walled round with green stone, and it was said to have been the first walled park in england. richard iii held a tournament in it at christmas , at which the young earl of pembroke was accidentally killed. henry vii made additions to the palace, and built the front gate-house in which his granddaughter elizabeth, afterwards queen of england, was imprisoned by command of her sister mary, when she wrote with charcoal on one of the window shutters: oh, fortune, how thy restless wavering state, hath fraught with cares my troubled witt. witness this present prysoner, whither fate could bear me, and the joys i quitt; thou causeth the guiltie to be loosed from bonds wherein an innocent's inclosed, causing the guiltless to be straite reserved, and freeing those that death hath well deserved; but by her malice can be nothing wroughte, so god send to my foes all they have thought. a.d. --elizabeth, "prisoner." in cromwell's time woodstock suffered severely, and the castle was defended for the king by a great warrior, captain samuel fawcett, who would have been buried beneath the ruins rather than surrender had not the king ordered him to hand it over to the parliament. the manor and park continued to be vested in the crown until the time of queen anne, who bestowed it on her famous general, the duke of marlborough, as a reward for his numerous victories abroad, so that he might have a home worthy of him. the nation voted the successful soldier half a million of money wherewith to build a magnificent palace to be named after one of his greatest victories, and blenheim was the result. we were astonished at the enormous size of the mansion, in which, we heard, many art treasures were stored, and the woodman told us that the wall that enclosed the mansion and the park was more than eleven miles long. a lofty column, with a statue of the great duke on the top, in the garb of a roman warrior, had been erected in the park, the base of which monument was covered with inscriptions containing thousands of words, including more names of battles won than we had seen on any monument previously. the battle of blenheim was fought in , and forms the subject of southey's well-known poem in which he describes old kaspar sitting before his cottage door on a summer evening after his day's work was done, while his grandchildren, little wilhelmine and her brother peterkin, were playing on the green before him. the children had found something in the stream hard by, and had brought it to kaspar to explain to them what it was that they had found "that was so large and smooth and round." we could almost imagine we could see old kaspar taking it up in his hand and explaining to the children that it was the skull of some poor fellow amongst the thousands who had been slain in that great battle, and describing the misery that followed it, to teach them, and all mankind, the curse of war. [illustration: monument to the duke of marlborough.] then followed the questions of the little children, often difficult to answer as everybody knows, and which even puzzled, old kaspar himself: "now tell us all about the war, and what they killed each other for." "it was the english," kaspar cried, "who put the french to rout; but what they killed each other for i could not well make out. but everybody said," quoth he, "that 'twas a famous victory." "and everybody praised the duke who this great fight did win." "but what good came of it at last?" quoth little peterkin:-- "why, that i cannot tell," said he, "but 'twas a famous victory." we found a very comfortable hotel at woodstock where we got a splendid tea, and stayed some time, with an inward desire to stay longer; but we wanted to reach oxford that night, and so walked on in the dark and arrived at the temperance hotel there at ten o'clock p.m. we had seen a few bonfires on our way, but when november th happened to fall on a sunday, causing the ceremonies of the "glorious fifth" to be celebrated either a day sooner or a day later, the proceedings invariably fell flat and lost their éclat; but oxford was notorious on gunpowder day for a faction fight known as the gown and the town fight, which generally began in front of the church dedicated to st. mary the virgin, and on that day more heads were damaged in the city than on any other day in the year, the fight always ending in a number of both parties being taken care of for the night. but the custom was now dying out, and as our entry into the city was on november th, probably these festivities had not taken place or we had arrived too late to witness them. (_distance walked twenty miles_.) [illustration: martyrs' memorial, oxford.] _sunday, november th._ i was roused in good time this morning by my brother knocking at my door and wishing me many happy returns of my birthday, consequently we were able to go out in the town before breakfast and see how oxford looked in the daylight. as we walked through the principal streets we were astonished at the number of towers and spires on the churches and colleges, which appeared in every direction, and the number of trees and gardens which surrounded them. we saw the martyrs' memorial, which we must have passed as we entered the city the previous night, an elaborate and ornate structure, fully seventy feet high, with a cross at the summit. the monument had been erected at a cost of £ , , to the memory of bishops ridley and latimer, who were burnt to death near the spot, october th, , and of archbishop cranmer, who followed them on march st, ; their statues in caen stone filled three of the niches. the memorial was decorated after the manner of the eleanor crosses erected by king edward i in memory of his wife, the queen eleanor, and the inscription on the base was as follows: _to the glory of god and in grateful commemoration of his servants--thomas cranmer, nicholas ridley, hugh latimer, prelates of the church of england; who near this spot yielded their bodies to be burned, bearing witness to the sacred truths which they had affirmed and maintained against the errors of the church of rome, and rejoicing that to them it was given not only to believe in christ, but also to suffer for his sake. this monument was erected by public subscription in the year of our lord god mdcccxli_. ridley and latimer were burned together on the slope of the city near balliol college, where stakes had been placed to receive them. on the day of their execution they were brought from their prison and compelled to listen to a sermon full of reproaches and uncharitable insinuations from the preacher, dr. smith, who took his text from the thirteenth chapter of st. paul's first epistle to the corinthians: "if i give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it availeth me nothing." [illustration: oxford's towers. "we were astonished at the number of towers and spires on the churches and colleges which appeared in every direction, and the number of trees and gardens which were around them."] each of the bishops expressed a desire to reply to the sermon, but neither of them was allowed to do so, and they were led to the place of execution. ridley was told that if he would recant, his life would be spared, but he replied, "so long as the breath is in my body i will never deny my lord christ and his known truth. god's will be done in me." his companion, latimer, before he removed his prison dress, looked like a withered and bent old man, but afterwards appeared quite changed, and stood upright, "as comely a father as one might lightly behold." he distributed several small articles he had about him amongst his friends who stood near him, and said, "well, there is nothing hid but it shall be opened"--a remark he had often made before--and then he prayed aloud to the almighty, concluding with the words, "i beseech thee, lord god, take mercy on this realm of england, and deliver the same from all her enemies." [illustration: the burning of ridley and latimer.] after embracing each other they were chained to the stakes, and the faggots of wood piled around them, while a brother-in-law tied a bag of gunpowder round ridley's neck. as the fires were being lighted, the brave old latimer uttered these memorable words: "be of good comfort, master ridley, and play the man! we shall this day light such a candle in england as i trust shall never be put out!" he then received the flame in his hands, as if embracing it, and, stroking his face with it, died apparently without pain. ridley lived longer, but when the powder exploded, he fell dead at latimer's feet. latimer had often prayed during his imprisonment that he might shed his heart's blood for the truth, and that god would restore his gospel to england, and preserve the lady elizabeth. as his body was consumed, the bystanders were astonished at the quantity of blood that gushed from his heart. his words proved to be prophetic, for the fires of the martyrs restored the light to their country, and spread like wildfire throughout the land, carrying all before them. how strong must have been their belief when, with the offer of life held out to them, they elected to die for the faith "which is in christ jesus." cranmer had signed a recantation and was brought to st. mary's church to proclaim his adhesion to the roman faith, but instead of doing so, he created a great sensation by boldly repudiating all he had said in favour of romish assumption. he said it was contrary to the truth; and "as for the pope," he continued. "i refuse him as anti-christ." a great uproar followed. the preacher shouted, "stop the heretic's mouth!" and cranmer was immediately led out to be burnt, suffering death on that same day, march , . a portion of the stake to which he was fastened and the band of iron which was placed round his waist were still preserved at oxford. mary, who was queen of england at that time, was a zealous roman catholic, and the reformers were looked upon as heretics, and punished accordingly. so many of them were executed during her reign, that she became known to history as "bloody mary." her sister elizabeth was known to favour the protestants, and as she would follow as queen of england, her life was often in danger. it was for her preservation that latimer so often prayed. mary's reign was a short one, but elizabeth was spared to reign over england for the long period of forty-four years. foxe's _book of martyrs_ describes the horrible sufferings of many of these martyrs, and, though an awful book to read, was one of the few books extensively published in our early days, chained copies being placed in many churches, some of which we saw on our journey. [illustration: beaumont palace in : the birthplace of richard i.] a small group of excited people were standing near the martyrs' memorial, and we passed several others in the city. on inquiry we were informed that the body of a murdered woman had been found during the night, on the banbury road. on hearing this news i must confess to feeling some slight apprehension when i considered the strong prima facie case that could have been made against us: our travel-stained appearance, faces bronzed almost to the colour of the red soil we had walked over, beards untrimmed and grown as nature intended them, clothes showing signs of wear and tear, our heavy oaken sticks with worn ferrules, and our suspicious and seedy-looking bags; our late arrival last night, and, above all, the fact that we had entered the town by the very road on which the murder had been committed! what if we were arrested on suspicion! i had been practically arrested under far less suspicious circumstances the previous year, when we were walking home from london. [illustration: "the high," with queen's college.] just before reaching nottingham we saw a large concourse of people in an open space some distance away from our road; out of curiosity we went to see what was going on, and found it to be a cricket match just finishing. two men in the crowd to whom we spoke told us that great interest was being taken in the match, as a man named grace was taking part in the game. we waited till the end, and came along with the two men towards the town. we had to cross the bridge over the river trent, and my brother had already crossed when he found i was not following. so he turned back, and saw me talking to a policeman in the centre of the bridge. "what's the matter?" he shouted, and i replied, "he wants to look in my bag." my brother made use of some expression quite unusual to him, and a regular war of words ensued between him and the officer; as we declined to open the bag, he requested us to follow him to a small temporary police office that had been built on the side of the bridge. meantime a crowd of men had collected and followed us to the station; every pane of glass in the office windows was occupied by the faces of curious observers. the officer quite lost his temper, saying that he had had men like us there before. we asked him to break the bag open, but he declined to do so, and made himself very disagreeable, which caused my brother to remark afterwards that we ought to have thrown him over the parapet of the bridge into the river below, if only to cool his temper. it would have pleased us to stay and fight the matter out, but we had a friend meeting us at buxton to accompany us on the last day's march home, and were obliged to give in on that account; so we opened the bag, and it was amusing to see the crestfallen appearance of the officer when he saw the contents, and his fiery temperature almost fell below zero when we told him we should report the matter to his chief. we heard in the town that some of the squires on that side of nottingham had been troubled with poachers on their estates, and the police had orders to examine all persons with suspicious-looking parcels coming into the town by that road, whether by vehicles or on foot. about a fortnight before our adventure the same policeman had stopped a man who was carrying a similar bag to mine, and found in it a complete set of housebreaker's tools. he had been complimented by the magistrates for his smart capture, so possibly our reluctance to open the bag, and its similarity to that carried by the housebreaker, had confirmed him in his opinion that he was about to make a similar capture. another thought, however, that occurred to me was that the man i was walking with might be "known to the police," as i noticed he disappeared in the crowd immediately the officer approached. but be that as it may, we wrote to the chief constable of police at nottingham soon after we reached home, who replied very civilly, and said he hoped we would not proceed with the case further, as just then the police in that neighbourhood had very difficult duties to perform, and so the matter ended. [illustration: merton gardens.] but to return to oxford. my brother only smiled at my fears, and remarked that being apprehended by the police would only be a small matter compared with being taken to prison and put on the treadmill, a position in which he boasted of having once been placed. when he happened to mention this to a tramp on the road, i was greatly amused to hear the tramp in a significant and confidential tone of voice quietly ask, "what was you in for?" he was only a small boy at the time, and had gone with our father, who was on the jury, to the county prison. part of the jury's business in the interval was to inspect the arrangements there, which of course were found in applepie order. my brother was greatly impressed by his own importance when the man in livery at the head of the procession repeatedly called to the crowd, "make way for the grand jury!" he saw the prisoners picking "oakum," or untwisting old ropes that had been used in boats, tearing the strands into loose hemp to be afterwards used in caulking the seams between the wood planks on the decks and sides of ships, so as to make them water-tight; and as it was near the prisoners' dinner-time, he saw the food that had been prepared for their dinner in a great number of small tin cans with handles attached, each containing two or three small pieces of cooked meat, which he said smelled very savoury. finally they came to the treadmill, and as no prisoners were on it, some of the jury expressed a wish to try it; one of the jurymen seeing my brother, who was the only child present, kindly took him on and held him by the hand. when all were in position the wheel was started slowly, and as one step went down they mounted the next, and so on up the stairs, but they never got to the top! the steps creaked under them as the wheel turned slowly round, and a prison officer stood behind them with a big stick, which he was careful not to use on any of the jurymen, though my brother heard him say he had to use it sometimes on the prisoners. as the wheel turned round it moved some kind of machinery which they could not see. [illustration: great tom bell, oxford.] but to return to oxford again. we were not suspected of being concerned in the murder, nor did we venture to inquire whether the culprit had been found, for fear that we might be suspected of being concerned in the case; but if a police raid had been made on the oxford temperance hotel--most unlikely thing to happen--we should have been able to produce a good record for that day, at any rate, for we attended four different services in four different places of worship. the first was at christ church, whither we had been advised to go to listen to the choir, whose singing at that time was considered to be the best in oxford. certainly the musical part of the service was all that could be desired. there were more than twenty colleges at oxford, and we had a busy day, for between the services we looked through the "quads," with their fine gardens and beautiful lawns, hundreds of years old. in the services, every phase of religious thought in the church of england seemed to be represented--the high church, the low church, and the broad church; and many men in all vocations and professions in life had passed through the colleges, while valuable possessions had been bequeathed to them from time to time, until oxford had become a veritable storehouse of valuable books, pictures, and relics of all kinds, and much of the history of the british empire seemed to have been made by men who had been educated there. it would have taken us quite a week to see oxford as it ought to be seen, but we had only this one day, and that a sunday. [illustration: tom tower, with wolsey statue.] christ church, where we went to our first service, one of the finest buildings in oxford, was founded by the great wolsey in the reign of henry viii. it contains the statue and portrait of the cardinal, and in the library his cardinal's hat, also his prayer book--one of its most valued possessions, beautifully illuminated and bound in crimson velvet set with pearls and dated . the famous bell of christ church, known as the "great tom," weighing about , lbs., is tolled every night at five minutes past nine o'clock-- times, that being the original number of the students at the college--and at its solemn sound most of the colleges and halls closed their gates. the students were formerly all supposed to be housed at that hour, but the custom is not now observed--in fact, there was some doubt about it even in the time of dean aldrich, the author of the well-known catch, "hark! the bonny christ church bells," published in : hark the bonny christ church bells -- they sound so wondrous great, so woundy sweet as they trowl so merrily, merrily. oh! the first and second bell. that every day at four and ten, cry, "come, come, come, come to prayers!" and the verger troops before the dean. tinkle, tinkle, ting, goes the small bell at nine. to call the bearers home; but the devil a man will leave his can till he hears the mighty tom. the great bell originally belonged to oseney abbey, and hung in the fine cupola over the entrance gate, named after it the "great tom gate," and had been tolled every night with one exception since may , . the statue of wolsey, which now stood over the gateway, was carved by an oxford man named bird in the year , at the expense of trelawny, bishop of winchester, one of the seven bishops and hero of the famous ballad-- and shall trelawny die? at the time of the restoration dr. john fell was appointed vice-chancellor, and he not only made the examinations very severe, but he made the examiners keep up to his standard, and was cordially hated by some of the students on that account. an epigram made about him at that time has been handed down to posterity: i do not like thee, dr. fell; the reason why i cannot tell; but this i know, and know full well, i do not like thee, dr. fell. william penn, the quaker, the famous founder of the colony of pennsylvania, "came up" to christ church in , but was "sent down" in for nonconformity. [illustration: lewis carroll.] but we were more interested in a modern student there, c.l. dodgson, who was born in at daresbury in cheshire, where his father was rector, and quite near where we were born. there was a wood near his father's rectory where he, the future "lewis carroll," rambled when a child, along with other children, and where it was thought he got the first inspirations that matured in his famous book _the adventures of alice in wonderland_, which was published in --one of the most delightful books for children ever written. we were acquainted with a clergyman who told us that it was the greatest pleasure of his life to have known "lewis carroll" at oxford, and that queen victoria was so delighted with dodgson's book _alice in wonderland_, that she commanded him if ever he wrote another book to dedicate it to her. lewis carroll was at that time engaged on a rather abstruse work on _conic sections_, which, when completed and published, duly appeared as "dedicated by express command to her most gracious majesty queen victoria." the appearance of this book caused some surprise and amusement, as it was not known that the queen was particularly interested in _conic sections_. no doubt her majesty anticipated, when she gave him the command personally, that his next book would be a companion to the immortal _alice_. our friend the vicar, who told us this story, rather surprised us when he said that lewis carroll did not like the sea, and had written a "sea dirge," which, when recited at parochial entertainments, generally brought "down the house" at the conclusion of the ninth verse: a sea dirge there are some things like a spider, a ghost. the income tax, the gout, an umbrella for three. that i hate, but the thing i hate the most, is a thing they call the sea. pour some salt water over the floor. ugly i'm sure you'll allow that to be, suppose it extended a mile or more, that would be like the sea. beat a dog till it howls outright-- cruel, but all very well for a spree; suppose it did so day and night, that would be like the sea. i had a vision of nursery maids, tens of thousands passed by me, each carrying children with wooden spades, and that was by the sea. who could have invented those spades of wood? who was it that cut them out of the tree? none, i think, but an idiot could-- or one who loved the sea. it is pleasant and dreamy, no doubt to float with thoughts as boundless and souls as free, but suppose you are very unwell in the boat-- then how do you like the sea? would you like coffee with sand for dregs? a decided hint of salt in your tea? and a fishy taste in the very eggs? then by all means choose the sea. and if with such dainties to drink and eat you prefer not a vestige of grass or a tree, and a chronic condition of wet in your feet, then--i recommend the sea. there is an animal people avoid. whence is derived the verb to flee, where have you been by it most annoyed? in lodgings by the sea. once i met with a friend in the street, with wife and nurse and children three; never again such a sight may i meet, as that party from the sea. their looks were sullen, their steps were slow, convicted felons they seemed to be,-- "are you going to prison, dear friend?"--"oh no; we're returning from the sea!" [illustration: guy fawkes's lantern.] every college had some legend or story connected with it, and university college claimed to have been founded by king alfred the great, but this is considered a myth; king alfred's jewel, however, a fine specimen of saxon work in gold and crystal, found in the isle of athelney, was still preserved in oxford. guy fawkes's lantern and the sword given to henry viii as defender of the faith were amongst the curios in the bodleian library, but afterwards transferred to the ashmolean museum, which claimed to be the earliest public collection of curiosities in england, the first contributions made to it having been given in by elias ashmole, of whom we had heard when passing through lichfield. in the eighteenth century there was a tutor named scott who delivered a series of lectures on ancient history, which were considered to be the finest ever known, but he could never be induced to publish them. in one of his lectures he wished to explain that the greeks had no chimneys to their houses, and created much amusement by explaining it in his scholarly and roundabout fashion: "the greeks had no convenience by which the volatile parts of fire could be conveyed into the open air." this tutor was a friend of the great dr. johnson, and seemed to have been quite an original character, for when his brother, john scott, who was one of his own pupils, came up for examination for his degree in hebrew and history, the only questions he put to him were, "what is the hebrew for skull?" to which john promptly replied "golgotha," and "who founded university college?" to which his reply was "king alfred!" both the brothers were very clever men, and the tutor developed into lord stowell, while the pupil was created lord eldon. [illustration: the quadrangle, jesus college.] jesus, the welsh college, possessed an enormous silver punch-bowl, feet inches in girth, which was presented in by the great sir watkin williams-wynn, who was known as the king _in_ wales. over his great kitchen mantelpiece there he had the words "waste not, want not," a motto which did not appear to apply to the punchbowl, for the conditions attached to it were that it was to become the property of him who could span it with his arms and then drain the bowl empty after it had been filled with strong punch. the first condition had been complied with, and the second no doubt had been often attempted, but no one had yet appeared who had a head strong enough to drain the bowl without assistance, so it still remained the property of the college! [illustration: "may morning": the choir on the tower.] magdalen college--or maudlen, as they pronounced it at oxford--as easily distinguished from the others by its fine tower, rising to the height of feet, the building of which dates from the end of the fifteenth century. we took a greater interest in that college because the rector of grappenhall in cheshire, where we were born, had been educated there. an ancient may-day custom is still observed by the college, called the "magdalen grace" or the "may morning hymn," this very old custom having been retained at magdalen long after others disappeared. on may-day morning the choristers ascend to the top of the great tower and enter the portion railed off for them and other men who join in the singing, while the remainder of the space is reserved for members of the university, and other privileged persons admitted by ticket. they wait until the bell has sounded the last stroke of five o'clock, and then sing in latin that fine old hymn to the trinity, beginning with the words: te deum patrem colimus. my brother, however, was sure our rector could never have sung that hymn, since in cases of emergency he always appealed to him to start the singing in the sunday school--for although a very worthy man in other respects, he was decidedly not musical. among the great magdalen men of the past are the names of cardinal wolsey, cardinal reginald pole, addison, gibbon, collins, wilson, john hampden, and john foxe, author of the _book of martyrs_. the ecclesiastical students included two cardinals, four archbishops, and about forty bishops; and my brother would have added to the roll of honour the name of our rector, the rev. thomas greenall, as that of a man who conscientiously tried to do his duty and whom he held in lasting remembrance. [illustration: an oxfordshire farm.] there was a kind of haze hanging over oxford, which gave me the impression that the atmosphere of the neighbourhood was rather damp, though my brother tried to persuade me it was the mist of antiquity; but when i found the rivers thames (or isis) and the cherwell encircled the city on three sides, and that its name was derived from a passage over which oxen could cross the water, and when i saw the stiff clay of the brickfields, i was confirmed in my opinion. [illustration: hinksey stream.] as early as the year a prince named didan settled at oxford, and his wife saxfrida built a nunnery there for her daughter frideswyde, so that she could "take the veil" in her own church. as she was considered the "flower of all these parts," we could not understand why this was necessary, especially as she was sought in marriage by algar, king of leicester, described as "a young and spritely prince," and who was so persistent that he would not accept her refusal, actually sending "ambassadors" to carry her away. these men, however, when they approached her were smitten with blindness; and when frideswyde saw that she would not be safe in "her own church" nor able to remain in peace there, she fled into the woods and hid herself in a place that had been made as a shelter for the swine. king algar was greatly enraged, and, breathing out fire and sword, set out for oxford. as he still pursued her, he too was smitten with blindness; and she then returned, but did not live long, as she died in . st. frideswide's chapel was said to have been built over her shrine, around which oxford, the "city of the spires," had extended to its present proportions. oxford is also mentioned in a.d. in the _saxon chronicle_, and richard coeur de lion, the great crusader, was born there in , and often made it his home. the city was besieged on three different occasions--by sweyne, the king of denmark, in , by william the conqueror in , and by fairfax in --for it was one of the king's great strongholds. eighth week's journey _monday, november th._ we had been very comfortable at our hotel, where i had spent a very pleasant birthday at oxford, and was sorry that we could not stay another day. but the winter was within measurable distance, with its short days and long dark nights, and we could no longer rely upon the moon to lighten our way, for it had already reached its last quarter. we therefore left oxford early in the morning by the abingdon road, and soon reached the southern entrance to the city, where in former days stood the famous tower from which roger bacon, who died in , and who was one of the great pioneers in science and philosophy, was said to have studied the heavens; it was shown to visitors as "friar bacon's study." [illustration: friar bacon's study, folley bridge, oxford.] a strange story was told relating to that wonderful man, from which it appeared he had formed the acquaintance of a spirit, who told him that if he could make a head of brass in one month, so that it could speak during the next month, he would be able to surround england with a wall of brass, and thus protect his country from her enemies. roger bacon, on hearing this, at once set to work, and with the aid of another philosopher and a demon the head was made; but as it was uncertain at what time during the next month it would speak, it was necessary to watch it. the two philosophers, therefore, watched it night and day for three weeks, and then, getting tired, bacon ordered his man myles to watch, and waken him when it spoke. about half an hour after they had retired the head spoke, and said, "time is," but myles thought it was too early to tell his master, as he could not have had sleep enough. in another half-hour the head spoke again, and said, "time was," but as everybody knew that, he still did not think fit to waken his master, and then half an hour afterwards the head said, "time is past," and fell down with a tremendous crash that woke the philosophers: but it was now too late! what happened afterwards, and what became of myles, we did not know. in the neighbouring village of north hinksey, about a mile across the meadows, stands the witches' elm. of the haunted house beside which it stood hardly even a trace remained, its origin, like its legend, stretching so far back into the "mists of antiquity" that only the slenderest threads remained. most of the villages were owned by the monks of abingdon abbey under a grant of the saxon king caedwalla, and confirmed to them by caenwulf and edwig. the haunted house, like the church of cumnor, was built by the pious monks, and remained in their possession till the dissolution of the monastery, then passing into the hands of the earls of abingdon. [illustration: the witches' elm.] the last tenant of the old house was one mark scraggs, or scroggs, a solitary miser who, the story goes, sold himself to the devil, one of the features of the compact being that he should provide for the wants of three wise women, or witches, who on their part were to assist him in carrying out his schemes and make them successful. in everything he seemed to prosper, and accumulated great hoards of wealth, but he had not a soul in the world to leave it to or to regret his leaving in spite of his wealth. at length the time approached when his terrible master would claim him body and soul, but scraggs worked out a scheme for evading his bond, and for a time successfully kept satan at bay and disposed of the three witches by imprisoning them in a hollow tree close by, on which he cast a spell which prevented them from communicating with their master the evil one, or enabling him to find them. this spell was so successful that scraggs soon felt himself secure, but one day, venturing beyond the charmed circle, he was immediately seized by the devil, who attempted to carry him off by way of the chimney, but failed, as the shaft was not sufficiently wide for the passage of the man's body. in the struggle the chimney was twisted in the upper part, and remained so till its total destruction, while satan, rinding he could not carry off his body, tore him asunder, and carried off his soul, dashing the mutilated remains of the miser upon the hearth beneath. the death of scraggs dissolved the spell which bound the witches, and their release split the tree in which they were confined from the ground to the topmost branch. the great uproar of this satanic struggle aroused the neighbourhood, and the miser's body, when it was discovered, was buried beneath the wall of the church--neither inside nor outside the sacred edifice. ever afterwards the house was haunted by the apparition of old scraggs searching for his lost soul with groans and hideous cries, until at last the old mansion was pulled down and its very stones were removed. the old shattered and knarled elm alone remained to keep alive the legend of this evil compact. the story, improbable as it may appear, no doubt contained, as most of these stories do, the element of fact. possibly the old man was a miser who possessed wealth enough to become the source of envy by some interested relations. perhaps he was brutally murdered, perhaps, too, the night of the deed may have been wild with thunder and lightning raging in the sky. probably the weird story, with all its improbable trappings, was circulated by some one who knew the truth, but who was interested in concealing it. who knows? [illlustration: hinksey, an oxfordshire village in which the road was constructed by ruskin and a band of oxford students.] we were now passing through scenes and pastures, quiet fields and farms, of which many of oxford's famous students and scholars had written and sung. matthew arnold had painted these fields and villages, hills and gliding, reedy streams in some of his poems, and they were the objective of many of his rambles: hills where arnold wander'd and all sweet june meadows, from the troubling world withdrawn. here too in one of these small hamlets through which we passed ruskin with a gang of his pupils in flannels started roadmaking, and for days and weeks were to be seen at their arduous task of digging and excavation, toiling and moiling with pick, spade, and barrow, while ruskin stood by, applauding and encouraging them in their task of making and beautifying the roads of these villages which he loved so well. [illustration: the scene of the digging operations.] this experiment was undertaken by ruskin as a practical piece of serviceable manual labour, for ruskin taught in his lectures that the fine arts required, as a necessary condition of their perfection, a happy country life with manual labour as an equally necessary part of a completely healthy and rounded human existence, and in this experiment he practised what he preached. the experiment caused no little stir in oxford, and even the london newspapers had their gibe at the "amateur navvies of oxford"; to walk over to hinksey and laugh at the diggers was a fashionable afternoon amusement. the "hinksey diggings," as they were humorously called, were taken up with an enthusiasm which burned so fiercely that it soon expended itself, and its last flickering embers were soon extinguished by the ironic chaff and banter to which these gilded youths were subjected. the owner of the estate sent his surveyor to report the condition of the road as they had left it, and it is said that in his report he wrote: "the young men have done no mischief to speak of." the river thames, over which we now crossed, is known in oxford as the "isis," the name of an egyptian goddess--though in reality only an abbreviated form of the latin name tamesis. as the thames here forms the boundary of oxfordshire, we were in berkshire immediately we crossed the bridge. we followed the course of the river until we reached kennington, where it divides and encloses an island named the rose isle, a favourite resort of boating parties from oxford and elsewhere. it was quite a lovely neighbourhood, and we had a nice walk through bagley woods, to the pretty village of sunningwell, where we again heard of roger bacon, for he occasionally used the church tower there for his astronomical and astrological observations. he must have been an enormously clever man, and on that account was known as an alchemist and a sorcerer; he was credited with the invention of gunpowder, and the air-pump, and with being acquainted with the principle of the telescope. in the time of queen mary, dr. jewel was the rector of sunningwell, but had to vacate it to escape persecution; while in the time of the civil war dr. samuel fell, then dean of christ church, and father of john fell, was rector. he died from shock in when told the news that his old master, king charles, had been executed. he was succeeded as dean by john fell, his son. [illustration: sunningwell church.] [illustration: sunningwell, bishop jewell's porch.] [illustration: abbey gate, abingdon, showing all that now remains of the abbey.] we soon arrived at abingdon, and were delighted with the view of the town, with its church spire overlooking it as we approached to the side of the thames, which now appeared as a good-sized river. as we stopped a minute or two on the bridge, my brother got a distant view of some pleasure boats, and suggested we should stay there for the rest of the day, to explore the town, and row up and down the river! he had evidently fallen in love with abingdon, but i reminded him that our travelling orders were not to ride in any kind of conveyance during the whole of our journey, and that, if we got drowned, we should never get to the land's end, "besides," i added, "we have not had our breakfast." this finished him off altogether, and the pleasure-boat scheme vanished immediately we entered the portals of a fine old hostelry, where the smell of bacon and eggs recalled him from his day dreams. we handed our luggage to the boots to take care of, and walked into the coffee-room, where to our surprise we found breakfast set for two, and the waitress standing beside it. when we told her how glad we were to find she had anticipated our arrival, she said that the bacon and eggs on the table were not prepared for us, but for two other visitors who had not come downstairs at the appointed time. she seemed rather vexed, as the breakfast was getting cold, and said we had better sit down to it, and she would order another lot to be got ready and run the risk. so we began operations at once, but felt rather guilty on the appearance of a lady and gentleman when very little of the bacon and eggs intended for them remained. the waitress had, however, relieved the situation by setting some empty crockery on another table. having satisfied our requirements, we tipped the waitress handsomely while paying the bill, and vanished to explore the town. we were captivated with the appearance of abingdon, which had quite a different look from many of the towns we had visited elsewhere; but perhaps our good opinion had been enhanced by the substantial breakfast we had disposed of, and the splendid appetites which enabled us to enjoy it. there were other good old-fashioned inns in the town, and a man named william honey had at one time been the landlord of one of the smaller ones, where he had adopted as his sign a bee-hive, on which he had left the following record: within this hive we're all alive, good liquor makes us funny; if you are dry, step in and try the flavour of our honey. the early history of abingdon-on-thames appeared, like others, to have begun with that of a lady who built a nunnery. cilia was the name of this particular lady, and afterwards hean, her brother, built a monastery, or an abbey, the most substantial remains of which appeared to be the abbey gateway; but as the abbey had existed in one form or another from the year down to the time of henry viii, when it was dissolved, in , abingdon must have been a place of considerable antiquity. st. nicholas's church was mentioned in documents connected with the abbey as early as , and some of its windows contained old stained glass formerly belonging to it, and said to represent the patron saint of the church restoring to life some children who had been mutilated and pickled by the devil. there was also a fine old tomb which contained the remains of john blacknall and jane his wife, who appeared to have died simultaneously, or, as recorded, "at one instant time at the house within the site of the dissolved monastery of the blessed virgin marie, of abingdon, whereof he was owner." the following was the curious inscription on the tomb: here rest in assurance of a joyful resurrection the bodies of john blacknall, esquire, and his wife, who both of them finished an happy course upon earth and ended their days in peace on the st day of august in the year of our lord . he was a bountiful benefactor of this church--gave many benevolencies to the poor--to the glory of god--to the example of future ages: when once they liv'd on earth one bed did hold their bodies, which one minute turned to mould; being dead, one grave is trusted with the prize, until that trump doth sound and all must rise; here death's stroke even did not part this pair, but by this stroke they more united were; and what left they behind you plainly see, an only daughter, and their charitie. and though the first by death's command did leave us, the second we are sure will ne'er deceive us. this church, however, was very small compared with its larger neighbour dedicated to st. helen, which claims to be one of the four churches in england possessing five aisles, probably accounting for the fact that its breadth exceeded its length by about eleven feet. the oldest aisle dates from the year , and the church contains many fine brasses and tombs, including one dated , of john roysse, citizen and mercer of london, who founded the abingdon grammar school. there is also a stone altar-tomb in memory of richard curtaine, who died in , and who was described as "principalle magistrate of this corpe"; on the tomb was this charming verse in old english lettering: our curtaine in this lower press. rests folded up in nature's dress; his dust p.fumes his urne, and hee this towne with liberalitee. abingdon is fortunate in having so many benefactors, who seem to have vied with each other in the extent of their gifts; even the church itself is almost surrounded with almshouses, which, owing to their quaint architectural beauty, form a great attraction to visitors. it is doubtful whether any town in england of equal size possesses so many almshouses as abingdon. those near this church were built in the year by the fraternity or guild of the holy cross, and the fine old hospital which adjoined them, with its ancient wooden cloisters and gabled doorways and porch, was a sight well worth seeing. the hall or chapel was hung with painted portraits of its benefactors, including that of king edward vi, who granted the charter for the hospital. this guild of the holy cross assisted to build the bridges and set up in the market-place the famous abingdon cross, which was feet high. standing upon eight steps, this cross had "eight panels in the first storey and six in the second; of stone, gilt and garnished, adorned with statuary and coats of arms, a mightily goodly cross of stone with fair degrees and imagerie." the design of the abingdon cross had been copied for other crosses, including, it was said, portions of those of coventry and canterbury; and it must have been of extraordinary beauty, for elias ashmole, who was likely to know, declared that it was not inferior in workmanship and design to any other in england. the cross was restored in , but when the army of the parliament occupied the town in , it was "sawed down" by general waller as "a superstitious edifice." the chamberlain's accounts for that year contained an entry of money paid "to edward hucks for carrying away the stones from the cross." [illustration: market cross, abingdon. _from an old print_.] the records in these old towns in the south, which had been kept by churchwardens and constables for hundreds of years, were extremely interesting; and there was much information in those at abingdon that gave a good idea of what was to be found in a market-place in "ye olden time," for in addition to the great cross there were the may pole, the cryer's pulpit, the shambles, the stocks, the pillory, the cage, the ducking-stool, and the whipping-post. in the year , just before the civil war, abingdon possessed a sergeant-at-mace in the person of mr. john richardson, who also appears to have been a poet, as he dedicated what he described as a poem "of harmless and homespun verse to the mayor, bayliffs, burgesses, and others," in which are portrayed the proceedings at the celebration of the peace between the king and the scots. early in the morning the inhabitants were roused by "old helen's trowling bells," which were answered by the "low bells of honest nick," meaning the bells of the two churches: to helen's courts (ith'morne) at seven oth' clock, our congregation in great numbers flock; where we 'till twelve our orisons did send to him, that did our kingdom's quarrels end. and these two sermons two divines did preach, and most divinely gratitude did teach. after these five hours of service, the congregation again returned to church from two till four, and then proceeded to the cross in the market-place. and thus we march'd: first with my golden mace i pac'd along, and after followed mee the burgesses by senioritee. our praetour first (let me not misse my text), i think the clergie-men came marching next; then came our justice, with him a burger sage, both marched together, in due equipage. the rest oth' burgers, with a comely grace, walked two and two along to th' market-place. and when the procession arrived at the steps of the cross-- the clerk was call'd, and he a bible took, the hundred and sixt psalme he out did look; two thousand quoristers their notes did raise and warbled out the great creator's praise! after this came bonfires and wine and beer, and then the musketeers with rattling drums and fifes and colours flying, under the "skilfull sergeant corderoy," who fired off a barrel of powder before the well-known "antelope inn." abingdon was rather roughly handled during the civil war, for, in addition to the "sawing off" of the cross, the horses of the parliamentary army were stabled in st. helen's church, an entry being afterwards made in the churchwardens' book of a sum paid "for nailes and mending the seats that the soldiers had toorne." the fines recorded during the commonwealth were: "for swearing one oath, s. d.; for drawing beere on the sabboth day, s. d.; a gent for travelling on the sabboth, s. d." our journey might have been devised on a plan to evade all such fines, for we did not swear, or drink beer, or travel on sundays. we might, however, have fallen into the hands of highway robbers, for many were about the roads in that neighbourhood then, and many stage-coaches had been held up and the passengers robbed. there was a rather imposing county hall at abingdon, built towards the close of the seventeenth century, at which an ancient custom was performed on the coronation of a king. the mayor and corporation on those occasions threw buns from the roof of the market-house, and a thousand penny cakes were thus disposed of at the coronation of george iv, and again at the accession of william iv and of queen victoria. an apprentice of a cordwainer in the town ran away in , or, as it was worded on the police notice, "did elope from service." he was described as a "lusty young fellow, wearing a light-coloured surtout coat, a snuff-coloured undercoat, a straw-coloured waistcoat, newish leather breeches, and wears his own dark brown hair tied behind," so it appeared to us that he had not left his best clothes at home when he "did elope," and would be easily recognised by his smart appearance. we also noticed that about the same period "florists' feasts" were held at abingdon, perhaps the forerunners of the "flower shows" held at a later period. in those days the flowers exhibited were chiefly "whole-blowing carnations," while the important things were the dinners which followed the exhibitions, and which were served at the principal inns. [illustration: the "crown and thistle inn," abingdon.] but we must not leave abingdon without giving an account of another benefactor to the town, though rather on different lines, of whom a detailed account was given in _jackson's oxford journal_ of november, , from which it appeared that state lotteries were in vogue at that time in england. the story chiefly related to a mr. alder, a cooper by trade, who kept a "little public house" called the "mitre." his wife had handed him £ to pay the brewer, but instead of doing so he only paid him £ , and with the other twelve bought a ticket for the lottery, the number of which was . the following precise account, copied from the _journal_, will give the result, and show how events were described in newspapers in those days, the punctuation being carefully attended to, a more extensive use made of capital letters to distinguish the more important words, and some words written separately which now are joined together: last friday about one o'clock in the morning a messenger in a post chaise and four arrived express at the crown and thistle in abingdon, berks., from the office where his ticket was sold and registered, to give mr. alder the owner of it, the most early advice of his good fortune, upon which mr. powell immediately went with the messenger to carry this important intelligence. mr. alder was in bed, but upon being called jumped out, and opened the window; when mr. powell told him he had brought good news, for his ticket was come up a prize. mr. alder replied that he knew very well it was only a joke, but nevertheless he would come down and drink with him, with all his heart. this point being settled, both mr. alder and his wife came down; when the prize still continued to be the subject of conversation whilst the glass went round, and it was magnified by degrees, till at length mr. alder was seriously informed that this ticket was the day before drawn a prize for _twenty thousand pounds_, and that the gentleman then present was the messenger of his success. though the utmost precaution had been used, it is natural to suppose that so sudden and unexpected an acquisition must produce very extra ordinary emotions: mr. alder, however, supported him with great decency, but almost immediately slipped out into the yard behind his house, where he staid some little time, probably to drop a joyful tear, as well as to offer an ejaculation for these blessings of providence; but at his return into the house, we are told, he manifested a most open and generous heart: he was immediately for doing good, as well as rewarding every one who had in any wise been instrumental in the advancement of his fortune. mr. powell was welcome to the use of half the money without interest; his son, and all his neighbours were called; he kept open house, set the bells a'ringing, and came to the following resolutions, viz.: that the messenger that came down, and the two blue-coat boys who drew the prize, should be handsomely rewarded; that he would give mr. blewitt, owner of the abingdon machine, at least a new body for his stage, on which should be painted the cooper's arms, together with the number of his ticket, m ; that he would clothe all the necessitous of his own parish; and likewise give a couple of the finest fat oxen he could purchase to the poor of abingdon in general, and lay out the price of these oxen in bread, to be distributed at the same time. to the ringers, in number, fourteen, he gave liquor in plenty, and a guinea each; and calling for a wet mop, rubbed out all the ale scores in his kitchen. in a word he displayed a noble liberality, made every body welcome; and what is highly to be applauded, showed a charitable disposition towards the relief of the poor. we could imagine the joviality of mr. alder's customers when they found their ale scores so generously cancelled, which must have been fairly extensive, seeing that it required a "mop" to remove them from the inside of his kitchen door. we had often seen these "scores" at country inns behind the doors of the rooms where the poorer customers were served. it was a simple method of "book-keeping," as the customers' initials were placed at the head of a line of straight strokes marked by the landlord with white chalk, each figure "one" representing a pint of beer served to his customer during the week, and the money for the "pints" had to be paid at the week's end, for saturday was the day when wages were invariably paid to working men in the country; as scarcely one of them could write his own name, it was a simple method of keeping accounts that appealed to them, and one that could easily be understood, for all they had to do, besides paying the money, was to count the number of strokes opposite their names. in some places it was the custom to place p. for pint and q. for quart, which accounted for the origin of the phrase, _mind your p's and q's_, so that the phrase, becoming a general warning to "look out," was originally used as a warning to the drinker to look at the score of p's and q's against him. we once heard of a landlord, however, whose first name was daniel, and who was dishonest. when a customer got "half-seas over" and could not see straight, he used a piece of chalk with a nick cut in it, so that when he marked "one" on the door the chalk marked two; but he was soon found out, and lost most of his trade, besides being nicknamed "dan double-chalk." the custom of keeping ale scores in this way was referred to in the poem of "richard bell," who was-- as plodding a man, so his neighbours tell, as ever a chisel wielded. richard's fault was that he spent too much money at a public-house named the "jolly kings," and-- one night, 'twas pay night! richard's score reach'd half across the parlour door. his "pints" had been so many and when at length the bill was paid, all that was left, he found, dismay'd, was but a single penny! if mr. alder's customers had spent their money as freely as richard had spent his, we could imagine their feelings of joy when they found their ale scores wiped out by mr. alder's wet mop! but during all the jollity occasioned by this event (the _journal_ continued), it seems mrs. alder was in no wise elated, but rather thought the having such a great deal of money a misfortune; and seemed of opinion that it would have been better to have had only enough to pay the brewer, and a few pounds to spare; for it would now certainly be their ruin, as she knew well her husband would give away all they had in the world, and indeed that it was _presumptuous_ in him at first to buy the ticket. the presumption alluded to by mrs. alder, we find, is that she had made up the sum of l. for the brewer, which her husband took from her for that purpose, but he having a strong propensity to put himself in fortune's way, only paid l., and with the other twelve purchased the ticket. on thursday last mr. alder set out for london, with mr. bowles of abingdon, attorney-at-law; in order to cheque his ticket with the commissioners books, and take the steps necessary for claiming and securing his property. subsequent reports in the _journal_ described mr. alder as clothing the poor and distributing bread and beef throughout the whole place, and of being elected a churchwarden of st. helen's, a result, we supposed, of his having become possessed of the £ , . [illustration: the roman way: white horse hill in the distance.] we now bade farewell to abingdon and walked in the direction of salisbury plain, for our next great object of interest was the druidical circles of stonehenge, many miles distant. as we had to cross the berkshire downs, we travelled across the widest part of the vale of the white horse, in order to reach wantage, a town at the foot of those lonely uplands. we had the great white horse pointed out to us on our way, but we could not see the whole of it, although the hill on which it stood was the highest on the downs, which there terminated abruptly, forming a precipitous descent to the vale below. the gigantic figure of the horse had been cut out of the green turf to the depth of two or three feet, until the pure white chalk underneath the turf had been reached. the head, neck, and body were cut out in one waving line, while the legs were cut out separately, and detached, so that the distant view showed the horse as if it were galloping wildly. it was feet long, and covered an acre of land, and was supposed to have been cut out originally by the army of king alfred to celebrate his great victory over the danes at the battle of ashdown, about three miles distant. it was, however, held by some people that the origin of the horse was far beyond the time of king alfred, as the shape strongly resembled the image of the horse found on early british coins. certainly there was a british camp quite near it, as well as a magnificent roman camp, with gates and ditch and mounds still as complete as when the romans left it. it was, moreover, close to the icknield way, feet above sea-level, from which portions of eleven counties could be seen. on a clear day a view of the horse could be obtained from places many miles distant, its white form showing clearly against the green turf surrounding it. [illustration: the icknield way, looking from the white horse.] [illustration: "blowing stone": alfred's bugle horn.] occasionally the outline had been obscured by the growth of turf and weeds, and then the lord of the manor had requisitioned the services of the inhabitants of several of the pretty villages near the downs, who climbed up to the horse at the appointed time and, armed with picks, spades, and brushes, "scoured" the horse until it was quite white again, and its proportions clearly shown. after their work was done a round of merry-making followed, the occasion being celebrated by eating and drinking to the health of his lordship at his expense. the first verse in the "white horse ballad," written in the local dialect, was: the ould white horse wants zettin' to rights. and the squire has promised good cheer; zo we'll gee un a scrape to kip' un in shape, and a'll last for many a year. a roman road skirted the foot of the white horse hill, and on the side of this road was a strangely shaped sarsen-stone called the "blowing stone." it was quite a large stone, in which holes had been formed by nature, running through it in every direction like a sponge. it was said to have been used by king alfred to summon his troops, as by blowing down one of the holes a booing sound was produced from the other holes in the stone. on a later occasion my brother tried to make it sound, and failed to do so, because he did not know the "knack," but a yeoman's wife who was standing near, and who was quite amused at his efforts to produce a sound, said, "let me try," and astonished him by blowing a loud and prolonged blast of a deep moaning sound that could have been heard far away. the third verse in the ballad referred to it as: the blewin stun, in days gone by, wur king alfred's bugle harn, and the tharn tree you med plainly zee. as is called king alfred's tharn! the thorn tree marked the spot where the rival armies met--the pagans posted on the hill, and the christians meeting them from below--it was through the great victory won on that occasion that england became a christian nation. we were now in "king alfred's country," for he was born at wantage in , but his palace, if ever he had one, and the thorn tree were things of the past, and what traces there were of him in the town were very scant. there were king arthur's well and king arthur's bath; the most substantial building bearing his name was the "king alfred's head inn," where we called for light refreshments, and where in former years the stage-coaches plying between oxford and london stopped to change horses. wantage must have been a place of some importance in ancient times, as a witenagemote was held there in the year in the time of ethelred, at which the tolls were fixed for boats sailing along the thames for billingsgate market in london. [illustration: wantage market-place.] there were several old inns in the town, and many of the streets were paved with cobble-stones. tanning at one time had been the staple industry, a curious relic of which was left in the shape of a small pavement composed of knuckle-bones. early in the century the town had an evil reputation as the abode of coiners, and when a man was "wanted" by the police in london, the bow street runners always came to search for him at wantage. we had now to climb to the top of the downs, and after about two miles, nearly all uphill, reached the fine old roman camp of segsbury, where we crossed the icknield way, known locally as the rudge or the ridge-way--possibly because it followed the ridge or summit of the downs. it had every appearance of having been a military road from one camp to another, for it continued straight from segsbury camp to the roman camp on the white horse hill, about six miles distant. the "rudge" was now covered with turf, and would have been a pleasant road to walk along; but our way lay in another direction along a very lonely road, where we saw very few people and still fewer houses. it was quite dark when we crossed the small river lambourn at the village of west shefford, and after a further walk of about six miles we arrived at the town of hungerford, where we stayed the night. what a strange effect these lonely walks had upon us when they extended from one centre of population to another! we could remember the persons and places at either end, but the intervening space seemed like a dream or as if we had been out of the world for the time being, and only recovered consciousness when we arrived at our destination and again heard the sounds of human voices other than our own. the origin of the name hungerford appeared to have been lost in obscurity. according to one gentleman, whose interesting record we afterwards saw, it "has been an etymological puzzle to the topographer and local antiquarian, who have left the matter in the same uncertainty in which they found it"; but if he had accompanied us in our walk that day across those desolate downs, and felt the pangs of hunger as we did, mile after mile in the dark, he would have sought for no other derivation of the name hungerford, and could have found ample corroboration by following us into the coffee-room of the "bear hotel" that night. we were very hungry. (_distance walked thirty miles_.) _tuesday, november th._ the "bear inn" at hungerford, standing as it did on the great coach road from london to the west, had been associated with stirring scenes. it was there that a gentleman who had fallen ill while travelling by the stage-coach had died, and was buried in the churchyard at hungerford, with the following inscription on his gravestone: here are deposited the remains of william greatrake, esqr., native of ireland, who on his way from bristol to london, died in this town in the nd year of his age, on the nd august _stat nominis umbra_ in the year , some remarkably able and vigorous political letters signed "junius" appeared in the london _public advertiser_. they were so cleverly written that all who read them wanted to know the author, but failed to find out who he was. afterwards they were published in book form, entitled _the letters of junius_: in our early days the author of these letters was still unknown, and even at the time of our walk the matter was one of the mysteries of the literary world. the authorship of _the letters of junius_ was one of the romances of literature. whoever he was, he must have been in communication with the leading political people of his day, and further, he must have been aware of the search that was being made for him, for he wrote in one of his letters, "if i am a vain man, my gratification lies within a narrow circle. i am the sole depository of my own secret; and it shall perish with me." controversy was still going on about the _letters of junius_, for early in the year of our walk, , a book was published entitled _the handwriting of junius professionally investigated by mr. charles chabot, expert_, the object being to prove that sir phillip francis was the author of the famous letters. the publication of this book, however, caused an article to be written in the _times_ of may nd, , to show that the case was "not proven" by mr. chabot, for william pitt, the great prime minister, told lord aberdeen that he knew who wrote the junius letters, and that it was not francis; and lady grenville sent a letter to the editor of _diaries of a lady of quality_ to the same effect. while mr. greatrake was lying ill at the "bear inn" he was visited by many political contemporaries, including the notorious john wilkes, who, born in , had been expelled three times from the house of commons when member for middlesex; but so popular was he with the common people, whose cause he had espoused, that they re-elected him each time. so "the powers that be" had to give way, and he was elected alderman, then sheriff, and then lord mayor of london, and when he died, in , was chamberlain of london. mr. greatrake was born in county cork, ireland, about the year , and was a great friend of lord sherburn, who afterwards became prime minister, in which capacity he had to acknowledge the independence of the united states, and was eventually created marquis of lansdowne. mr. greatrake was known to have been an inmate of his lordship's house when the letters were being published, and the motto on them was _stat nominis umbra_--the words which appeared on the tomb of mr. greatrake; and his autograph bore a stronger resemblance than any other to that of junius; so what was a secret in his lifetime was probably revealed in that indirect way after his death. the old church of hungerford had fallen down, and a new one was built, and opened in the year , the ancient monument of the founder, sir robert de hungerford, being transferred to the new church--though, as usual, in a damaged condition. it dated from , and had been somewhat mutilated in the time of the civil war. the inscription over it in norman-french almost amounted to an absolution or remission of sins, for it promised, on the word of fourteen bishops, that whoever should pray for the soul of sir robert de hungerford should have during his life, and for his soul after his death, days of pardon. the list of the vicars of hungerford showed that most of them for some reason or other--my brother suggested hunger--had served for very short periods, but there was one notable exception--the rev. william cookson, son of william cookson of tomsett, norfolk, doctor, who held the living for the long term of forty-eight years ( - ). the constables of hungerford were elected annually, and the extracts from their accounts were very interesting, as references were made to instruments of torture: "cucking stoole, pilliry, stocks, and a whippinge post," the last-named having been most extensively used, for the constables had to whip all wandering tramps and vagrants "by stripping them naked from the middle upwards, and causing them to be lashed until their bodies be bloody, in the presence of the minister of the parish, or some other inhabitant, and then to send them away to place of birth!" women were stripped as well as men, and in the town serjeant had even to whip a poor blind woman. the whipping of females was stopped by statute in . as hungerford was on one of the main roads, many people passed through there, and in the whippings were so numerous that john savidge, the town serjeant, was given a special honorarium of five shillings "for his extraordinary paines this year and whippinge of severall persons." prince william with his dutch troops halted at hungerford on december th, , on his way from torbay to london, where, three days afterwards, he was proclaimed king william iii. he was armed on his back and breast, and wore a white plume, and rode on a white charger, surrounded by nobles bearing his banner, on which were the words: the protestant religion and the liberty of england. we were now practically at the end of berkshire, and perhaps the river kennett, over which we passed, and on which john o' gaunt of lancaster had given free fishery rights to hungerford town, might have formed the boundary between that county and wiltshire. we could not hear of any direct road to stonehenge, so we left hungerford by the marlborough road with the intention of passing through savernake forest---said to be the finest forest in england, and to contain an avenue of fine beech trees, in the shape of a gothic archway, five miles long. the forest was about sixteen miles in circumference, and in the centre was a point from which eight roads diverged. we had walked about a mile on our way when we came to some men working on the roads, who knew the country well, and strongly advised us not to cross the forest, but to walk over the downs instead. we decided to follow their advice, for the difficulty that first occurred to us was that when we got to the eight roads there might be no one there to direct us on our further way; and we quite saw the force of the remark of one of the men when he said it was far better to get lost on the down, where we could see for miles, than amongst the bushes and trees in the forest. they could only give us general information about the best way to get to stonehenge, for it was a long way off, but when we got to the downs we must keep the big hill well to the left, and we should find plenty of roads leading across them. we travelled as directed, and found that the "big hill" was the inkpen beacon, over a thousand feet above sea-level, and the highest chalk down cliff in england; while the "plenty of roads" were more in the nature of unfenced tracks; still, we were fortunate in finding one leading in the right direction for stonehenge and almost straight. the marlborough downs which adjoined salisbury plain are very extensive, occupying together three-fifths of the county of wilts, being accurately described as "ranges of undulating chalk cliffs almost devoid of trees, and devoted almost exclusively to the pasturage of sheep from remote ages." these animals, our only companions for miles, can live almost without water, which is naturally very scarce on chalk formations, since the rain when it falls is absorbed almost immediately. very few shepherds were visible, but there must have been some about, for every now and then their dogs paid us rather more attention than we cared for, especially my brother, who when a small boy had been bitten by one, since which time not much love had been lost between him and dogs. as there were no fences to the roads, we walked on the grass, which was only about an inch deep. sheep had been pastured on it from time immemorial, and the constant biting of the surface had encouraged the side, or undergrowth, which made our walking easy and pleasant; for it was like walking on a heavy turkey carpet though much more springy. the absence of trees and bushes enabled us to distinguish the presence of ancient earth-works, but whether they were prehistoric, roman, dane, or saxon we did not know. occasionally we came to sections of the downs that were being brought under cultivation, the farms appearing very large. in one place we saw four ploughs at work each with three horses, while the farmer was riding about on horseback. we inquired about the wages from one of the farm hands, who told us the men got about s. per week, and the women who worked in the fields were paid eightpence per day. possibly they got some perquisites in addition, as it seemed a very small amount, scarcely sufficient to make both ends meet. we had been walking quickly for more than four hours without encountering a single village, and were becoming famished for want of food; but the farmer's man told us we should come to one where there was a public-house when we reached the river avon by following the directions he gave us. at milston, therefore, we called for the refreshments which we so badly needed, and quite astonished our caterers, accustomed even as they were to country appetites, by our gastronomical performances on that occasion. we were very much surprised when we learned that the small but pretty village of milston, where we were now being entertained, was the birthplace of joseph addison, the distinguished essayist and politician, who, with his friend steele, founded the _spectator_, and contributed largely to the _tatler_, and whose tragedy _cato_ aroused such enthusiasm that it held the boards of drury lane for thirty-five nights--a great achievement in his time. as an essayist addison had no equal in english literature, and to his writings may be attributed all that is sound and healthy in modern english thought. in our long walk we met with him first at lichfield, where at the grammar school he received part of his early education, and where, on one occasion, he had barred out the schoolmaster. in the cathedral we saw his father's monument--he was dean of lichfield cathedral--and at magdalen college, oxford, where he completed his education, we again encountered remembrances of him--we saw a delightful retreat called after him, "addison's walk." on our journey farther south, when we passed through lostwithiel, we were reminded that he was also a politician, for he represented that place in parliament. his father was rector of milston when joseph was born, in . he was chiefly remembered in our minds, however, for his _divine poems_, published in , for we had sung some of these in our early childhood, until we knew them off by heart, and could still recall his beautiful hymn on gratitude beginning: when all thy mercies, oh my god, my rising soul surveys, transported with the view, i'm lost in wonder, love, and praise. some of his hymns, which were of more than ordinary merit, were said to have been inspired by his youthful surroundings. salisbury plain, with its shepherds and their sheep, must have constantly appeared before him then, as they were immediately before us now, and would no doubt be in his mind when he wrote: the lord my pasture shall prepare, and feed me with a shepherd's care; his presence shall my wants supply, and guard me with a watchful eye; my noonday walks he shall attend, and all my midnight hours defend. and then there was his magnificent paraphrase of the nineteenth psalm: the spacious firmament on high, with all the blue ethereal sky, and spangled heavens--a shining frame-- their great original proclaim. th' unwearied sun from day to day. doth his creator's power display. and publishes to every land the work of an almighty hand. soon as the evening shades prevail. the moon takes up the wondrous tale, and nightly to the listening earth repeats the story of her birth; whilst all the stars that round her burn, and all the planets in their turn, confirm the tidings as they roll. and spread the truth from pole to pole. what though in solemn silence all move round the dark terrestrial ball; what though no real voice nor sound amidst their radiant orbs be found? in reason's ear they all rejoice, and utter forth a glorious voice; for ever singing as they shine, "the hand that made us is divine." after resting a short time and carefully writing down the instructions given us as to how to reach stonehenge, and the way thence to amesbury, we resumed our journey; and near the place where we crossed the river avon we had the first indication of our proximity to stonehenge by the sight of an enormous stone lying in the bed of the stream, which we were told was like those we should find at stonehenge. it was said to be one that the druids could not get across the stream owing to its great size and weight, and so they had to leave it in the river. the country became still more lonely as we walked across salisbury plain, and on a dark wet night it might quite come up to the description given of it by barham in the _ingoldsby legends_ in "the dead drummer, a legend of salisbury plain," the first verse of which runs: oh, salisbury plain is bleak and bare, at least so i've heard many people declare, for i fairly confess i never was there;-- not a shrub nor a tree, not a bush can you see; no hedges, no ditches, no gates, no stiles, much less a house, or a cottage for miles;-- it's a very sad thing to be caught in the rain when night's coming on upon salisbury plain. cruikshank's illustration of the legend represents a finger-post on the plain without a bush or a tree or a house being visible, one finger of the post being marked "lavington" and the other "devizes." the dead drummer is leaning against the post, with two men nervously approaching him in the dark, while a flash of lightning betrays the bare plain and the whole scene to the terrified men. hannah more, who was born in , wrote a large number of stories chiefly of a religious character, and was said to have earned £ , by her writings, amongst them a religious tract bearing the title of "the shepherd of salisbury plain." we found he was not a mythical being, for david saunders, the shepherd referred to, was a real character, noted for his homely wisdom and practical piety, and, as mrs. more described him, was quite a christian hero. he resided at great cherwell, near lavington, where his house was still pointed out to visitors. a typical shepherd of salisbury plain was afterwards pictured by another lady, and described as "wearing a long black cloak falling from neck to heels, a round felt hat, like a hermes cap without the wings to it, and sometimes a blue milk-wort or a yellow hawk-weed in the brim, and walking with his plume-tailed dog in front leading his sheep, as was customary in the east and as described in the scriptures--"the sheep follow him, for they know his voice." we did not see one answering to that description as we crossed the plain, but no doubt there were such shepherds to be found. the sky had been overcast that day, and it was gloomy and cloudy when we reached stonehenge. without a house or human being in sight, the utter loneliness of the situation seemed to add to our feelings of wonder and awe, as we gazed upon these gigantic stones, the remains of prehistoric ages in england. we had passed through the circles of stones known as the "standing stones of stenness" when we were crossing the mainland of the orkney islands on our way to john o' groat's, but the stones we now saw before us were much larger. there had been two circles of stones at stonehenge, one inside the other, and there was a stone that was supposed to have been the sacrificial stone, with a narrow channel in it to carry off the blood of the human victims slain by the druids. in that desolate solitude we could almost imagine we could see the priests as they had been described, robed in white, with oak crowns on their heads, and the egg of a mythical serpent round their necks; we could hear the cries and groans of the victims as they were offered up in sacrifice to the serpent, and to bel (the sun). tacitus said they held it right to stain their altars with the blood of prisoners taken in war, and to seek to know the mind of the gods from the fibres of human victims. one very large stone outside the circles was called the "friar's heel," the legend stating that when the devil was busy erecting stonehenge he made the observation to himself that no one would ever know how it had been done. this remark was overheard by a friar who was hiding amongst the stones, and he replied in the wiltshire dialect, "that's more than thee can tell," at which the devil took up a big stone to throw at him, but he ran away as fast as he could, so that the stone only just grazed his heel, at the place where it now stands. [illustration: druidical remains, stonehenge.] we walked about these great stones wondering how they could have been raised upright in those remote times, and how the large stones could have been got into position, laid flat on the tops of the others. many of the stones had fallen down, and others were leaning over, but when complete they must have looked like a circle of open doorways. the larger stones, we afterwards learned, were sarsen stones or grey wethers, of a siliceous sandstone, and were natural to the district, but the smaller ones, which were named the blue stones, were quite of a different character, and must have been brought from a considerable distance. if the ancient welsh story could be believed, the blue stones were brought over in ships from ireland after an invasion of that country under the direction of merlin the wizard, and were supposed to be mystical stones with a medicinal value. as to the time of the erection of these stones, we both agreed to relegate the matter to the mists of antiquity. some thought that because vespasian's camp was on amesbury hill, stonehenge might have been built by the romans in the time of agricola, but others, judging perhaps from the ancient tombs in the neighbourhood, thought it might date backwards as far as , years b.c. nearly all agreed that it was a temple of the worshippers of the sun and might even have been erected by the phoenicians, who must have known how the egyptians raised much heavier stones than these. by some stonehenge was regarded as the round temple to apollo in the land of the hyperboreans, mentioned by hecatoens in the sixth century b.c., and after the phoenicians it was supposed to have been used by the greeks, who followed them as traders with the british tin mines. according to this theory, the inner ellipse or horseshoe of blue stone was made by them, the druids adopting it as their temple at a much later date. [illustration: stonehenge.] "amongst the ruling races of prehistoric times the father sun-god was the god on the grey white horse, the clouds, and it was this white horse--the sun-god of the limestone, flint, and chalk country---which was the god of stonehenge, the ruins of which describe the complete ritual of this primeval worship. the worshippers of the sun-god who built this temple must, it was thought, have belonged to the bronze age, which theory was supposed to have been confirmed by the number of round barrow tombs in the neighbourhood. it was also noted that the white sun-horse was still worshipped and fed daily at kobé, in japan." stonehenge had been visited by pepys, who described the stones in his _diary_ as being "as prodigious as any tales as i had ever heard of them, and worth going this journey to see"; and king charles ii had counted them over several times, but could not bring them twice to the same number, which circumstance probably gave rise to the legend that no two people ever counted the number alike, so of course we did not attempt to count them. but the king's head must have been uneasy at the time he counted them, as it was after the battle of worcester, when he was a fugitive, retreating across the country in disguise and hidden by his friends until he could reach the sea-coast of sussex, and escape by ship from england. one of his hiding-places was heale house, about four miles from stonehenge, where the lady of the house had hidden him in what was known as the "priest's hole," arrangements having been made for some friends to meet him at stonehenge, and accompany him a stage farther towards the south. his friends, however, had been delayed a little on their way, so they did not reach stonehenge at the appointed hour; and charles whiled away the time by counting and recounting the stones. cheshire was formerly noted for the great number of landowners of the same name as the parishes in which they resided, such as leigh of leigh, dutton of dutton, antrobus of antrobus. the last-named squire had left antrobus and gone to reside at amesbury in wiltshire, letting his mansion in cheshire and the land attached to it, as a farm, to a tenant named wright. this mr. wright was an uncle of ours, whom we had often visited at antrobus. the elder of his two sons, who followed him as tenant of the farm, told us a story connected with the old hall there. he and his brother when they were boys slept in the same bed, and one morning they were having a pushing match, each trying, back to back, to push the other out of bed. he was getting the worst of the encounter when he resolved to make one more great effort, and placed his feet against the wall which was near his side of the bed; but instead of pushing his brother out, he and his brother together pushed part of the wall out, and immediately he found himself sitting on a beam with his legs hanging outside over the moat or garden, having narrowly escaped following the panel. the stability of these old timber-built halls, which were so common in cheshire, depended upon the strong beams with which they were built, the panels being only filled in with light material such as osiers plastered over with mud; and it was one of these that had been pushed out. the old mansion was shortly afterwards taken down and replaced by an ordinary red-brick building. we had often wondered what sort of a place amesbury was, where the squire of antrobus had gone to reside, and had decided to go there, although it was rather out of our way for salisbury, our next stage. we found that stonehenge was included in his estate as well as amesbury abbey, where he lived, and vespasian's hill. when we came in sight of the abbey, we were quite surprised to find it so large and fine a mansion, without any visible trace of the ancient abbey which once existed there, and we considered that the lines of sir edmund antrobus, bart., had fallen in pleasant places when he removed here from the damper atmosphere of cheshire, and that he had adopted the wisest course as far as health was concerned. we had thought of calling at the abbey, but as it was forty-nine years since he had left our neighbourhood and he had died in the year , we could not muster up sufficient courage to do so. we might too have seen a fine portrait of the old gentleman, which we heard was hanging up in one of the rooms in the abbey, painted by sir thomas lawrence, a friend of george iv, and president of the royal academy, who had also painted the portraits of most of the sovereigns of europe reigning in his time, and who died in the same year as sir edmund. amesbury abbey formerly belonged to the duke of queensberry, who made great additions to it from the plans of the celebrated architect inigo jones, who designed the famous banqueting hall at whitehall in london and the fine gateway of st. mary's, oxford. he was known as "the english palladio" because he adopted the style of andrea palladio, a celebrated italian architect of the sixteenth century. he was responsible for the two palladian pillars attached to the quaint and pretty entrance gates to the abbey park, and for the lovely palladian bridge that spanned the river avon, which flowed through the grounds, forming a favourite resort for wild ducks, kingfishers, herons, and other birds. inigo jones was a staunch royalist, who suffered severely during the civil war, and died in . the park was not a very large one, but was very pretty, and contained the famous amesbury hill, which was covered with fine trees on the slope towards the river; some of which had been arranged in the form of a diamond, partly concealing a cave now known as the diamond cave, but formerly belonging to the druids, as all the sunrises would be visible before the intervening trees were planted. this cave was the favourite resort of john gay, the poet, who loved to write there. he was a great friend of the duke and duchess of queensberry, who then owned the amesbury estate, was the author of the _beggar's opera_, published in , and lies buried in westminster abbey. [illustration: the cave in the diamond.] the church had been heavily restored in , and one of its former vicars had been a famous man in his day according to the following account from the _gentleman's magazine_, . inventor of the water pump until the year , a slab before the communion table in amesbury church bore the following inscription in memory of the revd. thomas holland, who was for half a century minister of this parish, a small living yet he never solicited for a greater nor improved to his own advantage his marvellous talents in applying the powers of nature to the useful purposes of life, the most curious and complete engine which the world now enjoys _for raising water_ being invented by him. he departed the th day of may in the year of our lord , aged years. during his term of office the register was kept in a very careful manner and excellent handwriting, a contrast to later efforts by his successors. [illustration: old sarum: the main gate of the castle from within.] the evening was now coming on, and we had yet to walk eight miles into salisbury by what was called the "upper road," which crossed a tract of bleak and rather uninteresting downs; but the road was well defined and the daylight, such as it was, remained with us longer than if we had gone by the more picturesque road along the tree-lined banks of the river avon. amesbury was but a small place, and the only industry that we could hear of that ever existed there was the manufacture of tobacco pipes branded with a gauntlet, the name of the maker. we had a lonely walk, and about two miles from salisbury saw to the right the outline of a small hill which turned out to be old sarum, a name that figured on the mileposts for many miles round salisbury, being the ancient and roman name for that city. old cities tend to be on hills, for defence, but modern equivalents occur in the valley below, representative of peace conditions and easy travelling for commercial purposes. it was now, however, only a lofty grass mound, conical in shape and about a hundred feet high. it was of great antiquity, for round about it stood at one time one of the most important cities in the south of england, after the prehistoric age the sorbiodunum of the romans, and the sarisberie of the domesday book. cynric captured it by a victory over the britons in , and in edgar held a council there. sweyn and the danes pillaged and burnt it in , and afterwards editha, the queen of edward the confessor, established a convent of nuns there. it was made an episcopal see in , and twenty years afterwards bishop osmond, a kinsman of william the conqueror, completed the building of the cathedral. it was in that william, as the closing act of his conquest, reviewed his victorious army in the plain below; and in , a year before his death, he assembled there all the chief landowners in the realm to swear that "whose men soever they were they would be faithful to him against all other men," by which "england was ever afterwards an individual kingdom." in course of time the population increased to such an extent round the old mound that they were short of room, and the soldiers and the priests began to quarrel, or, as an old writer described it, "the souldiers of the castell and chanons of old sarum fell at odds, inasmuch that often after brawles they fell at last to sadde blowes and the cleargie feared any more to gang their boundes. hereupon the people missing their belly-chere, for they were wont to have banketing at every station, a thing practised by the religious in old tyme, they conceived forthwith a deadly hatred against the castellans." the quarrel ended in the removal of the cathedral to the plain below, where salisbury now stands, and the glory of old sarum departed. as far back as the time of henry viii the place became utterly desolate, and it was interesting to read what visitors in after times had written about it. [illustration: old sarum: base of the look-out tower.] john leland, who was born in and was chaplain to henry viii, made a tour of the kingdom, and wrote in his well-known _itinerary_, "their is not one house, neither within or without old saresbyri inhabited. much notable minus building of the castell yet remayneth. the diche that envirined the old town was a very deepe and strong thynge." samuel pepys, who was born in , and who was secretary to the admiralty during the reigns of charles ii and james ii, describes in his famous _diary_ many interesting incidents in the life of that period. he wrote of old sarum: "i saw a great fortification and there light, and to it and in it, and find it so prodigious as to frighten one to be in it at all alone at that time of night." it would probably be at an earlier hour of a lighter night when mr. pepys visited it, than when we passed it on this occasion, for the hill now was enveloped in black darkness "deserted and drear," and we should scarcely have been able to find the entrance "to it and in it," and, moreover, we might not have been able to get out again, for since his time an underground passage had been opened, and who knows what or who might have been lurking there! dr. adam clark visited old sarum in , and wrote: "we found here the remains of a very ancient city and fortress, surrounded by a deep trench, which still bears a most noble appearance. on the top of the hill the castle or citadel stood, and several remains of a very thick wall built all of flint stone, cemented together with a kind of everlasting mortar. what is remarkable is that these ruins are still considered in the british constitution as an inhabited city, and send two members to parliament. within the breadth of a field from this noble hill there is a small public-house, the only dwelling within a very great space, and containing a very few persons, who, excepting the crows, hens, and magpies, are the only beings which the worthy members have to represent in the british senate." we were glad when we reached salisbury and found a comfortable refuge for the night in one of the old inns in the town. it was astonishing how cosy the low rooms in these old-fashioned inns appeared, now that the "back end" of the year was upon us and the nights becoming longer, darker, and colder. the blazing fire, the ingle nook, the pleasant company, such as it was, the great interest taken in our long walk--for people knew what heavy walking meant in those days--all tended to make us feel comfortable and at home. true, we did not care much for the dialect in these southern counties, and should much have preferred "a bit o' gradely lankyshur," so as a rule we listened rather than joined in the conversation; but we were greatly interested in the story of the wiltshire moonrakers, which, as we were strangers, was apparently given for our benefit by one of the older members of the rather jovial company. it carried us back to the time when smuggling was prevalent, and an occasion when the landlord of a country inn near the sea-coast sent two men with a pony and trap to bring back from the smugglers' den two kegs of brandy, on which, of course, duty had not been paid, with strict orders to keep a sharp look-out on their return for the exciseman, who must be avoided at all costs. the road on the return journey was lonely, for most people had gone to bed, but as the moon was full and shining brightly, all went well until the pony suddenly took fright at a shadow on the road, and bolted. the men, taken by surprise, lost control of the reins, which fell down on the pony and made matters worse, for he fairly flew along the road until he reached a point where it turned over a canal bridge. here the trap came in contact with the battlement of the bridge, causing the pony to fall down, and the two men fell on top of him. fortunately this saved them from being seriously injured, but the pony was bruised, and one of the shafts of the trap broken, while the kegs rolled down the embankment into the canal. with some difficulty they managed to get the pony and broken trap into a farm building near the bridge, but when they went to look for the kegs they saw them floating in the middle of the canal where they could not reach them. they went back to the farm building, and found two hay-rakes, and were just trying to reach the kegs, the tops of which they could plainly see in the light of the full moon, when a horseman rode up, whom, to their horror, they recognised as the exciseman himself. when he asked "what's the matter?" the men pretended to be drunk, and one of them said in a tipsy tone of voice, "can't you see, guv'nor? we're trying to get that cheese out o' th' water!" the exciseman couldn't see any cheese, but he could see the image of the full moon on the surface of the canal, and, bursting into a roar of laughter at the silliness of the men, he rode off on his way home. but it was now the rustics' turn to laugh as they hauled the kegs out of the canal and carried them away in triumph on their shoulders. the gentleman who told the story fairly "brought down the house" when he added, "so you see, gentlemen, they were not so silly after all." [illustration: high street gate, salisbury.] one of the company asked my brother if he had heard that story before, and when he said "no, but i have heard one something like it in yorkshire," he at once stood up and called for "silence," announcing that there was a gentleman present who could tell a story about the yorkshire moonrakers. my brother was rather taken aback, but he could always rise to the occasion when necessary, so he began in his usual manner. "once upon a time" there were two men living in a village in yorkshire, who went out one day to work in the fields amongst the hay, taking their rakes with them. they were good workers, but as the day turned out to be rather hot they paid too much attention to the large bottle of beer in the harvest field, with the consequence that before night came on the bottle was empty; so they went to the inn, and stayed there drinking until it was nearly "closing time." by that time they were quite merry, and decided to go home by the nearest way, leading along the towing-path of one of the canals, which in the north are wider and deeper than those farther south. as it was almost as light as day, the moon being at its full, they got along all right until one of them suddenly startled his mate by telling him that the moon had fallen into the canal! they both stood still for a moment, thinking what an awful thing had happened, but there seemed to be no doubt about it, whatever, for there was the moon lying in the middle of the canal. it would never do to leave it there, but what could they do to get it out? their first thought was the rakes they were carrying home on their shoulders, and they decided to rake the moon to the side of the canal, where they would reach it with their hands. they set to work--but although their rakes were of the largest size, and their arms long and strong, the canal was too wide to enable them to reach the moon. they were, however, agreed that they must get it out some way or other, for it would be a pity if it got drowned. at last they decided that they would both get into the canal, and fetch the moon out themselves. they pulled off their coats, therefore, and, laying them on the path, got into the water, only to find it much deeper than they had expected; their feet sank into the mud at the bottom, and the water came nearly up to their necks at once, and as it was deeper towards the middle, they found it impossible to carry out their task. but the worst feature was that neither of the men could swim, and, being too deeply immersed in the water to reach high enough on the canal bank to pull themselves out again, they were in great danger of drowning. fortunately, however, a boat was coming along the canal, and when the man who was driving the horses attached to the boat heard their cries, he ran forward, and, stopping where he found the coats on the towing-path, was horrified to see the two men holding on to the stones that lined the canal. they were fast losing consciousness, but with the assistance of the other men on the boat he got them out on the bank, and when they had recovered a little, assisted them home, for they both had drunk too much beer. the incident created a great sensation at the time, but as "all's well that ends well," it was afterwards looked upon as a great joke--though the two men were ever afterwards known as the moonrakers, a nickname that was eventually applied to all the inhabitants of that village. the story was well received, but not quite so loudly applauded as that which preceded it, until one gentleman in the company rose and asked my brother if he could name the village in yorkshire where the incident occurred. "certainly, sir," he replied; "the place was called sloyit." "sloyit! sloyit!" murmured the gentleman; and then he said, "how do you spell it?" and, taking out his notebook and adjusting his gold-rimmed spectacles, he prepared to record the name of the place as my brother gave out each letter. and then followed one of the most extraordinary scenes we had witnessed on our journey, for just at that moment some one in the rear made a witty remark which apparently was aimed at the searcher after knowledge, who was now on his feet, and which caused general laughter amongst those who heard it. the gentleman was evidently a man of some importance in the city, and his notebook was apparently known to the company almost as well as himself, but perhaps not looked upon as favourably, for its production under the present circumstances seemed to have caused this unwonted amusement. [illustration: st. ann's gate, salisbury.] my brother could not proceed until he could make himself heard, and it was difficult to restore order at that late hour of the evening; but when the laughter had subsided, he called to the gentleman in a loud voice, "are you ready, sir?" and when he said "i am, sir!" he proceeded to call out each letter slowly and distinctly, so that all the company could hear, the gentleman as he entered them in his book repeating the letters in a minor key which sounded exactly like the echo. "s," shouted my brother, "s," echoed the gentleman; "l," said my brother, "l" softly responded the gentleman slowly; and then followed a, a letter which the gentleman did not expect, as he said, "did you say 'a,' sir?" "i did, sir," he replied, repeating the letter, which was repeated doubtfully as the listener entered it in his book. the next letters were "i" and "t," which were followed by the letter "h." these were inserted without comment, beyond the usual repetition in a subdued tone, but when my brother followed with "w," it became evident that the gentleman thought that there was "something wrong somewhere," and that he had a strong suspicion that he was being led astray. when my brother assured him it was quite correct, he rather reluctantly entered it in his book; but now there was a slight pause, as the space originally allotted for the name had been fully occupied, and the remainder of the word had to be continued on another page, much to the annoyance of the writer. the company had by this time become greatly interested in the proceedings; but the fact was that the name of the place was not sounded as it was spelled, and it was amusing to watch the expressions on their faces as my brother proceeded to call out the remainder of the letters. i could see they were enjoying the discomfiture of the old gentleman, and that a suspicion was gaining ground that all the other letters of the alphabet might yet be included! when the gentleman had selected the corner in his note-book to record the remaining letters, and my brother began with the letter "a," he remonstrated that he had given him that letter previously, and a strong assurance from my brother was necessary in order to ensure the entry of the letter in the notebook; but when it was followed by "i" and "t" and including the "a" in exactly the same order as he had recorded them before, his patience was quite exhausted, and his previous suspicions confirmed that he was being hoaxed. the remainder of the party amidst their hardly suppressed laughter insisted upon their being entered, and when my brother called out the final letter "e," and repeated the whole of the letters slaithwaite and pronounced the word "slawit" or "sloyt," the hitherto suppressed amusement burst in a perfect roar of laughter, the company evidently thinking that the gentleman who had asked the question had got his answer! taking advantage of the general hilarity, we quietly and quickly retreated to another and less noisy room upstairs, for the night. (_distance walked twenty-eight and a half miles_.) _wednesday, november th._ it must have been a great work to remove the city of old sarum and to rebuild it in another position a mile or two away from its ancient site. the removal began in , and was continued during about years; royal consent had to be obtained, as well as that of the pope, honorius iii. the reason then given for its removal was that old sarum was too much exposed to the weather, and that there was also a scarcity of water there--in fact "too much wind and too little water." there was some difficulty in deciding the position on which the new cathedral should be built, but this was solved by the bishop shooting an arrow from the top of the castle of old sarum; wherever the arrow alighted the new cathedral was to be built. the arrow fell very conveniently in the meadows where four rivers ran--the avon, bourne, nadder, and wylye--and amongst these the magnificent cathedral of salisbury was built. the rivers, which added to the picturesque beauty of the place, were fed by open canals which ran through the main streets of the city, causing salisbury to be named at that time the "english venice." nearly every king and queen of england, from the time of henry iii, who granted its first charter in , had visited salisbury, and over twenty of their portraits hung in the council chamber. two parliaments were held in salisbury, one in and another in ; and it was in the market-place there, that buckingham had his head cut off in by order of his kinsman, richard iii, for promoting an insurrection in the west of england. henry viii visited the city on two occasions, once with catherine of aragon, and again with anna boleyn. james i too came to salisbury in , and charles ii with his queen in --on both these occasions to escape the plagues then raging in london. sir walter raleigh was in the city in , writing his _apology for the voyage to guiana_, before his last sad visit to london, where he was beheaded. james ii passed through the town in to oppose the landing of william of orange, but, hearing he had already landed at torbay, he returned to london, and william arrived here ten days later, occupying the same apartments at the palace. but the chief object of interest in salisbury was the fine cathedral, with its magnificent decorated spire, the highest and finest in england, and perhaps one of the finest in europe, for it is feet high, forty feet higher, we were informed, than the cross on the top of st. paul's cathedral in london. this information rather staggered my brother, for he had an exalted opinion of the height of st. paul's, which he had visited when he went to the great exhibition in london in . on that occasion he had ascended the dome of st. paul's cathedral from the inside by means of the rickety stairs and ladders provided for that purpose, and had reached the golden ball which supported the cross on the top, when he found it already occupied by two gentlemen smoking cigars, who had arrived there before him, and who kindly assisted him into the ball, which, although it only appeared about the size of a football when seen from the city below, was big enough to hold four men. they also very kindly offered him a cigar, which he was obliged to decline with thanks, for he did not smoke; but when they told him they came from scotland, he was not surprised to find them there, as scotsmen even in those days were proverbial for working their way to the top not only of the cathedrals, but almost everywhere else besides. the "brither scots" were working to a previously arranged programme, the present item being to smoke a cigar in the golden ball on the top of st. paul's cathedral. when my brother began the descent, he experienced one of the most horrible sensations of his life, for hundreds of feet below him he could see the floor of the cathedral with apparently nothing whatever in the way to break a fall; so that a single false step might have landed him in eternity, for if he had fallen he must have been dashed into atoms on the floor so far below. the gentlemen saw he was nervous, and advised him as he descended the ladder backwards not to look down into the abyss below, but to keep his eyes fixed above, and following this excellent advice, he got down safely. he always looked back on that adventure in the light of a most horrible nightmare and with justification, for in later years the cathedral authorities made the whispering gallery the highest point to which visitors were allowed to ascend. we did not of course attempt to climb the salisbury spire, although there were quite a number of staircases inside the cathedral, and after climbing these, adventurous visitors might ascend by ladders through the timber framework to a door near the top; from that point, however, the cross and the vane could only be reached by steeple-jacks. like other lofty spires, that of salisbury had been a source of anxiety and expense from time to time, but the timber used in the building of it had been allowed to remain inside, which had so strengthened it that it was then only a few inches out of the perpendicular. when a new vane was put on in a small box was discovered in the ball to which the vane was fixed. this box was made of wood, but inside it was another box made of lead, and enclosed in that was found a piece of very old silk--a relic, it was supposed, of the robe of the virgin mary, to whom the cathedral was dedicated, and placed there to guard the spire from danger. the casket was carefully resealed and placed in its former position under the ball. a very large number of tombs stood in the cathedral, including many of former bishops, and we were surprised to find them in such good condition, for they did not appear to have suffered materially in the civil war. the very oldest were those that had been removed from old sarum, but the finest tomb was that of bishop giles de bridport, the bishop when the new cathedral was completed and consecrated. he died in , and eight carvings on the stone spandrel above him represented the same number of scenes in his career, beginning with his birth and ending with the ascent of his soul into heaven. the figure of a boy in full episcopal robes, found under the seating of the choir in , and named the "boy bishop," was an object of special interest, but whether it was a miniature of one of the bishops or intended to represent a "choral bishop," formerly elected annually by the choir, was unknown. there were also tombs and effigies to the first and second earls of salisbury, the first, who died in , being the son of henry ii and fair rosamond, of whom we had heard at woodstock. he was represented in chain armour, on which some of the beautiful ornaments in gold and colour still remained. his son, the second earl, who went twice to the holy land as a crusader under st. louis, was also represented in chain armour and cross-legged. near this was the tomb of sir john cheney, a man of extraordinary size and strength, his thigh-bone measuring inches, whose great armour we had seen in sir walter scott's house at abbotsford. he was bodyguard to henry of richmond at the battle of bosworth field, near which we passed at atherstone. sir william brandon was richmond's standard-bearer, and was cut down by king richard himself, who tore his standard from him and, flinging it aside, rode at sir john cheney and hurled him from his horse just before he met his own fate. [illustration: salisbury cathedral. "the fine cathedral, with its magnificent decorated spire, the highest and finest in england--perhaps the finest in europe, for it is forty feet higher than the dome of st. paul's in london."] there are a large number of pillars and windows in salisbury cathedral, but as we had no time to stay and count them, we accepted the numbers given by the local poet as being correct, when he wrote: as many days as in one year there be, so many windows in this church we see; as many marble pillars here appear as there are hours throughout the fleeting year; ( ) as many gates as moons one year does view. strange tale to tell; yet not more strange than true. the cathedral close at salisbury was the finest we had seen both for extent and beauty, the half-mile area of grass and the fine trees giving an inexpressible charm both to the cathedral and its immediate surroundings. the great advantage of this wide open space to us was that we could obtain a magnificent view of the whole cathedral. we had passed many fine cathedrals and other buildings on our walk whose proportions were hidden by the dingy property which closely surrounded them, but salisbury was quite an exception. true, there were houses in and around the close, but these stood at a respectful distance from the cathedral, and as they had formerly been the town houses of the aristocracy, they contained fine old staircases and panelled rooms with decorated ceilings, which with their beautiful and artistic wrought-iron gates were all well worth seeing. the close was surrounded by battlemented stone walls on three sides and by the river avon on the fourth, permission having been granted in by edward iii for the stones from old sarum to be used for building the walls of the close at salisbury; hence numbers of carved norman stones, fragments of the old cathedral there, could be seen embedded in the masonry. several gate-houses led into the close, the gates in them being locked regularly every night in accordance with ancient custom. in a niche over one of these, known as the high street gate, there was a statue which originally represented james i, but when he died it was made to do duty for charles i by taking off the head of james and substituting that of charles, his successor to the throne, with the odd result that the body of james carried the head of charles! there were many old buildings in the city, but we had not time to explore them thoroughly. still there was one known as the poultry cross nobody could fail to see whether walking or driving through salisbury. although by no means a large erection, it formed one of the most striking objects in the city, and a more beautiful piece of gothic architecture it would be difficult to imagine. it was formerly called the yarn market, and was said to have been erected about the year by sir lawrence de st. martin as a penance for some breach of ecclesiastical law. it consisted of six arches forming an open hexagon, supported by six columns on heavy foundations, with a central pillar square at the bottom and six-sided at the top--the whole highly ornamented and finished off with an elaborate turret surmounted by a cross. it was mentioned in a deed dated november nd, , and formed a feature of great archaeological interest. [illustration: poultry cross, salisbury.] the old portion of st. nicholas' was in existence in , and in the chorister's square was a school established and endowed as far back as the year , to support fourteen choristers and a master to teach them. their costumes must have been rather picturesque, for they were ordered to be dressed in knee-breeches and claret-coloured coats, with frills at the neck instead of collars. quite a number of ancient inns in salisbury were connected with the old city life, buckingham being beheaded in the yard of the "blue boar inn" in the market-place, where a new scaffold was provided for the occasion. in a headless skeleton, believed to be that of buckingham, was dug out from below the kitchen floor of the inn. the "king's arms" was another of the old posting-houses where, when king charles was hiding on salisbury plain in the time of the civil war, after the battle of worcester, a meeting was held under the guidance of lord wilmot, at which plans were made to charter a vessel for the conveyance of the king from southampton to some place on the continent. here we saw a curiosity in the shape of a large window on the first floor, from which travellers formerly stepped on and off the top of the stage-coaches, probably because the archway into the yard was too low for the outside passengers to pass under safely. there was also the "queen's arms," with its quaint porch in the shape of a shell over the doorway, and the "haunch of venison," and others; but in the time of the commonwealth we might have indulged in the luxury of staying at the bishop's palace, for it was sold at that time, and used as an inn. it must have had rough visitors, for when the ecclesiastical authorities regained possession it was in a very dilapidated condition. one of the oldest coaching-houses in salisbury in former years was the "george inn," mentioned in the city records as far back as the year ; but the licence had lapsed, and the building was now being used for other purposes. its quaint elevation, with its old-fashioned bow-windows, was delightful to see, and in the year it was declared that "all players from henceforth shall make their plays at the george inn." this inn seemed to have been a grand place, for pepys, who stayed there in , wrote in his _diary_ in his quaint, abrupt, and abbreviated way: "came to the george inne, where lay in a silk bed and very good diet"; but when the bill was handed to him for payment, he was "mad" at the charges. we left salisbury with regret, and with the thought that we had not seen all that we ought to have seen, but with an inward resolve to pay the ancient city another visit in the future. walking briskly along the valley of the river nadder, and taking advantage of a field road, we reached the village of bemerton. here george herbert, "the most devotional of the english poets," was rector from to , having been presented to the living by charles i. herbert was born at montgomery castle, near the shropshire border, and came of a noble family, being a brother of the statesman and writer lord herbert of chirbury, one of the shropshire herberts. he restored the parsonage at bemerton, but did not live long to enjoy it. he seems to have had a presentiment that some one else would have the benefit of it, as he caused the following lines to be engraved above the chimneypiece in the hall, giving good advice to the rector who was to follow him: if thou chance for to find a new house to thy mind, and built without thy cost. be good to the poor as god gives thee store and then my labour's not lost. it was here that he composed most of his hymns, and here he died at what his friend izaak walton described in as "the good and more pleasant than healthful parsonage." a tablet inscribed "g.h. " was all that marked the resting-place of "the sweetest singer that ever sang god's praise." bemerton, we thought, was a lovely little village, and there was a fig-tree and a medlar-tree in the rectory garden, which herbert himself was said to have planted with his own hands. here we record one of his hymns: let all the world in every corner sing my god and king! the heavens are not too high. his praises may thither fly; the earth is not too low, his praises there may grow. let all the world in every corner sing my god and king! let all the world in every corner sing my god and king! the church with psalms must shout, no door can keep them out; but above all the heart must bear the longest part. let all the world in every corner sing my god and king! the old church of chirbury belonged to the herberts, and was noted for its heavy circular pillars supporting the roof, which, with the walls, were so much bent outwards that they gave one the impression that they would fall over; but nearly all the walls in old churches bend that way more or less, a fact which we always attributed to the weight of the heavy roof pressing on them. at one village on our travels, however, we noticed, hanging on one of the pillars in the church, a printed tablet, which cleared up the mystery by informing us that the walls and pillars were built in that way originally to remind us that "jesus on the cross his head inclined"; and we noticed that even the porches at the entrance to ancient churches were built in the same way, each side leaning outwards. a great treat was in store for us this morning, for we had to pass through wilton, with its fine park surrounding wilton house, the magnificent seat of the herberts, earls of pembroke and montgomery. our first impression was that wilton was one of the pleasantest places we had visited. wiltshire took its name from the river wylye, which here joins the nadder, so that wilton had been an important place in ancient times, being the third oldest borough in england. egbert, the wessex king, had his palace here, and in the great contest with mercia defeated beornwulf in at ellendune. a religious house existed here in very early times. in the reign of edward i it was recorded that osborn de giffard, a relative of the abbess, carried off two of the nuns, and was sentenced for that offence to be stripped naked and to be whipped in the churches of wilton and shaftesbury, and as an additional punishment to serve three years in palestine. in the time of henry viii, anne boleyn wished to give the post of abbess to a friend, but king henry had scruples on the subject, for the proposed abbess had a somewhat shady reputation; he wrote, "i would not for all the gold in the world clog your conscience nor mine to make her a ruler of a house, which is of so ungodly a demeanour, nor i trust you would not that neither for brother nor sister i should so bestain mine honour or conscience." this we thought to be rather good for such a stern moralist as henry viii, but perhaps in his younger days he was a better man than we had been taught to believe. wilton suffered along with old sarum, as the loss of a road was a serious matter in those days, and bishop bingham, who appeared to have been a crafty man, and not at all favourable to the castellans at old sarum, built a bridge over the river in , diverting the main road of icknield way so as to make it pass through salisbury. as leland wrote, "the changing of this way was the total cause of the ruine of old saresbyri and wiltown, for afore wiltown had paroche churches or more, and was the head of wilesher." the town of wilton was very pleasant and old-fashioned. the chief industry was carpet-making, which originally had been introduced there by french and flemish weavers driven by persecution from their own country. when we passed through the town the carpet industry was very quiet, but afterwards, besides wilton carpets, "axminster" and "brussels" carpets were manufactured there, water and wool, the essentials, being very plentiful. its fairs for sheep, horses, and cattle, too, were famous, as many as , sheep having been known to change owners at one fair. [illustration: wilton house from the river.] we were quite astonished when we saw the magnificent church, on a terrace facing our road and approached by a very wide flight of steps. it was quite modern, having been built in by lord herbert of lea, and had three porches, the central one being magnificently ornamented, the pillars resting on lions sculptured in stone. the tower, quite a hundred feet high, stood away from the church, but was connected with it by a fine cloister with double columns finely worked. the interior of the church was really magnificent, and must have cost an immense sum of money. it had a marble floor and some beautiful stained-glass windows; the pulpit being of caen stone, supported by columns of black marble enriched with mosaic, which had once formed part of a thirteenth-century shrine at santa maria maggiore in rome, some of the stained glass also belonging to the same period. the great house of wilton, the seat of the herberts, had been built in a delightful situation on the site of the old monastery, amidst beautiful gardens and grounds. it was a veritable treasure-house for pictures by the most famous painters, containing a special gallery filled almost exclusively with portraits of the family and others painted by vandyck. the collection included a good portrait of prince rupert,[footnote: see page .] who gave the army of the parliament such a lively time in the civil war, and who is said, in spite of his recklessness, to have been one of the best cavalry officers in europe. queen elizabeth stayed three days there in , and described her visit as "both merrie and pleasante." during this visit she presented sir philip sidney, the author of _arcadia_, with a "locke of her owne hair," which many years afterwards was found in a copy of that book in the library, and attached to it a very indifferent verse in the queen's handwriting. charles i, it was said, visited wilton every summer, and portraits of himself, henrietta maria and their children, and some of their court beauties, were also in the vandyck gallery. wilton park attracted our attention above all, as the rivers wylye and nadder combined to enhance its beauty, and to feed the ornamental lake in front of the hall. there were some fine cedar trees in the park, and as we had often seen trees of this kind in other grounds through which we had passed, we concluded they dated from the time of the crusades, and that the crusaders had brought small plants back with them, of which these trees were the result. we were informed, however, that the cedar trees at wilton had only been planted in the year by the earl of devonshire, who had sent men to collect them at lebanon in the holy land. thus we were compelled to change our opinion, for the trees we had seen elsewhere were of about the same girth as those at wilton, and must therefore have been planted at about the same period. the oak trees in the park still retained many of their leaves, although it was now late in the autumn, but they were falling off, and we tried to catch some of them as they fell, though we were not altogether successful. my brother reminded me of a verse he once wrote as an exercise in calligraphy when at school: men are like leaves that on the trees do grow, in summer's prosperous time much love they show, but art thou in adversity, then they like leaves from trees in autumn fall away. but after autumn and winter have done their worst there are still some bushes, plants, or trees that retain their leaves to cheer the traveller on his way. buckingham, who was beheaded at salisbury, was at one time a fugitive, and hid himself in a hole near the top of a precipitous rock, now covered over with bushes and known only to the initiated as "buckingham's cave." my brother was travelling one winter's day in search of this cave, and passed for miles through a wood chiefly composed of oak trees that were then leafless. the only foliage that arrested his attention was that of the ivy, holly, and yew, and these evergreens looked so beautiful that he occasionally stopped to admire them without exactly knowing the reason why; after leaving the great wood he reached a secluded village far away from what was called civilisation, where he inquired the way to "buckingham's cave" from a man who turned out to be the village wheelwright. in the course of conversation the man informed him that he occasionally wrote poetry for a local newspaper with a large circulation in that and the adjoining counties. he complained strongly that the editor of the paper had omitted one verse from the last poem he had sent up; which did not surprise my brother, who inwardly considered he might safely have omitted the remainder. but when the wheelwright showed him the poem he was so pleased that he asked permission to copy the verses. the fairest flower that ever bloomed with those of bright array in seasons' changeful course is doomed to fade and die away; while yonder's something to be seen-- it is the lovely evergreen! the pretty flowers in summer-time bring beauty to our land, and lovely are the forest trees-- in verdure green they stand; but while we gaze upon the scene we scarcely see the evergreen! but lo! the wintry blast comes on, and quickly falls the snow; and where are all the beauties gone that bloom'd a while ago? while yonder stands through winter keen the lovely-looking evergreen! our lives are like a fading flower, and soon they pass away, and earthly joys may last an hour to disappear at close of day; but saints in heaven abide serene and lasting, like the evergreen! my brother felt that here he had found one of nature's poets, and no longer wondered why he had admired the evergreen trees and bushes when he came through the forest. [illustration: col. john penruddocke.] in about two miles after leaving wilton we parted company with the river nadder, and walked along the road which passes over the downs to shaftesbury. on our way we came in sight of the village of compton chamberlain, and of compton house and park, which had been for centuries the seat of the penruddocke family. it was colonel john penruddocke who led the famous "forlorn hope" in the time of the commonwealth in . he and another champion, with followers, rode into salisbury, where, overcoming the guards, they released the prisoners from the gaol, and seizing the two judges of assize proclaimed charles ii king, just as booth did in cheshire. the people of the city did not rise, as they anticipated, so penruddocke and his companions dispersed and rode away to different parts of the country; eventually they were all taken prisoners and placed in the tower of london. penruddocke was examined personally by cromwell at whitehall, and it was thought for a time that he might be pardoned, but ultimately he was sent to the scaffold. he compared the steps leading up to the scaffold to jacob's ladder, the feet on earth but the top reaching to heaven; and taking off his doublet he said, "i am putting off these old rags of mine to be clad with the new robes of the righteousness of jesus christ." the farewell letters between him and his wife were full of tenderness and love, and what he had done was doubtless under the inspiration of strong religious convictions. it was said that it was his insurrection that led to the division of the country into military districts, which have continued ever since. the lace cap he wore on the scaffold, blood-stained and showing the marks of the axe, was still preserved, as well as his sword, and the beautiful letters that passed between him and his wife, and the colonel's portrait was still to be seen at the mansion. about a mile before reaching shaftesbury we left wiltshire and entered the county of dorset, of which shaftesbury was said to be the most interesting town from an antiquarian point of view. here the downs terminate abruptly, leaving the town standing feet above the sea level on the extreme point, with precipices on three sides. across the far-famed blackmoor vale we could quite easily see stourton tower, standing on the top of kingsettle hill, although it was twelve miles distant. the tower marked the spot where, in , king alfred raised his standard against the danes, and was built in , the inscription on it reading: alfred the great a.d. on this summit erected his standard against danish invaders. to him we owe the origin of juries, the establishment of a militia, the creation of a naval force. alfred, the light of a benighted age, was a philosopher, and a christian, the father of his people, the founder of the english monarchy and liberty. in the gardens near that tower the three counties of dorset, somerset, and wilts meet; and here in a grotto, where the water runs from a jar under the arm of a figure of neptune, rises the river stour, whose acquaintance we were to form later in its sixty-mile run through dorset. shaftesbury had been a stronghold from the earliest times, and so long ago, according to geoffrey of monmouth, who was born a.d. , that an eagle spoke to the people who were building the walls words that even he dare not write. elgiva, the queen of the saxon king edward the elder, was buried in the abbey at shaftesbury, as were also the remains of edward the martyr, who was murdered by elfrida his step-mother in . when the bones of this canonised king began to work miraculous cures, there was a rush of pilgrims to the town, which at one time contained twelve churches. king canute, it was stated, died here in ; and in elizabeth, the wife of robert bruce of scotland, was brought to the abbey as a prisoner. the building was demolished in the time of henry viii, all that remained of it being what is known as the old abbey wall. most of the old churches had disappeared too, but under st. peter's there was a wine-cellar belonging to a public-house displaying the strange sign of the "sun and moon." the proximity of inns to churches we had often noted on our journey, but thought _this_ intrusion had been carried rather too far, although the age of the church proclaimed it to be a relic of great antiquity. we must not forget to record that between wilton and shaftesbury we saw a large quantity of pheasants feeding under some oak trees. we counted more than twenty of them, and had never seen so many gathered together before. among them we noted three that were white, the only white pheasants we had ever seen. leaving shaftesbury, we crossed over one section of the blackmoor vale, or what we might describe as the stour country, for there were many place-names in which the word stour occurred. the place where the river stour rises is known as stourhead; and we had seen a monument, rather a fine one, in salisbury cathedral, to the murderer, lord charles stourton. three holes on each side of the monument represented the sources of the stour at stourhead, and these figured in the armorial bearings of the family. lord charles was hanged with a silk cord instead of the usual one made of hemp, the execution taking place in salisbury market-place in ; his crime was the murder of two of the family agents, father and son. his own four agents were hanged at the same time along with him, and a piece of twisted wire resembling the halter was suspended over his tomb for many years, to remind people of his punishment and crime. we took the precaution of getting our tea before leaving shaftesbury, as there was some uncertainty about the road to sturminster, where, attracted by the name, we expected to find a minster or cathedral, and had therefore decided to make that town our next stage. we could see a kind of mist rising at several points in the valley as we descended the steep hill leading out of the town in the direction of the stour valley. no highway led that way except one following a circuitous route, so we walked at a quick pace along the narrow by-road, as we had been directed. darkness soon came over us, and we had to moderate our speed. we met very few persons on the road, and saw very few houses, and it seemed to us a marvel afterwards that we ever reached sturminster (or stourminster) that night. it would have been bad enough if we had been acquainted with the road, but towards the close of our journey we could hear the river running near us for miles in the pitch darkness, and although my brother walked bravely on in front, i knew he was afraid of the water, and no doubt in fear that he might stumble into it in the dark. we were walking in indian file, for there was no room to walk abreast in safety, while in places we had absolutely to grope our way. we moved along like one who on a lonely road doth walk in fear and dread. and dare not turn his head, for well he knows a fearful fiend doth close behind him tread. it is perhaps unnecessary to explain that the "fearful fiend" was not either my brother or myself, but some one supposed to be somewhere in the rear of us both; but in any case we were mightily pleased when we reached the "king's arms" at sturminster, where we were looked upon as heroes, having now walked quite , miles. (_distance that day, twenty-eight miles_.) _thursday, november th._ a sharp frost during the night reminded us of the approach of winter, and we left sturminster early this morning with the determination of crossing the county of dorset, and reaching the sea-coast that night, thence to follow the coast-line as far as was consistent with seeing all the sights we could, until we reached the land's end. we again crossed the bridge over the river stour by which we had entered the town in the black darkness of the previous night, and were careful not to damage any of the six arches of which it was composed, as a notice inscribed on the bridge itself stated that any one damaging any portion of it would be guilty of felony and liable to transportation for life! we had not been able to find any special object of interest in the town itself, although king edgar had given the manor to the monks of glastonbury. even the old church, with the exception of the tower, had been pulled down and rebuilt; so possibly the old and well-worn steps that had formed the base of the cross long since disappeared might claim to be the most ancient relic in the town. the landlord of the inn had told us that sturminster was famous for its fairs, which must have originated in very early times, for they were arranged to be held on saints' days--st. philip and jacob's, and st. luke's respectively. [illustration: all that remains of sturminster cross] after crossing the bridge we climbed up the small hill opposite, to view the scant ivy-clad ruins of sturminster-newton castle, which was all that remained of what was once a seat of the saxon kings, especially of edgar and edward the elder. we had a pleasant walk for some miles, and made good progress across the southern end of the vale of blackmoor, but did not keep to any particular road, as we crossed the country in the direction of some hills we could occasionally see in the distance. eventually we reached cerne-abbas, where we were told we ought to have come in the springtime to see the primroses which there grew in immense profusion. we had heard of the "cerne giant," whose fixed abode was now the giant's hill, immediately behind the village, and whose figure was there cut out in the turf. formerly this monster caused great loss to the farmers by eating their sheep, of which he consumed large quantities. they were quite powerless to stop him, owing to his immense size and the enormous club he carried; but one day he had eaten so many sheep that he felt drowsy and lay down to sleep. he was seen by the farmers, who could tell by his heavy breathing that the giant was fast asleep, so they got together all their ropes and quietly tied his limbs and fastened him to the earth; then, attacking him with their knives and axes, they managed to kill him. this was a great event, and to celebrate their victory they cut his figure in the chalk cliff to the exact life-size, so that future generations could see what a monster they had slain. this was the legend; and perhaps, like the white horses, of which there were several, the giant might have been cut out in prehistoric times, or was it possible he could have grown larger during the centuries that had intervened, for he was feet in height, and the club that he carried in his hand was feet long! cerne abbas was a very old place, as an early benedictine abbey was founded there in , the first abbot being aelfric, who afterwards became archbishop of canterbury. it was at cerne that queen margaret sought refuge after landing at weymouth in . her army had been defeated at barnet on the very day she landed; but, accompanied by a small force of french soldiers, she marched on until she reached tewkesbury, only to meet there with a final defeat, and to lose her son edward, who was murdered in cold blood, as well as her husband henry vi. very little remained of the old abbey beyond its ancient gateway, which was three stories high, and displayed two very handsome double-storeyed oriel windows. we now followed the downward course of the river cerne, and walking along a hard but narrow road soon reached the village of charminster. the church here dated from the twelfth century, but the tower was only built early in the sixteenth century by sir thomas trenchard of wolfeton, whose monogram t.t. appeared on it as well as in several places in the church, where some very old monuments of the trenchard family were also to be seen. wolfeton house was associated with a very curious incident, which materially affected the fortunes of one of england's greatest ducal families. in the archduke philip of austria and joanna his wife sailed from middelburg, one of the zeeland ports, to take possession of their kingdom of castile in spain. but a great storm came on, and their ship became separated from the others. becoming unmanageable, it drifted helplessly down the channel, and to make matters worse took fire just when the storm was at its height, and narrowly escaped foundering. joanna had been shipwrecked on a former occasion, and when her husband came to inform her of the danger, she calmly put on her best dress and, with all her money and jewels about her, awaited her fate, thinking that when her body was found they would see she was a lady of rank and give her a suitable burial. with great difficulty the ship, now a miserable wreck, was brought into the port of weymouth, and the royal pair were taken out with all speed and conveyed to the nearest nobleman's residence, which happened to be that of sir thomas trenchard, near dorchester, about ten miles distant. they were very courteously received and entertained, but the difficulty was that sir thomas could neither speak spanish nor french, and the visitors could not speak english. in this dilemma he suddenly remembered a young kinsman of his, john russel of berwick house, bridport, who had travelled extensively both in france and spain, and he sent for him post-haste to come at once. on receipt of the message young russel lost no time, but riding at full gallop, soon arrived at wolfeton house. he was not only a good linguist, but also very good-looking, and the royal visitors were so charmed with him that when king henry vii sent the earl of arundel with an escort to convey philip and joanna to see him at windsor castle, russel went with them, and was introduced to king henry by his royal guests as "a man of abilities, fit to stand before princes and not before meaner men." this was a good start for young russel, and led to the king's retaining him at court. he prospered greatly, rising high in office; and in the next reign, when henry viii dissolved the monasteries, russel came in for a handsome share of the spoils, including woburn abbey; he was created a peer, and so founded the great house of bedford, made a dukedom in by william iii. one of his descendants, the third son of the sixth duke of bedford, was lord john russell (the name being then able to afford an extra letter), who brought the great reform bill into parliament in the year . he was prime minister then and in several subsequent parliaments, and his name was naturally a household word all over the kingdom; but what made my brother more interested in this family was that as early as the year he was nicknamed "lord john," after lord john russell, who was then the prime minister. we were now quite near dorchester, but all we knew about that town previously was from a song that was popular in those days about "old toby philpot," whose end was recorded in the last verse, when-- his breath-doors of life on a sudden were shut, and he died full as big as a dorchester butt! our expectations of finding a brewery there were fully realised, and, as anticipated, the butts we saw were of much larger dimensions, especially about the waist, than those we had seen farther north. if "toby" was of the same proportions as one of these he must have been quite a monstrosity. we were surprised to find dorchester such a clean and pretty town. seeing it was the county town of dorset, one of the most ancient settlements in england, and the durmovaria of the romans, we expected to find some of those old houses and quaint passages so common to ancient county towns; but we learned that the old town had been destroyed by a fire in , and long before that (in ) dorchester had been burnt to the ground by the danes. it had also suffered from serious fires in , , and , the last having been extinguished by the aid of johnny cope's regiment of dragoons, who happened then to be quartered in the town. but the great fire in must have been quite a fearful affair, as we saw a pamphlet written about it by an eye-witness, under the title of _fire from heaven_. it gave such a graphic description of what such a fire was like, that we copied the following extract, which also displayed the quaint phraseology and spelling peculiar to that period: the instrument of god's wrath began first to take hold in a tradesman's worke-house ... then began the crye of fier to be spread through the whole towne man, woman and childe ran amazedly up and down the streetes, calling for water, so fearfully, as if death's trumpet had sounded a command of present destruction. the fier began between the hours of two and three in the afternoone, the wind blowing very strong, and increased so mightily that, in a very short space, the most part of the town, was tiered, which burned so extreamely, the weather being hot, and the houses dry, that help of man grew almost past ... the reason the fier at the first prevailed above the strength of man was that it unfortunately happened in the time of harvest, when people were most busied in the reaping of their corne, and the towne most emptyest, but when this burnying beacon of ruyne gave the harvestmen light into the field, little booted it to them to stay, but in more than reasonable hast poasted they homeward, not only for the safeguard of their goods and houses, but for the preservation of their wives and children, more dearer than all temporall estate or worldly abundance. in like manner the inhabitantes of the neighbouring townes and villages, at the fearful sight of the red blazing element, ran in multitudes to assist them, proffering the dear venture of their lives to oppresse the rigour of the fier, but all too late they came, and to small purpose showed they their willing minds, for almost every streete was filled with flame, every place burning beyond help and recovery. their might they in wofull manner behold merchants' warehouses full of riche commodities on a flaming fier, garners of breade corn consuming, multitudes of wollen and linnen clothes burned into ashes, gold and silver melted with brasse, pewter and copper, tronkes and chestes of damaskes and fine linnens, with all manner of rich stuffs, made fewell to increase this universe sole conqueror.... the fierceness of the fier was such that it even burnet and scorchet trees as they grew, and converted their green liveries into black burned garments; not so much as hearbes and flowers flourishing in gardynes, but were in a moment withered with the heat of the fier.... dorchester was a famous towne, now a heap of ashes for travellers that passe by to sigh at. oh, dorchester, wel maist thou mourn for those thy great losses, for never had english towne the like unto thee.... a loss so unrecoverable that unlesse the whole land in pitty set to their devotions, it is like never to re-obtain the former estate, but continue like ruinated troy, or decayed carthage. god in his mercy raise the inhabitants up againe, and graunt that by the mischance of this towne both us, they and all others may repent us of our sins. amen. it was computed that over three hundred houses were destroyed in this great fire; but the prayer of the writer of the pamphlet, as to the town's being raised up again, had been granted. the county of dorset generally, lies in the sunniest part of england, and the town was now prospering and thoroughly healthy, the death-rate being well below the average: did not the great dr. arbuthnot leave it in despair with the remark, "in dorchester a physician can neither live nor die"? dorchester was one of the largest stations of the romans in england, and their amphitheatre just outside the town was the most perfect in the country, the roman road and icknield ways passing quite near it. there were three great earthworks in the immediate neighbourhood--the maumbury rings or amphitheatre, the poundbury camp, and the far-famed maiden castle, one of the greatest british earthworks; in fact roman and other remains were so numerous here that they were described as being "as plentiful as mushrooms," and the whole district was noted for its "rounded hills with short herbage and lots of sheep." we climbed up the hill to see the amphitheatre, which practically adjoined the town, and formed one of the most remarkable and best preserved relics of the roman occupation in britain. it was oval in shape, and had evidently been formed by excavating the chalk in the centre, and building up the sides with it to the height of about thirty feet. it measured feet by , and was supposed to have provided ample accommodation for the men and beasts that figured in the sports, in addition to about , spectators. in the year quite , people assembled there to witness the strangling and burning of a woman named mary channing, who had murdered her husband. this woman, whose maiden name was mary brookes, lived in dorchester with her parents, who compelled her to marry a grocer in the town named richard channing, for whom she did not care. keeping company with some former gallants, she by her extravagance almost ruined her husband, and then poisoned him. at the summer assizes in she was tried, but being found pregnant she was removed, and eighteen weeks after her child was born, she was, at the following lent assizes, sentenced to be strangled and then burned in the middle of the area of the amphitheatre. she was only nineteen years of age, and insisted to the last that she was innocent. about a hundred years before that a woman had suffered the same penalty at the same place for a similar offence. this horrible cruelty was sanctioned by law, in those days, in case of the murder of a husband by his wife; and the rings were used as a place of execution until the year . there was a fine view of the country from the top of the amphitheatre, and we could see both the poundbury camp and the mai-dun, or "hill of strength," commonly called the maiden hill, a name also applied to other hills we had seen in the country. the maiden hill we could now see was supposed to be one of the most stupendous british earthworks in existence, quite as large as old sarum, and covering an area of acres. it was supposed to be the dunium of which ptolemy made mention, and was pre-roman without a doubt. at dorchester the romans appear to have had a residential city, laid out in avenues in the direction of maumbury camp, with houses on either side; but the avenues we saw were of trees--elm, beech, and sycamore. the burial-places of the romans were excavated in the chalk, and this being naturally dry, their remains were preserved much longer there than if they had been buried in damp soil. many graves of roman soldiers had been unearthed from time to time, and it was discovered that the chalk had been scooped out in an oblong form to just the exact size of the corpse. the man was generally found buried on his side with his knees drawn up to his chest, all sorts of things being buried with him, including very often a coin of the then reigning emperor placed in his mouth. his weapon and utensils for eating and drinking, and his ornaments, had been placed as near as possible to the positions where he had used them in life; the crown of his head touched one end of the oval-shaped hole in which he had been buried and his toes the other. the tomb was exactly in the shape of an egg, and the corpse was placed in it as tightly as possible, like a chicken in its shell. women's ornaments were also found buried with them, such as pins for the hair and beads for the neck; but we did not hear of any rings having been found amongst them, so possibly these tokens of slavery were not worn by the roman ladies. we might have found some, however, in the local museum, which was full of all kinds of old things, and occupied a house formerly tenanted by that man of blood---judge jeffreys, whose chair was still preserved, and whose portrait by lely was sufficient alone to proclaim his brutal character. in the time of monmouth's rebellion in judge jeffreys began his "bloody assize" at dorchester. monmouth had landed at lyme regis in the south of the county, and the cry was "a monmouth! a monmouth! the protestant religion!" and a number of puritans had joined his standard. more than three hundred of them had been taken prisoners and were awaiting their trial at dorchester, the county town. jeffreys let it be known that their only chance was to plead guilty and throw themselves on the mercy of their country, but in spite of this two hundred and ninety-two received sentence of death. twenty-nine of these were despatched immediately, and about ninety were executed in various parts of the country, their bodies being brutally dismembered and exposed in towns, villages, and hamlets. great efforts were made to save one young gentleman named battiscombe, who was engaged to a young lady of gentle blood, a sister of the sheriff; she threw herself at the feet of jeffreys to beg for mercy, but he drove her away with a jest so shocking to decency and humanity that it could not be repeated, and battiscombe perished with the others. altogether three hundred persons were executed, more were whipped and imprisoned, and a thousand sold and transported to the plantations, for taking part in this rebellion, the money going as perquisites to the ladies of the court. jeffreys rose to be lord chancellor, but falling into disgrace after the abdication of james ii, he was committed to the tower of london and there died in , before he could be brought to trial. it saddened us to think that this brute really belonged to our own county, and was at first the justice for chester. the following entry appeared in the records of the town: to a bill for disbursements for ye gallows. burning and boiling ye rebels, executed p. order £ s. d. paid mr. mayers att ye beare, for so much hee pd. for setting up of a post with ye quarters of ye rebells att ye town end as p. his bill s. - / d. these entries bear evidence of this horrible butchery; but the dorcestrians seem to have been accustomed to sights of this kind, as there had been horrible persecutions of the roman catholics there in the time of queen elizabeth--sequel perhaps to those of the protestants in the time of queen mary--one man named pritchard was hanged, drawn, and quartered in , and in four others were executed. dorchester, like other places, could boast of local celebrities. among these was john white, who in was appointed rector of dorchester and held that office until the day of his death in . he was the son of one of the early puritans, and was himself a famous puritan divine. at the assembly of divines at westminster in he was said to have prayed before the house of commons in st. margaret's for an hour and a half, in the hope that they might be induced to subscribe to the "covenant" to resist the encroachments of charles i on religious liberty. he was a pioneer in the new england movement, and was virtually the founder of massachusetts, in america. from the first he took a most active part in encouraging emigration and in creating what at that time was known as new england, and he was also the founder of the new england company. it was in that the good ship _mayflower_ arrived at plymouth with robinson's first batch of pilgrims from holland on their way across the atlantic. it is not certain that white crossed the ocean himself; but his was the master-mind that organised and directed the expeditions to that far-distant land, and he was ably seconded by bishop lake, his friend and brother wykehamist. [illustration: john endicott, first governor of massachusetts.] he also influenced john endicott, "a man well known to divers persons of note" and a native of dorchester, where he was born in , to take an active part in developing the new colonies, and mainly through the influence of white a patent was obtained from the council on march th, , by which the crown "bargained and sold unto some knights and gentlemen about dorchester, whose names included that of john endicott, that part of new england lying between the merrimac river and the charles river on massachusetts bay." at the time this "bargain" was made very little was known about america, which was looked upon as a kind of desert or wilderness, nor had the council any idea of the extent of territory lying between the two rivers. this ultimately became of immense value, as it included the site on which the great town of boston, u.s.a., now stands--a town that was founded by pilgrims from boston in lincolnshire with whom john white was in close contact. john endicott sailed from weymouth in the ship _abigail_, henry gauder, master, with full powers to act for the company. the new dorchester was founded, and soon afterwards four "prudent and honest men" went out from it and founded salem. john white procured a patent and royal charter for them also, which was sealed on march th, . it seemed the irony of fate that on the same day years afterwards washington should open fire upon boston from the dorchester heights in the american war of independence. a second dorchester was founded in america, probably by settlers from the second dorchester in england--a large village near which we had passed as we walked through oxfordshire, where in the distance could be seen a remarkable hill known as dorchester clump. although it had been a roman town, the city where afterwards st. birinus, the apostle of wessex, set up his episcopal throne from to , the head of the see of wessex, it was now only a village with one long street, and could not compare with its much larger neighbour in dorset. its large ancient church, with a fine jesse window, gave the idea of belonging to a place once of much greater size. the "hands across the sea" between the two dorchesters have never been separated, but the pilgrims now come in the opposite direction, thousands of americans visiting dorchester and its antiquities; we heard afterwards that the american dorset had been presented with one of the tessellated pavements dug up from a roman villa in what we might call "dorchester, senior," in england, and that a memorial had been put up in the porch of dorchester church inscribed as follows: in this porch lies the body of the rev. john white, m.a., of new college, oxford. he was born at christmas . for about forty years he was rector of this parish, and also of holy trinity, dorchester. he died here july st, . a man of great godliness, good scholarship, and wonderful ability. he had a very strong sway in this town. he greatly forwarded the migration to the massachusetts bay colony, where his name lives in unfading remembrance. [illustration: statue of william barnes.] another clergyman, named william barnes, who was still living, had become famous by writing articles for the _gentleman's magazine_ and poems for the _dorset county chronicle_, and had published a book in entitled _poems of rural life in dorset dialect_, some of which were of a high order. they were a little difficult for us to understand readily, for these southern dialects did not appeal to us. after he died a statue was erected to his memory, showing him as an aged clergyman quaintly attired in caped cloak, knee-breeches, and buckled shoes, with a leather satchel strung over his shoulder and a stout staff in his hand. one of his poems referred to a departed friend of his, and a verse in it was thought so applicable to himself that it was inscribed on his monument: zoo now i hope this kindly feäce is gone to find a better pleäce; but still wi vo'k a-left behind he'll always be a-kept in mind. thomas hardy, the founder of rochester grammar school in , was the ancestor of admiral hardy, nelson's flag-captain, who received the great hero in his arms when the fatal shot was fired at trafalgar, and whose monument we could see on blackdown hill in the distance. not the least distinguished of this worthy family is thomas hardy, the brilliant author of the famous series of west-country novels, the first of which was published in , the year after our visit. our next stage was bridport, and we had been looking forward to seeing the sea for some time past, as we considered it would be an agreeable change from the scenery of the lonely downs. we passed by winterbourne abbas on our way, and the stone circle known as the "nine stones." the name winterbourne refers to one of those ancient springs common in chalk districts which burst out suddenly in great force, usually in winter after heavy autumn rains, run for a season, and then as suddenly disappear. [illustration: bridport.] bridport was an important place even in the time of edward the confessor, when it contained houses and a priory of monks. it was the birthplace of giles de bridport, the third bishop of salisbury, whose fine tomb we had seen in that cathedral, and who died in ; of him leland wrote, "he kivered the new cathedral church of saresbyrie throughout with lead." in the time of the plantagenet kings bridport was noted for its sails and ropes, much of the cordage and canvas for the fleet fitted out to do battle with the spanish armada being made here. flax was then cultivated in the neighbourhood, and the rope-walks, where the ropes were made, were in the streets, which accounted for some of the streets being so much wider than others. afterwards the goods were made in factories, the flax being imported from rusfia. we did not quite reach the sea that night, as it was a mile or two farther on; but we put up at the "bull hotel," and soon discovered we had arrived at a town where nearly all the men for ages had been destined for the army or navy, and consequently had travelled to all parts of the world--strong rivals to the scots for the honour of being found sitting on the top of the north pole if ever that were discovered. king charles ii was nearly trapped here when he rode into the town in company with a few others and put up at the "george inn." the yard of the inn was full of soldiers, but he passed unnoticed, as they were preparing for an expedition to the channel islands. charles received a private message that he was not safe, and that he was being pursued, and he and his friends hastily departed along the dorchester road. fortunately lord wilton came up, and advised them to turn down a small lane leading to broadwindsor, where charles was immediately secreted; it was lucky for him, as the pursuing party passed along the dorchester road immediately afterwards, and he would certainly have been taken prisoner if he had gone there. a large stone was afterwards placed at the corner of lea lane, where he turned off the high road, and still remained there to commemorate that event, which happened on september rd, . one sunday morning in about three hundred soldiers arrived in the town from lyme regis, where the duke of monmouth had landed on his unfortunate expedition to seize the crown of his uncle james ii. they were opposed by the dorset militia and fired upon from the windows of the "bull inn," where we were now staying, being eventually forced to retire. in still later years bridport was kept alive in anticipation of the hourly-expected invasion of england by the great napoleon, who had prepared a large camp at boulogne, the coast of dorset being considered the most likely place for him to land. (_distance walked thirty miles_.) _friday, november th._ we left the "bull hotel" a little before daylight this morning, as we had a long walk before us, and in about half an hour we reached bridport quay, where the river brit terminates in the sea, now lying before us in all its beauty. there were a few small ships here, with the usual knot of sailors on the quay; but the great object of interest was known as the chesil bank, "one of the most wonderful natural formations in the world." nothing of the kind approaching its size existed elsewhere in europe, for it extended from here to portland, a distance of sixteen miles, and we could see it forming an almost straight line until it reached portland, from which point it had been described as a rope of pebbles holding portland to the mainland. the bank was composed of white flint pebbles, and for half its distance from the portland end, an inlet from the sea resembling a canal, and called "the fleet," passed between the land and the bank, which was here only to yards wide: raised in the centre and sloping down to the water on either side. the pebbles at the bridport end of the bank were very small, but at the portland end they were about three inches in diameter, increasing in size so gradually that in the dark the fishermen could tell where they had landed by the size of the pebbles. the presence of these stones had long puzzled both british and foreign savants, for there were no rocks of that nature near them on the sea-coast, and the trawlers said there were no pebbles like them in the sea. another mystery was why they varied in size in such a remarkable manner. one thing was certain: they had been washed up there by the gigantic waves that rolled in at times with terrific force from the atlantic; and after the great storms had swept over the bank many curious things had been found, including a large number of roman coins of the time of constantine, mediæval coins and antique rings, seals, plates, and ingots of silver and gold--possibly some of them from the treasure-ships of the spanish armada, which were said to have been sunk in the bay. geologists will explain anything. they now assert that the bank is the result of tidal currents which sweep along the coast eastwards--that they have destroyed beds in the cliff containing such pebbles, and as the current loses strength so the bigger and heavier stones are dropped first and the smaller only reach the places where the current disappears. [illustration: chesil beach, portland.] this portion of the sea, known as the west bay, was the largest indentation on the coast, and on that account was doubly dangerous to ships caught or driven there in a storm, especially before the time when steam was applied to them, and when the constant traffic through the channel between spain and spanish flanders furnished many victims, for in those days the wrecks were innumerable. strange fish and other products of the tropical seas had drifted hither across the atlantic from the west indies and america, and in the fishing season the fin whale, blue shark, threshers and others had been caught, also the sun fish, boar fish, and the angler or sea-devil. rare mosses and lichens, with agates, jaspers, coloured flints and corals, had also been found on the chesil bank; but the most marvellous of all finds, and perhaps that of the greatest interest, was the mermaid, which was found there in june . it was thirteen feet long, and the upper part of it had some resemblance to the human form, while the lower part was like that of a fish. the head was partly like that of a man and partly like that of a hog. its fins resembled hands, and it had forty-eight large teeth in each jaw, not unlike those in the jaw-bone of a man. just fancy one of our jack-tars diving from the chesil bank and finding a mate like that below! but we were told that diving from that bank into the sea would mean certain death, as the return flows from the heavy swell of the atlantic which comes in here, makes it almost impossible for the strongest swimmer to return to the bank, and that "back-wash" in a storm had accounted for the many shipwrecks that had occurred there in olden times. from where we stood we could see the hill and bill of portland, in the rear of which was the famous breakwater, the foundation-stone of which had been laid by the prince consort, the husband of queen victoria, more than twenty years previously, and although hundreds of prisoners from the great convict settlement at portland had been employed upon the work ever since, the building of it was not yet completed. the stone from the famous quarries at portland, though easily worked, is of a very durable nature, and has been employed in the great public buildings in london for hundreds of years. inigo jones used most of it in the building of the banqueting hall at whitehall, and sir christopher wren in the reconstruction of st. paul's cathedral after the great fire, while it had also been used in the building of many churches and bridges. we had expected to find a path along the cliffs from bridport quay to lyme regis, but two big rocks, "thorncombe beacon" and "golden cap," had evidently prevented one from being made, for though the golden cap was only about feet above sea-level it formed the highest elevation on the south coast. we therefore made the best of our way across the country to the village of chideoak, and from there descended into charmouth, crossing the river char at the entrance to that village or town by a bridge. on the battlement of this bridge we found a similar inscription to that we had seen at sturminster, warning us that whoever damaged the bridge would be liable to be "transported for life," by order of king george the fourth." charmouth had been one of the roman stations and the scene of the fiercest battles between the saxons and the danes in and , in the reigns of egbert and ethelwolf, in which the danes appeared to have been victorious, as they were constantly being reinforced by fellow-countrymen arriving by sea. but these were practically forgotten, the memories of them having been replaced in more modern times by events connected with the civil war and with the wanderings of "prince charles," the fugitive king charles ii. what a weary and anxious time he must have had during the nineteen days he spent in the county of dorset, in fear of his enemies and watching for a ship by which he could escape from england, while soldiers were scouring the county to find him! [illustration: house where king charles lodged in charmouth.] he wrote a _narrative_, in which some of his adventures were recorded, and from which it appeared that after the battle of worcester and his escape to boscobel, where the oak tree in which he hid himself was still to be seen, he disguised himself as a manservant and rode before a lady named mrs. lane, in whose employ he was supposed to be, while lord wilton rode on in front. they arrived at a place named trent, a village on the borders of somerset and dorset, and stayed at the house of frank wyndham, whom charles described in his _narrative_ as a "very honest man," and who concealed him in "an old well-contrived secret place." when they arrived some of the soldiers from worcester were in the village, and charles wrote that he heard "one trooper telling the people that he had killed me, and that that was my buff coat he had on," and the church bells were ringing and bonfires lighted to celebrate the victory. the great difficulty was to get a ship, for they had tried to get one at bristol, but failed. in a few days' time, however, wyndham ventured to go into lyme regis, and there found a boat about to sail for st. malo, and got a friend to arrange terms with the owner to take a passenger "who had a finger in the pye at worcester." it was arranged that the ship should wait outside charmouth in the charmouth roads, and that the passenger should be brought out in a small boat about midnight on the day arranged. charles then reassumed his disguise as a male servant named william jackson, and rode before mrs. connisby, a cousin of wyndham's, while lord wilton again rode on in front. on arrival at charmouth, rooms were taken at the inn, and a reliable man was engaged who at midnight was to be at the appointed place with his boat to take the prince to the ship. meantime the party were anxiously waiting at the inn; but it afterwards appeared that the man who had been engaged, going home to change his linen, confided to his wife the nature of his commission. this alarmed her exceedingly, as that very day a proclamation had been issued announcing dreadful penalties against all who should conceal the prince or any of his followers; and the woman was so terrified that when her husband went into the chamber to change his linen she locked the door, and would not let him come out. charles and his friends were greatly disappointed, but they were obliged to make the best of it, and stayed at the inn all night. early in the morning charles was advised to leave, as rumours were circulating in the village; and he and one or two others rode away to bridport, while lord wilton stayed at the inn, as his horse required new shoes. he engaged the ostler at the inn to take his horse to the smithy, where hamnet the smith declared that "its shoes had been set in three different counties, of which worcestershire was one." the ostler stayed at the inn gossiping about the company, hearing how they had sat up with their horses saddled all the night, and so on, until, suspecting the truth, he left the blacksmith to shoe the horse, and went to see the parson, whom charles describes as "one westly," to tell him what he thought. but the parson was at his morning prayers, and was so "long-winded" that the ostler became tired of waiting, and fearing lest he should miss his "tip" from lord wilton, hurried back to the smithy without seeing the parson. after his lordship had departed, hamnet the smith went to see mr. westly--who by the way was an ancestor of john and charles wesley--and told him the gossip detailed to him by the ostler. so mr. westly came bustling down to the inn, and accosting the landlady said: "why, how now, margaret! you are a maid of honour now." "what mean you by that, mr. parson?" said the landlady. "why, charles stewart lay last night at your house, and kissed you at his departure; so that now you can't be but a maid of honour!" margaret was rather vexed at this, and replied rather hastily, "if i thought it was the king, i should think the better of my lips all the days of my life; and so you, mr. parson, get out of my house!" westly and the smith then went to a magistrate, but he did not believe their story and refused to take any action. meantime the ostler had taken the information to captain macey at lyme regis, and he started off in pursuit of charles; but before he reached bridport charles had escaped. the inn at charmouth many years afterwards had been converted into a private house, but was still shown to visitors and described as the house "where king charles the second slept on the night of september nd, , after his flight from the battle of worcester," and the large chimney containing a hiding-place was also to be seen there. [illustration: ombersley village: "the king's arms," where charles ii rested during his flight after the battle of worcester, .] prince charles and some friends stood on the tower of worcester cathedral watching the course of the battle, and when they saw they had lost the day they rushed down in great haste, and mounting their horses rode away as fast as they could, almost blocking themselves in the gateway in their hurry. when they reached the village of ombersley, about ten miles distant, they hastily refreshed themselves at the old timber-built inn, which in honour of the event was afterwards named the "king's arms." the ceiling, over the spot where charles stood, is still ornamented with his coat of arms, including the fleur-de-lys of france, and in the great chimney where the smoke disappears above the ingle-nook is a hiding-place capable of holding four men on each side of the chimney, and so carefully constructed that no one would ever dream that a man could hide there without being smothered by the smoke. the smoke, however, is drawn by the draught past the hiding-place, from which there would doubtless be a secret passage to the chamber above, which extended from one side of the inn to the other. in a glass case there was at the time of our visit a cat and a rat--the rat standing on its hind legs and facing the cat--but both animals dried up and withered like leather, until they were almost flat, the ribs of the cat showing plainly on its skin. the landlord gave us their history, from which it appeared that it had become necessary to place a stove in a back kitchen and to make an entrance into an old flue to enable the smoke from the stove-pipe to be carried up the large chimney. the agent of the estate to which the inn belonged employed one of his workmen, nicknamed "holy joe," to do the work, who when he broke into the flue-could see with the light of his candle something higher up the chimney. he could not tell what it was, nor could the landlord, whom "joe" had called to his assistance, but it was afterwards discovered to be the cat and the rat that now reposed in the glass case. it was evident that the rat had been pursued by the cat and had escaped by running up the narrow flue, whither it had been followed by the cat, whose head had become jammed in the flue. the rat had then turned round upon its pursuer, and was in the act of springing upon it when both of them had been instantly asphyxiated by the fumes in the chimney. with the exception of some slight damage to the rat, probably caused in the encounter, they were both almost perfect, and an expert who had examined them declared they must have been imprisoned there quite a hundred years before they could have been reduced to the condition in which they were found by "holy joe"! the proprietors of the hostelries patronised by royalty always made as much capital out of the event as possible, and even the inn at charmouth displayed the following advertisement after the king's visit: here in this house was lodged king charles. come in, sirs, you may venture; for here is entertainment good for churchman or dissenter. [illustration: miss mary anning.] we thought we had finished with fossils after leaving stromness in the orkney islands and trying to read the names of those deposited in the museum there, but we had now reached another "paradise for geologists," this time described as a "perfect" one; we concluded, therefore, that what the pomona district in the orkneys could not supply, or what hugh miller could not find there, was sure to be found here, as we read that "where the river char filtered into the sea the remains of elephants and rhinoceros had been found." but we could not fancy ourselves searching "the surrounding hills for ammonites and belemnites," although we were assured that they were numerous, nor looking along the cliffs for such things as "the remains of ichthyosaurus, plesiosaurus, and other gigantic saurians, which had been discovered there, as well as pterodactyles," for my brother declared he did not want to carry any more stones, his adventure in derbyshire with them being still fresh on his mind. we therefore decided to leave these to more learned people, who knew when they had found them; but, like hugh miller with his famous asterolepis, a young lady named mary anning, who was described as "the famous girl geologist," had, in , made a great discovery here of a splendid ichthyosaurus, which was afterwards acquired for the nation and deposited in the british museum. [illustration: head of the ichthyosaurus.] charmouth practically consisted of one long street rising up the hill from the river, and on reaching the top after getting clear of the town we had to pass along a curved road cut deeply through the rock to facilitate coach traffic. in stormy weather the wind blew through this cutting with such terrific fury that the pass was known as the "devil's bellows," and at times even the coaches were unable to pass through. the road now descended steeply on the other side, the town of lyme regis spread out before us, with its white houses and the blue sea beyond, offering a prospect that dwelt in our memories for many years. no town in all england is quite like it, and it gave us the impression that it had been imported from some foreign country. in the older part of the town the houses seemed huddled together as if to protect each other, and many of them adjoined the beach and were inhabited by fishermen, while a newer and larger class of houses was gradually being built on the hill which rose rather abruptly at the rear of what might be called the old town. [illustration: remains of ichthyosaurus discovered at charmouth.] a curious breakwater called the cobb stretches out a few hundred yards into the sea. this was originally built in the time of edward i as a shelter for the boats in stormy weather, but was destroyed by a heavy sea in the reign of edward iii, who allowed a tax to be levied on all goods imported and exported, the proceeds to be applied towards the rebuilding of the cobb. [illustration: duke of monmouth.] after the death of charles ii his place was filled by his brother, who ascended the throne as james ii; but charles had a natural son, james, the duke of monmouth, who had been sent abroad, but who now claimed the english crown. on june th, , the inhabitants of lyme were alarmed by the appearance of three foreign ships which did not display any flags. they were astonished to find that it was an expedition from holland, and that james, duke of monmouth, had arrived to lead a rebellion against his uncle, james ii. the duke landed on the cobb, which at that time did not join the shore, so that he could not step on shore without wetting his legs; but lieut. bagster of the royal navy, who happened to be in a boat close by, jumped into the water and presented his knee, upon which the duke stepped and so reached the shore without inconvenience. monmouth then turned to lieut. bagster, and familiarly striking him on the shoulder, said, "brave young man, you will join me!" but bagster replied, "no, sir! i have sworn to be true to the king, and no consideration shall move me from my fidelity." monmouth then knelt down on the beach and thanked god for having preserved the friends of liberty and pure religion from the perils of the sea, and implored the divine blessing on what was to be done by land. he was received with great rejoicings in lyme, where there was a strong protestant element, and many joined his standard there, including daniel defoe, the author of _robinson crusoe_, then only twenty-four years of age. as the people generally had no grievance against james ii, monmouth's rebellion failed from want of support, and although he raised an army of , men by the time he reached sedgmoor, in somerset, he was there defeated and taken prisoner by the king's army, and beheaded in the same year. defoe appears to have escaped capture, but twelve local followers of monmouth were hanged afterwards on the cobb at lyme regis. after monmouth's execution a satirical ballad was printed and hawked about the streets of london, entitled "the little king of lyme," one verse being: lyme, although a little place, i think it wondrous pretty; if 'tis my fate to wear a crown i'll make of it a city. we had a look through the old church, and saw a stained-glass window which had been placed there in to the memory of mary anning, for the services rendered by her to science through her remarkable discovery of fossils in the cliffs of lyme. there were also some chained books in the church, one of which was a copy of the breeches bible, published in , and so called because the seventh verse in the third chapter of genesis was rendered, "the eyes of them bothe were opened ... and they sowed figge-tree leaves together, and made themselves breeches." we passed from dorsetshire into devonshire as we walked up the hill loading from lyme regis, and we had a fine view when we reached the summit of the road at hunter's cross, where four roads meet. here we saw a flat stone supposed to have been the quoin of a fallen cromlech, and to have been used for sacrificial purposes. from that point a sharp walk soon brought us to the river axe and the town of axminster. in the time of the civil war the district between lyme regis and axminster appears to have been a regular battle-field for the contending parties, as lyme regis had been fortified in and taken possession of by sir walter erie and sir thomas trenchard in the name of the parliament, while axminster was in the possession of the royalists, who looked upon the capture of lyme as a matter of the highest importance. in prince maurice advanced from axminster with an army of nearly five thousand royalists and cannon and attacked lyme from the higher end of that town; but although they had possession of many fortified mansions which acted as bases or depots they were defeated again and again. the inhabitants of the town were enthusiastic about what they considered to be the protestant cause, and even the women, as in other places, fought in male attire side by side with the men, to make the enemy think they had a greater number opposed to them. the lion's share of the defence fell to the lot of captain davey, who, from his fort worked his guns with such amazing persistence that the enemy were dismayed, while during the siege the town was fed from the sea by ships which also brought ammunition and stores. after righting for nearly two months and losing two thousand of his men prince maurice retired. the cannon-balls that he used, of which some have been found since that time on or near the shore, and in the outskirts of the town, weighed - / lb. one of the defenders was robert blake, the famous admiral, who afterwards defeated the dutch in a great battle off portland. he died in his ship at portsmouth, and his body was taken to greenwich and afterwards embalmed and buried in westminster abbey. but charles ii remembered the part blake had taken in the defeat of the royalist forces at lyme regis, and ordered his ashes to be raked from the grave and scattered to the winds. as may be imagined, in the fights between the two parties the country-people suffered from depredations and were extensively plundered by both sides. this was referred to in a political song entitled "the west husbandman's lamentations," which, in the dialect then prevailing, voices the complaint of a farmer who lost six oxen and six horses: ich had zix oxen t'other day, and them the roundheads vetcht away-- a mischief be their speed! and chad zix horses left me whole. and them the cabballeeroes stole, chee vore men be agreed. we were rather disappointed when we arrived at axminster, for, having often heard of axminster carpets, we expected to find factories there where they made them, but we found that industry had been given up for many years. we saw the factory where they were formerly made, and heard a lot about mr. whitty, the proprietor. he had made two beautiful carpets, and exhibited them in london before sending them to a customer abroad who had ordered them. they were despatched on board a ship from the thames, which did not arrive at its destination and was never heard of afterwards. one of these carpets was described to us as being just like an oil painting representing a battle scene. the carpets were made in frames, a woman on each side, and were worked with a needle in a machine. we saw the house where mr. whitty formerly resided, the factory being at one end of it, while at the back were his dye-works, where, by a secret method, he dyed in beautiful tints that would not fade. the pile on the carpets was very long, being more like that on turkey carpets, so that when the ends were worn they could be cut off with a machine and then the carpet appeared new again. mr. whitty never recovered from the great loss of the two carpets, and he died without revealing his secret process even to his son. the greater part of the works was burnt down on trinity sunday, , and though some portion was rebuilt, it was never again used for making axminster carpets, which were afterwards made at wilton, to which place the looms were removed in ; the industry, started in , had existed at axminster for eighty years. king athelstan founded a college here in commemoration of the battle of brunnenburh, fought in , in which fell five kings and seven earls. the exact site of this battle did not appear to have been located, though this neighbourhood scarcely had more substantial claims to it than the place we passed through in cumberland. axminster took its name from the river axe, which passes near the town, and falls into the sea at axemouth, near seaton; the name axe, as well as exe and usk, is celtic and signifies water--all three being the names of rivers. there was not much left of axminster at the end of the civil war, except the church, for most of the buildings had been burnt down. a letter written on november st, , by a trooper from lyme regis to his parents in london contained the following passage: hot newes in these parts: viz., the th of this present november wee fell upon axminster with our horse and foote, and through god's mercie beat them off their works, insomuch that wee possessed of the towne, and they betook them to the church, which, they had fortified, on which wee were loath to cast our men, being wee had a garrison to look on. my brother and myselfe were both there. we fired part of the towne, what successe we had you may reade by the particulars here inclosed. wee lost only one man in the taking of the towne, and had five wounded. the monday following wee marched to axminster againe. major sydenham having joyned with us that lordis day at night before, thinking to have seized on the church, and those forces that were in it, but finding them so strong, as that it might indanger the loss of many of our men, wee thought it not fit to fall upon the church, but rather to set the houses on fire that were not burnt at the first firing, which accordingly we did, and burnt doune the whole toune, unlease it were some few houses, but yet they would not come forth out of the church. when prince charles, afterwards charles ii, was defeated at worcester, it was only natural that he should go amongst his friends for protection, and a curious story was told here about his narrow escape from his pursuers in this neighbourhood. he had stayed a short time with the wyndham family, near chard, when news came that his pursuers were on his track, and that no time must be lost, so he was sent to coaxden, two miles from axminster, to take refuge with the cogan family, relatives of the colonel wyndham who took a leading part in securing his safe retreat. he had only just gone when the soldiers arrived and insisted upon looking through the house and searching it thoroughly; even a young lady they met in the house was suspected of being the king in disguise, and it was with some difficulty that they were persuaded otherwise. they examined every room and linen chest, and then departed in full chase towards the south. meanwhile, charles had arrived at coaxden, and entering the parlour, where mrs. cogan was sitting alone, threw himself upon her protection. it was then the fashion for ladies to wear very long dresses, and as no time was to be lost, the soldiers being on his heels, she hastily concealed him beneath the folds of her dress. mrs. cogan was in her affections a royalist, but her husband, who was then out upon his estate, belonged to the opposite party. observing the approach of the soldiers, he made towards the house, and together they entered the room where the lady was sitting, who affected surprise at their intrusion. the men immediately announced their business, stating that prince charles had been traced very near the house, and as he must be concealed upon the premises, they were authorised to make a strict search for him. assenting with apparent readiness to their object, mrs. cogan kept her seat, whilst her husband accompanied the men into every room. at length, having searched the premises in vain, they took their departure, mr. cogan going out with them. being now released from her singular and perilous situation, the lady provided for the security of the fugitive until it was prudent for him to depart, when, furnished with provisions and a change of apparel, he proceeded on his journey to trent, and after further adventures, from thence to brighthelmstone, then a poor fishing town, where he embarked for france. after he had reached the continent charles rewarded the lady's fidelity by sending her a handsome gold chain and locket having his arms on the reverse, which was long preserved in the family. there was a curious stone in the churchyard at axminster placed over the remains of a crippled gentleman whose crutches were buried with him, a copy of them being carved on the stone. he was the father of william buckland, the eminent geologist, who was dean of westminster and died in . our next stage was honiton, the "town of lace," and we walked quickly onwards for about six miles until we reached the foot of honiton hill, a considerable elevation which stood between ourselves and that town; and after an upward gradient of a mile or two we gained a fine view both of the town and the beautiful country beyond, which included dumpdown hill, crowned with an ancient circular camp. several definitions of the word honiton had been given, but the most acceptable, and perhaps the correct one and certainly the sweetest, was that of the "honey town," originating, it was said, at a time when the hills which surrounded the place were covered with thyme, "sweet to the taste and fragrant to the smell; and so attractive to the bees that large quantities of honey were produced there." the bee-farmers even in saxon times were important personages, for sugar was not imported and honey was the sweetener for all kinds of food and liquor. honiton, like many other towns, largely consisted of one wide street; and daniel defoe, in his journey from london to land's end, early in the year , described this "town of lace" as large and beautiful, and "so very remarkably paved with small pebbles, that on either side the way a little channel is left shouldered up on the sides of it; so that it holds a small stream of fine running water, with a little square dipping-place left at every door, so that every family in the town has a clear running river just at their own door; and this so much finer, so much pleasanter than that of salisbury, that in my opinion there is no comparison." the running streams had now disappeared both here and at salisbury, but we could quite understand why one was so much better than the other, as the water running through salisbury was practically on the level, while that at honiton ran down the hill and had ample fall. lancashire ideas of manufacturing led us to expect to find a number of factories at honiton where the lace was made for which the town was so famous, but we found it was all being worked by hand by women and girls, and in private houses. we were privileged to see some very beautiful patterns that were being worked to adorn fashionable ladies in london and elsewhere. the industry was supposed to have been introduced here originally by flemish refugees in the fifteenth century, and had been patronised by royalty since the marriage of queen charlotte in , who on that occasion wore a honiton lace dress, every flower on which was copied from nature. we were informed by a man who was standing near the "dolphin inn," where we called for tea, that the lace trade was "a bigger business before the bank broke," but he could not tell us what bank it was or when it "broke," so we concluded it must have been a local financial disaster that happened a long time ago. the roman road from bath to exeter passed through honiton, and the weekly market had been held on each side of that road from time immemorial; the great summer fair being also held there on the first wednesday and thursday after july th. a very old custom was observed on that occasion, for on the tuesday preceding the fair the town crier went round the town carrying a white glove on a pole and crying: o yes! the fair is begun, and no man dare to be arrested until the fair is done, while on the friday evening he again went round the town ringing his bell, to show that the fair was over. the origin of this custom appeared to be shrouded in mystery, as we could get no satisfactory explanation, but we thought that those three days' grace must have served as an invitation to evil-doers to visit the town. the church contained the tomb of thomas marwood, who, according to an inscription thereon, "practised physick and chirurgery above seventy-five years, and being aged above years, departed in ye catholic faith september ye th anno domini ." marwood became famous in consequence of his having--possibly, it was suggested, by pure accident--cured the earl of essex of a complaint that afflicted him, for which service he was presented with an estate in the neighbourhood of honiton by queen elizabeth. the "dolphin inn" at honiton was where we made our first practical acquaintance with the delectable devonshire clotted cream, renewed afterwards on every possible occasion. the inn was formerly the private mansion of the courtenay family, and its sign was one of the family crests, "a dolphin embowed" or bent like a bow. this inn had been associated with all the chief events of the town and neighbourhood during the past three centuries, and occupied a prominent position near the market cross on the main road. in january the inn had been willed to richard minify, and after his death to his daughter ann minify, and it was in that year that william, prince of orange, set sail for england, and landed at torbay in devonshire. the advanced guard of his army reached honiton on october th, and the commander, colonel tollemache, and his staff occupied the "dolphin." william was very coldly received by the county families in devonshire, as they remained strongly attached to the jacobite cause, and to demonstrate their adhesion to the house of stuart they planted scotch fir trees near their mansions. on the other hand, many of the clergy sympathised with the rebellion, and to show their loyalty to the cause they planted avenues of lime trees from the churchyard gate to the church porch. james ii, whom william came to replace, wrote in his memoirs that the events that happened at honiton were the turning-point of his fortunes, and it was at the "dolphin" that these events culminated, leading to the desertion of the king's soldiers in favour of william. it seemed strange that a popular song set to a popular tune could influence a whole army, and incidentally depose a monarch from his throne. yet such was the case here. [illustration: examples of honiton lace. from specimens kindly lent by mrs. fowler, of honiton. the lower example is a corner of a handkerchief specially made for queen mary.] lieutenant-general richard talbot, who was in ireland in , had recommended himself to his bigoted master, james ii, by his arbitrary treatment of the protestants in that country, and in the following year he was created earl of tyrconnel, and, being a furious papist, was nominated by the king to the lord lieutenancy of ireland. in he was going to ireland on a second expedition at the time that the advanced guard of william of orange reached honiton, and when the advanced guard of king james's english army was at salisbury. it was at this critical period that lord wharton, who has been described as "a political weathercock, a bad spendthrift, and a poet of some pretensions," joined the prince of orange in the revolution, and published this famous song. he seems to have been a dissolute man, and ended badly, although he was a visitor at the "dolphin" at that time, with many distinguished personages. in the third edition of the small pamphlet in which the song was first published lord wharton was described "as a late viceroy of ireland who has so often boasted himself upon his talent for mischief, invention, and lying, and for making a certain 'lilliburlero' song with which, if you will believe himself, he sung a deluded prince out of three kingdoms." it was said that the music of the song was composed by henry purcell, the organist of westminster abbey, and contributed not a little to the success of the revolution. be this as it may, burnet, then bishop of salisbury, wrote: it made an impression on the king's army that cannot be imagined.... the whole army, and at last the people, both in city and country, were singing it perpetually ... never had so slight a thing so great an effect. purcell's music generally was much admired, and the music to "lilli burlero," which was the name of the song, must have been "taking" and a good tune to march to, for the words themselves would scarcely have had such a momentous result. it was a long time before it died out in the country districts, where we could remember the chorus being sung in our childhood's days. a copy of the words but not the music appeared in percy's _reliques of ancient english poetry_: ho! broder teague, dost hear de decree? lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- dat we shall have a new deputie, lilli burlero, bullen a-la. _chorus_: lero lero, lilli burlero, lero lero, bullen a-la, lero lero, lilli burlero, lero lero, bullen a-la. ho! by shaint tyburn, it is de talbote: lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- and he will cut all de english troate: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. dough by my shoul de english do praat, lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- de law's on dare side, breish knows what: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. but if dispense do come from de pope, lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- we'll hang magna charta and dem in a rope: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. for de good talbot is made a lord, lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- and with brave lads is coming a-board: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. who in all france have taken a sware, lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- dat dey will have no protestant heir: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. ara! but why does he stay behind? lilli burlero, bullen a-la. ho! by my shoul 'tis a protestant wind: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. but see de tyrconnel is now come ashore. lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- and we shall have commissions gillore: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. and he dat will not go to de mass, lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- shall be turn out and look like an ass: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. now, now de hereticks all go down, lilli burlero, bullen a-la. by chrish and shaint patrick, de nation's our own: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. dare was an old prophecy found in a bog, lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- "ireland shall be rul'd by an ass and a dog": lilli burlero, bullen a-la. and now dis prophecy is come to pass, lilli burlero, bullen a-la-- for talbot's de dog, and james is de ass: lilli burlero, bullen a-la. _chorus after each verse_: lero lero, lilli burlero, lero lero, bullen a-la, lero lero, lilli burlero, lero lero, bullen a-la. lilliburlero and bullen a-la were said to have been words of distinction used among the irish papists in their massacre of the protestants in --a massacre which gave renewed strength to the traditions which made the name of bloody mary so hated in england. in george iii halted opposite the "dolphin" to receive the loyal greetings of the townspeople, and on august rd, , the princess victoria, afterwards queen, stayed there to change horses; the inn was also the leading rendezvous at the parliamentary elections when honiton returned two members to parliament. in the eighteenth century the inn was often the temporary home of sir william yonge and sir george yonge, his equally famous son, and of alderman brass crosby, lord mayor of london, each of whom was m.p. for honiton. the family of yonge predominated, for whom honiton appeared to have been a pocket borough, and a very expensive one to maintain, as sir george yonge, who was first returned in , said in his old age that he inherited £ , from his father, that his wife brought him a similar amount, and government also paid him £ , , but honiton had swallowed it all! a rather numerous class of voters there were the potwallers or potwallopers, whose only qualification was that they had boiled their pots in the parish for six months. several attempts were made to resist their claim to vote, but they were unsuccessful, and the matter was only terminated by the reform bill of ; so possibly sir george had to provide the inducement whereby the potwallopers gave the family their support during the full term in which he served the free and independent electors of honiton in parliament. a hospital for lepers, founded as early as the fourteenth century, was now used for the deserving poor; and near the old chapel, attached to the hospital cottages, the place was pointed out to us where the local followers of the duke of monmouth who were unfortunate enough to come under the judgment of the cruel judge jeffreys were boiled in pitch and their limbs exhibited on the shambles and other public places. we had a comparatively easy walk of sixteen miles to exeter, as the road was level and good, with only one small hill. for the first four miles we had the company of the small river otter, which, after passing honiton, turned here under the highway to ottery st. mary, on its course towards the sea. the county of devon is the third largest in england, and having a long line of sea-coast to protect, it was naturally warlike in olden times, and the home of many of our bravest sailors and soldiers. when there was no foreign enemy to fight they, like the scots, occasionally fought each other, and even the quiet corner known as the fenny bridges, where the otter passed under our road, had been the scene of a minor battle, to be followed by a greater at a point where the river clyst ran under the same road, about four miles from exeter. in the time of edward vi after the dissolution of the monasteries by henry viii changes were made in religious services, which the west-country people were not prepared to accept. on whit-sunday, june th, , the new service was read in the church of sampford courtenay for the first time. the people objected to it, and compelled the priest to say mass as before, instead of using the book of common prayer, which had now become law. many other parishes objected likewise, and a rebellion broke out, of which humphrey arundel, the governor of st. michael's mount in cornwall, took the lead. their army of , men marched on to exeter and besieged it, and they also occupied and fortified clyst st. mary and sent up a series of demands to the king. lord russell, who had been glutted with the spoils of the monasteries, and was therefore keen in his zeal for the new order, was sent with a small force accompanied by three preachers licensed to preach in such places as lord russell should appoint; but he was alarmed at the numbers opposed to him, and waited at honiton until the arrival of more troops should enable him to march to the relief of exeter. being informed that a party of the enemy were on the march to attack him, russell left the town to meet them, and found some of them occupying fenny bridges while the remainder were stationed in the adjoining meadow. he was successful in winning the fight, and returned to honiton to recruit. he then attacked the rebels on clyst heath and defeated them, but it was a hard-fought fight, and "such was the valour of these men that the lord grey reported himself that he never, in all the wars he had been in, did know the like." the rebels were mercilessly butchered and the ringleaders executed--the vicar of st. thomas' by exeter, a village we passed through the following morning, who was with the rebels, being taken to his church and hanged from the tower, where his body was left to dangle for four years. we had been walking in the dark for some hours, but the road was straight, and as we had practically had a non-stop walk from honiton we were ready on our arrival at exeter for a good supper and bed at one of the old inns on the icknield way, which, with several churches, almost surrounded the cathedral. (_distance walked thirty-eight miles_.) _saturday, november th._ exeter, formerly known as the "city of the west" and afterwards as the "ever-faithful city," was one of the most interesting places we had visited. it had occupied a strong strategical position in days gone by, for it was only ten miles from the open sea, sufficient for it to be protected from sudden attacks, yet the river exe, on which it is situated, was navigable for the largest ships afloat up to about the time of the spanish armada. situated in the midst of a fine agricultural country, it was one of the stations of the romans, and the terminus of the ancient icknield way, so that an army landed there could easily march into the country beyond. afterwards it became the capital of the west saxons, athelstan building his castle on an ancient earthwork known--from the colour of the earth or rock of which it was composed--as the "red mound." his fort, and the town as well, were partially destroyed in the year by the danes under sweyn, king of denmark. soon after the norman invasion william the conqueror built his castle on the same site--the "red mound"--the name changing into the norman tongue as rougemont; and when king edward iv came to exeter in , in pursuit of the lancastrian earls clarence and warwick, who escaped by ship from dartmouth, he was, according to shakespeare's _richard iii_, courteously shown the old castle of rougemont by the mayor. we could not requisition the services of his worship at such an early hour this morning, but we easily found the ruins of rougemont without his assistance; though, beyond an old tower with a dungeon beneath it and a small triangular window said to be of saxon workmanship, very little remained. the ruins had been laid out to the best advantage, and the grounds on the slope of the ancient keep had been formed into terraces and planted with flowers, bushes, and trees. as this work had originally been carried out as far back as the year , the grounds claimed to be the oldest public gardens in england: the avenues of great trees had been planted about fifty years later. perkin warbeck was perhaps one of the most romantic characters who visited exeter, for he claimed to be richard, duke of york, who, he contended, was not murdered in the tower of london, as generally supposed. as the duke he claimed to be more entitled to the crown of england than henry vii, who was then on the throne, perkin warbeck, on the other hand, was described as the son of a tournai jew, but there seemed to be some doubt about this. in any case the duchess of burgundy acknowledged him as "her dear nephew," and his claim was supported by charles viii of france and james iv of scotland; from the former he received a pension, and from the latter the hand of his relative lady catherine gordon in marriage. [illustration: athelstan's tower.] he arrived at exeter on september th, , with , men, and after burning the north gate he forced his way through the city towards the castle, but was defeated there by sir richard courtenay, the earl of devon, and taken prisoner. for some mysterious reason it was not until november rd, , more than two years after the battle, that he was hanged for treason, at tyburn. another strange incident was that when king henry vii came to exeter after the battle, and the followers of perkin warbeck were brought before him with halters round their necks and bare-headed, to plead for mercy, he generously pardoned them and set them at liberty. the fighting in the district we had passed through last night occurred in , the second year of the reign of king edward vi. a pleasing story was related of this king, to the effect that when he was a boy and wanted something from a shelf he could not quite reach, his little playfellow, seeing the difficulty, carried him a big book to stand upon, that would just have enabled him to get what he wanted; but when edward saw what book it was that he had brought he would not stand upon it because it was the "holy bible." the religious disturbances we have already recorded were not confined to the neighbourhood of exeter, but extended all over england, and were the result of an act of parliament for which the people were not prepared, and which was apparently of too sweeping a character, for by it all private masses were abolished, all images removed from churches, and the book of common prayer introduced. it was the agitation against this act that caused the , cornish and devonian men, who were described as rebels, incited also by their priests, to besiege the city of exeter, and to summon the mayor and council to capitulate. this the "ever-faithful city" refused to do, and held out for thirty-six days, until lord russell and lord grey appeared on the scene with the royal army and raised the siege. in , during the civil war, exeter surrendered to prince maurice, the nephew of charles i, and three years later capitulated to the army of the parliament on condition that the garrison should march out with all the honours of war. the unhappy wife of charles i arrived at exeter in , having a few days previously bidden her husband "good-bye" for the last time, a sorrowful parting which we had heard about at abingdon, where it had taken place, and whither charles had accompanied her from oxford. she stayed at bedford house in exeter, where she was delivered of a daughter, who was named henrietta, being baptized in the cathedral in a magnificent new font erected especially for the occasion. the queen left the city on july th, and sailed from falmouth to france, where she stayed at the court of louis xiv. twelve days later the king reached exeter, and called to see his infant daughter, and he again stayed at bedford house on his return from cornwall on september th, . [illustration: exeter cathedral, west front.] in charles ii, his son, also passed through exeter, and stayed to accept a gift of £ from the city as a testimony of its loyalty and gratitude for his restoration and return; and the "merrie monarch" afterwards sent the city a portrait of his sister, the unfortunate henrietta, to whom he was passionately attached. as duchess of orleans she had an unhappy life, and her somewhat sudden death was attributed to poison. her portrait, painted by lely, was still hanging in the guildhall, and was highly prized as one of the greatest treasures of the city. we went to see the cathedral, but were rather disappointed with its external appearance, which seemed dark and dismal compared with that of salisbury. a restoration was in progress, and repairs were being carried out with some light-coloured and clean-looking stone, not of a very durable nature, which looked quite beautiful when new, but after being exposed to the weather for a few years would become as dull and dark-looking as the other. the interior of the cathedral, however, was very fine, and we were sorry we had not time to explore it thoroughly. some very old books were preserved in it--the most valuable being a saxon manuscript called _codex exoniensis_, dating from the ninth century, and also the _exeter domesday_, said to be the exact transcript of the original returns made by the commissioners appointed by william the conqueror at the time of the survey, from which the great domesday was completed. the minstrel gallery dated from the year , and many musical instruments used in the fourteenth century were represented by carvings on the front, as being played by twelve angels. the following were the names of the instruments: cittern, bagpipe, clarion, rebec, psaltery, syrinx, sackbut, regals, gittern, shalm, timbral, and cymbals! some of these names, my brother remarked, were not known to modern musicians, and they would be difficult to harmonise if all the instruments had to be played at the same time; his appreciation of the bagpipe was doubtless enhanced, seeing that it occupied the second position. the cathedral also possessed a marvellous and quaint-looking clock some hundreds of years old, said to have been the production of that famous monk of glastonbury who made the wonderful clock in wells cathedral, which on striking the hour sets in motion two armoured figures of knights on horseback, armed with spears, who move towards each other in a circle high above the central arches, as if engaged in a tournament. the clock at exeter showed the hour of the day and the age of the moon, and upon the face or dial were two circles, one marked from to for the days of the month, and the other figured i to xii twice over for the hours. in the centre was a semi-globe representing the earth, round which was a smaller ball, the moon, painted half gold and half black, which revolved during each month, and in turning upon its axis showed the various phases of the luminary that it represented. between the two circles was a third ball representing the sun, with a fleur-de-lys which pointed to the hours as the sun, according to the ancient theory, daily revolved round the earth; underneath was an inscription relating to the hours: pereunt et imputantur (they pass, and are placed to our account.) the notes telling the hours were struck upon the rich-toned bell named "great peter," which was placed above, the curfew or _couvre-feu_ ("cover-fire") being also rung upon the same bell. the curfew bell was formerly sounded at sunset, to give notice that all fires and lights must be extinguished. it was instituted by william the conqueror and continued during the reign of william rufus, but was abolished as a "police regulation" in the reign of henry i. the custom was still observed in many places, and we often heard the sound of the curfew bell, which was almost invariably rung at eight o'clock in the evening. the poet gray commences his "elegy written in a country churchyard" with-- the curfew tolls the knell of parting day; and one of the most popular dramatic pieces in the english language, written by an american schoolgirl born in , was entitled "the curfew bell." she described how, in cromwell's time, a young englishwoman, whose sweetheart was doomed to die that night at the tolling of the curfew bell, after vainly trying to persuade the old sexton not to ring it, prevented it by finding her way up the tower to the belfry and holding on to the tongue of the great bell. meanwhile the old sexton who had told her "the curfew bell _must_ ring tonight" was pulling the bell-rope below, causing her to sway backwards and forwards in danger of losing her life while murmuring the words "curfew shall _not_ ring to-night": o'er the distant hills comes cromwell. bessie sees him; and her brow, lately white with sickening horror, has no anxious traces now. at his feet she tells her story, shows her hands all bruised and torn; and her sweet young face, still haggard with the anguish it had worn, touched his heart with sudden pity, lit his eyes with misty light. "go! your lover lives!" cried cromwell. "curfew shall not ring to-night!" wide they flung the massive portals, led the prisoner forth to die, all his bright young life before him. 'neath the darkening english sky bessie came, with flying footsteps, eyes aglow with love-light sweet; kneeling on the turf beside him, laid his pardon at his feet. in his brave, strong arms he clasped her, kissed the face upturned and white, whispered: "darling, you have saved me; curfew will not ring to-night!" the "great peter" bell was presented to exeter cathedral in the fifteenth century by bishop peter courtenay, and when re-cast in weighed , lb., being then considered the second largest bell in england. the curfew was tolled on "great peter" every night at eight o'clock, and after that hour had been sounded and followed by a short pause, the same bell tolled the number of strokes correspending with the day of the month. this was followed by another short pause, and then eight deliberate strokes were tolled. ever since the time of william the conqueror there appeared to have been too many churches in exeter, for it was said that thirty-two were known to have existed at the time of the conquest, and that in the year the bishop reduced the number to nineteen, of which sixteen still remained at the time of our visit, while the sites of the remaining three could be located. a further effort to reduce the number was made in the time of the commonwealth, when an act was passed to reduce them to four, but the accession of king charles ii prevented this from being carried out. one of the old churches stood at the top of a small elevation known as stepcote hill, approached by a very narrow street, one half of which was paved and the other formed into steps leading to the "church of st. mary's steps," the tower of which displayed a sixteenth-century clock. on the dial appeared the seated figure of king henry viii guarded by two soldiers, one on each side, who strike the hours; they are commonly known as "matthew the miller and his two sons." [illustration: the guildhall, exeter. "we thought the old guildhall even more interesting than the cathedral."] matthew was a miller who lived in the neighbourhood, and was so regular in his goings out and comings in that the neighbours set their time by him; but there was no doubt that the figure represented "old king hal," and it seemed strange that the same king should have been associated by one of the poets with a miller who had a mill in our county town of chester: there dwelt a miller hale and bold beside the river dee, he work'd and sang from morn till night, no lark more blithe than he; and this the burden of his song for ever used to be-- "i envy nobody, no, not i, and nobody envies me!" "thou'rt wrong, my friend," cried old king hal "thou'rt wrong as wrong can be; for could my heart be light as thine i'd gladly change with thee. and tell me now what makes thee sing with voice so loud and free, while i am sad though i'm the king, beside the river dee!" the miller smil'd and doff'd his cap, "i earn my bread," quoth he; "i love my wife, i love my friend, i love my children three; i owe no penny i cannot pay; i thank the river dee, that turns the mill that grinds the corn to feed my babes and me." "farewell," cried hal, and sighed the while, "farewell! and happy be-- but say no more, if thou'd be true, that no one envies thee; thy mealy cap is worth my crown, thy mill, my kingdom's fee; such men as thou are england's boast, oh miller of the dee." [illustration: matthew the miller and his two sons.] we thought the old guildhall even more interesting than the cathedral, the old icknield way, which entered the city by the high street, passing close to it; and in fact, it seemed as if the hall, which formed the centre of the civic life of the city, had encroached upon the street, as the four huge pillars which supported the front part were standing on the outside edge of the footpath. these four pillars had the appearance of great solidity and strength, as also had the building overhead which they supported, and which extended a considerable distance to the rear. the massive entrance door, dated , thickly studded with large-headed nails, showed that the city fathers in former times had a lively sense of self-protection from troublesome visitors. but the only besiegers now were more apparent than real, as the covered footpath formed a substantial shelter from a passing shower. behind this a four-light window displayed the arms of france as well as those of england; there were also emblazoned in stained glass the arms of the mayors, sheriffs, and recorders from to . the city arms were ratified in , and in the letters patent of that date they are thus described: uppon a wreathe golde and sables, a demye-lyon gules, armed and langued azure crowned, supportinge a bale thereon a crosse botone golde, mantelled azure doubled argent, and for the supporters two pagassis argent, their houes and mane golde, their winges waney of six argent and azure. [illustration: princess henrietta. (_from the painting by lely, in the guildhall_.)] the motto "semper fidelis" (ever faithful) had been bestowed on the city by queen elizabeth, and exeter has ever since been described as "the ever-faithful city." there were a number of fine old paintings in the hall, but the one which attracted the most attention was that of the princess henrietta by sir peter lely. in the turret above was hung the old chapel bell, which served as an alarm in case of fire, and bore an inscription in latin, "celi regina me protege queso ruina," or "o queen of heaven, protect me, i beseech thee, from harm." the insignia case in the guildhall contained four maces, two swords of state, a cap of maintenance, a mayor's chain and badge, four chains for the sergeants-at-mace, a loving cup, and a salver. the mayor's chain dated from . the older sword of the two was given to the city by edward iv on the occasion of his visit in , "to be carried before the mayor on all public occasions." the sheath is wrapped in crape, the sword having been put in mourning at the restoration; it was annually carried in the procession to the cathedral on the anniversary of the death of charles i until the year , when the service in commemoration of his death was removed from the prayer-book. the other sword was given to the city by henry vii on his visit in , after his victory over perkin warbeck, when "he heartily thanked his citizens for their faithful and valuable service done against the rebels"--promised them the fullness of his favour and gave them a sword taken from his own side, and also a cap of maintenance, commanding that "for the future in all public places within the said city the same should be borne before the mayor, as for a like purpose his noble predecessor king edward the fourth had done." the cap of maintenance was formerly worn by the sword-bearer on ceremonial occasions, but was now carried on a cushion. the cap was made of black beaver, and was preserved inside the embroidered crimson velvet cover made in . the sword of edward iv was said to be the only existing sword of the early english monarchs. [illustration: the common seal of exeter.] the beautiful silver chains worn by the sergeants-at-mace with alternate links of x and r, standing for exeter, date from about the year , and were previously worn by the city waits. exeter is the only city that has four mace-bearers, and the common seal of the city is one of the oldest in the kingdom, dating from , and still in use. the civic ceremonies, and especially those on assize sunday, are very grand affairs. on that occasion the judges and corporation attend the cathedral in state. the judges arrive in the state-coach attired in their robes and wigs, attended by the county sheriff in uniform, and escorted by trumpeters and a posse of police. the corporation march from the guildhall, the mayor in his sable robe and the sheriff in purple, attended by their chaplains and the chief city officials in their robes, and accompanied also by the magistrates, aldermen, and councillors. in front are borne the four maces, henry vii's sword and the cap of maintenance, escorted by the city police. the judges on their arrival at the great west door of the cathedral are met by the bishop and other dignitaries of the church in their robes and conducted to their official places in the choir, whilst the beautiful organ peals out the national anthem. on the third tuesday in july a curious custom was observed, as on that day a large white stuffed glove decorated with flowers was hung in front of the guildhall, the townspeople having been duly warned, to the sound of the drum and fife, that the great lammas fair, which lasted for three days, had begun; the glove was then hoisted for the term of the fair. lammas day falls on the first day of august, and was in saxon times the feast of first-fruits; sometimes a loaf of bread was given to the priest in lieu of first-fruit. it seems to have been a similar fair to that described at honiton, but did not appear to carry with it freedom from arrest during the term of the fair, as was the case in that town. the records or archives possessed by the city of exeter are almost continuous from the time of edward i, and have been written and compiled in the most careful manner. they are probably the most remarkable of those kept by the various towns or cities in the provinces. they include no less than forty-nine royal charters, the earliest existing being that granted by henry ii in the twelfth century, and attested by thomas à-becket. a herb (_acorus calamus_ or sweet sage), which was found in the neighbourhood of exeter, was highly prized in former times for its medicinal qualities, being used for diseases of the eye and in intermittent fevers. it had an aromatic scent, even when in a dried state, and its fragrant leaves were used for strewing the floors of churches. it was supposed to be the rush which was strewn over the floor of the apartments occupied by thomas à-becket, who was considered luxurious and extravagant because he insisted upon a clean supply daily; but this apparent extravagance was due to his visitors, who were at times so numerous that some of them were compelled to sit on the floors. it was quite a common occurrence in olden times for corpses to be buried in churches, which caused a very offensive smell; and it might be to counteract this that the sweet-smelling sage was employed. we certainly knew of one large church in lancashire within the walls of which it was computed that , persons had been buried. it was astonishing how many underground passages we had heard of on our journey. what strange imaginations they conjured up in our minds! as so few of them were now in existence, we concluded that many might have been more in the nature of trenches cut on the surface of the land and covered with timber or bushes; but there were old men in exeter who were certain that there was a tunnel between the site of the old castle and the cathedral, and from there to other parts of the city, and they could remember some of them being broken into and others blocked up at the ends. we were also quite sure ourselves that such tunnels formerly existed, but the only one we had actually seen passed between a church and a castle. it had just been found accidentally in making an excavation, and was only large enough for one man at a time to creep through comfortably. there were a number of old inns in exeter besides the old "globe," which had been built on the icknield way in such a manner as to block that road, forming a terminus, as if to compel travellers to patronise the inn; and some of these houses were associated with charles dickens when he came down from london to exeter in to report on lord john russell's candidature for parliament for the _morning observer_. the election was a very exciting one, and the great novelist, it was said, found food for one of his novels in the ever-famous eatonswill, and the ultra-abusive editors. four years afterwards dickens leased a cottage at alphington, a village about a mile and a half away from exeter, for his father and mother, who resided there for three and a half years. dickens frequently came to see them, and "mr. micawber," with his ample seals and air of importance, made a great impression on the people of the village. dickens freely entered into the social life of exeter, and he was a regular visitor on these occasions at the old "turk's head inn," adjoining the guildhall, where it was said he picked up the "fat boy" in _pickwick_. mrs. lupin of the "blue dragon" appeared as a character in _martin chuzzlewit_, and "pecksniff" was a local worthy whom he grossly and unpardonably caricatured. [illustration: "mile end cottage," alphington.] on leaving exeter we crossed the river by the exe bridge and followed the course of that stream on our way to regain the sea-coast, entering the suburb of st. thomas the apostle, where at a church mentioned in as being "without the walls," we saw the tower from which the vicar was hanged for being concerned in the insurrection of . at alphington we had pointed out to us the "mile end cottage," formerly the residence of the parents of charles dickens, and then walked on to exminster, expecting from its name to find something interesting, but we were doomed to disappointment. on the opposite side of the river, however, we could see the quaint-looking little town of topsham, which appeared as if it had been imported from holland, a country which my brother had visited seven years previously; we heard that the principal treasures stored in the houses there were dutch tiles. ships had formerly passed this place on their way to exeter, but about the year isabella de-fortibus, countess of exeter, having been offended by the people there, blocked up the river with rocks and stones, thereby completely obstructing the navigation and doing much damage to the trade of exeter. at that time cloths and serges were woven from the wool for which the neighbourhood of exeter was famous, and exported to the continent, the ships returning with wines and other merchandise; hence exeter was at that time the great wine-importing depot of the country. the weir which thus blocked the river was still known as the "countess weir," and topsham--which, by the way, unlike exeter, absolutely belonged to the earls of devon--increased in importance, for ships had now to stop there instead of going through to exeter. the distance between the two places is only about four miles, and the difficulty appeared to have been met in the first instance by the construction of a straight road from exeter, to enable goods to be conveyed between that city and the new port. this arrangement continued for centuries, but in a ship canal was made to topsham, which was extended and enlarged in and again in , so that exeter early recovered its former position, as is well brought out in the finely-written book of the _exeter guild of merchant adventurers_, still in existence. its charter was dated june th, , and by it queen elizabeth incorporated certain merchants under the style of "the governors consuls, and society of the merchant adventurers of the citye and county of exeter, traffiqueing the realme of fraunce and the dominions of the french kinge." the original canal was a small one and only adapted for boats carrying about fifteen tons: afterwards it was enlarged to a depth of fifteen feet of water--enough for the small ships of those days--for even down to tudor times a hundred-ton boat constituted a man-of-war. this canal made exeter the fifth port in the kingdom in tonnage, and it claimed to be the first lock canal constructed in england. its importance gradually declined after the introduction of railways and the demand for larger ships, and the same causes affected topsham, its rival. [illustration: powderham castle.] leaving exminster, we had a delightful walk to powderham, the ancient seat of the courtenay family, the earls of devon, who were descended from atho, the french crusader. the first of the three branches of this family became emperors of the west before the taking of constantinople by the turks, the second intermarried with the royal family of france, and the third was reginald courtenay, who came to england in the twelfth century and received honours and lands from henry ii. his family have been for six centuries earls of devon, and rank as one of the most honoured in england. we called to see the little church at powderham, which stood quite near the river side, and which, like many others, was built of the dark red sandstone peculiar to the district. there were figures in it of moses and aaron, supposed originally to be placed to guard the two tablets containing the ten commandments; and there were the remains of an old screen, but the panels had suffered so severely that the figures and emblems could not be properly distinguished. there was also under an arch a very old monument, said to be that of the famous isabella de-fortibus, countess of devon, who died in . she was the sister of the last earl baldwin de redvers, and married william de-fortibus, earl of albemarle, in . her feet rested on a dog, while on either side her head were two small child-angels, the dog and children being supposed to point to her as the heroine of a story recorded in a very old history of exeter: an inhabitant of the city being a very poor man and having many children, thought himself blessed too much in that kind, wherefore to avoid the charge that was likely to grow upon him in that way absented himself seven years together from his wife. but then returning, she within the space of a year afterwards was delivered of seven male children at a birth, which made the poor man to think himself utterly undone, and thereby despairing put them all in a basket with full intent to have drowned them: but divine providence following him, occasioned a lady then within the said city coming at this instant of time in his way to demand of him what he carried in that basket, who replied that he had there whelps, which she desired to see, who, after view perceiving that they were children, compelled the poor man to acquaint her with the whole circumstances, whom, when she had sharply rebuked for such his humanity, presently commanded them all to be taken from him and put to nurse, then to school, and so to the university, and in process of time, being attained to man's estate and well qualified in learning, made means and procured benefices for every one of them. the language used in this story was very quaint, and was probably the best tale related about isabella, the countess of devon; but old "isaacke," the ancient writer, in his history remarks that it "will hardly persuade credit." we could not learn what became of william her husband; but isabella seemed to have been an extremely strong-minded, determined woman, and rather spiteful, for it was she who blocked the river so that the people of exeter, who had offended her, could have neither "fishing nor shipping" below the weir. on one occasion, when four important parishes had a dispute about their boundaries, she summoned all their principal men to meet her on the top of a swampy hill, and throwing her ring into the bog told them that where it lay was where the parishes met; the place is known to this day as "ring-in-the-mire." we passed by powderham castle, and saw some magnificent trees in the park, and on a wooded hill the belvedere, erected in . this was a triangular tower feet high, with a hexagonal turret at each corner for sight-seeing, and from it a beautiful view over land and sea could be obtained. with regard to the churches in this part of england, we learned that while somerset was noted for towers and cornwall for crosses, the churches in devonshire were noted for screens, and nearly every church we visited had a screen or traces where one had existed, some of them being very beautiful, especially that in kenton church, which we now went to inspect. farther north the images and paintings on the screens, and even the woodwork, had been badly disfigured, but some of the old work in devon had been well preserved. the screens had been intended to protect the chancel of the church from the nave, to teach people that on entering the chancel they were entering the most sacred part of the church, and images and paintings were placed along the screens. the same idea, but in another direction, was carried out on the outside of the churches; for there also the people, scarcely any of whom in those days could read or write, were taught, by means of images and horrible-looking gargoyles worked in stone placed on the outside of the church and steeple, that everything vile and wicked was in the world outside the church. the beautiful pictures and images inside the church were intended to show that everything pure and holy was to be found within: the image of the patron saint being generally placed over the doorway. [illustration: belvedere tower.] [illustration: kenton church.] the village of kenton was hidden in a small dell, and possessed a village green, in the centre of which were the remains of an old cross. the church tower was one hundred feet high, surmounted by an unusually tall pinnacle at each corner, the figure of a saint appearing in a niche, presumably for protection. kenton must have been a place of some importance in early times, for henry iii had granted it an annual fair on the feast of all saints. the magnificent screen in the church not only reached across the chancel, but continued across the two transepts or chapels on either side, and rose in tiers of elaborate carving towards the top of the chancel arch. no less than forty of its panels retained their original pictures of saints and prophets, with scrolls of latin inscriptions alternating with verses from the old testament and clauses from the apostles' creed. most of the screen was fifteenth-century work, and it was one of the finest in the county; much of the work was flemish. on it were images of saints, both male and female, and of some of the prophets, the saints being distinguishable by the nimbus or halo round their heads, and the prophets by caps and flowing robes after the style of the jewish costumes in the middle ages. there was also a magnificent pulpit of about the same date as the screen, and so richly designed as to equal any carved pulpit in europe. it was said to have been carved from the trunk of a single oak tree and ornamented in gilt and colours. the number of screens in the churches near the sea-coast caused us to wonder whether some of them had been brought by sea from flanders or france, as we remembered that our cheshire hero, and a famous warrior, sir hugh de calveley, who kept up the reputation of our county by eating a calf at one meal, and who died about the year , had enriched his parish church with the spoils of france; but the lovely old oak furniture, with beautifully figured panels, some containing figures of saints finely painted, which he brought over, had at a recent "restoration" (?) been taken down and sold at two pounds per cartload! we sincerely hoped that such would not be the fate of the beautiful work at kenton. we now came to star cross, a place where for centuries there had been a ferry across the river exe, between the extreme west and east of devon. the rights of the ferry had formerly belonged to the abbots of sherborne, who had surmounted the landing-place with a cross, which had now disappeared. the ferry leads by a rather tortuous passage of two miles to exmouth, a town we could see in the distance across the water; but troublesome banks of sand, one forming a rabbit warren, obstructed the mouth of the river. we also passed through cofton, a small village noted for its cockles, which the women gathered along the shore in a costume that made them resemble a kind of mermaid, except that the lower half resembled that of a man rather than a fish. about two miles from cofton was the village of mamhead, with its obelisk built in , one hundred feet high, on the top of a spur of the great haldon hill. the rector of the church here at one time was william johnson temple, often mentioned in _boswell's life of johnson_. he was the grandfather of frederick temple, bishop of exeter at the time we passed through that city, afterwards bishop of london, and finally archbishop of canterbury, to whose harsh voice and common sense we had once listened when he was addressing a public meeting in manchester. in the churchyard at mamhead was an enormous yew tree, over eight hundred years old. in , when boswell came to see lord lisburne at mamhead park, and stayed at the vicarage, he was so much impressed by the size and magnificence of this great tree, that he made a vow beneath its great branches "never to be drunk again"--a vow he soon forgot when he was out of sight of the tree. we soon arrived at the pretty little town of dawlish, and perhaps it was its unique appearance that gave us the impression that we had reached another of the prettiest places we had visited. there we halted for refreshments and for a hurried excursion in and about the town, as we were anxious to reach torquay before night, where we had decided to stay until monday morning. we walked towards the source of the water, which comes down from the higher lands in a series of pretty little waterfalls, spreading out occasionally into small lakes adorned at the sides with plots of grass and beds of flowers. the name dawlish, we learned, came from two cornish words meaning "deep stream," or, as some have it, "devil's water"; and behind the town on haldon hill was the "devil's punchbowl," from which descended the water that passed through the town, but which is in much too pleasant a position, we thought, to be associated with his satanic majesty. [illustration: the conger rock, dawlish] modern dawlish (though "doflisc" appears in early charters) only dated from the year , when the course of a small stream was changed, and the pretty waterfalls made; rustic bridges were placed over it and houses built near the banks; this scheme, which was intended to make the fortunes of the prospectors and of the inhabitants generally, was completed at the beginning of november in that year. but, sad to relate, before nine o'clock on the morning of november th in that same year scarcely a vestige of the improvements remained, and in place of a small rippling stream came a great river, which swept away four houses with stables and other buildings and eight wooden bridges. it seemed almost as if the devil had been vexed with the prospectors for interfering with his water, and had caused this devastation to punish them for their audacity. but a great effort was made in , and a more permanent scheme on similar lines was completed; and dawlish as we saw it in was a delightful place suggestive of a quiet holiday or honeymoon resort. elihu burritt, in his _walk from london to land's end_, speaks well of dawlish; and barham, a local poet and a son of the renowned author of _ingoldsby legends_, in his legend "the monk of haldon," in the july number of _temple bar_ in , wrote: then low at your feet, from this airy retreat, reaching down where the fresh and the salt water meet, the roofs may be seen of an old-fashioned street; half village, half town, it is--pleasant but smallish, and known where it happens to _be_ known, as dawlish. a place i'd suggest as one of the best for a man breaking down who needs absolute rest, especially too if he's weak in the chest; torquay may be gayer, but as for the air it really can not for a moment compare with snug little dawlish--at least so they say there. [illustration: on the coast near dawlish.] the light-coloured cliffs of dorsetshire had now given place to the dark red sandstone cliffs of devonshire, a change referred to by barham in "the monk of haldon," for he wrote: 'tis certainly odd that this part of the coast, while neighbouring dorset gleams white as a ghost, should look like anchovy sauce spread upon toast. we were now bound for teignmouth, our next stage; and our road for a short distance ran alongside, but above, the seashore. the change in the colour of the cliffs along the sea-coast reminded my brother of an incident that occurred when he was going by sea to london, about nine years before our present journey. he had started from liverpool in a tramp steamboat, which stopped at different points on the coast to load and unload cargo; and the rocks on the coast-line as far as he had seen--for the boat travelled and called at places in the night as well as day--had all been of a dark colour until, in the light of a fine day, the ship came quite near beachy head, where the rocks were white and rose three or four hundred feet above the sea. he had formed the acquaintance of a young gentleman on board who was noting every object of interest in a diary, and who, like my brother, was greatly surprised at the white cliffs with the clear blue sky overhead. presently the captain came along, and the young man asked him why the rocks were white. "well, sir," said the captain, "the sea is as deep there as the rocks are high, and they are so dangerous to ships in the dark that the government has ordered them to be whitewashed once a month to prevent shipwreck." out came the pocket-book, and as the captain watched the passenger write it down, my brother looked hard in the captain's face, who never moved a muscle, but a slight twinkle in one of his eyes showed that he did not want to be asked any questions! the devon red sandstone was not very durable, and the action of the sea had worn the outlying rocks into strange shapes. before reaching teignmouth we had some good views of the rocks named "the parson and the clerk," the history of which was by no means modern, the legend being told in slightly different ways: a great many years ago the vicar of dawlish and his clerk had been to teignmouth to collect tithes, and were riding home along the cliffs on a dark wet night when they lost their way. suddenly they came to a house that they did not remember having seen before. the windows were bright and light, and they could hear the shouts and laughter of a very merry company within; they were just wishing themselves inside when a window was thrown open and they were invited to come in, an invitation they very willingly accepted, and they soon began to enjoy themselves, drinking deeply and waxing merrier every moment, the parson singing songs that were quite unfit for a priest, entirely forgetting the sanctity of his calling, while the clerk followed his master's example. they stayed long, and when, with giddy heads and unsteady legs, they rose to depart, the parson said he was sure he could not find the way, and he must have a guide, even if it were the devil himself. the man who had invited them into the house said he would put them on the right way for dawlish, and led them to the top of the road, and telling them to go straight on, immediately disappeared. when they had gone a little way, they thought the tide uncommonly high, as it reached their feet, although a minute before they were sure they were on dry land; and the more they attempted to ride away the faster rose the water! boisterous laughter now echoed around, and they shouted for help, and a bright flash of lightning revealed the figure of their guide, who was none other than the devil himself, jeering and pointing over the black stormy sea into which they had ridden. morning came, and their horses were found quietly straying on the sands, but neither the parson nor his clerk were ever seen again: but meantime two isolated rocks, in which were seen their images, had risen in the sea as a warning to their brethren of future generations to have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness. from the teignmouth side the parson appeared seated in a pulpit the back of which was attached to the cliff, while under him was an arch just like the entrance to a cave, through which the sea appeared on both sides; while the poor clerk was some distance farther out at sea and much lower down. we thought it was a shame that the parson should be sitting up there, watching the poor clerk with the waves dashing over him, as if perfectly helpless to save himself from drowning. still, that was the arrangement of the three-decker pulpit so common in the churches of a hundred years ago--the clerk below, the parson above. our road terminated on the beach at teignmouth, and near st. michael's church, where on a tablet appeared the figure of a ship, and underneath the following words: sacred to the memory of richard westlake, aged years, master of the brig "isla," also john westlake, his brother, aged years, who lost their lives in the said brig which founder'd in the storm on the th day of october within sight of this church. readers be at all times ready, for you know not what a day may bring forth. teignmouth was a strange-looking town, and the best description of it was by the poet winthrop mackworth praed, who described it as seen in his time from the top of the ness rock: a little town was there, o'er which the morning's earliest beam was wandering fresh and fair. no architect of classic school had pondered there with line and rule-- the buildings in strange order lay, as if the streets had lost their way; fantastic, puzzling, narrow, muddy, excess of toil from lack of study. where fashion's very latest fangles had no conception of right angles. possibly the irregular way in which the old portion of the town had been built was due to the inroads of the french, who had invaded and partially destroyed the town on two occasions; for in those days the english coast between portland and plymouth was practically undefended. by way perhaps of reprisal teignmouth contributed seven ships and mariners to edward iii's expedition to calais in . [illustration: "the parson and clerk rock," dawlish.] that unfortunate young poet john keats visited teignmouth in . he had begun to write his poem "endymion" in the isle of wight the year before, and came here to revise and finish it. the house where he resided, with its old-fashioned door and its three quaint bow windows rising one above another, was pointed out to us, as well as a shop at that time kept by the "three pretty milliners" in whom poor keats was so greatly interested. endymion was a beautiful youth whom selene, the moon, wrapped in perpetual sleep that she might kiss him without his knowledge. keats, who was in bad health when he came to teignmouth, was reported to have said he could already feel the flowers growing over him, and although he afterwards went to rome, the warmer climate failed to resuscitate him, and he died there in , when only twenty-five years old. we had expected to have to walk thirty miles that day, via newton abbot, before reaching torquay; but were agreeably surprised to find we could reduce the mileage to twenty-three and a half by crossing a bridge at teignmouth. the bridge was quite a formidable affair, consisting of no less than thirty-four arches, and measured , feet from shore to shore. it was, moreover, built of beams of wood, and as it had been in existence since the year , some of the timber seemed rather worn. the open rails at the sides and the water below, and our solemn thoughts about keats, tended to give us the impression that we were not altogether safe, and we were glad when we reached the other side, and landed safely at st. nicholas, or rather at the villages which formed the southern portion of teignmouth. with the ness rock, a huge dark red rock with a nose turned upwards towards the sky, to our left, we walked briskly along the coast road towards torquay in order to reach that town before dark, as we were obliged to find a good inn to stay in over the sunday. continuing along this road, with fine views in the neighbourhood of anstey's cove, we soon arrived at torquay, of which we had heard such glowing descriptions on our journey. near the entrance to the town we overtook a clergyman, with whom we entered into conversation, telling him of our long journey, in which he was much interested. we asked him if he could recommend us a good hotel where we could stay until monday morning, as we did not walk on sundays; and he suggested that we should stay at one of the boarding-houses. we had never thought of staying at these places, but when he said he knew of one that would just suit us, and would be pleased to accompany us there, we were delighted to accept his kind offer. [illustration: teignmouth ness lighthouse.] i knew my brother was rather suspicious of boarding-houses, and when we arrived opposite the rather nice house where the clergyman had taken us i noticed he looked rather critically at the windows both below and above. when he saw that the curtains were drawn equally on each side of the windows and all the blinds drawn down to almost exactly the same distance, he was quite satisfied, as he had often said it was a sure sign that there was somebody in the house who was looking after it, and that similar order would be certain to reign within. [illustration: anstey's cove. torquay.] the clergyman was evidently well known to the people at the house, and an introduction to the master and mistress, and (shall we record?) to their two daughters as well, placed us immediately upon the best of terms with the whole family. we received every attention, and after a good tea we had a walk in and around the town, and were well pleased with the appearance of torquay. it was a much larger place than we had anticipated. in a stationer's shop window we saw exhibited a small _guide to torquay_, published in manchester, and sold for the small sum of one penny, from which we learned that the population of torquay had risen enormously during the past few years, for while it registered , in and , in , in , the year of our journey, it stood at , ; and it further informed us that the distance from there to london was miles, and that "the express which leaves paddington at . and arrives at torquay at . has a third-class carriage for torquay"--an example of the speed of express trains in those days. the _guide_ must have only just been issued, evidently in advance for the coming year, as it gave the torquay high water table from may to october inclusive for , and the following precise account of anstey's cove. anstis cove anstis cove deserves a special visit. passing from the strand, under an avenue of trees opposite the post-office, and leaving the public gardens on the right hand, the visitor will go as straight as the road will permit till he comes in sight of st. matthias' church. the road to the right leads down to anstis cove. he will notice among the ferns and trees a door in the mossy bank, like the entrance to a hermitage in the wilderness. it is the door of the venerable kent's cavern. persons who are now employed by the torquay natural history society will guide the visitor and supply candles. the vast cavern is six hundred and fifty feet in length, with small caverns and corridors, which are most dangerous without a guide, rugged, wet, and slippery. some years ago the skeleton of a woman who had lost her way was found. no one now enters without a guide. in some parts the cavern is so low that the visitors are obliged to crawl and squeeze, but in other parts it is feet high. the eminent geologist, dr. buckland, here discovered the bones of rhinoceros, elephants, lions, wolves, bears, hippopotami, and hyaenas--beasts of prey that haunted the forests of prehistoric england before the times of the celts. rude implements which have been found in the cavern prove that in very remote times it was the resort of savage tribes. the cavern is now in process of careful examination by qualified persons, at the expense of the british association, to whom they make periodical reports. fossil remains which have been, discovered may be seen at the museum of the natural history society, in park street, between the hours of ten and four daily. but anstis cove is the object of our search. proceeding down the shady lane, taking the first turning on the left hand, we find a gateway leading to a footpath among all kinds of bushes and shady trees, down to the pebbly beach. the lofty limestone cliff of walls hill is before us--such rocks as are nowhere else to be seen. they seem like huge monsters creeping into the ocean. here, amongst huge rocks on the shore, are the bathing machines. the water is clear as crystal. rowing-boats are also here for hire, and here the strata of the neighbouring cliffs hanging over the sea can be examined. here is a cottage, too, where lobsters and picnic viands may be procured. on the beach the fossil madrepore is often found. we were the only visitors at the boarding-house, where the cleanliness and the catering were all that could be desired. the young ladies vied with each other to make our visit a pleasant one, and after a good supper we stayed up relating some of our adventures until the clock struck ten, when we retired for a well-earned rest, having walked quite miles that week. (_distance walked twenty-three and a half miles_.) _sunday, november th._ we rose at our usual early hour this morning, and were downstairs long before our friends anticipated our arrival, for they naturally thought that after our long walk we should have been glad of an extra hour or two's rest; but habit, as in the time of diogenes, had become second nature, and to remain in bed was to us equivalent to undergoing a term of imprisonment. as boot-cleaning in those days was a much longer operation than the more modern boot-polish has made it, we compromised matters by going out in dirty boots on condition that they were cleaned while we were having breakfast. it was a fine morning, and we were quite enchanted with torquay, its rocks and its fine sea views on one side, and its wooded hills on the other, with mansions peeping out at intervals above the trees. we could not recall to mind any more beautiful place that we had visited. [illustration: torquay from waldon hill in .] after breakfast we attended morning service at the church recommended by our host, but after travelling so much in the open air the change to the closer atmosphere of a church or chapel affected us considerably. although we did not actually fall asleep, we usually became very drowsy and lapsed into a dreamy, comatose condition, with shadowy forms floating before us of persons and places we had seen in our travels. the constant changes in position during the first part of the church service invariably kept us fairly well alive, but the sermon was always our chief difficulty, as during its delivery no change of posture was required. when the service began, however, we were agreeably surprised to find that the minister who officiated was none other than the clergyman who had so kindly interested himself in finding us lodgings yesterday. this awakened our interest in the service, which we followed as closely as we could; but when the vicar announced his text, beginning with the well-known words, "they that go down to the sea in ships," we were all attention, for immediately our adventures in the north sea came into our minds, and the ocean, that great work of the almighty, is so graphically described in that th psalm, and the dangers of the sailors with their fears and hopes so clearly depicted, that we record the whole text, as it appeared in the versified rendering of the psalms, in the hope that some one may "read, mark, learn and inwardly digest": they that go down to the sea in ships: and occupy their business in great waters; these men see the works of the lord, and his wonders in the deep. for at his word the stormy wind ariseth, which lifteth up the waves thereof. they are carried up to the heaven, and down again to the deep: and their soul melteth away because of the trouble. they reel to and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and are at their wit's end. so when they cry unto the lord in their trouble, he delivereth them out of their distress. for he maketh the storm to cease, so that the waves thereof are still. then are they glad, because they are at rest, and so he bringeth them unto the haven where they would be. o that men would therefore praise the lord for his goodness, and declare the wonders that he doeth for the children of men. the preacher referred feelingly to a great storm or tornado which had visited the south coast about six years before, when a large number of ships, sheltering in torbay, were swept out by a sudden change in the wind and over forty of them were sunk. this happened in the month of january, when drifting snow filled the eyes of the spectators, who were within hearing distance but could render no assistance. the brixham sailors acted most bravely and saved many lives, but over one hundred people were drowned. we could see that some members of the congregation still mourned the loss of friends who had perished on that sad occasion. we were well pleased with the service, and after a short ramble returned to our lodgings for dinner at one o'clock, afterwards adjourning to the drawing-room, where we were presently joined by our host, who suggested a walk that afternoon to see the beautiful views in the neighbourhood, a proposition to which we readily assented. [illustration: the outer harbour, brixham.] but while he was getting ready my brother happened to strike a few chords on the piano, which immediately attracted the attention of the two young ladies, who told us they had seen us at church, where they were in the choir. they were beginning to learn some pieces to sing at christmas, and, producing a pianoforte copy, asked my brother to play the accompaniment while they tried them over. he made some excuses, but they said they knew he could play as soon as they heard him strike the chords; so, as his excuses were not accepted, he had to submit to the inevitable---not altogether unwillingly. they had only just begun when their father came into the room and claimed our company for the promised walk, and, as i was the only member of the party ready to join him, we went out with the understanding that they would follow us. after walking a short distance i suggested waiting for them, but the gentleman assured me they knew the way he always went on sundays, and would be sure to find us. i enjoyed the company of our host, as he seemed to know the history of the whole neighbourhood, and possessed a fund of information ready at command concerning every object of interest we saw. he pointed out portland in the far distance, where convicts worked, and where the stones used for sharpening scythes were produced. he also told me that formerly torquay consisted merely of a few cottages inhabited by fishermen, but some nobleman bought the place for £ , , and let the ground in lots on short leases for building purposes. now that it was covered with fine houses, he received tens of thousands a year from chief rent, while many of the houses would come to his family in a few years' time. it surprised me greatly how much i missed my brother's company. we had never been separated for so long a period during the whole of our journey, and at every turn i found myself instinctively turning round to see if he were following. it was a lovely walk, but when we reached the house on our return, neither my brother nor the young ladies were to be found, and it was nearly time for the five-o'clock tea before they returned. they all looked very pleasant, and assured us they had followed us as promised, and the young ladies seemed able to convince their father that they had done so; but to my mind the matter was never satisfactorily cleared up, and i often reminded my brother in after years about those two young ladies at torquay, who, by the way, were very good-looking. many years afterwards some poetry was written by a lady who must have been an authority on the "little maids of devon," for she wrote: oh! the little maids of devon, they've a rose in either cheek, and their eyes like bits of heaven meet your own with glances meek; but within them there are tiny imps that play at hide and seek! oh! the little maids of devon, they have skins of milk and cream, just as pure and clear and even as a pool in dartmoor stream; but who looks at them is holden with the magic of a dream. oh! the little maids of devon, they have honey-coloured hair. where the sun has worked like leaven. turning russet tones to fair, and they hold you by the strands of it, and drive you to despair. oh! the little maids of devon, they have voices like a dove, and jacob's years of seven one would serve to have their love; but their hearts are things of mystery a man may never prove! we all attended church again for evening service, and after supper passed the evening singing hymns, in which i was able to join, some of them very beautiful and selected because they had been composed by people connected with the county of devon. one of them was written by charlotte elliott, who died at torquay in , the year we were there, and still a favourite even in these later years, the first verse being: just as i am, without one plea but that thy blood was shed for me, and that thou bidd'st me come to thee, o lamb of god, i come. the first vicar of lower brixham was the rev. henry francis lyte, who at fifty-four years of age began to suffer from consumption, and who, when he knew he had not long to live, prayed that he might be enabled to write something that would live to the glory of god after he was dead. as a last resource he had been ordered by the doctors to go to the riviera, where he died at nice a month later. the night before he started he preached his farewell sermon, and, returning to his house as the sun was setting over the ships in the harbour, many of which belonged to the fishermen he had laboured amongst for so many years, he sat down and wrote that beautiful hymn: abide with me; fast falls the eventide; the darkness deepens; lord, with me abide; when other helpers fail, and comforts flee, help of the helpless, o abide with me. then there was the rev. a.m. toplady, for some time vicar of broad hembury, near honiton. while walking out with some friends in somerset, he was caught in a storm, and the party sheltered in a well-known cave by the roadside, where, standing under its rocky entrance, he wrote this famous hymn: rock of ages, cleft for me. let me hide myself in thee; let the water and the blood, from thy riven side which flow'd, be of sin the double cure, cleanse me from its guilt and power. all these hymns are sung in every part of the world where the english tongue is spoken. the two ladies were good singers, one soprano and the other contralto, while i sang tenor and my brother tried to sing bass; but, as he explained, he was not effective on the lower notes (nor, as a matter of fact, on the high ones either). he said afterwards it was as much as he could do to play the music without having to join in the singing, and at one point he narrowly escaped finishing two bars after the vocalists. still we spent a very pleasant evening, the remembrance of which remained with us for many years, and we often caught ourselves wondering what became of those pretty girls at torquay. ninth week's journey _monday, november th._ from time immemorial torbay had been a favourite landing-place both for friends and foes, and it was supposed that the roman emperors vespasian, titus, and adrian, when on their way to the camp on milber downs, had each landed near the place where brixham now stands. brixham was the best landing-place in the bay, and the nearest to the open sea. it was a fishing-place of some importance when torquay, its neighbour, was little known, except perhaps as a rendezvous of smugglers and pirates. leland, in his famous _itinerary_ written in the sixteenth century, after describing the bay of torre as being about four miles across the entrance and "ten miles or more in compace," says: "the fishermen hath divers tymes taken up with theyr nettes yn torre-bay mussons of harts, whereby men judge that in tymes paste it hath been forest grounds." clearly much of england has been washed away or has sunk beneath the ocean. is not this part of the "lyonesse" of the poets--the country of romance--the land of the fairies? [illustration: brixham harbour] in , when the spanish armada appeared outside the bay, there was great excitement in the neighbourhood of torbay, which grew into frenzy when the first capture was towed in. the _rosario_, or, to give her the full name, _nuestra señora del rosario_, was a fine galleon manned by men and many gallant officers. she was the _capitana_, or flagship, of the squadron commanded by don pedro de valdez, who had seen much service in the west indies and who, because of his special knowledge of the english channel, was of great importance in the council of the armada. he was a bold, skilful leader, very different from the commander-in-chief, and as his ship formed one of the rearguard he took an early part in the fight with the pursuing english. he was badly mauled, losing his foremast and suffering worse by fouling two ships, one of his own squadron, the other a biscayan; all three were damaged. he demanded assistance of medina sidonia, but the weather was rough and the duke refused. in the darkness the _rosario_ drove off one or two english attempts to cut her off, but drake himself in the famous _revenge_ lay alongside and called upon valdez to surrender. his reply was a demand for honourable terms, to which drake answered that he had no time for parley--the spanish commander must come aboard at once or he would rake her. the name of drake (el draque, the dragon) was enough for the spaniard, and valdez, in handing over his sword, took credit to himself that he yielded to the most famous captain of his day. drake in reply promised good treatment and all the lives of the crew, a thing by no means usual, as can be guessed by the remark of the disgusted sheriff, when so many prisoners were handed over at torbay; he wished "the spaniards had been made into water-spaniels." drake sent the _roebuck_ to see the ship safely into torbay, where she was left in charge of the brixham fishermen, her powder being secured at once and sent by the quickest of the fishing-boats to our own ships, at that moment badly in need of it. the prisoners were taken round to torbay, where they were lodged in a building ever afterwards known as the "spanish barn." [illustration: statue of william, prince of orange, brixham, erected on the spot where he landed.] in the first squadron organised by the east india company sailed from torbay, and in the dutch fleet, commanded by de ruyter, paid the bay a brief but not a friendly visit, doing some damage. in another fleet appeared--this time a friendly one, for it brought william, prince of orange, who had been invited to occupy the english throne abdicated by james ii. we were informed that when his ship approached the shore he spoke to the people assembled there in broken english--very broken--saying, "mine goot people, mine goot people, i mean you goot; i am come here for your goot, for your goots," and suggested that if they were willing to welcome him they should come and fetch him ashore; whereupon one peter varwell ran into the sea, and carried the new king to the shore, gaining much renown for doing so. this happened on november th, the date for landing doubtless having been arranged to coincide with the anniversary of the attempt of guy fawkes to blow up the houses of parliament with gunpowder eighty-three years before, so that bonfire day served afterwards to celebrate the two occasions. the house where william stayed that night was still pointed out in brixham. in james ii, who had been dethroned and exiled to france, told tourville, the french admiral, that if he would take his fleet to the south of england he would find all the people there ready to receive him back again, so he brought his ships off torbay. instead of a friendly reception here, he found the people decidedly hostile to james's cause, so he detached two or three of his galleys to teignmouth, quite a defenceless place, where they committed great ravages and practically destroyed the town. these galleys were a class of boat common in the mediterranean, where they had been employed ever since the warlike times of the greeks and romans. in addition to sails, they were propelled with oars manned by slaves; and a similar class of ship worked by convicts was used by the french down to the middle of the eighteenth century. the men of teignmouth, who had no wish to be captured and employed as galley slaves, seeing that they were in a hopeless position, retreated inland. lord macaulay thus describes the position in his history: the beacon on the ridge above teignmouth was kindled, hey-tor and cawsand made answer, and soon all the hill tops of the west were on fire. messengers were riding all night from deputy lieutenant to deputy lieutenant; and early the next morning, without chief, without summons, five hundred gentlemen and yeomen, armed and mounted, had assembled on the summit of haldon hill, and in twenty-four hours all devonshire was up. it was therefore no wonder that trouville found his landing opposed by thousands of fierce devonshire men, who lined the shores and prevented him from landing his troops; the expedition was a complete failure, and he returned to france. in those days, when railways and telegraphy were unknown, the whole country could be aroused very quickly and effectively by those beacon fires. the fuel was always kept ready for lighting on the beacon hills, which were chosen so that the fire on one hill could be seen from the other. on our journey through england we passed many of these beacons, then used for more peaceful purposes. in another ship appeared in torbay, with only one prisoner on board, but a very important one. the ship was the british man-of-war the _bellerophon_, and the prisoner the great napoleon bonaparte. we had already come to the conclusion that torquay, with its pretty bay, was the most delightful place we had visited; and even napoleon, who must have been acquainted with the whole of europe, and who appeared in torbay under what must have been to him depressing circumstances, exclaimed when he saw it, "_enfin, voilà un beau pays_!" (what a beautiful country this is!) he arrived on july th, five weeks after the battle of waterloo, and departed on august th from plymouth, having been transferred to the _northumberland_ for the voyage to his prison home in st. helena, a south atlantic island miles from any other land, and where he died in . during the few days' visit of the _bellerophon_ at torbay, thousands upon thousands of people came by land and water in the hope of seeing the great general who had so nearly made himself master of the whole of europe, and although very few of them saw napoleon, they all saw the lovely scenery there, and this, it was said, laid the foundation of the fortunes of the future torquay. [illustration: napoleon on the _bellerophon_. _from the painting by orchardson_.] we had intended leaving torquay for totnes by the main road, which passed through paignton, but our host informed us that even if we passed through it, we should not see paignton in all its glory, as we were twelve years too early for one pudding and thirty-nine years too late for the next. we had never heard of paignton puddings before, but it appeared that as far back as paignton had been created a borough or market town, and held its charter by a white-pot pudding, which was to take seven years to make, seven years to bake, and seven years to eat, and was to be produced once every fifty years. in the pudding was made of lbs. of flour, lbs. of suet, lbs. of raisins, and eggs. it was boiled in a brewer's copper, and was kept constantly boiling from the saturday morning until the tuesday following, when it was placed on a gaily decorated trolley and drawn through the town by eight oxen, followed by a large and expectant crowd of people. but the pudding did not come up to expectations, turning out rather stodgy: so in a much larger pudding was made, but this time it was baked instead of boiled, and was drawn by twenty-five horses through the streets of the town. one feature of the procession on that occasion was a number of navvies who happened to be working near the town and who walked in their clean white slops, or jackets, and of course came in for a goodly share of the pudding. one of the notables of paignton was william adams, one of the many prisoners in the hands of the turks or saracens in the time when the english liturgy was compiled. it was said that the intercession "for all prisoners and captives" applied especially to them, and every sunday during the five years he was a prisoner at algiers, william adams' name was specially mentioned after that petition. the story of his escape was one of the most sensational of its time. adams and six companions made a boat in sections, and fastened it together in a secluded cove on the seacoast; but after it was made they found it would only carry five of them, of whom adams was of course one. after the most terrible sufferings they at length reached "majork," or majorca island, the spaniards being very kind to them, assisting them to reach home, where they arrived emaciated and worn out. the two men left behind were never heard of again. we had often heard the name "bill adams," and wondered whether this man could have been the original. the county historian of those days had described him as "a very honest sensible man, who died in the year of our lord , and his body, so like to be buried in the sea and to feed fishes, lies buried in paignton churchyard, where it feasteth worms." [illustration: paignton old tower] we could see paignton, with its ivy-covered tower, all that was left of the old palace of the bishops of exeter, but we did not visit it, as we preferred to cross the hills and see some other places of which we had heard, and also to visit berry pomeroy castle on our way to totnes. behind torquay we passed along some of the loveliest little lanes we had ever seen. they must have presented a glorious picture in spring and summer, when the high hedges were "hung with ferns and banked up with flowers," for even in november they were very beautiful. these by-lanes had evidently been originally constructed for pedestrian and horse traffic, but they had not been made on the surface of the land, like those in dorset and wilts, and were more like ditches than roads. we conjectured that they had been sunk to this depth in order that pirates landing suddenly on the coast could see nothing of the traffic from a distance. but therein consisted their beauty, for the banks on either side were covered with luxuriant foliage, amongst which ferns and flowers struggled for existence, and the bushes and trees above in many places formed a natural and leafy arch over the road below. the surface of the roads was not very good, being naturally damp, as the drying influences of the wind and sun could scarcely penetrate to such sheltered positions, and in wet weather the mud had a tendency to accumulate; but we did not trouble ourselves about this as we walked steadily onwards. the roads were usually fairly straight, but went up and down hill regardless of gradients, though occasionally they were very crooked, and at cross-roads, in the absence of finger-posts or any one to direct us, it was easy to take a wrong turning. still it was a real pleasure to walk along these beautiful devonshire lanes. [illustration: a typical devonshire lane.] in a devonshire lane, as i trotted along t'other day, much in want of a subject for song, thinks i to myself, i have hit on a strain-- sure, marriage is much like a devonshire lane. in the first place 'tis long, and when once you are in it, it holds you as fast as a cage does a linnet; for howe'er rough and dirty the road may be found, drive forward you must, there is no turning round. but though 'tis so long, it is not very wide, for two are the most that together can ride; and e'en then 'tis a chance but they sit in a pother. and joke and cross and run foul of each other. but thinks i too, the banks, within which we are pent, with bud, blossom, berry, are richly besprent; and the conjugal fence, which forbids us to roam. looks lovely, when deck'd with the comforts of home. in the rock's gloomy crevice the bright holly grows: the ivy waves fresh o'er the withering rose, and the evergreen love of a virtuous wife soothes the roughness of care--cheers the winter of life. then long be the journey, and narrow the way, i'll rejoice that i've seldom a turnpike to pay; and whate'er others say, be the last to complain. though marriage is just like a devonshire lane. late though it was in the year, there was still some autumn foliage on the trees and bushes and some few flowers and many ferns in sheltered places; we also had the golden furze or gorse to cheer us on our way, for an old saying in devonshire runs-- when furze is out of bloom then love is out of tune, which was equivalent to saying that love was never out of tune in devonshire, for there were three varieties of furze in that county which bloomed in succession, so that there were always some blooms of that plant to be found. the variety we saw was that which begins to bloom in august and remains in full beauty till the end of january. beside the fire with toasted crabs we sit, and love is there; in merry spring, with apple flowers it flutters in the air. at harvest, when we toss the sheaves, then love with them is toss't; at fall, when nipp'd and sear the leaves, un-nipp'd is love by frost. golden furze in bloom! o golden furze in bloom! when the furze is out of flower then love is out of tune. presently we arrived at cockington, a secluded and ancient village, picturesque to a degree, with cottages built of red cobs and a quaint forge or smithy for the village blacksmith, all, including the entrance lodge to the squire's park, being roofed or thatched with straw. pretty gardens were attached to all of them, and everything looked so trim, clean, and neat that it was hard to realise that such a pretty and innocent-looking place had ever been the abode of smugglers or pirates; yet so it was, for hiding-holes existed there which belonged formerly to what were jocularly known as the early "free traders." near anstey's cove, in torbay, we had seen a small cave in the rocks known as the "brandy hole," near which was the smuggler's staircase. this was formed of occasional flights of roughly-hewn stone steps, up which in days gone by the kegs of brandy and gin and the bales of silk had been carried to the top of the cliffs and thence conveyed to cockington and other villages in the neighbourhood where the smugglers' dens existed. [illustration: cockington village.] possibly jack rattenbury, the famous smuggler known as "the rob roy of the west," escaped to cockington when he was nearly caught by the crew of one of the king's ships, for the search party were close on his heels when he saved himself by his agility in scaling the cliffs. but cockington was peaceful enough when we visited it, and in the park, adorned with fine trees, stood the squire's hall, or court, and the ivy-covered church. cockington was mentioned in domesday book, and in a fair and a market were granted to walter de wodeland, usher to the chamber of the black prince, who afterwards created him a knight, and it was probably about that time that the present church was built. the screen and pews and pulpit had formerly belonged to tor mohun church, and the font, with its finely carved cover and the other relics of wood, all gave us the impression of being extremely old, and as they were in the beginning. the cary family were once the owners of the estate, and in the time of the spanish armada george cary, who was afterwards knighted by queen elizabeth, with sir john gilbert, at that time the owner of tor abbey, took charge of the four hundred prisoners from the spanish flagship _rosario_ while they were lodged in the grange of tor abbey. [illustration: compton castle.] from cockington we walked on to compton castle, a fine old fortified house, one of the most interesting and best preserved remains of a castellated mansion in devonshire. one small portion of it was inhabited, and all was covered with ivy, but we could easily trace the remains of the different apartments. it was formerly the home of the gilbert family, of whom the best-known member was sir humphrey gilbert, a celebrated navigator and mathematician of the sixteenth century, half-brother of sir walter raleigh, and knighted by queen elizabeth for his bravery in ireland. sir humphrey afterwards made voyages of discovery, and added newfoundland, our oldest colony, to the british possessions, and went down with the _squirrel_ in a storm off the azores. when his comrades saw him for the last time before he disappeared from their sight for ever in the mist and gloom of the evening, he held a bible in his hand, and said cheerily, "never mind, boys! we are as near to heaven by sea as by land!" we had a splendid walk across the hills, passing through marldon, where the church was apparently the burial-place of the gilbert family, of which it contained many records, including an effigy of otho gilbert, who was sheriff of the county and who died in . but the chief object of interest at marldon appeared to be a six-barred gate called the gallows gate, which stood near the spot where the three parishes converged: kingskerswell, cockington, and marldon; near this the culprits from those three places were formerly hanged. we looked for the gate in the direction pointed out to us, but failed to find it. some people in the village thought its name of the gallows gate was derived from an incident which occurred there many years ago. a sheep-stealer had killed a sheep, and was carrying it home slung round his shoulders when he came to this gate. finding it fastened, he was climbing over, when in the dark his foot slipped and the cord got across his neck. the weight of the carcase as it fell backwards, added to his own, caused him to be choked, so that he was literally hanged upon the gate instead of the gallows for what was in those days a capital offence. after passing the beacon hill, we had very fine views over land and sea, extending to dartmoor and dartmouth, and with a downward gradient we soon came to berry pomeroy, the past and present owners of which had been associated with many events recorded in the history of england, from the time of william the conqueror, who bestowed the manor, along with many others, on one of his followers named ralph de pomeroy. it was he who built the castle, where the pomeroys remained in possession until the year , when it passed into the hands of the seymour family, afterwards the dukes of somerset, in whose possession it still remained. after the pomeroys disappeared the first owner of the manor and castle was edward seymour, afterwards the haughty lord protector somerset, who first rose in royal favour by the marriage of his eldest sister jane seymour to henry viii, and that monarch appointed him an executor under his will and a member of the council on whom the duty devolved of guarding the powers of the crown during the minority of his son and successor edward vi, who only reigned six years, from to ; and seymour's father, sir john, had accompanied king henry viii to his wars in france, and to the field of the cloth of gold. henry viii had great faith in his brother-in-law, and after the king's death seymour quickly gained ascendency over the remaining members of the council, and was nominated lord treasurer of england, and created earl of somerset, feb. , ; two days afterwards he obtained a grant of the office of earl marshal of england for life, and on the th of march following he procured a patent from the young king, who was his nephew, constituting himself the protector of the realm, an office altogether new to the constitution and that gave him full regal power. it was about that time that the english reformation began, and the free circulation of the bible was permitted. the latin mass was abolished, and the english liturgy substituted, and articles of faith were adopted by the english protestants. protector somerset was a protestant, and always took advice of archbishop cranmer, and care was taken that the young king was instructed in the reformed religion. king henry viii had arranged in his lifetime that edward vi should marry mary, the young queen of scotland, and somerset raised an army and went to scotland to secure her person: but after fighting a battle he only just managed to win, he found that the proposed union was not looked upon favourably in scotland, and that the young queen had been sent away to france for greater safety. meantime somerset's brother thomas seymour, high admiral of england, had married catherine parr, widow of henry viii, without the knowledge of the protector; and this, with the fierce opposition of the roman catholics, and of the barons, whose taking possession of the common lands he had opposed, and the offence given to the population of london through demolishing an ancient parish church in the strand there, so that he could build a fine mansion for himself, which still bears the name of somerset house, led to the rapid decline of his influence, and after causing his brother to be beheaded he himself shared a similar fate. berry pomeroy was a lovely spot, and the foliage was magnificent as we walked up to the castle and then to the village, while every now and then we came to a peep-hole through the dense mass of bushes and trees showing a lovely view beyond. the ruins of the castle were covered with ivy, moss, and creeping plants, while ferns and shrubs grew both inside and out, forming the most picturesque view of the kind that could be imagined. we were fortunate in securing the services of an enthusiastic and intelligent guide, who told us many stories of events that had taken place there, some of them of a sensational character. he showed us the precipice, then rapidly becoming obscured by bushes and trees, where the two brothers pomeroy, with their horses, were dashed to pieces. the castle had been besieged for a long time, and when the two brothers found they could hold out no longer, rather than submit to the besiegers they sounded their horns in token of surrender, and, blindfolding their horses, mounted and rode over the battlements into the depths below! the horses seemed to know their danger, and struggled to turn back, but they were whipped and spurred on to meet the same dreadful fate as their masters. one look over the battlements was enough for us, as it was horrible to contemplate, but our guide seemed to delight in piling on the agony, as most awful deeds had been done in almost every part of the ruins, and he did not forget to tell us that ghosts haunted the place at night. [illustration: guard chamber, berry pomeroy] in a dismal room, or dungeon, under what was known as st. margaret's tower, one sister had imprisoned another sister for years, because of jealousy, and in another place a mother had murdered her child. he also told us a story of an old abbot who had been concerned in some dreadful crime, and had been punished by being buried alive. three days were given him in which to repent, and on each day he had to witness the digging in unconsecrated ground of a portion of his grave. he groaned horribly, and refused to take any food, and on the third morning was so weak that he had to be carried to watch the completion of the grave in which he was to be buried the following day. on the fourth day, when the monks came in to dress him in his burial garments and placed him on the bier, he seemed to have recovered a little, and with a great effort he twisted himself and fell off. they lifted him on again, and four lay brothers carried him to the side of the deep grave. as he was lowered into the tomb a solemn dirge was sung by the monks, and prayers were offered for mercy on his sinful soul. the earth was being dropped slowly on him when a faint groan was heard; for a few moments the earth above him seemed convulsed a little, and then the grave was closed. the ghost of the blood-stained fontebrant and that of his assassin were amongst those that haunted pomeroy castle and its lonely surroundings, and cries and groans were occasionally heard in the village below from the shrieking shade of the guilty eleanor, who murdered her uncle. at midnight she was said to fly from the fairies, who followed her with writhing serpents, their tongues glistening with poisonous venom and their pestiferous breath turning black everything with which they came in contact, and thus her soul was tortured as a punishment for her horrible deeds. amongst the woods glided the pale ghosts of the abbot bertrand and the mother with her murdered child. what a difference there is in guides, and especially when no "tips" are in sight! you go into a church, for instance, and are shown round in a general kind of a way and inquiries are answered briefly. as you leave the building you hand the caretaker a silver coin which he did not expect, and then, conscience-stricken, he immediately becomes loquacious and asks if you saw an object that he ought to have shown you, and it generally ends in your turning back and seeing double the objects of interest you saw before, and possibly those in the graveyard as well. then there are others whose hearts are in their work, and who insist upon your seeing all there is to be seen and hearing the history or legends connected with the place. such was our guide that morning; he was most enthusiastic when giving us his stories, but we did not accept his invitation to come some evening to see the ghosts, as we could not imagine a more lonely and "boggarty" spot at night than amongst the thick bushes and foliage of berry castle, very beautiful though it looked in the daylight; nor did we walk backwards three times round the trunk of the old "wishing tree," and in the process wish for something that we might or might not get; but we rewarded our guide handsomely for his services. [illustration: berry pomeroy church.] we had a look in the old church, where there were numerous tombs of the seymour family; but the screen chiefly attracted our attention. the projection of the rood-loft still remained on the top, adorned with fan tracery, and there was also the old door which led up to it. the lower panels had as usual been much damaged, but the carved figures could still be recognised, and some of the original colouring in gold, vermilion, green, and white remained. the figures were said to represent st. matthew with his club, st. philip with the spear, st. stephen with stones in his chasuble, st. jude with the boat, st. matthias with the battle-axe, sword, and dagger, st. mary magdalene with the alabastrum, st. barbara with the tower, st. gudala with the lantern, and the four doctors of the western church. the ancient pulpit was of the same period as the screen, as were also the old-fashioned, straight-backed, oak pews. [illustration: the screen, berry pomeroy church] the vicarage, which was as usual near the church, must have been a very healthy place, for the rev. john prince, author of _the worthies of devon_, published in , who died in , was vicar there for forty-two years, and was succeeded by the rev. joseph fox, who died in , aged eighty-four, having been vicar for fifty-eight years. he was followed by the rev. john edwards, who was vicar for fifty-three years, and died in aged eighty-three. this list was very different from that we had seen at hungerford, and we wondered whether a parallel for longevity in three successive vicars existed in all england, for they averaged fifty-one years' service. [illustration: parliament cottages.] there were some rather large thatched cottages in berry pomeroy village, where seymour, who was one of the first men of rank and fortune to join the prince of orange, met the future king after he had landed at brixham on november th, . a conference was held in these cottages, which were ever afterwards known as "parliament buildings," that meeting forming william's first parliament. seymour was at that time m.p. for exeter, and was also acting as governor of that city. when william arrived there four days afterwards, with an army of , men, he was awarded a very hearty reception, for he was looked upon as more of a deliverer than a conqueror. it was only a short distance from berry pomeroy to totnes, our next stage, and we were now to form our first acquaintance with the lovely valley of the river dart, which we reached at the foot of the hill on which that picturesque and quaint old town was situated. formerly the river had to be crossed by a rather difficult ford, but that had been done away with in the time of king john, and replaced by a narrow bridge of eight arches, which in its turn had been replaced in the time of william and mary by a wider bridge of three arches with a toll-gate upon it, where all traffic except pedestrians had to contribute towards the cost of its erection. a short distance to the right after crossing the bridge was a monument to a former native of the town, to whom a sorrowful memory was attached; it had been erected by subscription, and was inscribed: in honor of william john wills native of totnes the first with burke to cross the australian continent he perished in returning, june when the australian government offered a reward for an exploration of that continent from north to south, wills, at that time an assistant in the observatory at melbourne, volunteered his services along with robert o'hara burke, an irish police inspector. burke was appointed leader of the expedition, consisting of thirteen persons, which started from melbourne on august th, , and in four months' time reached the river barco, to the east of lake eyre. here it became necessary to divide the party: burke took wills with him, and two others, leaving the remainder at cooper's creek to look after the stores and to wait there until burke and his companions returned. they reached flinders river in february of the following year, but they found the country to be quite a desert, and provisions failed them. they were obliged to return, reaching cooper's creek on april st, . they arrived emaciated and exhausted, only to find that the others had given up all hope of seeing them again, and returned home. burke and his companions struggled on for two months, but one by one they succumbed, until only one was left--a man named king. fortunately he was found by some friendly natives, who treated him kindly, and was handed over to the search-party sent out to find the missing men. the bodies of burke and wills were also recovered, and buried with all honours at melbourne, where a fine monument was erected to their memory. many of the early settlers in australia were killed by the aborigines or bushmen, and a friend of ours who emigrated there from our native village many years ago was supposed to have been murdered by them. he wrote letters to his parents regularly for some years, and in his last letter told his friends that he was going farther into the bush in search of gold. for years they waited for further news, which never arrived; and he was never heard of again, to the great grief of his father and mother and other members of the family. it was a hazardous business exploring the wilds of australia in those days, and it was quite possible that it was only the numerical strength of burke's party and of the search-party itself that saved them from a similar fate. but many people attributed the misfortunes of the expedition to the number who took part in it, as there was a great prejudice against the number thirteen both at home and abroad. we had often, indeed, heard it said that if thirteen persons sat down to dinner together, one of their number would die! some people thought that the legend had some connection with the lord's supper, the twelve apostles bringing the number up to thirteen, while others attributed it to a much earlier period. in norse mythology, thirteen was considered unlucky, because at a banquet in valhalla, the scandinavian heaven, where twelve had sat down, loki intruded and made the number thirteen, and baldur was killed. the italians and even the turks had strong objections to the number thirteen, and it never appeared on any of the doors on the streets of paris, where, to avoid thirteen people sitting down to dinner, persons named quatorziennes were invited to make a fourteenth: _jamais on ne devrait se mettre a table treize, mais douze c'est parfait_. my brother thought the saying was only a catch, for it would be equally true to say all would die as one. he was quite prepared to run the risk of being the thirteenth to sit down to dinner, but that was when he felt very hungry, and even hinted that there might be no necessity for the others to sit down at all! but we must return to totnes and its bridge, and follow the long narrow street immediately before us named fore street until we reach "the arch," or east gate. the old-fashioned houses to the right and left were a great attraction to my brother, who had strong antiquarian predilections, and when he saw the old church and castle, he began to talk of staying there for the rest of the day and i had some difficulty in getting him along. fortunately, close at hand there was a quaint elizabethan mansion doing duty as a refreshment house, with all manner of good things in the windows and the word "beds" on a window in an upper storey. here we called for refreshments, and got some coffee and some good things to eat, with some of the best devonshire cream we had yet tasted. after an argument in which i pointed out the danger of jeopardising our twenty-five-mile average walk by staying there, as it was yet early in the forenoon, we settled matters in this way; we would leave our luggage in totnes, walk round the town to the objects of greatest interest, then walk to dartmouth and back, and stay the night on our return, thus following to some extent the example of brutus, the earliest recorded visitor: here i stand and here i rest, and this place shall be called totnes. [illustration: totnes church walk] there was no doubt about the antiquity of totnes, for geoffrey of monmouth, the author of the famous old english chronicle, a compilation from older authors, in his _historia britonum_, , began his notes on totnes not in the time of the saxons nor even with the roman occupation, but with the visit of brutus, hundreds of years before the christian era. brutus of troy had a strange career. his mother died in giving him birth, and he accidentally shot his father with an arrow when out hunting. banished from italy, he took refuge in greece, where it was said he married a daughter of the king, afterwards sailing to discover a new country. arriving off our shores, he sailed up the river dart until he could get no farther, and then landed at the foot of the hill where totnes now stands. the stone on which he first set foot was ever afterwards known as brutus's stone, and was removed for safety near to the centre of the town; where for ages the mayor or other official gave out all royal proclamations from it, such as the accessions to the throne--the last before our visit having been that of her most gracious majesty queen victoria. the charter of totnes was dated , the mayor claiming precedence over the lord mayor of london, for totnes, if not the oldest, was one of the oldest boroughs in england. it was therefore not to be wondered at that the corporation possessed many curios: amongst them were the original ring to which the bull was fastened when bull-baiting formed one of the pastimes in england; a very ancient wooden chest; the staves used by the constables in past generations; a curious arm-chair used by the town clerk; a list of mayors from the year to the present time; two original proclamations by oliver cromwell; many old placards of important events; an exceptionally fine fourteenth-century frieze; a water-pipe formed out of the trunk of an elm tree; the old stocks; and an engraving representing the arrival of william of orange at brixham. there was a church at totnes in the time of the conquest, for it was mentioned in a charter by which "judhel de totnais," the norman baron to whom the conqueror gave the borough, granted the "ecclesiam sancte marie de toteneo" to the benedictine abbey at angers; but the present church was built in by bishop lacy, who granted a forty-days' indulgence for all who contributed to the work. his figure and coat-of-arms were still to be seen on the church tower, which was feet high, with the words in raised stone letters, "i made the tour." there was also a figure of st. loe, the patron saint of artificers in brass and iron, who was shown in the act of shoeing a horse. the corporation appeared to have had control of the church, and in had erected the altar screen, which was perhaps the most striking object there, for after the restoration, which was in progress at the time of our visit, of nine stone screens in devon churches, excepting that in exeter cathedral, it claimed to be the most beautiful. in the church there was also an elaborate brass candelabrum for eighteen lights with this suitable inscription: thy word is a lantern to my feet and a light unto my path. _donum dei et deo_ th may . the corporation has also some property in the church in the shape of elaborately carved stalls erected in ; also an ancient bible and prayer book handsomely bound for the use of the mayor, and presented april th, , by the honble. lady anne seymour of berry pomeroy castle, whose autograph the books contain; and in the parvise chamber attached to the church there were about old books dating from to , one a copy of sir walter raleigh's _history of the world_, published in . the carved stone pulpit, of the same date as the screen, had at one time been divided into gothic panels, on which were shields designed to represent the twelve sons of israel: judah was represented by a lion couchant, zebulon by a ship under sail, issachar as a laden ass resting, and dan as a serpent coiled with head erect, and so on according to the description given of each of the sons in the forty-ninth chapter of genesis. there were a number of monuments in the church, the principal being that of christopher blacall, who died in . he was represented as kneeling down in the attitude of prayer, while below were shown his four wives, also kneeling. the conductor showed us the very fine organ, which before being placed there had been exhibited at the great exhibition in london in ; and we also saw the key of the church door, which, as well as the lock, had been in use for quite four hundred years. [illustration: sexton's cottage, totnes.] we then paid a hurried visit to the ruins of the old castle, which in the time of henry viii was described by leland the antiquary as "the castelle waul and the strong dungeon be maintained; but the logginges of the castelle be cleane in ruine"; but about thirty years before our visit the duke of somerset, the representative of the seymour family, laid out the grounds and made of them quite a nice garden, with a flight of steps of easy gradient leading to the top of the old norman keep, from which we had a fine view of the country between dartmoor and the sea. totnes was supposed to have been the roman "ad darium," at the end of the fosse way, and was also the famous harbour of the celts where the great vortigern was overthrown by ambrosius. as the seas were infested with pirates, ports were chosen well up the estuaries of rivers, often at the limit of the tides; and totnes, to which point the dart is still navigated, remained of importance from saxon times, through the struggles with the danes until the arrival of the normans; after this it was gradually superseded by dartmouth. at totnes, when we asked the way to dartmouth, the people jocularly told us that the only direct way was by boat down the river; but our rules and regulations would not permit of our going that way, so we decided to keep as near to the river as we could on the outward journey and find an alternative route on our return. this was a good idea, but we found it very difficult to carry out in the former case, owing to the streams which the river dart receives on both sides on its way towards the sea. relieved of the weight of our luggage, we set off at a good speed across fields and through woods, travelling along lanes the banks of which were in places covered with ferns. in cheshire we had plenty of bracken, but very few ferns, but here they flourished in many varieties. a gentleman whom we met rambling along the river bank told us there were about forty different kinds of ferns and what he called "fern allies" to be found in the lanes and meadows in devonshire. he said it was also noted for fungi, in which he appeared to be more interested than in the ferns, telling us there were six or seven hundred varieties, some of them being very beautiful both in colour and form; but we never cared very much for these, as we thought them too much akin to poisonous toadstools. we asked him why the lanes in devonshire were so much below the surface of the land, and he said they had been constructed in that way in very ancient times to hide the passage of cattle and produce belonging to the british from the sight of their saxon oppressors. he complained strongly of the destruction of ferns by visitors from populous places, who thought they would grow in their gardens or back-yards, and carried the roots away with them to be planted in positions where they were sure to die. in later years, it was said, young ladies and curates advertised hampers of devonshire ferns for sale to eke out their small incomes; and when this proved successful, regular dealers did the same, and devastated woods and lanes by rooting up the ferns and almost exterminating some of the rarer kinds; but when the county councils were formed, this wholesale destruction was forbidden. [illustration: sharpham on the dart.] we had a fairly straight course along the river for two or three miles, and on our way called to see an enormous wych-elm tree in sharpham park, the branches of which were said to cover a quarter of an acre of ground. it was certainly an enormous tree, much the largest we had seen of that variety, for the stem was about sixteen feet in girth and the leading branches about eighty feet long and nine feet in circumference. the hall stood on an eminence overlooking the river, with great woods surrounding it, and the windings of the river from this point looked like a number of meres or lakes, while the gardens and woods of sharpham were second to none in the county of devon. near the woods we passed a small cottage, which seemed to be at the end of everywhere, and was known locally as the "world's end." the first watery obstruction we came to was where the river harbourne entered the river dart, and here we turned aside along what was known as the bow creek, walking in a go-as-you-please way through lovely wooded and rocky scenery until we reached a water-mill. we had seen several herons on our way, a rather scarce bird, and we were told there was a breeding-place for them at sharpham, together with a very large rookery. we passed cornworthy, where there was an old church and a prehistoric camp, and some ruins of a priory of augustinian nuns which existed there in the fourteenth century; but we had no time to explore them, and hastened on to dittisham, where we regained the bank of the river dart. this was another of the places we had arrived at either too late or too early, for it was famous for its plums, which grew in abundance at both higher and lower dittisham, the bloom on the trees there forming a lovely sight in spring. a great many plums known as damsons were grown in cheshire, and in olden times were allowed to remain on the trees until the light frosts came in late september or early october, as it was considered that they had not attained their full flavour until then; but in later times as soon as they were black they were hurried off to market, for they would crush in packing if left until thoroughly ripe. dittisham was also noted for its cockles and shrimps. the river here widened until it assumed the appearance of a lake about two miles wide, and the steamboat which plied between totnes and dartmouth landed passengers at dittisham. as it lay about half way between the two places, it formed a favourite resort for visitors coming either way, and tea and cockles or tea and shrimps or, at the right time, tea and damsons--might be obtained at almost any of the pleasant little cottages which bordered the river. these luxuries could be combined with a walk through lovely scenery or a climb up the fire beacon hill, about feet above sea-level; or rowing-boats could be had if required, and we were informed that many visitors stayed about there in the season. across the river were several notable places: sandbridge to the left and greenway to the right. at sandbridge was born the famous navigator john davis, who was the first to explore the arctic regions. on june th, , he left dartmouth with two small barques--the _sunshine_, tons, carrying men, and the _moonshine_, tons, and men--and after many difficulties reached a passage between greenland and north america, which was so narrowed between the ice that it was named davis' straits. he made other voyages to the arctic regions, and was said to have discovered hudson's straits. afterwards he sailed several times to the east indies; but whilst returning from one of these expeditions was killed on december th, , in a fight with some malay pirates on the coast of malacca. greenway house, on the other hand, was at one time the residence of those two remarkable half-brothers sir humphrey gilbert and sir walter raleigh, and it was there that sir walter planted the first potato ever grown in england, which he had brought from abroad. as he was the first to introduce tobacco, it was probably at greenway that his servant coming in with a jug of beer, and seeing his master as he thought burning, threw it in his face--"to put his master out," as he afterwards explained. sir humphrey gilbert appeared to have been a missionary as well as an explorer, for it was recorded that he "set out to discover the remote countries of america and to bring off those savages from their diabolical superstitions to the embracing of the gospel," which would probably account for his having a bible in his hand when he went down with his ship--an event which in later years was immortalised by longfellow: eastward from campobello sir humphrey gilbert sailed; three days or more seaward he bore. then, alas! the land wind failed. * * * * * he sat upon the deck, the book was in his hand; "do not fear, heaven is as near," he said, "by water as by land!" beyond dittisham the river turned towards dartmouth through a very narrow passage, with a dangerous rock near the centre, now called the anchor stone, which was covered at high water. it appeared, however, to have been used in former times to serve the purpose of the ducking-stool, for the men of dartmouth and dittisham brought scolds there and placed them on the rock at low water for immersion with the rising tide, whence it became known-as the "scold's stone." one hour on the stone was generally sufficient for a scolding woman, for she could see the approach of the water that would presently rise well above her waist, and very few chose to remain on the stone rather than repent, although of course it was open to them to do so. after negotiating the intricacies of one other small creek, we entered the ancient town of dartmouth highly delighted with our lovely tramp along the river dart. we were now in a nautical area, and could imagine the excitement that would be caused amongst the natives when the beacon fires warned them of the approach of the spanish armada, for dartmouth was then regarded as a creek of plymouth harbour. the great fleet invincible against us bore in vain the richest spoils of mexico, the stoutest hearts of spain. [illustration: the mouth of the dart from mount boone.] dartmouth is one of the most picturesquely situated towns in england, and the two castles, one on either side of the narrow and deep mouth of the dart, added to the beauty of the scene and reminded us of the times when we were continually at war with our neighbours across the channel. the castles were only small, but so were the ships that crossed the seas in those days, and they would no doubt be considered formidable fortresses then. at low tide the dart at that point was never less than five yards deep, and in the dark it was an easy matter for a ship to pass through unobserved. to provide against this contingency, according to a document in the possession of the corporation dating from the twenty-first year of the reign of king edward iv, a grant of £ per annum out of the customs was made to the "mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of dartmouth, who had begonne to make a strong and myghte toure of lyme and stone adjoining the castelle there," and who were also to "fynde a cheyne sufficient in length and strength to streche and be laide over-thwarte or a travers the mouth of the haven of dartmouth" from dartmouth castle to kingswear castle on the opposite bank to keep out all intruders. this "myghte cheyne" was raised across the entrance every night so that no ships could get through, and the groove through which it passed was still to be seen. dartmouth castle stood low down on a point of land on the seashore, and had two towers, the circular one having been built in the time of henry viii. immediately adjoining it was a very small church of a much earlier date than the castle, dedicated to st. petrox, a british saint of the sixth century. behind the castle and the church was a hill called gallants' bower, formerly used as a beacon station, the hollow on the summit having been formed to protect the fire from the wind. this rock partly overhung the water and served to protect both the church and the castle. kingswear castle, on the opposite side of the water, was built in the fourteenth century, and had only one tower, the space between the two castles being known as the "narrows." they were intended to protect the entrance to the magnificent harbour inland; but there were other defences, as an italian spy in , soon after the time of the spanish armada, reported as follows: dartmouth is not walled--the mountains are its walls. deep water is everywhere, and at the entrance five yards deep at low water. bastion of earth at entrance with six or eight pieces of artillery; farther in is a castle with pieces and men, and then another earth bastion with six pieces. the harbour was at one time large enough to hold the whole british navy, and was considered very safe, as the entrance could be so easily defended, but its only representative now appeared to be an enormous three-decker wooden ship, named the _britannia_, used as a training-ship for naval officers. it seemed almost out of place there, and quite dwarfed the smaller boats in the harbour, one deck rising above another, and all painted black and white. we heard afterwards that the real _britannia_, which carried the admiral's flag in the black sea early in the crimean war, had been broken up in , the year before our visit, having done duty at dartmouth as a training-ship since . the ship we now saw was in reality the _prince of wales_, also a three-decker, and the largest and last built of "england's wooden walls," carrying guns. she had been brought round to dartmouth in and rechristened _britannia_, forming the fifth ship of that name in the british navy. [illustration: h.m.s. _britannia_ and _hindustani_ at the mouth of the dart.] it was in that harbour that the ships were assembled in during the crusades, to join richard coeur-de-lion at messina. in his absence dartmouth was stormed by the french, and for two centuries alternate warlike visits were made to the sea-coasts of england and france. in the dartmouth sailors captured five french ships, and murdered all their crews except nine men; and in , when the large armament sailed under edward iii to the siege of calais, the people of dartmouth, who in turn had suffered much from the french, contributed the large number of ships and mariners to the king's fleet, the largest number from any port, except fowey and london. in the town was partly burnt by the french, and in dartmouth combined with plymouth, and their ships ravaged the coasts of france, where, falling in with the french fleet, they destroyed and captured forty-one of the enemy. in the following year, , the french attempted to avenge themselves, and landed near stoke fleming, about three miles outside dartmouth, with a view to attacking the town in the rear; but owing to the loquacity of one of the men connected with the enterprise the inhabitants were forewarned and prepared accordingly. du chatel, a breton knight, was the leader of the expedition, and came over, as he said, "to exterminate the vipers"; but when he landed, matters turned out "otherwise than he had hoped," for the dartmouth men had dug a deep ditch near the seacoast, and of them were strongly entrenched behind it, many with their wives, "who fought like wild cats." they were armed with slings, with which they made such good practice that scores of the bretons fell in the ditch, where the men finished them off, and the rest of the force retreated, leaving dead and prisoners in the hands of the english. [illustration: old houses in higher street, dartmouth] in the pilgrim fathers called at dartmouth with their ships _speedwell_ and _mayflower_, as the captain of the _speedwell_ (who it was afterwards thought did not want to cross the atlantic) complained that his ship needed repairs, but on examination she was pronounced seaworthy. the same difficulty occurred when they reached plymouth, with the result that the _mayflower_ sailed alone from that port, carrying the fathers to form a new empire of englishmen in the new world. we were delighted with the old towns on the south coast--so different from those we had seen on the west; they seemed to have borrowed some of their quaint semi-foreign architecture from those across the channel. the town of dartmouth was a quaint old place and one of the oldest boroughs in england. it contained, both in its main street and the narrow passages leading out of it, many old houses with projecting wooden beams ornamented with grotesque gargoyles and many other exquisite carvings in a good state of preservation. like totnes, the town possessed a "butter walk," built early in the seventeenth century, where houses supported by granite pillars overhung the pavement. in one house there was a plaster ceiling designed to represent the scriptural genealogy of our saviour from jesse to the virgin mary, and at each of the four corners appeared one of the apostles: st. matthew with the bull or ox, st. luke with the eagle, st. mark with the lion, and st. john with the attendant angel---probably a copy of the jesse stained-glass windows, in which jesse is represented in a recumbent posture with a vine or tree rising out of his loins as described by isaiah, xi. i: "and there shall come forth a rod out of the stem of jesse, and a branch shall grow out of his roots." the churches in dartmouth were well worth a visit. st. saviour's, built in , contained an elaborately carved oak screen, one of the finest in the county and of singular beauty, erected in the fifteenth century. it was in perfect condition, and spread above the chancel in the form of a canopy supporting the rood-loft, with beautiful carving and painted figures in panels. the pulpit was of stone, richly carved and gilt, and showed the tudor rose and portcullis, with the thistle, harp, and fleur-de-lys; there were also some seat-ends nicely carved and some old chandeliers dated --the same date as the fine one we saw in the church at totnes. [illustration: st. saviour's church, dartmouth.] the chancel contained the tomb, dated , of john hawley, who died in , and his two wives--joan who died in , and alice who died in . hawley was a rich merchant, and in the war against france equipped at his own expense a fleet, which seemed to have been of good service to him, for in he captured thirty-four vessels from rochelle, laden with , tons of wine. john stow, a famous antiquary of the sixteenth century, mentioned this man in his _annals_ as "the merchant of dartmouth who in waged war with the navies and ships of the ports of our own shores," and "took shippes laden with wyne to the sum of fifteen hundred tunnes," so we considered hawley must have been a pirate of the first degree. there was a brass in the chancel with this inscription, the moral of which we had seen expressed in so many different forms elsewhere: behold thyselfe by me, i was as thou art now: and them in time shalt be even dust as i am now; so doth this figure point to thee the form and state of each degree. [illustration: ancient door in st. saviour's church] the gallery at the west end was built in , and there was a door in the church of the same date, but the ironwork on this was said to be two hundred years older, having probably been transferred to it from a former door. it was one of the most curious we had ever seen. two animals which we took to be lions were impaled on a tree with roots, branches, and leaves. one lion was across the tree just under the top branches, and the other lion was across it at the bottom just above the roots, both standing with their heads to the right and facing the beholder; but the trunk of the tree seemed to have grown through each of their bodies, giving the impression that they were impaled upon it. the date of the woodwork ( ) was carved underneath the body of the lion at the top, the first figure in the date appearing to the left and the remaining three to the right, while the leaves on the tree resembled those of the oak. whether the lions were connected in any way with those on the borough coat-of-arms we did not know, but this bore a lion on either side of it, the hinder portion of their bodies hanging over each side of an ancient boat and their faces being turned towards the spectator, while a crowned king, evidently meant for richard coeur-de-lion, was sitting between them--the lions being intended to represent the lions of judah. the king was crowned, but above him, suspended over the boat, was a much larger crown, and underneath that and in the air to the left, but slightly above the king's crown, was the turkish crescent, while in a similar position to the right was represented the star of jerusalem. the original parish church of dartmouth, on the outskirts of the town, contained two rather remarkable epitaphs: here lyeth buried the bodie of robert holland who departed this life beinge of the age of years months and odd dayes. here lies a breathless body and doth showe what man is, when god claims, what man doth owe. his soule a guest his body a trouble his tyme an instant, and his breath a bubble. come lord jesus, come quickly. the other was worded: william koope, of little dartmouth dyed in bilbao january the th, , in the yeare of his abode there beinge embalmed and put into a leaden coffin, was, after tenn weekes tossinge on the seas, here below interred may ye ao. dom. Ætates svæ . thomas newcomen, born at dartmouth in , was the first man to employ steam power in cornish mines, and the real inventor of the steam engine. the first steamboat on the river dart was named after him. in the time of the civil war dartmouth was taken by the royalists, who held it for a time, but later it was attacked from both land and sea by fairfax, and surrendered to the parliament. immediately afterwards a rather strange event happened, as a french ship conveying despatches for the royalists from the queen, lord goring, and others, who were in france, entered the port, the captain being ignorant of the change that had just taken place. on hearing that the parliament was in possession, he threw his despatches overboard. these were afterwards recovered and sent up to parliament, where they were found to be of a very important nature--in fact, the discoveries made in them were said to have had some effect in deciding the fate of king charles himself. we had now to face our return journey to totnes, so we fortified ourselves with a substantial tea, and then began our dark and lonely walk of twelve miles by the alternative route, as it was useless to attempt to find the other on a dark night. we had, however, become quite accustomed to this kind of thing, and though we went astray on one occasion and found ourselves in a deep and narrow road, we soon regained the hard road we had left. the thought of the lovely country we had seen that day, and the pretty places we had visited, cheered us on our way, and my brother said he should visit that neighbourhood again before long. i did not treat his remark seriously at the time, thinking it equivalent to the remarks in hotel books where visitors express their unfulfilled intention of coming again. but when on may th, , a lovely day of sunshine, my brother departed with one of the handsomest girls in the village for what the newspapers described as "london and the south," and when we received a letter informing us that they were both very well and very happy, and amusing themselves by watching the salmon shooting up the deep weir on the river dart, and sailing in a small boat with a sail that could easily be worked with one hand, and had sailed along the river to dartmouth and back, i was not surprised when i found that the postmark on the envelope was totnes. in his letter to me on that occasion, he said he had received from his mother his "marching orders" for his next long journey; and although her letter is now old and the ink faded, the "orders" are still firmly fixed where that good old writer intended them to be, and, as my brother said, they deserved to be written in letters of gold: =_my earnest desire is that you may both be happy, and that whatever you do may be to the glory of god and the good of your fellow-creatures, and that at the last you may be found with your lamps burning and your lights shining, waiting for the coming of the lord!_= (_distance walked thirty-one-miles_.) _tuesday, november th._ we had made good progress yesterday in consequence of not having to carry any luggage, but we had now to carry our belongings again as usual. totnes, we learned, was a walled town in the time of the domesday survey, and was again walled in by permission of henry iii. of the four gates then existing, only two now remained, the north and the east; they were represented by archways, the gates themselves having long since disappeared. we passed under the eastgate archway, which supported a room in which were two carved heads said to represent king henry viii and his unfortunate wife anne boleyn; and with a parting glance at the ancient butter cross and piazzas, which reminded us somewhat of the ancient rows in chester, we passed out into the country wondering what our day's walk would have in store for us. we had thought of crossing over the centre of dartmoor, but found it a much larger and wilder place than we had imagined, embracing over , acres of land and covering an area of about twenty-five square miles, while in the centre were many swamps or bogs, very dangerous, especially in wet or stormy weather. there were also many hills, or "tors," rising to a considerable elevation above sea-level, and ranging from haytor rocks at , feet to high willheys at , feet. mists and clouds from the atlantic were apt to sweep suddenly over the moor and trap unwary travellers, so that many persons had perished in the bogs from time to time; and the clouds striking against the rocky tors caused the rainfall to be so heavy that the moor had been named the "land of streams." one of the bogs near the centre of the moor was never dry, and formed a kind of shallow lake out of which rose five rivers, the ockment or okement, the taw, the tavy, the teign, and the dart, the last named and most important having given its name to the moor. besides these, the avon, erme, meavy, plym, and yealm, with many tributary brooks, all rise in dartmoor. devonshire was peculiar in having no forests except that of dartmoor, which was devoid of trees except a small portion called wistman's wood in the centre, but the trees in this looked so old and stunted as to make people suppose they had existed there since the time of the conquest, while others thought they had originally formed one of the sacred groves connected with druidical worship, since legend stated that living men had been nailed to them and their bodies left there to decay. the trees were stunted and only about double the height of an average-sized man, but with wide arms spread out at the top twisted and twined in all directions. their roots were amongst great boulders, where adders' nests abounded, so that it behoved visitors to be doubly careful in very hot weather. we could imagine the feelings of a solitary traveller in days gone by, with perhaps no living being but himself for miles, crossing this dismal moor and coming suddenly on the remains of one of these crucified sacrificial victims. not far from wistman's wood was crockern tor, on the summit of which, according to the terms of an ancient charter, the parliament dealing with the stannary courts was bound to assemble, the tables and seats of the members being hewn out of the solid rock or cut from great blocks of stone. the meetings at this particular spot of the devon and cornwall stannary men continued until the middle of the eighteenth century. after the jury had been sworn and other preliminaries arranged, the parliament adjourned to the stannary towns, where its courts of record were opened for the administration of justice among the "tinners," the word stannary being derived from the latin "stannum," meaning tin. some of the tors still retained their druidical names, such as bel-tor, ham-tor, mis-tor; and there were many remains of altars, logans, and cromlechs scattered over the moors, proving their great antiquity and pointing to the time when the priests of the britons burned incense and offered human victims as sacrifices to bel and baal and to the heavenly bodies. there was another contingency to be considered in crossing dartmoor in the direction we had intended--especially in the case of a solitary traveller journeying haphazard--and that was the huge prison built by the government in the year on the opposite fringe of the moor to accommodate prisoners taken during the french wars, and since converted into an ordinary convict settlement. it was seldom that a convict escaped, for it was very difficult to cross the moor, and the prison dress was so well known all over the district; but such cases had occurred, and one of these runaways, to whom a little money and a change of raiment would have been acceptable, might have been a source of inconvenience, if not of danger, to any unprotected traveller, whom he could have compelled to change clothing. we therefore decided to go round the moor instead of over it, and visit the town of plymouth, which otherwise we should not have seen. the whole of dartmoor was given by edward iii to his son the black prince, when he gave him the title of duke of cornwall after his victorious return from france, and it still belonged to the duchy of cornwall, and was the property of the crown; but all the moor was open and free to visitors, who could follow their own route in crossing it, though in places it was gradually being brought into cultivation, especially in the neighbourhood of the many valleys which in the course of ages had been formed by the rivers on their passage towards the sea. as our road for some miles passed along the fringe of the great moor, and as the streams crossed it in a transverse direction, on our way to plymouth we passed over six rivers, besides several considerable brooks, after leaving the river dart at totnes. these rivers were named the harbourne, avon, lud, erme, yealm, and plym, all flowing from dartmoor; and although there was such a heavy rainfall on the uplands, it was said that no one born and bred thereon ever died of pulmonary consumption. the beauty of dartmoor lay chiefly along its fringes, where ancient villages stood securely sheltered along the banks of these streams; but in their higher reaches were the remains of "hut circles" and prehistoric antiquities of the earliest settlers, and relics of neolithic man were supposed to be more numerous than elsewhere in england. there was no doubt in our minds that the earliest settlers were those who landed on the south coast, and in occupying the country they naturally chose positions where a good supply of water was available, both for themselves and their cattle. the greater the number of running streams, the greater would be the number of the settlers. some of the wildest districts in these southern countries, where solitude now prevailed, bore evidence of having, at one time, been thickly populated. we did not attempt to investigate any of these pretty valleys, as we were anxious to reach plymouth early in order to explore that town, so the only divergence we made from the beaten track was when we came to ivybridge, on the river erme. the ivy of course flourished everywhere, but it was particularly prolific in some parts of devon, and here it had not only covered the bridge, over which we crossed, but seemed inclined to invade the town, to which it had given its name. the townspeople had not then objected to its intrusion, perhaps because, being always green, it was considered to be an emblem of everlasting life--or was it because in roman mythology it was sacred to bacchus, the god of wine? in egyptian mythology the ivy was sacred to osiris, the judge of the dead and potentate of the kingdom of ghosts; but in our minds it was associated with our old friend charles dickens, who had died in the previous year, and whom we had once heard reading selections from his own writings in his own inimitable way. his description of the ivy is well worth recording--not that he was a poet, but he once wrote a song for charles russell to sing, entitled "the ivy green ": oh! a dainty plant is the ivy green. that creepeth o'er ruins old! of right choice food are its meals, i ween; in its cell so lone and cold. the wall must be crumbled, the stone decayed, to pleasure his dainty whim, and the mouldering dust that years have made is a dainty meal for him. creeping where no life is seen, a rare old plant is the ivy green. fast he stealeth on, though he wears no wings. and a staunch old heart hath he: how closely he twineth, how tight he clings. to his friend the huge oak tree; and slyly he traileth along the ground, and his leaves he gently waves as he joyously hugs and crawleth around the rich mould of dead men's graves. creeping where no life is seen, a rare old plant is the ivy green. whole ages have fled, and their works decayed, and nations have scattered been; but the stout old ivy shall never fade from its hale and hearty green; the brave old plant in its lonely days shall fatten upon the past, for the stateliest building man can raise is the ivy's food at last. creeping where no life is seen, a rare old plant is the ivy green. it is remarkable that the ivy never clings to a poisonous tree, but the trees to which it so "closely twineth and tightly clings" it very often kills, even "its friend the huge oak tree." near the bridge we stayed at a refreshment house to replenish the inner man, and the people there persuaded us to ramble along the track of the river erme to a spot which "every visitor went to see"; so leaving our luggage, we went as directed. we followed the footpath under the trees that lined the banks of the river, which rushed down from the moor above as if in a great hurry to meet us, and the miniature waterfalls formed in dashing over the rocks and boulders that impeded its progress looked very pretty. occasionally it paused a little in its progress to form small pools in which were mirrored the luxuriant growth of moss and ferns sheltering beneath the branches of the trees; but it was soon away again to form similar pretty pictures on its way down the valley. we were pleased indeed that we had not missed this charming bit of scenery. emerging from the dell, we returned by a different route, and saw in the distance the village of harford, where in the church a brass had been placed to the prideaux family by a former bishop of worcester. this bishop was a native of that village, and was in a humble position when he applied for the post of parish clerk of a neighbouring village, where his application was declined. he afterwards went to work at oxford, and while he was there made the acquaintance of a gentleman who recognised his great talents, and obtained admission for him to one of the colleges. he rose from one position to another until he became bishop of worcester, and in after life often remarked that if he had been appointed parish clerk he would never have become a bishop. we recovered our luggage and walked quickly to plymouth, where we arrived in good time, after an easy day's walk. we had decided to stop there for the night and, after securing suitable apartments, went out into the town. the sight of so many people moving backwards and forwards had quite a bewildering effect upon us after walking through moors and rather sleepy towns for such a long period; but after being amongst the crowds for a time, we soon became accustomed to our altered surroundings. as a matter of course, our first visit was to the plymouth hoe, and our first thoughts were of the great spanish armada. [illustration: sir francis drake. _from the picture in the possession of sir t.f. elliot drake._] the position of england as the leading protestant country, with the fact of the refusal of queen elizabeth when the king of spain proposed marriage, made war between the two countries almost certain. drake had also provoked hostilities, for he had sailed to the west indies in , and after defeating the spaniards there had entered the bay of cadiz with thirty ships and destroyed , tons of shipping--an achievement which he described as "singeing the whiskers of the king of spain." in consequence of this philip, king of spain, declared war on elizabeth, queen of england, and raised a great army of ships to overwhelm the english. it was on friday, july , , that captain thomas fleming, in charge of the pinnace _golden hind_, ran into plymouth sound with the news that the spanish armada was off the lizard. the english captains were playing bowls on plymouth hoe when captain fleming arrived in hot haste to inform them that when his ship was off the french coast they had seen the spanish fleet approaching in the distance, and had put on all sail to bring the news. this was the more startling because the english still believed it to be refitting in its own ports and unlikely to come out that year. great excitement prevailed among the captains; but drake, who knew all that could be known of the spanish ships, and their way of fighting, had no fear of the enemy, and looked upon them with contempt, coolly remarking that they had plenty of time to finish the game and thrash the spaniards afterwards. the beacon fires were lighted during the night, and-- swift to east and swift to west the ghastly war-flame spread; high on st. michael's mount it shone, it shone on beachy head. far on the deep the spaniards saw along each southern shire cape beyond cape, in endless range those twinkling points of fire. the armada consisted of large ships accompanied by galleys armed with heavy guns, and many smaller vessels, carrying , men, of whom , were seamen and , soldiers. the twelve largest ships were named after the twelve apostles, and a hundred priests were distributed through the fleet, for king philip was a very pious man, and the armada had been blessed by the pope. they were under the command of the duke of medina sidonia, and the spaniards, who were proverbially cruel, were so sure of victory that they had brought with them many strange instruments of torture, some of which we had seen in the tower of london on our visit there the previous year. the lord high admiral of england was lord charles howard, a grandson of the duke of norfolk and a cousin to queen elizabeth, besides being a leader of the court circle. he had, however, been trained as a sailor, and the advice and assistance of such brave and experienced sailors as drake, hawkins, and frobisher were sufficient to carry him through any crisis. drake had inspired his people so that none had any dread of the spaniards or of their big ships, which were constructed for fighting at close quarters only; while drake pinned his faith on light ships, easily managed and capable of quick manoeuvring, but armed with big cannon, so that he could pound away at a safe distance. compared with the small english ships, the big ships of the spaniards, with their huge superstructures, looked like castles floating on the sea, and the ocean seemed to groan beneath its heavy burden. but how astonished the english must have been, both at the vast number and size of the ships composing the armada, proudly floating up the channel in a formation resembling an arc or segment of a circle extending nearly seven miles. when the battle commenced, lord howard had only got together a fleet of about a hundred ships, but it soon became evident that the light and well-handled ships of the english, with their more rapid sailing and clever manoeuvring, were more than a match for the much larger ships of the spaniards. sir francis drake followed the armada closely during the night, and came up with a large galleon commanded by don pedro de valdez that had been damaged in the fight, and this he captured with all on board. the weather now began to grow stormy, and the strong gale which sprang up during the night caused some of the spanish ships to foul each other, and the english captured several of them the next day. the wind now began to blow in all directions, and some of the spanish ships becoming unmanageable, their formation was broken, so that there was no fixed order of battle. meantime the shots from the english, whose boats were lower in the water, had played havoc with the lofty hulls of the spanish ships, whose shot often passed over the english and damaged their own vessels. the following day howard was unable, for want of ammunition, to carry on the fight, so he took the opportunity to divide his fleet into four parts: the first he commanded himself, in the _ark royal_; the second he placed under sir francis drake in the _revenge_; the third under sir john hawkins in the _victory_; and the fourth under captain frobisher in the _triumph_. [illustration: sir john hawkins _portrait from the "horologia" published in _] when they came opposite the isle of wight the storm ceased and there was a calm; but sir john hawkins contrived to get his ship the _victory_ alongside a large portuguese galleon, the _santa aña_, and a single combat ensued. both fleets watched the progress of the fight, the spaniards being quite certain of their comrades' victory, while the english placed their confidence in the bravery of their champion. it was a stiff fight, in which many were killed and wounded, but at last the english were seen swarming like ants up the sides of their opponents' great ship, and in a few moments her brave captain was seen handing his sword to sir john hawkins. the flag of spain on the mast of the _santa aña_ descended, and the white flag and red cross of st. george soon floated in its place. then arose a mighty cheer, and the triumphant hurrahs of the english proclaimed the victory to the anxious watchers on shore. but three huge spanish galleons were rowed to the scene to recover the portuguese ship, and howard towed the _ark royal_ and the _golden lion_ to fight them. it was a desperately unequal fight, and the boats were for a time hidden from view by the smoke, but in the end the cheers of the english announced that the galleons had been driven off and the _santa aña_ lost to spain. the armada continued its progress towards the straits of dover, with the english hanging on, and anchored off calais; but by this time the english fleet had been reinforced by many ships raised by private gentlemen and others, which brought the number to about . howard now decided to draw the spanish fleet from its anchorage, and drake, turning eight of his oldest ships into fire-ships, distributed them in the night amongst the enemy, ordering the crews to set them on fire and then return in their small boats. the ships were piled up with inflammable material, with their guns loaded, and when these exploded, the spaniards were so terrified that they unfurled their sails, cut their cables, and so lost their anchors. they fled in confusion, many being seriously damaged in collision, but only to encounter the english ships _revenge, victory, mary rose_, and _dreadnought_, which immediately attacked. some of the spanish vessels were captured and some were lost on the shores of france and holland; but the main body, much battered and with their crews badly out of spirits, sailed on into the north sea. howard was close up to them east of the firth of forth, but shortage of water and provisions, as well as of munitions, kept him from attacking, and with bad weather threatening he made for the channel ports, and on august th, , the lord high admiral returned to england with his victorious fleet. the remaining ships of the armada encountered furious storms off the coast of ireland, where ten were sunk; and it was not until the end of september that the battered remnants of the once great fleet reached the coast of spain. queen elizabeth went in state to st. paul's cathedral to offer up thanks to the almighty for the safety of her kingdom and herself, and caused a medal to be struck bearing on it a fleet scattered by a tempest and the words: he blew with his winds and they were scattered. plymouth hoe is an elevation between that town and the sea, and its history dates back to legendary ages, when brutus and corineus came to albion with their trojan warriors, and found the land inhabited by great giants, who terrified their men with their enormous size and horrid noises. still they were enabled to drive them away by hurling darts and spears into their bodies. the leader of the giant race of albion was gogmagog, who was the biggest of them all, but they wounded him badly in the leg, as the story goes, and dragged him to plymouth hoe, where they treated him kindly and healed his wounds. but the question arose who should be king, and it was decided to settle the matter by a wrestling match, the winner to be king. the giants selected gogmagog as their champion and the trojans chose corineus, brute strength and size on the one hand being matched by trained skill on the other. on the day fixed for the combat the giants lined one side of the hoe and the trojans the other. at length corineus succeeded in forcing gogmagog to the ground. he fell on his back, the earth shaking with his weight and the air echoing with the noise of his mighty groan as the breath was forced from his body. then, after breathing a minute, corineus rushed upon his fallen foe, dragged him with a great effort to the edge of the cliff, and pushed him over. the giant fell on the rocks below, and his body was broken in pieces. michael drayton, whose birthplace we had passed in the midlands, wrote in his _polyolbion_ that there was a deadly combat between two giants "upon that lofty place the hoe," which took place after the arrival of the trojans under brutus of troy, and that the figures of the two wrestlers, one bigger than the other, with clubs in their hands, were cut out in the turf on plymouth hoe, being renewed as time went on. they vanished when the citadel was built by king charles ii, though in the digging of the foundations the great jaws and teeth of gogmagog were found. it was supposed that the last of the giants were named gog and magog, and were brought to london and chained in the palace of bruté, which stood on the site of the guildhall there; their effigies were standing in the guildhall in the reign of henry v, but were destroyed in the great fire of london. the present gog and magog in the guildhall, feet high, were carved by richard saunders in , and are known as the "city giants." [illustration: citadel gate, plymouth.] we had often heard and read about brutus, one of those mysterious men whose history we could not fathom, for as far north as york we read in a book there that "brutus settled in this country when the prophet eli governed israel and the ark was taken from the philistines, about b.c., or a century and a half later than when david was singing psalms in jerusalem"; then the writer went on to say that a direct descendant of brutus, king ebrancus, anxious to find occupation for his twenty sons and thirty daughters, built two cities, one of which was york; so possibly the other city might have been london. plymouth hoe in the time of drake was a piece of hilly common land with a gallows standing at one corner, and nearer the sea a water tower and a beacon to signal the approach of enemies. but it was also a place of recreation, and used for drilling soldiers and sailors. there were archery butts, and there must also have been a bowling green, on which the captains of the fleet were playing bowls when the news reached them of the approach of the spanish armada. amongst the english captains were one from cheshire, george de beeston, of beeston, and a near relative of his, roger townshend. both had charge of leading ships, and were knighted on board the _ark_ by lord howard for their services. when we visited plymouth hoe we found it laid out with broad walks and large plots of grass, where sailors and soldiers were much in evidence. in later years the greater portion of the old eddystone lighthouse was re-erected there, from the cage on the top of which was a very fine view over plymouth sound, one of the most beautiful in england. besides the town and the famous hoe there could be seen, seawards, drake's or st. nicholas' island, the famous breakwater, and the still more famous eddystone lighthouse, while on the cornish side were the beautiful woods of mount edgcumbe reaching down to the water's edge. then there was the estuary of the river tamar, called the hamoaze, with the huge railway bridge crossing it to saltash, the frame of the general picture being formed by the hills which surrounded plymouth, including those of dartmoor in the background. o the fair town of plymouth is by the sea-side, the sound is so blue and so still and so wide, encircled with hills, and with forests all green, as a crown of fresh leaves on the head of a queen. o dear plymouth town, and o blue plymouth sound! o where is your equal on earth to be found? eddystone lighthouse, the top of which could just be seen from the hoe, stood on a group of rocks nine miles from the cornish coast and fourteen miles from plymouth. these rocks were covered at high water by the sea, and were so dangerous to ships moving in and out of plymouth or along the coast, that a lighthouse of wood was built on them in the year , which was washed away by a great storm three years afterwards, when the lighthouse people perished as well as the unfortunate architect, winstanley, who happened to be there on a visit at the time. in a second and a stronger wooden lighthouse was built by rudyard, but the progress of the work was delayed owing to the workmen being carried on to france by a french ship and lodged in a prison there. king louis xiv, when he heard of this, chivalrously ordered the englishmen to be liberated and their captors to be put in the prison in their places, remarking that "though he was at war with england, he was not at war with mankind." so the lighthouse was completed, and remained until , when it was destroyed by fire. it was the work of years to construct and build a lighthouse on a rock in the midst of the stormy seas, but a third was built by smeaton in , this time made of granite and portland stone, and modelled after the shape of the trunk of an old oak tree. the stones had been prepared on land, and were sent to the rock as required for the various positions, and so the lighthouse was raised in about four months. this one was strongly built, and braved the storms for more than a hundred years, and was still in position when we visited plymouth; but a portion of the rock on which it was built was causing some anxiety, as it showed signs of giving way. a fourth lighthouse was therefore prepared during the years - , being built wholly of granite, the old lighthouse doing duty meanwhile. this was designed and carried out by sir james douglas, at a cost of about £ , . it was a substantial structure, and built on a different foundation feet high, being feet taller than its predecessor, and containing a number of rooms. it had two -ton bells at the top to sound in foggy weather, and the flash-lights could be seen from a distance of many miles. the greater portion of the old lighthouse built by smeaton was carefully taken down and removed to plymouth, where it was re-erected on the hoe as a lasting memorial to the man whose wonderful genius had conferred such a benefit on the sailors of all nations--for it was impossible to calculate how many lives had been saved during the years his lighthouse had been protecting the ships of all nations from the dangerous reef on which it stood. the old lighthouse now forms a conspicuous object on the hoe, and contains some interesting relics, and in the lantern are the candlesticks in which the lights were placed that guided the mariners across the stormy ocean in past ages. over the lantern are the words " august " and "laus deo" (praise to god), for the goodness of the almighty was always acknowledged in those days both in construction of great works and otherwise, and another inscription also appears which seems very appropriate: except the lord build the house, they labour in vain that build it. plymouth at first sight had the appearance of a new town, with so many new buildings to attract the eye of a stranger. elihu burritt, however, when he, like ourselves, was journeying to land's end, described it as "the mother plymouth sitting by the sea." the new buildings have replaced or swamped the older erections; but a market has existed there since , and members have been returned to parliament since , while its list of mayors is continuous from the year . it was to plymouth that the black prince returned with his fleet after his great victories in france in the reign of edward iii. in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries plymouth was the port from which expeditions were sent out to explore and form colonies in hitherto unknown places abroad, and in these some of the most daring sailors the world has ever known took part. sir martin frobisher, the first navigator to attempt to find the north-west passage to india, and from whom comes the name frobisher's strait, to the south of baffin land, was knighted, along with townshend and beeston, for his services in the defeat of the spanish armada. sir francis drake, the great admiral of queen elizabeth's time, made many adventurous voyages, partly for discovery and partly for plunder, and was the first englishman to sail round the world. he brought news of the existence of gold in some places where he had been, and when he returned his well-filled ship stimulated others to emulate the spaniards in that direction. sir walter raleigh, who was described as a scholar, courtier, soldier, sailor, and statesman, discovered virginia in . he was in great favour at court, but he quarrelled with queen elizabeth, who had granted him a patent for the discovery and settlement of unknown countries in the west. when james i ascended the throne he was suspected of being a conspirator and was sentenced to death, but the sentence was altered to imprisonment in the tower of london, where during his twelve years' confinement he wrote his _history of the world_. in james set him at liberty, and put him at the head of an expedition to guinea to find gold, but, being unsuccessful, on his return he was beheaded in old palace yard in --a sad ending to a great career. it was at virginia that he discovered tobacco, and possibly the potato, for he introduced both these plants into england; and "virginia leaf" tobacco is still the finest produced in america. sir walter explored the place when it was named pamlico sound, but it was afterwards named "virginia" by queen elizabeth herself, and to sir walter raleigh's efforts to colonise this and other places we owe many of our possessions to-day. in the struggle for independence virginia took the lead, and the first representative assembly in america was held there, while in the war between the north and south it was the scene of the last battle and the final surrender. captain james cook, whose book _voyages round the world_ is now a classic, made many discoveries for great britain, including that of the sandwich islands; and he sailed from plymouth on two occasions, and . he made three voyages round the world, but on the third was murdered by natives at hawaii. he discovered botany bay in new south wales in , which was afterwards made a penal colony, whither early in the year eleven ships sailed from plymouth, with criminals, over officials, and many free settlers. but the most important departure from the port was in , when the _mayflower_ sailed for america with the "pilgrim fathers" on board. she was only a little barque of tons, and was sadly tossed about by the big waves in the atlantic. but after enduring many hardships, the emigrants landed on the barren shores of massachusetts bay, and named the spot where they landed "new plymouth," that being no doubt what elihu burritt had in his mind when he described plymouth as "the mother plymouth sitting by the sea," for so many emigrants had gone from there to america and other places that there were now quite forty places named plymouth in different parts of the world. the place whence the "fathers" left the port on their perilous journey was afterwards marked with a stone. this we went to see, but we were driven off the hoe by a heavy shower of rain. [illustration: the "mayflower stone," plymouth harbour.] plymouth was also the last port of call in europe of the ship _northumberland_ bound for st. helena, with napoleon bonaparte on board; and we thought it a strange incident of travel that the list of distinguished visitors here in should have included (in addition to ourselves of course!) the names of the unfortunate emperor napoleon iii, and his still more unfortunate son, who had been there about a fortnight before we arrived. during that year the french agreed to pay the great indemnity which the germans demanded, and which it was said laid the foundation of the prosperity of the german empire. (_distance walked twenty-three and a half miles_.) _wednesday, november th._ we left our hotel at daylight this morning, having made special arrangements last night for a good breakfast to be served in time for an early start, for we had a heavy day's walk, before us. we were now in sight of cornwall, the last county we should have to cross before reaching land's end. we had already traversed thirteen counties in scotland and fourteen in england since leaving john o' groat's. but an arm of the sea named the hamoaze separated us from cornwall, and as our rules prevented us from crossing it either by boat or train, the question arose how we were to get across the water, which was one of the greatest naval anchorages in the world, and near the great dockyards in which the government employed some thousands of men. we had come that way in the hope of seeing some of the big warships near devonport, and at length we came to the great railway bridge at saltash. the thought occurred to us that we might reach the cornish coast by walking over the bridge to the other side. we had walked across a railway bridge on one occasion in scotland to enable us to reach abbotsford, the former residence of the great sir walter scott, so why not adopt a similar plan here? we were some time before we could find a place where we could scale the embankment, but ultimately we got on the railway and walked to the entrance of the bridge; but when we reached the path at the side of the bridge it looked such a huge affair, and such a long way across the water, that we decided not to venture without asking some advice. we waited until we saw coming along the railway track a workman, to whom we confided our intention. he strongly advised us not to make the attempt, since we should run great bodily risk, as well as make ourselves liable to the heavy fine the railway company had power to inflict. we rather reluctantly returned to the road we had left, but not before seeing some of the big ships from the bridge--the finest and last of the iron tubular bridges built by the famous engineer brunel, the total length, including approaches, being , feet. it had been opened by h.r.h. the prince consort in , and was named after him the "royal albert" bridge. we had now to leave the main road and find our way across country, chiefly by means of by-lanes, until we reached tavistock, where there was a bridge by which we could cross the river tavy. we had become quite accustomed to this kind of experience, and looked upon it as a matter of course, for repeatedly in scotland we had been forced to make a circuit to find the "head of the loch" because we objected to cross the loch itself by a ferry. [illustration: the "royal albert" bridge, saltash] we had only proceeded a mile or two beyond the great bridge at saltash, when we came in sight of the village of st. budeaux, at the entrance of which we came upon a large number of fine-looking soldiers, who, we were informed, were the nd highlanders, commonly known as the black watch. they were crossing a grass-covered space of land, probably the village green, and moving in the same direction as ourselves, not marching in any regular order, but walking leisurely in groups. we were surprised to see the band marching quietly in the rear, and wondered why they were not marching in front playing their instruments. the soldiers, however, were carrying firearms, which quite alarmed my brother, who never would walk near a man who carried a gun--for if there was one thing in the world that he was afraid of more than of being drowned, it was of being shot with a gun, the very sight of which always made him feel most uncomfortable. he had only used a gun once in all his life, when quite a boy, and was so terrified on that occasion that nothing could ever induce him to shoot again. he was staying at a farm in the country with a cousin, who undertook to show him how to shoot a bird that was sitting on its nest. it was a very cruel thing to do, but he loaded the gun and placed it in my brother's hand in the correct position, telling him to look along the barrel of the gun until he could see the bird, and then pull the trigger. he did so, and immediately he was on the ground, with the gun on top of him. his cousin had some difficulty in persuading him that the gun had not gone off at the wrong end and that he was not shot instead of the bird. it was one of the old-fashioned shot-guns known as "kickers," and the recoil had sent him flying backwards at the moment of the noise of the discharge--a combination which so frightened him that he avoided guns ever afterwards. [illustration: the hamoaze, separating devon and cornwall] we were obliged to walk quickly, for we knew we had a long walk before us that day and must get past the highlanders, who fortunately were in no hurry. we passed one group after another until we reached the narrow road along which we had been directed to turn. here we saw the soldiers going the same way, now walking in twos and threes, and presently the road developed into one of the deep, narrow lanes so common in devonshire. we continued to pass the soldiers, but there was now a greater distance between the small groups. presently we were accosted by a sergeant, one of the most finely proportioned men we had ever seen--a giant, as we thought, amongst giants, for all the soldiers were very big men--who said to us, "now, my lads! if you see any of the enemy, tell them we are two or three miles away, will you?" we wondered what he meant, but as he smiled, we considered it a joke, and replied, "all right!" as we moved on. we had passed all the soldiers except the first two, who were about fifty yards ahead. they had climbed up the high bank on the left-hand side of the lane, and were apparently looking over the country and shading their eyes with their hands so as to get a better view, when we saw a number of others belonging to the same regiment file quietly down-the opposite side. crossing the lane, they ran up the bank where the two soldiers were still standing, and almost before they realised what was happening their bonnets had been taken off their heads and they found themselves prisoners. it was a clever capture, and as it took place immediately before our eyes, we remained standing there looking on with astonishment, for we had no idea what was about to happen. but immediately the scene changed, and soldiers appeared in front, both in the lane and high up above the road. but the worst feature was that they began firing their guns; so here we were in a deep lane from which there was no escape, and, as we afterwards ascertained, between the two halves of one of the most famous regiments in the british army, one ambuscaded by the other! we were taken completely by surprise, as we had never seen or heard of a sham fight before, and it appeared a terrible thing to us, as the fiery eyes and fierce countenances of the soldiers were fearful to see, and we became greatly alarmed, expecting every minute to be taken prisoners. i consoled my brother by telling him the guns were only loaded with blank cartridges, but his only remark was, "but suppose one of them isn't, and we get shot," and he began to walk onwards more quickly than i had ever seen him walk before. keeping as near one side the road as possible, and dodging between the soldiers, with myself following closely behind his heels, perspiring profusely with fear and exertion until there was scarcely a dry thread upon us, we managed at last to escape, and were profoundly thankful when we got clear of the black watch and so ended one of the most exciting adventures we ever had. it reminded my brother of the charge of the light brigade, a story he was very familiar with, an irish friend of his named donoghue being one of the trumpeters who sounded it, and of tennyson's words: cannon to right of them. cannon to left of them, cannon in front of them, volley'd and thundered. in our case, he said, we had guns at our back in addition. we did not know at that time that the nd highlanders were so famous, but a friend of ours, an officer in the army, has since handed us a description of that regiment, bringing its history down to a later period. the nd highlanders were originally formed from the independent companies raised in the year to keep the king's peace among the highland hills; the black watch, so called from the dark hue of its tartan, was first paraded as a regiment of the british army in . they had distinguished themselves in all parts of the world: america, india, flanders, egypt, corunna, waterloo, sevastopol, indian mutiny, ashantee, egypt, nile, and south africa, and lost heavily at ticonderago, toulouse, waterloo, and afterwards in the boer war. they were amongst our bravest soldiers, and were famous as being one of the four regiments named for distinction by wellington at waterloo; twice they had been specially called upon, once at the battle of alexandria, when the commander-in-chief, sir ralph abercromby, called for a special effort at a critical period in the fight, saying, "my brave highlanders! remember your forefathers! remember your country!" and victory immediately ensued; and again at the battle of corunna, when sir john moore in the thick of the fight, before being mortally wounded, exclaimed, "highlanders! remember egypt!" and the foe was scattered in all directions. in egypt, after storming tel-el-kebir and taking part in the battles that followed, such was the conduct of the black watch that lord wolseley sent the following telegram: "well done, old comrades of the black watch." such we may venture to say were the men among whom we found ourselves on that occasion. in after life we always took a deep interest in the doings of that famous regiment, and we noticed that when any hard fighting had to be done, the black watch nearly always assisted to do it--so much so that sometimes we regretted that we had not had the honour of having been taken prisoner by them on that ever-memorable occasion! the next village we came to was tamerton foliot, in a lovely situation, standing at the end of a creek which fills with the tide. at that point the waters of the tavy join those of the larger river tamar, and eventually assist to form the hamoaze. tamerton was a very old settlement, as gilbert foliot, who was bishop of london from to , and one of the most prominent opponents of thomas a becket, archbishop of canterbury, was a native of that village. there was a recumbent effigy in the church dating from the year ; but beyond that the great object of interest in the village was an old oak tree named the coppleston oak, because of a very sorrowful incident which occurred near the church one sunday morning many centuries ago. it appeared that a local squire named coppleston, a man of bad temper and vile disposition, when at dinner made some gross remarks which were repeated in the village by his son. he was so enraged when he heard of it, on the sunday, that as they were leaving the church he threw his dagger at the lad, wounding him in the loins so that he fell down and died. an oak tree was planted near the spot, and was still pointed out as the coppleston oak. the father meanwhile fled to france, and his friends obtained a conditional pardon for him; but to escape being hanged he had to forfeit thirteen manors in cornwall. [illustration: tamerton church and the fatal oak] we were now fairly off the beaten track, but by devious ways, with lovely wooded and river scenery to the left and the wild scenery of dartmoor to the right, we managed to reach buckland abbey. this abbey was founded in by the countess of baldwin-de redvers, earl of devon, and we expected to find it in ruins, as usual. but when henry viii dissolved the monasteries, he gave buckland to sir richard grenville, who converted it into a magnificent mansion, although some few of the monastic buildings still remained. he formed the great hall so as to be under the great central tower of the old abbey, and the dining-room he formed out of a portion of the nave, while the drawing-room was at the end of a long gallery upstairs; so that altogether it formed a unique structure. in , however, it was sold to sir francis drake, and the mansion contained some relics of his, amongst which were two drums; there were also a chair and a table made out of one of his old ships, the _pelican_, and a fine portrait of sir francis by jansen, dated . the gardens were very beautiful, as the trees in this sheltered position grew almost without let or hindrance; there were some of the finest tulip trees there that we had ever seen. we were informed that when sir francis drake began to make some alteration in his new possessions, the stones that were built up in the daytime were removed during the night or taken down in some mysterious manner. so one moonlight night he put on a white sheet, and climbed a tree overlooking the building, with the object of frightening any one who might come to pull down the stones. when the great clock which formerly belonged to the old abbey struck the hour of twelve, he saw the earth open below, and about twenty little black devils came out and started to pull down the wall. sir francis began to move his arms about and flap them as if they were wings, and then crowed like a cock. the devils, when they heard the white bird crowing, looked up, and, thinking the morning must be close at hand, immediately disappeared to the regions below. we could not learn if or how often these performances were repeated, but it seemed a very unlikely thing for sir francis drake to do, and the story sounded as if it belonged to a far remoter period than that of the spanish armada. [illustration: drake's statue, tavistock.] drake was idolised in plymouth and the surrounding country, where his name was held in everlasting remembrance, and his warlike spirit pervaded the british navy. at a much later period than that of our visit even his drum was not forgotten. whether it was one of those that were preserved in the old abbey or not we did not know, but it is the subject of a stirring poem by sir henry newbolt. drake's drum drake he's in his hammock, an' a thousand mile away, (capten, art tha' sleepin' there below?), slung atween the round shot in nombre dios bay, an' dreamin' arl the time o' plymouth hoe. yarnder lumes the island, yarnder lie the ships, wi' sailor lads a-dancin' heel-an'-toe, an' the shore-lights flashin', an' the night-tide dashin', he sees et arl so plainly as he saw et long ago. drake he was a devon man, an' ruled the devon seas, (capten, art tha' sleepin' there below?), rovin' tho' his death fell, he went wi' heart at ease, an' dreamin' arl the time o' plymouth hoe. take my drum to england, hang et by the shore, strike et when your powder's runnin' low; if the dons sight devon, i'll quit the port o' heaven, an' drum them up the channel as we drummed them long ago. drake he's in his hammock till the great armadas come, (capten, art tha' sleepin' there below?), slung atween the round shot, listenin' for the drum, an' dreamin' arl the time o' plymouth hoe. call him on the deep sea, call him up the sound, call him when ye sail to meet the foe; where the old trade's plyin' an' the old flag flyin' they shall find him ware an' wakin', as they found him long ago! in olden times there existed a much older abbey than buckland, named buckfast abbey, but it was right on the other side of dartmoor, and the abbots and monks formerly crossed from one to the other. in those remote times there were no proper roads, and the tracks between the two places were mainly made by the feet of the monks, with crosses placed at intervals to prevent their losing the way, especially when the hills were covered with snow. the track still existed, being known as the "abbots' way." the distance between the two abbeys was about sixteen miles as the crow flies, but as the track had to go partially round some of the tors, which there rose to an elevation of about , feet above sea-level, and were directly in the way, it must have involved a walk of quite twenty miles from one abbey to the other. buckfast abbey is one of the oldest in britain, and ultimately became the richest cistercian house in the west of england. the last abbot was gabriel donne, who received his appointment for having in captured tyndale the reformer, who was in the same year put to death by strangling and burning. [illustration: buckland abbey.] one of the earliest stories of the "lost on the moors" was connected with that road. childe, the "hunter of plymstock," had been hunting in one of the wildest districts on dartmoor, and was returning home at night, when a heavy snowstorm came on and the night became bitterly cold. having completely lost his way, and as his tired horse could go no farther, he stopped at one of the ancient crosses and dismounted. his blood, however, began to freeze within him, and to try to save his own life he killed his horse, and, cutting a great hole in its body, crept inside. when daylight came in the morning, knowing he was dying, and that some of the monks would probably find his body when they came to the cross, he dipped his fingers in his horse's blood and scribbled on the stone: they fyrste that fyndes and brings mee to my grave, the priorie of plymstocke they shall have. his body was found by the "monks of tavystoke," and buried in their abbey at tavistock; and from that time to the dissolution of the monasteries the abbey of tavistock had possession of the manor of plymstock, childe having no children to follow him. we were sorry that we had been unable to explore dartmoor itself instead of only its fringes, so we decided to make an effort to see dartmoor prison, which we were given to understand was only a few miles away. we changed our course a little and passed on to walkhampton, where we were advised to follow the by-road above the walkham river, from which the village took its name, this being the easiest and most pleasant way. we had a nice walk along the valley until we reached merridale, but there we succumbed to the attractions of the small inn. we felt that we should never be able to wait for food until we reached tavistock, as the mountain air and the exertion of climbing up the hill had been too much for us, so we ordered refreshments there instead of at tavistock, as originally intended. we had loitered a little on our way up the hill, stopping to look at the views behind us, which were better than those in front--a necessary procedure, for we were rather inclined at times "to keep our noses too near the grindstone," or perhaps, like othello, to be "led by the nose as asses are," and to toil up the hills with the wilderness before us, in total forgetfulness of the lovely scenes behind. we therefore advise all tourists on a walking expedition to look back occasionally, since much of the pleasure and beauty of the tour may otherwise be lost. [illustration: vixen tor, tavistock.] we had a short walk in the direction of princetown, where the prison was situated, but we were not at all favourably impressed by the appearance of the country, without a house in sight except the inn where our refreshments were being prepared. presently we met an official in uniform, who told us the prisoners were not always kept inside the prison, but were employed in making and repairing roads and fences and in cultivating land. he pointed out some men a long distance away who were so employed, and strongly advised us not to go any farther in that direction. the only objects of interest on the moor, beyond the tors and the views from their summits, were the antiquities, which in that part were particularly numerous, for without leaving the road between the prison and merridale there could be seen a cluster of hut circles, a kistvaen, a menhir, and a double line of stone rows, and within a short radius many other relics of prehistoric man, as well as one or two logans or rocking-stones. we therefore returned with him to the inn--for even an antiquary cannot live on stones; he ought to be well supported with both food and clothing to enable him fully to explore and appreciate the ancient relics of dartmoor. our refreshments were quite ready and were soon put out of sight, and, as we had a downward gradient to the river tavy, we had made up for our delay when we crossed the bridge over the river and entered the town of tavistock. the earliest history of tavistock was no doubt associated with the prehistoric remains on the hills above, if that had been written; but as early as the tenth century orgarius, earl of devon, in consequence of a dream, decided to build a magnificent abbey there, and to dedicate it to st. mary. he began to build it in , but as he died before it was completed, his son ordulph completed it in and endowed it with the manor of tavistock and others. ordulph was also a nephew of king ethelred, and, according to tradition, was a giant able to stride across a river ten feet wide. orgarius had not only left a gigantic son, but he had also left a daughter of such surpassing beauty that her fame spread all over england; and edgar, who by that time was king, hearing of the wonderful beauty of elfrida, sent his favourite--athelwold--to her father's castle to ascertain if her beauty was such as had been reported. athelwold went on his mission, but was so struck and bewildered with elfrida's beauty that he fell violently in love with her himself, and when he returned he told edgar that elfrida was not so beautiful, but was rich and more fit to be the wife of a subject than a king. edgar therefore consented to his favourite's marriage with her; but the king, discovering that he had been deceived, insisted on paying athelwold a visit at his home in devonshire. athelwold craved permission to go home and prepare for the king's visit, which was granted, and with all possible haste he went and, kneeling before his wife, confessed all, and asked her to help him out of his difficulties by putting on an old dress and an awkward appearance when the king came, so that his life might be spared. elfrida was, however, disappointed at the loss of a crown, and, instead of obscuring her beauty, she clothed herself so as to appear as beautiful as possible, and, as she expected, captivated the royal edgar. a few days afterwards athelwold was found murdered in a wood, and the king married his widow. but the union, beginning with crime, could not be other than unhappy, and ended disastrously, the king only surviving his marriage six or seven years and dying at the early age of thirty-two. he was buried at glastonbury, an abbey he had greatly befriended. at the dissolution the lands of tavistock abbey were given by king henry viii, along with others, to lord john russell, whose descendants, the dukes of bedford, still possess them. considerable traces of the old abbey remained, but, judging from some old prints, they had been much altered during the past century. the fine old chapter-house had been taken down to build a residence named abbey house, which now formed the bedford hotel; the old refectory had been used as a unitarian chapel, and its porch attached to the premises of the hotel; while the vicarage garden seemed to have absorbed some portion of the venerable ruins. there were two towers, one of which was named the betsey grinbal's tower, as a woman of that name was supposed to have been murdered there by the monks; and between that and the other tower was an archway which connected the two. under this archway stood a sarcophagus which formerly contained the remains of ordulph, whose gigantic thigh-bones we afterwards saw in the church. the ruins were nearly all covered with ivy, and looked beautiful even in their decay; but seeing the purpose to which some of them had been applied, we thought that the word "ichabod" (the glory hath departed) would aptly apply, and if the old walls could have spoken, we should not have been surprised to hear a line quoted from shakespeare--"to what base uses do we come at last." [illustration: the still tower, tavistock abbey] the old abbey had done good service in its time, as it had given tavistock the claim of being the second town in england where a printing press was erected, for in one had been put up in the abbey, and a monk named rychard had printed a translation of boethius' _de consolatione philosophiæ_, and a saxon grammar was also said to have been printed there. the neighbourhood of tavistock was not without legends, which linger long on the confines of dartmoor, and, like slander, seemed to have expanded as time went on: the flying rumours gathered as they rolled, scarce any tale was sooner heard than told, and all who told it added something new, and all who heard it made enlargement too! on every ear it spread, on every tongue it grew. fitzford was the name of one of the river suburbs of tavistock, and was once upon a time the residence of the fitze family. according to some ancient histories of devon, one of which had the significant title of _the bloudie book_, sir john fitze was noted as a turbulent, dangerous man, ever ready with his sword on all occasions. meeting with many of his neighbours at a noontide dinner at tavistock, he was vaunting his free tenure and boasting that he did not hold a foot of land from any but the "queene of england," when his neighbour, "maister slanning," reminded him of a small piece of land he had of his for which he was liable for rent, but for which no payment had been asked by reason of "courtesie and friendshippe." upon hearing these words fitze flew in a furious rage and told slanning with a great oath that he lied, and withal gave fuel to his rage and reines of spight in the unjustness of his anger--offering to stab him. but maister slanning, who was known to be a man of no less courage, and more courtesie, with a great knife that he had, warded the hazard of such threatenings. the quarrel was stopped by the intervention of friends, and slanning, thinking the matter was at an end, shortly afterwards rode home in company with only one servant. long had they not ridden but commanding the man to walk down his horses in the way, himself the while taking the greene fields for his more contented walking; he might behold sir john fitze, with four more, galloping amane after him, which sight could not but be a great amazement to maister slanning. the quarrel was renewed, and slanning, who was, by the way, a brave man, perceived that fitze was determined to kill him; but he had no chance against live swords, and when he got to fitzford gateway he received a blow from behind which staggered him, and fitze, seizing the opportunity, ran his sword through his body, and poor slanning fell to the floor a murdered man. fitze fled to france, and his friends obtained some kind of a pardon for him; but when he returned they all gave him the cold shoulder; he was avoided by everybody, and to add to his discomfort the children of slanning sued him in london for compensation. meanwhile the guilt in blood weighed heavily upon him, increasing in intensity as years went on, and the shade of slanning never left him day or night, until finally he could not sleep, for the most horrid dreams awoke him and his screams in the night were awful to hear. sometimes he dreamt he was being pursued by the police, then by black demons and other hideous monsters, while in the background was always the ghost of the man he had so cruelly murdered. late one night a man on horseback, haggard and weary, rode up to the door of the "anchor inn" at kingston-on-thames and demanded lodgings for the night. the landlord and his family were just retiring to rest, and the landlady, not liking the wild and haggard appearance of their midnight visitor, at first declined to receive him, but at length agreed to find him a room. the family were awakened in the night by the lodger crying in his sleep, and the landlady was greatly alarmed as the noise was continued at intervals all through the night. they had to rise early in the morning, as the landlord had some work to do in his fields, but his wife would not be left in the house with the stranger who had groaned so horribly during the night. their footsteps seem to have awakened the man, for suddenly they were terrified to see him rush downstairs with a drawn sword in his hand, throw himself upon a man standing in the yard, and kill him instantly. it was thought afterwards that he must have mistaken his victim for a constable; but when he came to his senses and found he had killed the groom to whom he had given orders to meet him early in the morning, he turned his sword against himself and fell--dead! and such was the tragic end of john fitze. [illustration: lydford castle.] there is a saying, "like father, like son," which sometimes justifies itself; but in the case of fitze it applied not to a son, but to a daughter, who seems to have followed his bad example and to have inherited his wild nature, for it was said that she was married four times--twice before she reached the age of sixteen! she afterwards married lord charles howard, son of the duke of suffolk, and after she had disposed of him--for the country people believed she murdered all her husbands--she married sir richard granville, the cruel governor of lydford castle, but preferred to retain the title of lady howard. it was said that she died diseased both in mind and body, and that afterwards she had to do penance for her sins. every night on the stroke of twelve a phantom coach made of bones, drawn by four skeleton horses and ornamented with four grinning skulls, supposed to be those of her four husbands, issued from under fitzford gateway with the shade of lady howard inside. a coal-black hound ran in front as far as okehampton, and on the return journey carried in its mouth a single blade of grass, which it placed on a stone in the old courtyard of fitzford; and not until all the grass of okehampton had been thus transported would lady howard's penance end! the death-coach glided noiselessly along the lonely moorland roads, and any person who accepted lady howard's invitation to ride therein was never seen again. one good effect this nocturnal journey had was that every one took care to leave the inns at tavistock in time to reach home before midnight. my lady hath a sable coach, with horses two and four; my lady hath a gaunt bloodhound. that goeth on before: my lady's coach hath nodding plumes, the driver hath no head; my lady is an ashen white as one that long is dead. i'd rather walk a hundred miles, and run by night and day. than have that carriage halt for me and hear my lady say: "now pray step in and make no din, step in with me to ride; there's room, i trow, by me, for you and all the world beside!" the church at tavistock was dedicated to st. eustachius, for we were now quite near cornwall, a land of saints with all kinds of queer names. the church had the appearance of having passed through the ordeal of some severe restorations, but we saw many objects of interest therein. there was a tomb with effigies of judge granville, his wife, and three sons and four daughters, erected in by his widow after she had married again--a circumstance that might give rise to some speculations. the children's heads had all been knocked off, and the boys had disappeared altogether; probably, we thought, taken prisoners by some of cromwell's men to serve as ornaments elsewhere. there was also a monument to the fitze family, including a figure of sir john fitze, the last of the line, who was buried at twickenham; but whether he was the hero of the legend or not we could not ascertain. thomas larkham, who was vicar from to , stood out against the act of conformity, and was dismissed. but he kept a diary, and a page of it had been preserved which referred to the gifts presented to him after being deprived of his stipend. , _nov. th._--the wife of will hodges brought me a fat goose; lord, do them good! edward cole sent by his daughter a turkey; lord, accept it! _dec. nd._--sara frowt a dish of butter; accept, lord! _dec. th._--margaret sitwell would not be paid for - / lbs. of butter; is she not a daughter of abraham? father, be pleased to pay her. walter peck sent me, _dec. th_, a partridge, and mr. webb the same day pork and puddings; lord, forget not! mrs. thomasin doidge--lord, look on her in much mercy--_dec. th_, gave me s. _jan. th._--mrs. audry sent me a bushel of barley malt for housekeeping; lord, smell a sweet savour! patrick harris sent me a shoulder of pork,--he is a poor ignorant man. lord, pity him! there was a curious thirteenth-century chest, trapezium in form, and said to be the only one of that shape in the west of england. it was of carved oak, and called a treasure chest, because it had a secret recess at the back where the priest kept a jewel with which he fastened his robes. another old chest contained some ancient latin writings, the earliest of which bore the dates , , and , written in old lettering with what was known as "monk's ink," made from vegetables. some of the documents bore seals with rush rings attached, and there was a black-letter bible, and a chained book dated , the year of the spanish armada. we were also shown four pewter flagons for communion wine, all of the time of charles i, two churchwardens having each given one in and two other wardens one each in . asked why so many were required, we were informed that in those days all the people were compelled to come to church, and it was nothing unusual for quarts of wine to be used at one communion, at a cost of several pounds! but in those days holy communion was only administered four times a year! [illustration: brent tor, tavistock.] tavistock was one of the four stannary towns in devonshire, where stannary courts were established to deal with all matters relating to tin and the tinners who produced it. under a charter of edward i tin was ordered to be officially weighed and stamped in the towns so appointed. but while the tinners had the privilege of digging for tin on any person's land without payment for rent or damage, they were subject to heavy penalties and impositions in other ways, and especially in the case of adulteration of tin with inferior metal. the forest laws also in those early times were terrible and barbarous. to enforce the authority of the stannary courts a prison was constructed in the thirteenth century out of the keep or dungeon of lydford castle, about nine miles north of tavistock; and in the sixteenth century this prison was described as "one of the most annoyous, contagious, and detestable places in the realm." when sir richard granville, who was noted for his extremely cruel disposition, was governor, prisoners were known to be compelled to swallow spoonfuls of the molten metal they were supposed to have adulterated. william browne, a poet born at tavistock in , in one of his pastorals perpetuated the memory of lydford castle: i oft have heard of lydford law-- how in the morn they hang and draw. and sit in judgement after. [illustration: kit hill, callington.] we had now to return towards the coast-line from which we had diverged after leaving plymouth, and we decided to walk from tavistock to liskeard and stay there for the night. the country was rather hilly, and in about three miles we crossed the river tamar, at the same point passing from devon into cornwall, for the river here divided the two counties. it had made for itself in the course of ages a deep passage through the hills, which for the pedestrian involved a deep descent and a sharp ascent on the other side to and from the river. our way now crossed the hingston downs, where we came to one of the chief landmarks of cornwall, named the kit hill, at an elevation of , feet above sea-level, standing quite near our road. this hill marked the site of a desperate battle in , between king edgar of wessex on the one side and the danes combined with the men of cornwall on the other. the saxons lost heavily, but they won the battle, and the neighbouring barrows, or tumuli, were supposed to have covered the remains of those who fell on that occasion. we were now amongst the tin mines, of which there were quite a number, used and disused, in sight, some right on the top of the hills; and from these highlands we could see the two channels, the english on one side and the irish on the other. it was supposed that the irish had originally inhabited the whole of cornwall, but the old cornishmen were in reality celts of a different tribe. one of the miners told us that on his return from south africa he could see kit hill distinctly from a long distance out at sea. some of the tin miners, it seemed, were emigrating to south africa, while others were going to america. soon afterwards we reached the fair-sized village or town of callington, which under the old franchise returned two members to parliament, one of whom had been horace walpole, the son of the famous robert walpole. we looked through the church, where we saw a rather fine monument to lord willoughby de broke erected in . he was represented as wearing armour and the insignia of the garter, and at his feet were two curious figures of monks, said to be unique, for the figures in that position were invariably those of lions or other animals. a lady from the vicarage told us that his lordship was the steward of the duchy of cornwall, and an important person, but there was some doubt about his being buried there. there was another church in the neighbourhood, and as both the villages belonged to him, he had a tomb made in each, so that he could be buried in whichever part of his property he happened to be in when he died, or, as he explained to his friends, "where you drop, there you may be buried." there were more temperance hotels, or houses, in cornwall than in most other counties we had passed through, almost invariably clean and good, and it was to one of these that we adjourned at callington for tea. we found it quite up to the mark, and we had a splendid feed there both as regarded quantity and quality, devonshire cream being evidently not confined to its own county. it would have been a grand place in which to stay the night, but, though the weather was threatening, we must place our average mileage in a safe position, especially as we were now nearing the end of our long walk. it was nearly dark when we left callington, and, on our inquiring the way to liskeard, a man we saw at the end of the village said he could put vis in a nearer way than going along the high road, which would save us a good half-mile in the journey. going with us to the entrance of a narrow lane, he gave us very careful and voluminous instructions about the way we must follow. thanking him, we left him, and proceeded along the lane in search of a farmhouse, or rather a gate at the end of the road leading towards it, for he had told us we should not be able to see the house itself in the dark, but should be sure to see the gate, as it was a large one, painted white, and after passing this we were to make one or two turns which he described. the sky was overcast and the night very dark, and although there was a new moon, it was only three days old--too young to be of any service to us. but we could not find either the gate or the farm, or any turns in the road, nor could either of us remember distinctly the latter part of the instructions given to us by the man, one thinking we had to turn to the right and the other to the left. the fact was, we had calculated upon meeting some one on the road from whom, we could inquire further. we had been walking slowly for some time, stopping occasionally to listen for the footsteps of some person from whom we could inquire, but not a sound could we hear until we almost stumbled against a gate that barred our further progress, for it reached right across our road, and beyond this we could hear the sound of rushing water. i knew now that we had come to a full-stop, as my brother would never go beyond that gate after he had heard the roar of the stream, which must have been quite near us. he had often rowed a boat on dangerous rivers and on the sea; had been nearly lost one dark night in a high spring-tide on the sandbanks of the river mersey; had been washed out to sea through the failure of an oar at barmouth; had narrowly escaped being swamped with his boat off the east coast; and a few years before had a hair-breadth escape from drowning by being drawn under the wooden framework protecting the piles for a future famous bridge over the river thames near the heart of london; but, owing to a narrow escape from drowning when he was almost a child, he had the greatest horror of having his head under water and of being drowned, and even now he was afraid of the sound of rushing water in the dark, for he could not swim a yard; but he was a brave man nevertheless! so there we stood on a pitch-dark night, leaning over a gate in an unknown country, and on a by-road, listening to the rush of the water beyond, wishing that some one might come that way to direct us; but it was hopeless. when we struck a match and lit a piece of paper, we discovered that there was no road beyond the gate, the lane having made an abrupt turning towards the left upon reaching it. we walked along carefully, striking a match occasionally, and at length came to a finger-post, green with age; we could not, however, distinguish the lettering on the arms at the top, so i knew that my turn had now come, as when there was any climbing to be done during our journey, i had to do it. i "swarmed up" the post to the arms at the top, while my brother lighted a piece of newspaper below; but it was of no use, as the names were partly obscured. still i could see that liskeard was not one of them, so i dropped down again, nearly knocking my brother over, as the ground was not level at the foot of the post and the light had gone out. we had to stop a minute or two, for the glare of the light from the burning paper had made the darkness more impenetrable than before; but the narrowness of the road was an advantage to us, as we knew we could not get far astray. coming to a good hard road, we arrived at a bridge where there were a few houses, and soon we were walking quickly again on the right way to liskeard; but how we blessed that countryman who with the best of intentions had directed us the nearer way! in a few miles we saw a light ahead, and found it came from a small inn by the roadside where one road crossed another, and here we called to inquire our way, and were informed we had arrived at st. eve, which we thought must be the name of some doubtful cornish saint; but that impression was removed when we found it was the local pronunciation for st. ive. we could just discern the outline of a small church to the right of our road, and as there were so few houses we did not confound it with the much larger place in cornwall, st. ives, nor, needless to say, with another place named st. ives in huntingdonshire, which we passed through on our walk from london the previous year. it was getting unpleasantly near "closing time" when we reached liskeard, but we were just in time to be well entertained and housed for the night. (_distance walked thirty-six miles_.) _thursday, november th._ liskeard was visited in by john wesley, who described it as "one of the largest and pleasantest towns in cornwall," a description with which we agreed, but we were inclined to add the words, "and of no occupation," for there was no outward or visible sign of any staple industry. as in other similar places we had visited, the first question that suggested itself to us was, "how do the people live?" their appearance, however, caused us no anxiety, as every one we saw looked both well and happy. they had made a clean sweep of their old castle, which was said to have been built in the thirteenth century by richard, earl of cornwall, and king of the romans, the brother of henry iii; the site they had formed into a public park, in which stood the old grammar school where dr. wolcot was educated, who wrote a number of satirical odes, letters, and ballads, under the name of "peter pindar," in the time of george iii, many of his satires being levelled at the king himself. eventually he sold his works for an annuity of £ . liskeard was remarkable for the spring of water round which the town had been built, and which was described by leland in his _itinerary_ as "a good conduit in the middle of the town very plentiful of water to serve the town." four pipes originally conveyed the water to different points, and the street where the well existed was known as pipewell street. the wells of cornwall were famous, being named after the different saints who had settled beside them in ancient times, appreciating the value of the pure water they contained. we had often tested the water of the wells and springs we had come to in the course of our long walk, and the conviction had grown upon us that we owed much of our continued good health to drinking water. we naturally perspired a good deal, especially when we walked quickly, which of course created thirst; and the different strata of the various rock-formations we had crossed must have influenced the water and ourselves to some extent. we had come to the conclusion that people who went on holidays and attributed the benefit derived solely to "the change of air" might have equally benefited by the change of water! in one part of cheshire, formerly in possession of the romans, there was a rather remarkable spring of water known as the "roman well," over which appeared the following latin inscription, difficult to translate, but which had been interpreted thus: _sanitate sacrum_: sacred to health! _obstructum reserat_, it removes obstruction. _durum terit_, it crushes the hard, _humida siecat_, it dries the moist, _debile fortificat_, it strengthens the weak, _si tamen arte bibis_. provided thou drinkest with knowledge. the water rises from some subterranean source in the sandstone rock and enters with considerable force into the receptacle prepared for it, which is about five feet deep. the water was always beautifully clear and cool, and visitors often amused themselves by throwing halfpennies into the bath and watching them apparently being transformed into shillings as they reached the bottom--a fact attributed to the presence of lime in the water. in striking contrast to this was the water afterwards brought through the district from a watershed on the distant welsh hills, which depended for its supply almost entirely on the downfall from the clouds. the difference between that and the water from the roman well was very marked, for while the rainwater was very soft, the other that contained the lime was very hard, and therefore considered more conducive to the growth of the bones in children. our personal experiences also with the water at inverness, and in the neighbourhood of buxton in the previous year, which affected us in a similar way, convinced us that water affected human beings very markedly; and then we had passed by harrogate and leamington, where people were supposed to go purposely to drink the waters. even the water of the tin-mining district through which we were now passing might contain properties that were absent elsewhere, and the special virtues attributed to some of the saints' wells in cornwall in olden times might not have been altogether mythical. besides the four stannary towns in devon there were originally four in cornwall, including liskeard, where all tin mined in their respective districts had to be weighed and stamped. probably on that account liskeard returned two members to parliament, the first members being returned in ; amongst the m.p.'s who had represented the town were two famous men--sir edward coke, elected in , and edward gibbon, in . sir edward coke was a great lawyer and author of the legal classic _coke upon littleton_. he became speaker of the house of commons, attorney-general, and afterwards chief justice, and was the merciless prosecutor of sir walter raleigh, and also of the persons concerned in the gunpowder plot; while his great speech against buckingham towards the close of the career of that ill-fated royal favourite is famous. edward gibbon was the celebrated historian and author of that great work _the decline and fall of the roman empire_. the history of his parliamentary connection with liskeard was rather curious. one morning in , when in london, he was asked if he would like to enter the house of commons, and when he consented, the "free and independent electors" of liskeard were duly "instructed" to return him. but it was very doubtful whether he ever saw any of the electors, or had any dealings with the constituency whatever, although he acted as one of their members for about eight years. possibly, as there were two members, the other m.p. might have been the "acting partner." liskeard church was the second largest in cornwall, and in it we saw a "lepers' squint" and also a turret at the corner of the aisle from which the priest could preach to the lepers without coming in contact with them, for the disease was very infectious--so much so that the hospital built for them was a mile or two from the town. "lepers' squints" had been common in some parts of england, and as the disease is often mentioned in the bible, we considered it must have been imported from the east, perhaps from palestine by the crusaders. we had not seen or heard of any cases of leprosy on our journey, and we concluded that the disease could not have been natural to our colder climate, and had therefore died out as a result of more cleanly habits. the pulpit was dated , the carving on it being the work of a local sculptor, whose remuneration, we were told, was at the rate of one penny per hour, which appeared to us to be a very small amount for that description of work. possibly he considered he was working for the cause of religion, and hoped for his further reward in a future life; or was it a silver penny? [illustration: liskeard church.] the houses in liskeard were built of stone, and the finest perhaps was that known as stuart house, so named because king charles i stayed there for about a week in . this was of course in the time of the civil war, when cornwall, as it practically belonged to the king or his son, did not consider itself as an ordinary county, but as a duchy, and was consequently always loyal to the reigning sovereign. it was also a difficult county for an invading army to approach, and the army of the parliament under the earl of essex met with a disastrous defeat there. but we must not forget the holy wells, as the villages and towns took their names from the saints who presided at the wells. that of st. keyne, quite near liskeard, is described by southey: a well there is in the west country, and a clearer one never was seen; there is not a wife in the west country but has heard of the well of st. keyne. an oak and an elm-tree stand beside, and behind doth an ash-tree grow, and a willow from the bank above droops to the water below. st. keyne introduced the rather remarkable belief that the first of a newly married couple to drink of the water of her well, whether husband or wife, should in future rule the home. we supposed that the happy pair would have a race to the well, and the one who arrived there first would ever afterwards play the first fiddle, if that instrument was in use in the time of st. keyne. but a story was related of how on one occasion the better-half triumphed. no sooner had the knot been tied than the husband ran off as fast as he could to drink of the water at st. keyne's well, leaving his wife in the church. when he got back he found the lady had been before him, for she had brought a bottle of the water from the well with her to church, and while the man was running to the well she had been quietly seated drinking the water in the church porch! [illustration: st. keyne's well.] the story was told by the victim to a stranger, and the incident was recorded by southey in his poem "the well of st. keyne": "you drank of the well, i warrant, betimes?" he to the countryman said: but the countryman smiled as the stranger spake, and sheepishly shook his head: "i hastened as soon as the wedding was done, and left my wife in the porch; but i' faith! she had been wiser than me, for she took a bottle to church." it was at liskeard that we first heard of george borrow, a tramp like ourselves. although we should have been pleased to have had a talk with him, we should scarcely have been able to accompany him on one of his journeys, for he was feet inches in height against our feet inches, and he would have been able to walk quicker than ourselves. he was born in and died in , so that he was still alive when we were walking through cornwall, and was for many years a travelling agent for the british and foreign bible society. in the course of his wanderings, generally on foot, he made a study of gipsy life, and wrote some charming books about the romany tribes, his _lavengro_ and _romany rye_ being still widely read. he was a native of norfolk, but his father was born near liskeard, to which place he paid a special visit at the end of . on christmas day in that year, which was also a sunday, he walked to st. cleer and attended service in the church, mr. berkeley being the preacher, and although there was no organ, he saw a fiddle in the gallery, so fiddles must have then been in use in cornwall. he would also see the well of st. cleer, which was quite near the church, and must in the time of the saxons have been covered over with stone, as the old arches and columns were saxon work. borrow's father was born at trethinnick farm, near st. cleer, which he also went to see. he left liskeard in january on a tramp through truro and penzance to land's end by almost the same route as that we were about to follow ourselves. as he made many notes during his wanderings in cornwall, his friends naturally expected him to publish an account of his travels there, after the manner of a book he had published in entitled _wild wales_, but they were disappointed, for none appeared. [illustration: st. cleer's well.] it was said that cornwall did not grow wood enough to make a coffin, and the absence of trees enabled us to see a number of huge, mysterious-looking stones: some upright and standing alone, others in circles, or in groups named cists composed of upright stones, forming a cavity between them in the shape of a chest covered at the top, and not intended to be opened again, for they had been used as tombs. occasionally the stones stood quite near our road, some in the shape of crosses, while we could see others in fields and on the top of small hills. there were some remarkable stones near st. cleer, including the famous "cheesewring," formed of eight circular stones each resembling a cheese, placed one on top of another and rising to a height of about eight yards; but the strange part about this curious erection was that the four larger and heavier stones were at the top and the four smaller ones at the bottom. it was a mystery how in such remote times the builders could have got those immense stones to the top of the others and there balanced them so exactly as to withstand the storms of so many years. [illustration: the cheesewring] near this supposed druidical erection was a rough cave known as "daniel gumb's house," formerly inhabited by a man of that name who came there to study astrology and astronomy, and who was said to have had his family with him. he left his record by cutting his name at the entrance to the cave, "d. gumb ," and by inscribing a figure on the roof representing the famous th proposition in the first book of euclid. the trethevy menhir, a cromlech or "house of the dead," which george borrow went to see, consisted of seven great hewn slabs which formed a chamber inside about the height of a man; over the top was an enormous flat stone of such great weight as to make one wonder how it could have been placed there so many centuries ago. at one corner of the great stone, which was in a slanting position, there was a hole the use of which puzzled antiquarians; but george borrow was said to have contrived to get on the top of it and, putting his hand through the hole, shouted, "success to old cornwall," a sentiment which we were fully prepared to endorse, for we thought the people we saw at the two extremes of our journey--say in shetland, orkney, and the extreme north of scotland, and those in devon and cornwall in the south of england--were the most homely and sociable people with whom we came in contact. [illustration: "daniel gumb's house," liskeard.] some of the legends attached to the stones in cornwall were of a religious character, one example being the three stone circles named the "hurlers"; eleven in one circle, fourteen in another, and twelve in a third--thirty-seven in all; but only about one-half of them remained standing. here indeed might be read a "sermon in stone," and one of them might have been preached from these circles, as the stones were said to represent men who were hurling a ball one sunday instead of attending church, when they and the two pipers who were playing for them were all turned into stone for thus desecrating the sabbath day. we crossed the country to visit st. neot, and as the village was away from the main roads and situated on the fringe of bodmin moor, we were surprised to find such a fine church there. we were informed that st. neot was the second largest parish in cornwall, and that the moor beyond had been much more thickly populated in former times. we had passed through a place of the same name in huntingdonshire in the previous year, when walking home from london, and had been puzzled as to how to pronounce the name; when we appealed to a gentleman we met on the road outside the town, he told us that the gentry called it st. netts and the common people st. noots, but here it was pronounced as spelt, with just a slight stress on the first syllable--st. ne-ot, the letter "s" not being sounded officially. st. neot, supposed to have been related to king alfred, being either a brother or an uncle, came here from glastonbury and built a hermitage near his well, in which he would stand for hours immersed up to his neck in the water in order "to mortify his flesh and cultivate his memory," while he recited portions of the psalter, the whole of which he could repeat from memory. though a dwarf, he was said to be able to rescue beasts from the hunters and oxen from the thieves, and to live on two miraculous fishes, which, though he ate them continually, were always to be seen sporting in the water of his well! st. neot was the original burial-place of the saint, and in the church there was a curious stone casket or reliquary which formerly contained his remains; but when they were carried off to enrich eynesbury abbey at the huntingdon st. neots, all that was left here was a bone from one of his arms. this incident established the connection between the two places so far apart. [illustration: trethevy stones, liskeard.] the church had a beautiful decorated tower and a finely carved sixteenth-century roof, but its great glory consisted in its famous stained-glass windows, which were fifteen in number, and to each of which had been given a special name, such as the young women's window, the wives' window, and so on, while st. neot's window in its twelve panels represented incidents in the life of that saint. it was supposed that these fine windows were second to none in all england, except those at fairford church in gloucestershire, which we had already seen, and which were undoubtedly the finest range of mediæval windows in the country. they were more in number, and had the great advantage of being perfect, for in the time of the civil war they had been taken away and hidden in a place of safety, and not replaced in the church until the country had resumed its normal condition. the glass in the lower panels of the windows in the church of st. neot's, cornwall, had at that time been broken, but had been restored, the subjects represented being the same as before. those windows named after the young women and the wives had been presented to the church in the sixteenth century by the maids and mothers of the parish. on our way from here to lostwithiel, which my brother thought might have been a suitable name for the place where we went astray last night, we passed along braddock or broad-oak moor, where in , during the civil war, a battle was fought, in which sir ralph hopton defeated the parliamentary army and captured more than a thousand prisoners. poetry seemed to be rather at a discount in cornwall, but we copied the following lines relating to this preliminary battle: when gallant grenville stoutly stood and stopped the gap up with his blood, when hopton led his cornish band where the sly conqueror durst not stand. we knew the queen was nigh at hand. we must confess we did not understand this; it could not have been spenser's "faerie queene," so we walked on to the fairy cross without seeing either the queen or the fairy, although we were fortunate to find what might be described as a fairy glen and to reach the old castle of restormel, which had thus been heralded: to the loiterer, the tourist, or the antiquary: the ivy-covered ruins of restormel castle will amply repay a visit, inasmuch as the remains of its former grandeur must, by the very nature of things, induce feelings of the highest and most dignified kind; they must force contemplative thought, and compel respect for the works of our forefathers and reverence for the work of the creator's hand through centuries of time. [illustration: restormel castle.] it was therefore with some such thoughts as these that we walked along the lonely road leading up to the old castle, and rambled amongst the venerable ruins. the last of the summer visitors had long since departed, and the only sound we could hear was that made by the wind, as it whistled and moaned among the ivy-covered ruins, and in the trees which partly surrounded them, reminding us that the harvest was past and the summer was ended, while indications of approaching winter were not wanting. the castle was circular in form, and we walked round the outside of it on the border of the moat which had formerly been filled with water, but now was quite dry and covered with luxuriant grass. it was feet wide and feet deep, being formerly crossed by a drawbridge, not now required. the ruins have thus been described by a modern poet: and now i reach the moat's broad marge, and at each pace more fair and large the antique pile grows on my sight, though sullen time's resistless might, stronger than storms or bolts of heaven, through wall and buttress rents have riven; and wider gaps had there been seen but for the ivy's buckler green, with stems like stalwart arms sustained; here else had little now remained but heaps of stones, or mounds o'ergrown with nettles, or with hemlock sown. under the mouldering gate i pass, and, as upon the thick rank grass with muffled sound my footsteps falls, waking no echo from the walls, i feel as one who chanced to tread the solemn precincts of the dead. the mound on which the castle stood was originally of celtic construction, but was afterwards converted into one of the fortresses which the normans built in the eastern part of cornwall as rallying-points in case of any sudden insurrection among the "west welshmen." the occupation of the fortress by the normans was the immediate cause of the foundation of the town of lostwithiel, to which a charter was granted in by robert de cardinan, the then owner of the castle and the surrounding country. an exchequer deed showed how the castle and town of lostwithiel came into the possession of the dukes of cornwall: know ye present and to come that i, isolda-de-tracey, daughter and heir of andrew de cardinan, have granted to lord richard, king of the romans, my whole manor of tewington.... moreover i have given and granted to the aforesaid lord the king, castle of restormell and the villeinage in demesne, wood and meadows, and the whole town of lostwithiel, and water of fowey, with the fishery, with all liberties, and free customs to the said water, town, and castle, belonging. whereof the water of fowey shall answer for two and a half knights fees (a "knight's fee" being equal to acres of land). in the year henry iii gave the whole county of cornwall, in fee, to his brother richard, who was created earl of cornwall by charter dated august th, , and from that time restormel became the property of the earls of cornwall. afterwards, in , when the earldom was raised to a dukedom, the charter of creation settled on the duchy, with other manors, the castle and manor of restormel, with the park and other appurtenances in the county of cornwall, together with the town of lostwithiel: and it was on record that the park then contained deer. richard, earl of cornwall and king of the romans, caused extensive alterations and improvements in the castle at restormel, and often made it his residence, and kept his court there. he was elected king of the romans or emperor of the holy roman empire at frankfort on january th, , and crowned at aix-la-chapelle, november th, . edward the black prince, upon whom the dukedom was confirmed when only seven years old, paid two visits to restormel. the first of these was in , possibly while his expedition to france was being prepared at plymouth, and the second in . in the time of the civil war the commanding position of the castle caused it to be repaired and held by the parliamentarians; but after the disastrous defeat of their army under the earl of essex in it was garrisoned by sir richard grenville for the king. in recent times it was again visited by royalty, for on tuesday, september th, , the royal yacht _victoria and albert_ sailed into fowey and landed a royal party, who drove to restormel castle. it revived old memories to read the names of the party who came here on that occasion, for in addition to queen victoria and her husband, prince albert, there were the princess royal and the prince of wales, lady jocelyn, miss kerr, mdlle. geuner, lord spencer, lord palmerston, sir james clark, mr. anson, and col. grey. the castle was not a very large one, and we were more impressed by the loneliness of its situation than by the ruin itself, for there was a long approach to it without a cottage or a friendly native in sight, nor did we see any one in the lonely road of quite a mile along which we passed afterwards to the town of lostwithiel. but this road was quite pleasant, following the tree-covered course of the river fowey, and lined with ferns and the usual flower-bearing plants all the way to that town. [illustration: lostwithiel ancient bridge and landing place.] here we rejoined the liskcard highway, which crossed the river by an ancient bridge said to date from the fourteenth century. at this point the river had long ago been artificially widened so as to form a basin and landing-place for the small boats which then passed to and fro between fowey and lostwithiel. the derivation of the last place-name was somewhat doubtful, but the general interpretation seemed to be that its original form was lis-guythiel, meaning the "palace in the wood," which might be correct, since great trees still shut in the range of old buildings representing the remains of the old palace or duchy house. the buildings, which were by no means lofty, were devoted to purposes of an unimportant character, but they had a decidedly dungeon-like appearance, and my brother, who claimed to be an authority on shakespeare because he had once committed to memory two passages from the great bard's writings, assured me that if these old walls were gifted with speech, like the ghost that appeared to hamlet, they "could a tale unfold, whose lightest word would harrow up our souls; freeze our young blood; make our eyes, like stars, start from their spheres; our knotted and combined locks to part, and each particular hair to stand on end like quills upon the fretful porcupine"; but fortunately "this eternal blazon must not be to ears of flesh and blood," and so we hurried away up the town. lostwithiel, one of the stannary towns, was at one time the only coinage town in cornwall, and traces of the old mint and stannary court could yet be seen. the town had formerly the honour of being represented in parliament by the famous writer, statesman, and poet, joseph addison. [illustration: lostwithiel church, south porch and cross] the church was dedicated to st. bartholomew, and was described as "a perfect example of the decorated period" and the "glory of cornwall." it possessed a lantern spire "of a kind unexampled elsewhere in the west of england"; but as our standard was high, since we had seen so many churches, we failed to appreciate these features, and, generally speaking, there were no very fine churches in cornwall compared with those in other counties. this church, however, had passed through some lively scenes in the civil war, when the royalist army was driving that of the parliament towards the sea-coast, where it was afterwards cornered and captured. a provost named marshall commanded the detachment of the parliamentary forces at lostwithiel, and to show their contempt for the religion of the church of england, they desecrated the church by leading one of their horses to the font and christening him charles "in contempt of his most sacred majesty the king." meanwhile two cavaliers, supporters of the king, and gentlemen of some repute in the county, had hidden themselves in the church tower and drawn the ladder up after them. when they saw the provost preparing to depart, for he was now in a hurry to get away from the approaching royalist soldiers, they jeered at him through a window in the tower. he called to them, "i'll fetch you down," and sent men with some "mulch and hay" to set fire to the tower into which the cavaliers had climbed, but they only jeered at him the more, which caused him to try gunpowder, intending, as he could not smoke them out, to blow them out; but he only succeeded in blowing a few tiles off the roof of the church. the font was a fine one, octagonal in form, and carved on all the eight panels, though some of the figures had been mutilated; but it was still possible to discern a horrible-looking face covered with a wreath of snakes, a mitred head of a bishop, a figure of a knight with a hawk, horn, and hound, and other animals scarcely suitable, we thought, for a font. the army of the parliament was gradually driven to fowey, where , of them were taken prisoner, while their commander, the earl of essex, escaped by sea. fowey was only about six miles away from lostwithiel, and situated at the mouth of the river fowey. it was at one time the greatest port on the coast of cornwall, and the abode of some of the fiercest fighting men in the british isles. from that port vessels sailed to the crusades, and when edward iii wanted ships and men for the siege of calais, fowey responded nobly to the call, furnishing ships manned by men. the men of fowey were the great terror of the french coast, but in the french landed in the night and burnt the town. after this two forts were built, one on each side of the entrance to the river, after the manner of those at dartmouth, a stout iron chain being dropped between them at nightfall. fowey men were in great favour with edward iv because of their continued activity against the french; but when he sent them a message, "i am at peace with my brother of france," the fowey men replied that they were at war with him! as this was likely to create friction between the two countries, and as none of his men dared go to fowey owing to the warlike character of its inhabitants, the king decided to resort to strategy, but of a rather mean character. he despatched men to lostwithiel, who sent a deputation to fowey to say they wished to consult the fowey men about some new design upon france. the latter, not suspecting any treachery, came over, and were immediately seized and their leader hanged; while men were sent by sea from dartmouth to remove their harbour chain and take away their ships. possibly the ships might afterwards have been restored to them upon certain conditions, but it was quite an effectual way of preventing their depredations on the coast of france. they seem to have been a turbulent race of people at fowey, for they once actually became dissatisfied with their patron saint, the irish st. finbar, and when they rebuilt their church in they dismissed him and adopted st. nicholas to guide their future destinies. perhaps it was because st. nicholas was the patron saint of all sailors, as he allayed a great storm when on a voyage to the holy land. what is now named drake's island, off plymouth, was formerly named st. nicholas. it would not be difficult to find many other churches dedicated to st. nicholas on the sea-coast from there to the north, and we remembered he was the patron saint at aberdeen. st. nicholas is also the patron saint of the russians, some of the czars of that mighty empire having been named after him. while st. catherine is the patron saint of the girls, st. nicholas is the patron saint of the boys, and strange to relate is also the patron saint of parish clerks, who were formerly called "scholars." when pictured in christian art this saint is dressed in the robe of a bishop, with three purses, or three golden balls, or three children. the three purses represent those given by him to three sisters to enable them to marry; but we did not know the meaning of the three golden balls, unless it was that they represented the money the purses contained. my brother suggested they might have some connection with the three golden balls hanging outside the pawnbrokers' shops. afterwards we found st. nicholas was the patron saint of that body. but the three children were all boys, who once lived in the east, and being sent to a school at athens, were told to call on st. nicholas on their way for his benediction. they stopped for the night at a place called myra, where the innkeeper murdered them for their money and baggage, and placed their mangled bodies in a pickling-tub, intending to sell them as pork. st. nicholas, however, saw the tragedy in a vision, and went to the inn, where the man confessed the crime, whilst st. nicholas, by a miracle, raised the murdered boys to life again! sometimes he had been nicknamed "nick," or "old nick," and then he became a demon, or the devil, or the "evil spirit of the north." in scandinavia he was always associated with water either in sea or lake, river or waterfall, his picture being changed to that of a horrid-looking creature, half-child and half-horse, the horse's feet being shown the wrong way about. sometimes, again, he was shown as an old black man like an imp, sitting on a rock and wringing the dripping water from his long black hair! on our way towards st. austell we passed some very interesting places to the right and left of our road, and had some fine views of the sea. presently we arrived at a considerable village inhabited by miners, the name of which we did not know until my brother, who was walking with a miner in the rear, suddenly called to me, and pointing to a name on a board, said: "see where we've got to!" when my brother called out the name of the place, i heard a man shout from across the road in a triumphant tone of voice, "yes, you're in it now, sir!" and sure enough we had arrived at st. blazey, a rather queer name, we thought, for a place called after a saint! but, unlike the people of fowey, the inhabitants seemed quite satisfied with their saint, and indeed rather proud of him than otherwise. asked where we could get some coffee and something to eat, the quarryman to whom my brother had been talking directed us to a temperance house near at hand, where we were well served. we were rather surprised at the number of people who came in after us at intervals, but it appeared afterwards that my brother had incidentally told the man with whom he was walking about our long journey, and that we had walked about , miles. the news had circulated rapidly about the village, and we eventually found ourselves the centre of a crowd anxious to see us, and ask questions. they seemed quite a homely, steady class of men, and gave us a cornish welcome and a cornish cheer as we left the village. [illustration: sarcophagus of the duke of wellington in the crypt of st. paul's cathedral.] just before reaching st. blazey, however, we walked a short distance up a very charming little valley, which has been described as a paradise of ferns, wooden glades, and granite boulders, and possesses some of the finest landscapes in the district, with the ground in springtime azure with wild hyacinths. some of the finest ferns grew in profusion in this glen, including the "osmunda regalis" and the graceful lady fern; but, fortunately for the ferns, much of the valley passed through private grounds, and the pretty carmears waterfall could only be seen on certain days. the parish church of luxulyan, after which village the valley was named, stood at the head of the glen, and as the people of cornwall had so many saints, they had been able to spare two of them for luxulyan, so that the church was dedicated conjointly to st. cyricus and st. julitta, while the name of a third was said to be concealed in the modern name of the village, st. suhan, a saint who also appeared in wales and brittany. the name of the village well was st. cyricus, which probably accounted for the name appearing the first in the dedication of the church. the church tower at one time contained the cornish stannary records, but in the time of the civil war they had been removed for greater safety to lostwithiel, where they were unfortunately destroyed. there were many ancient and disused tin workings in the parish of luxulyan, but a particularly fine kind of granite was quarried there, for use in buildings where durability was necessary--the lighthouse and beacon on plymouth breakwater having both been built with granite obtained from these quarries. there was also a very hard variety of granite much used by sculptors called porphyry, a very hard and variegated rock of a mixed purple-and-white colour. when the duke of wellington died, the continent was searched for the most durable stone for his sepulchre, sufficiently grand and durable to cover his remains, but none could be found to excel that at luxulyan. a huge boulder of porphyry, nearly all of it above ground, lying in a field where it had lain from time immemorial, was selected. it was estimated to weigh over seventy tons, and was wrought and polished near the spot where it was found. when complete it was conveyed thence to st. paul's cathedral, and now forms the sarcophagus of the famous iron duke. the total cost was about £ , . we had now to walk all the way to land's end through a tin-mining country, which really extended farther than that, as some of the mines were under the sea. but the industry was showing signs of decay, for cornwall had no coal and very little peat, and the native-grown timber had been practically exhausted. she had therefore to depend on the coal from south wales to smelt the ore, and it was becoming a question whether it was cheaper to take the ore to the coal or the coal to the ore, the cost being about equal in either case. meantime many miners had left the country, and others were thinking of following them to africa and america, while many of the more expensive mines to work had been closed down. the origin of tin mining in cornwall was of remote antiquity, and the earliest method of raising the metal was that practiced in the time of diodorus by streaming--a method more like modern gold-digging, since the ore in the bed of the streams, having been already washed there for centuries, was much purer than that found in the lodes. diodorus siculus, about the beginning of the christian era, mentioned the inhabitants of belerium as miners and smelters of tin, and wrote: "after beating it up into knucklebone shapes, they carry it to a certain island lying off britain named ictis (probably the isle of wight), and thence the merchants buy it from the inhabitants and carry it over to gaul, and lastly, travelling by land through gaul about thirty days, they bring down the loads on horses to the mouth of the rhine." there was no doubt in our own minds that the mining of tin in cornwall was the most ancient industry known in britain, and had existed there in the time of prehistoric man. we often found ourselves speculating about the age, and the ages of man. the age of man was said to be seventy, and might be divided thus: at ten a child, at twenty wild, at thirty strong, if ever! at forty wise, at fifty rich, at sixty good, or never! there were some curious celtic lines which described the age of animals compared with that of man: thrice the age of a dog is that of a horse; thrice the age of a horse is that of a man; thrice the age of a man is that of a deer; thrice the age of a deer is that of an eagle. the ages of man were divided into three by lucretius as: ( ) "the stone age," when celts or implements of stone were employed. ( ) "the bronze age," when implements were made of copper and brass. ( ) "the iron age," when implements were made of iron, as in the present day. this being the order of antiquity and materials employed in making the implements, it was therefore safe to conclude that the mining of tin must have dated back as far as the bronze age, for there could have been no bronze made without tin, since bronze is produced by the mixing of copper and tin. appliances for crushing and smelting the ore were already in existence in very early times, as well as blowing-houses and moulds in which to run the molten metal. the ingots of tin were in the form of an astragal, and an ancient ingot of large size dredged up in falmouth harbour, weighing lbs., resembled the letter h in form. this was the most convenient shape for carriage, either in a boat or slung across the back of a horse, and horses were employed in that way to convey the tin along the steep and narrow roads from the mines to the sea-coast. the romans made use of the cornish mines, for an ingot of tin bearing a roman stamp and inscription was preserved in the truro museum, and roman coins had been found in the mines. with st. austell's bay to our left, we soon came in sight of the town of st. austell, behind which were the hensbarrow downs, rising over , feet above sea-level. from the beacon on the top the whole of cornwall can be seen on a clear day, bounded by the bristol channel on one side and the english channel on the other; on the lower reaches, and quite near st. austell, were the great tin mines of carclaze, some of the largest and most ancient in cornwall. another great industry was also being carried on, as in the year w. cookworthy, a plymouth quaker, had discovered an enormous bed of white clay, which had since been so extensively excavated that the workings now resembled the crater of an extinct volcano. this clay, of the finest quality, was named china clay, because it was exactly similar to that used in china, where porcelain was made many centuries before it was made in england, the process of its manufacture being kept a profound secret by the chinese, whose country was closed to europeans. a story, however, was told of an englishman who succeeded in entering china and obtaining employment at one of the potteries, where he eventually became acquainted with the secrets of the whole business. the difficulties he experienced in getting out of the country again, and his adventures and hairbreadth escapes from death, were thrilling to listen to. the pattern on the famous willow plates, which he was afterwards able to produce in england, was commonly supposed to represent some of his own adventures, and he was thought to be the man pictured as being pursued across a bridge and escaping in a boat. this, however, was not correct, as all the views had been copied from the original chinese willow pattern, the interpretation of which was as follows: to the right is a lordly mandarin's country-seat, which is two storeys high to show the rank and wealth of the possessor. in the foreground is a pavilion, and in the background an orange-tree, while to the right of the pavilion is a peach-tree in full bearing. the estate is enclosed by an elegant wooden fence, and at one end of the bridge stands the famous willow-tree and at the other is the gardener's cottage, one storey high, and so humble that the grounds are uncultivated, the only green thing being a small fir-tree at the back. at the top of the pattern on the left-hand side is an island with a cottage; the grounds are highly cultivated and much of the land has been reclaimed from the water. the two birds are turtle-doves, and the three figures on the bridge are the mandarin's daughter with a distaff, nearest the cottage, the lover with a box is shown in the middle, and nearest the willow-tree is the mandarin with a whip. [illustration: the love-story of li-chi and chang.] the written history of china goes back for , years, a period more than twice that over which english history can be traced; and it is about , years since confucius wrote his wonderful laws. since that time his teachings have been followed by countless millions of his countrymen, and temples have been erected to him all over that great country, whose population numbers more than millions. the origin of the legend represented on the willow pattern must therefore have been of remote antiquity, and the following is the record of the tradition: the mandarin had an only daughter named li-chi, who fell in love with chang, a young man who lived in the island home represented at the top of the pattern, and who had been her father's secretary. the father overheard them one day making vows of love under the orange-tree, and sternly forbade the unequal match; but the lovers contrived to elope. they lay concealed for a while in the gardener's cottage, and thence made their escape in a boat to the island-home of the young lover. the enraged mandarin pursued them with a whip, and would have beaten them to death had not the gods rewarded their fidelity by changing them into turtle-doves. the picture is called the willow pattern not only because it is a tale of disastrous love, but because the elopement occurred when the willow begins to shed its leaves. much of the clay at carclaze was being sent to the staffordshire potteries, to be used in the production of the finest porcelain. it was loaded in ships and taken round the coast via liverpool to runcorn, a port on the river mersey and the terminus of the duke of bridgewater's canal, where it was transhipped into small boats, which conveyed it to the potteries in staffordshire, involving a carriage of about fifty miles, after being manufactured into porcelain, it was packed into crates and again consigned by canal to many places inland and to liverpool for shipment abroad, the carriage being cheaper and safer than if consigned by rail, owing to the fragile nature of the goods. some of the earthenware had of course to be sent by rail, but the breakages in shunting operations and the subsequent claims on the railway companies caused the rate of carriage to be very high. in later years the pottery trade became rather depressed owing to competition from abroad, and a story was told of a traveller from the staffordshire potteries who called at a wholesale house in london where he invariably got some orders, but on this occasion was unsuccessful. when he inquired the reason, he was taken to the warehouse and shown a small china tea service. "do you know that?" asked the manager. "yes!" quickly replied the traveller; "that comes from so-and-so in the potteries, and is their favourite pattern and design!" "and what did i pay for it?" "twelve and six," promptly replied the traveller. "ah," said his customer, "you are wrong this time; that set cost us s. d., and came from germany!" the traveller reported the matter to his firm, who on inquiry discovered that the germans had erected a pottery on their sea-coast and, by taking advantage of sea carriage both ways, were able to undersell the british manufacturer with pottery for which the clay had been found in his own country. arriving at st. austell, we had a look round the town, and visited the church, which was dedicated to st. austell. but in the previous year it had undergone a restoration, and there appeared to be some doubt whether the figure on the tower was that of the patron saint or not. there were other figures, but the gargoyles were as usual the ugliest of the lot. there was formerly a curious clock there which was mentioned in an old deed of the time of edward vi recording that st. austell's tower had "four bells and a clok," but the bells had been increased to eight and a new clock placed in the tower, though the face of the old one, representing the twenty-four hours in as many circles, could still be seen. when the old clock had been made, it was evident there was no repetition in the afternoon of the morning's numerals, as the hours after twelve noon were the thirteenth and fourteenth, and so on up to twenty-four. the church porch was quite a fine erection, with a chamber built over it, at one time used as a sleeping-room by travelling monks, and, like the nave, with a battlement along the top, an old inscription over the porch, "ry du," having been interpreted as meaning "give to god." the carving over the doorway represented a pelican feeding its young with blood from its own breast, and a sundial bore the very significant motto: every hour shortens man's life. inside the church there was a curiosity in the shape of a wooden tablet, on which was painted a copy of a letter of thanks from king charles i to the county of cornwall for its assistance during his conflict with the roundheads, it was written from his camp at sudeley castle on september th, , and was one of several similar tablets to be found in various churches in cornwall. [illustration: rev. john wesley. (_the founder of methodism in england._)] the wesleyan chapel at st. austell, with accommodation for a congregation of , persons, also attracted our attention, as it had a frontage like that of a mansion, with columns supporting the front entrance, and was situated in a very pleasant part of the town. john wesley laboured hard in cornwall, and we were pleased to see evidences of his great work there as we travelled through the duchy; and as cornishmen must surround the memory of their saints with legends, it did not surprise us that they had one about mr. wesley. he was travelling late one night over a wild part of cornwall when a terrific storm came on, and the only shelter at hand was a mansion that had the reputation of being haunted. he found his way into the hall and lay down on a bench listening to the raging elements outside until he fell fast asleep. about midnight he awoke and was surprised to find the table in the hall laid out for a banquet, and a gaily dressed company, including a gentleman with a red feather in his cap, already assembled. this person offered wesley a vacant chair and invited him to join them, an invitation which he accepted; but before he took a bite or a sup he rose from his chair, and said, "gentlemen! it is my custom to ask a blessing on these occasions," and added, "stand all!" the company rose, but as he pronounced the sacred invocation the room grew dark and the ghostly guests vanished. we should have liked to hear what followed, but this was left to our imagination, which became more active as the darkness of night came on. as we walked we saw some beautiful spar stones used to repair the roads, which would have done finely for our rockeries. late that night we entered truro, destined to become years afterwards a cathedral town. (_distance walked thirty-three miles_.) _friday, november th._ truro formerly possessed a castle, but, as in the case of liskeard, not a vestige now remained, and even leland, who traced the site, described the castle as being "clene down." he also described the position of the town itself, and wrote, "the creke of truro afore the very towne is divided into two parts, and eche of them has a brook cumming down and a bridge, and this towne of truro betwixt them both." these two brooks were the allen, a rivulet only, and the kenwyn, a larger stream, while the "creke of truro" was a branch of the falmouth harbour, and quite a fine sheet of water at high tide. truro was one of the stannary towns as a matter of course, for according to tradition it was near here that tin was first discovered. the discoverer of this valuable metal was said to have been st. piran, or st. perran--as the roman catholic church in truro was dedicated to st. piran we agreed to record that as the correct name. the legend stated that he was an irish saint who in his own country had been able by his prayers to sustain the irish kings and their armies for ten days on three cows! but in spite of his great services to his country, because of his belief in christ his countrymen condemned him to die, by being thrown over a precipice into the sea, with a millstone hung about his neck. the day appointed for his execution was very stormy, but a great crowd of "wild irish" assembled, and st. piran was thrown over the rocks. at that very moment the storm ceased and there was a great calm. they looked over the cliffs to see what had become of him, and to their intense astonishment saw the saint calmly sitting upon the millstone and being carried out to sea. they watched him until he disappeared from their sight, and all who saw this great miracle were of course immediately converted to christianity. st. piran floated safely across the sea and landed on the coast of cornwall, not at truro, but on a sandy beach about ten miles away from that town, the place where he landed being named after him at the present day. when the natives saw him approaching their coasts, they thought he was sailing on wood, and when they found it was stone they also were converted to christianity. st. piran built an oratory and lived a lonely and godly life, ornamenting his cell with all kinds of crystals and stones gathered from the beach and the rocks, and adorning his altar with the choicest flowers. on one occasion, when about to prepare a frugal meal, he collected some stones in a circle and made a fire from some fuel close to hand. fanned by the wind, the heat was intensified more than usual, with the result that he noticed a stream of beautiful white metal flowing out of the fire. "great was the joy of the saint when he perceived that god in his goodness had discovered to him something that would be useful to man." such was the origin of tin smelting in cornwall. st. piran revealed the secret to st. chiwidden, who, being learned in many sciences, at once recognised the value of the metal. the news gradually spread to distant lands, and eventually reached tyre, the ancient city of the phoenicians, so that their merchants came to cornwall to buy tin in the days of king solomon. the britons then, fearing an invasion, built castles on their coast, including that on st. michael's mount, while st. piran became the most popular saint in cornwall and eventually the patron saint of the miners of tin. his name was associated with many places besides the sands he landed upon, including several villages, as well as a cross, a chapel, a bay, a well, and a coombe. but perhaps the strangest of all was st. piran's round, near perranzabuloe village. this, considered one of the most remarkable earthworks in the kingdom, and of remote antiquity, was a remarkable amphitheatre feet in diameter, with traces of seven tiers of seats; it has been used in modern times for the performance of miracle-plays. one of the "brooks" at truro mentioned by leland was the river kenwyn, which joined the river allen to form the truro river; but before doing so the kenwyn, or some portion of its overflow, had been so diverted that the water ran down the gutters of the principal streets. it was a novelty to us to see the water so fresh and clean running down each side of the street--not slowly, but as if at a gallop. in the time of the civil war truro was garrisoned for the king, but in , after a fierce engagement between the royalists under sir ralph hopton and cromwell's forces under sir thomas fairfax, a treaty was signed at tresillian river bridge (a pretty place which we had passed last night, about three miles outside the town on the st. austell road), by which truro was surrendered quietly to the parliament. the grammar school, where many eminent men had been educated, was founded in . among its old pupils was included sir humphry davy, born in , the eminent chemist who was the first to employ the electric current in chemical decomposition and to discover nitric oxide or "laughing gas." he was also the inventor of the famous safety-lamp which bears his name, and which has been the means of saving the lives of thousands of miners. truro was the birthplace of several men of note: samuel foote, richard lander, and henry martyn, two of them having been born in public-houses in the town. samuel foote, a famous dramatist and comedian, was born at the "old king's head inn" in , and was buried in westminster abbey in . he was a clever actor and mimic, "and kept london in a good humour"; he wrote the _mayor of garrett_ and many other comedies. richard lander, born at the "fighting cocks inn" in , became famous as an african explorer. he took part in the expedition to africa which was the first to discover and trace the niger. he was injured by savages and died at fernando po in . henry martyn, born in , the son of a miner, was a noble and devoted missionary. he left home when twenty-four years of age to labour amongst the hindus and mahometans at cawnpore in india, and travelled in persia and armenia. he translated portions of the bible and prayer book into the persian and hindustani languages, and at last, weary and worn out in his master's service, died of fever at tokat in . [illustration: the frontage, old st. mary's church.] st. mary's church was built in , and was remarkable for its two east windows and some fine carving on the walls outside. it was surrounded by narrow streets and ancient buildings. we had no time to explore the interior, so contented ourselves with a visit to an old stone preserved by the corporation and inscribed: daniel jenkin, maior, who seeks to find eternal treasvre mvst vse no gvile in weight and measvre. . we now considered that we had arrived at the beginning of the end of our journey, and left truro with the determination to reach land's end on the morrow, saturday. we continued our walk as near the sea as the rivers or inlets would admit, for we were anxious to see as much as possible of the fine rock scenery of the cornish coast. we were in the best of health and spirits, and a thirty-mile walk seemed to have no effect upon us whatever, beyond causing a feeling of drowsiness when entering our hotel for the night. we soon arrived at the quaint little village with a name, as my brother said, almost as long as itself, perranarworthal, connected with falmouth by a creek, which seemed to have made an effort to cross cornwall from one side to the other, or from one channel to the other. it was at falmouth that on one dark stormy night some years previously the ship my brother was travelling by called for cargo, and the shelter of the harbour was much appreciated after passing through the stormy sea outside. perran in the name of the village meant the same as piran, and the small church there was dedicated to that saint, who deserved to be called the st. patrick of cornwall, for he occupied the same position in the popular imagination here as that saint did in ireland. it was in this parish that st. piran had his holy well, but that had now disappeared, for accidentally it had been drained off by mining operations. gwennap was only about three miles away--formerly the centre of the richest mining district in cornwall, the mines there being nearly six hundred yards deep, and the total length of the roads or workings in them about sixty miles. no similar space in the old world contained so much mineral wealth, for the value of the tin mined during one century was estimated at ten million pounds sterling. after the mines were abandoned the neighbourhood presented a desolate and ruined appearance. [illustration: old st. mary's church, truro. (_the cathedral of truro is now built on the site where this old church formerly stood._)] many human remains belonging to past ages had been found buried in the sands in this neighbourhood; but gwennap had one glorious memory of the departed dead, for john wesley visited the village several times to preach to the miners, and on one occasion ( ), on a very windy day, when the sound of his voice was being carried away by the wind, he tried the experiment--which proved a great success--of preaching in the bottom of a wide dry pit, the miners standing round him on the sloping sides and round the top. the pit was supposed to have been formed by subsidences resulting from the mining operations below, and as he used it on subsequent occasions when preaching to immense congregations, it became known as "wesley's preaching pit." it must have been a pathetic sight when, in his eighty-fifth year, he preached his last sermon there. "his open-air preaching was powerful in the extreme, his energy and depth of purpose inspiring, and his organising ability exceptional; and as an evangelist of the highest character, with the world as his parish, he was the founder of the great religious communion of 'the people called methodists.'" it was therefore scarcely to be wondered at that the gwennap pit should be considered as holy ground, and that it should become the mecca of the cornish methodists and of others from all over the world. wesley died in , and in the pit was brought to its present condition--a circular pit formed into steps or seats rising one above another from the bottom to the top, and used now for the great annual gathering of the methodists held during whitsuntide. the idea was probably copied from st. piran's round, a similar but much older formation a few miles distant. [illustration: gwennap pit, redruth.] penryn was the next place we visited, and a very pretty place too! it was situated on the slope of a picturesque hill surrounded by orchards and gardens, and luxuriant woodlands adorned its short but beautiful river. the sea view was of almost unequalled beauty, and included the magnificent harbour of falmouth, of which an old writer said that "a hundred vessels may anchor in it, and not one see the mast of another"--of course when ships were smaller. the old church at penryn was that of st. gluvias, near which were a few remains of glassiney college, formerly the chief centre from which the vernacular literature of cornwall was issued and whence our knowledge of the old legends and mysteries of cornwall was derived. the town was said to have had a court-leet about the time of the conquest, but the borough was first incorporated in the seventeenth century by james i. the corporation possessed a silver cup and cover, presented to them by the notorious lady jane killigrew, and inscribed--"to the town of penmarin when they received me that was in great misery. j.k. ." lady jane's trouble arose through her ladyship and her men boarding some dutch vessels that lay off falmouth, stealing their treasure, and causing the death of some of their crews. in the time of james i. a spanish man-of-war came unseen through the mist of the harbour, and despatched a well-armed crew with muffled oars to plunder and burn the town of penryn. they managed to land in the darkness, and were about to begin their depredations when suddenly they heard a great sound of drums and trumpets and the noise of many people. this so alarmed them that they beat a rapid retreat, thinking the militia had been called out by some spy who had known of their arrival. but the penryn people were in happy ignorance of their danger. it happened that some strolling actors were performing a tragedy, and the battle scene was just due as the spaniards came creeping up in the darkness; hence the noise. when the penryn folk heard the following morning what had happened, it was said they had to thank shakespeare for their lucky escape. no one passing through the smiling and picturesque town of penryn would dream that that beautiful place could ever have been associated with such a fearful and horrid event as that known to history as the "penryn tragedy," which happened during the reign of james i. at that time there lived at the bohechland farm in the parish of st. gluvias a well-to-do farmer and his wife and family. their youngest son was learning surgery, but, not caring for that profession, and being of a wild and roving disposition, he ran away to sea, and eventually became a pirate and the captain of a privateer. he was very successful in his evil business, amassing great wealth, and he habitually carried his most valuable jewels in a belt round his waist. at length he ventured into the mediterranean, and attacked a turkish ship, but, owing to an accident, his powder magazine exploded, and he and his men were blown into the air, some of them being killed and others injured. the captain escaped, however, and fell into the sea. he was an expert swimmer, and reached the island of rhodes, where he had to make use of his stolen jewels to maintain himself. he was trying to sell one of them to a jew when it was recognised as belonging to the dey of algiers. he was arrested, and sentenced to the galleys as a pirate, but soon gained great influence over the other galley slaves, whom he persuaded to murder their officers and escape. the plan succeeded, and the ringleader managed to get on a cornish boat bound for london. here he obtained a position as assistant to a surgeon, who took him to the east indies, where his early training came in useful, and after a while the cornishman began to practise for himself. fortunately for him, he was able to cure a rajah of his disease, which restored his fortune, and he decided to return to cornwall. the ship was wrecked on the cornish coast, and again his skill in swimming saved him. he had been away for fifteen years, and now found his sister married to a mercer in penryn; she, however, did not know him until he bared his arm and showed her a mark which had been there in infancy. she was pleased to see him, and told him that their parents had lost nearly all their money. then he showed her his possessions, gold and jewels, and arranged to go that night as a stranger to his parents' home and ask for lodgings, while she was to follow in the morning, when he would tell them who he was. when he knocked, his father opened the door, and saw a ragged and weather-beaten man who asked for food and an hour's shelter. taking him to be a sea-faring man, he willingly gave him some food, and afterwards asked him to stay the night. after supper they sat by the fire talking until the farmer retired to rest. then his wife told the sailor how unfortunate they had been and how poor they were, and that they would soon have to be sold up and perhaps finish their life in a workhouse. he took a piece of gold out of his belt and told her there was enough in it to pay all their debts, and after that there would be some left for himself. the sight of the gold and jewels excited the woman's cupidity, and when the sailor was fast asleep she woke her husband, told him what had happened, and suggested that they should murder the sailor and bury his body next day in the garden. the farmer was very unwilling, but his wife at length persuaded him to go with her. finding the sailor still fast asleep, they cut his throat and killed him, and covered him up with the bedclothes till they should have an opportunity of burying him. in the morning their daughter came and asked where the sailor was who called on them the previous night, but they said no sailor had been there. "but," she said, "he must be here, for he is my brother, and your long-lost son; i saw the scar on his arm." the mother turning deadly pale sank in a chair, while with an oath the father ran upstairs, saw the scar, and then killed himself with the knife with which he had killed his son. the mother followed, and, finding her husband dead, plunged the knife in her own breast. the daughter, wondering why they were away so long, went upstairs, and was so overcome with horror at seeing the awful sight that she fell down on the floor in a fit from which she never recovered! the first difficulty we had to contend with on continuing our journey was the inlet of the river helford, but after a rough walk through a rather lonely country we found a crossing-place at a place named gweek, at the head of the river, which we afterwards learned was the scene of hereward's cornish adventures, described by charles kingsley in _hereward the last of the english_, published in . here we again turned towards the sea, and presently arrived at helston, an ancient and decaying town supposed to have received its name from a huge boulder which once formed the gate to the infernal regions, and was dropped by lucifer after a terrible conflict with the archangel st. michael, in which the fiend was worsted by the saint. this stone was still supposed to be seen by credulous visitors at the "angel inn," but as we were not particularly interested in that angel, who, we inferred, might have been an angel of darkness, or in a stone of such a doubtful character, we did not go to the inn. helston was one of the stannary towns, and it was said that vessels could at one time come quite near it. daniel defoe has described it as being "large and populous, with four spacious streets, a handsome church, and a good trade." the good trade was, however, disappearing, owing to the discovery of tin in foreign countries, notably in the straits settlements and bolivia; the church which defoe saw had disappeared, having since been destroyed by fire and rebuilt in . we did not go inside, but in walking through the churchyard we casually came upon an ordinary headstone on which was an inscription to the effect that the stone marked the resting-place of henry trengrouse ( - ), who, being "profoundly impressed by the great loss of life by shipwreck, had devoted the greater portion of his life and means to the invention and design of the rocket apparatus for connecting stranded ships to the shore, whereby many thousands of lives have been saved." [illustration: monument to henry trengrouse. (_inventor of the rocket apparatus._)] we had seen many fine monuments to men who had been instrumental in killing thousands of their fellow creatures, but here was trengrouse who had been the humble instrument in saving thousands of lives, and (though a suitable monument has since been erected to his memory) only the commonest stone as yet recorded his memory and the inestimable services he had rendered to humanity: the only redeeming feature, perhaps, being the very appropriate quotation on the stone: they rest from their labours and their works do follow them. helston was another town where a lovely double stream of water ran down the main street, rendering the town by its rapid and perpetual running both musical and clean. the water probably came from the river cober, and afterwards found its way into the looe pool at the foot of the town. this pool was the great attraction of helston and district, as it formed a beautiful fresh-water lake about seven miles in circumference and two miles long, winding like a river through a forked valley, with woods that in the springtime were filled with lovely wild flowers, reaching to the water's edge. it must have been a paradise for one fisherman at any rate, as he held his tenure on condition that he provided a boat and net in case the duke of cornwall, its owner, should ever come to fish there; so we concluded that if the duke never came, the tenant would have all the fish at his own disposal. the curious feature about the lake was that, owing to a great bank of sand and pebbles that reached across the mouth, it had no visible outlet where it reached the sea, the water having to percolate as best it could through the barrier. when heavy rain came on and the river cober delivered a greater volume of water than usual into the lake, the land adjoining was flooded, and it became necessary to ask permission of the lord of the manor to cut a breach through the pebbles in order to allow the surplus water to pass through into the sea, which was quite near. the charge for this privilege was one penny and one halfpenny, which had to be presented in a leather purse; but this ancient ceremony was afterwards done away with and a culvert constructed. on this pebble bank one of the king's frigates was lost in . [illustration: a street in helston. (_showing the running stream of water at the side of the street._)] there is a passage in the book of genesis which states that "there were giants in the earth in those days"--a passage which we had often heard read in the days of our youth, when we wished it had gone further and told us something about them; but cornwall had been a veritable land of giants. the stories of jack the giant-killer were said to have emanated from this county, and we now heard of the giant tregeagle, whose spirit appeared to pervade the whole district through which we were passing. he was supposed to be the giant of dosmary pool, on the bodmin downs, which was believed at one time to be a bottomless pit. when the wind howls there the people say it is the giant roaring, and "to roar like tregeagle" was quite a common saying in those parts. "his spirit haunts all the west of cornwall, and he haunts equally the moor, the rocky coasts, and the blown sandhills; from north to south, from east to west, this doomed spirit was heard of, and to the day of judgment he was doomed to wander pursued by avenging fiends. who has not heard the howling of tregeagle? when the storms come with all their strength from the atlantic, and hurl themselves upon the rocks about the land's end, the howls of this spirit are louder than the roaring of the wind." in this land of legends, therefore, it is not surprising that the raising of that extraordinary bank which blocks the end of the river cober, at what should be its outlet into the sea, should be ascribed to tregeagle. it appeared that he was an extremely wicked steward, who by robbery and other worse crimes became very wealthy. in the first place he was said to have murdered his sister, and to have been so cruel to his wife and children that one by one they perished. but at length his end came, and as he lay on his death-bed the thoughts of the people he had murdered, starved, and plundered, and his remorseful conscience, so haunted him, that he sent for the monks from a neighbouring monastery and offered them all his wealth if they would save his soul from the fiends. they accepted his offer, and both then and after he had been buried in st. breock's church they sang chants and recited prayers perpetually over his grave, by which means they kept back the demons from his departing soul. but a dispute arose between two wealthy families concerning the ownership of some land near bodmin. it appeared that tregeagle, as steward to one of the claimants, had destroyed ancient deeds, forged others, and made it appear that the property was his own. the defendant in the trial by some means or other succeeded in breaking the bonds of death, and the spirit of tregeagle was summoned to attend the court as witness. when his ghostly form appeared, the court was filled with horror. in answer to counsel's questions he had to acknowledge his frauds, and the jury returned a verdict for the defendants. the judge then ordered counsel to remove his witness, but, alas! it was easier to raise evil spirits than to lay them, and they could not get rid of tregeagle. the monks were then sent for, and said that by long trials he might repent and his sins be expiated in that way. they would not or could not hand him over to the fiends, but they would give him tasks to do that would be endless. first of all they gave him the task of emptying dosmary pool, supposed to be bottomless, with a small perforated limpet shell. here, however, he narrowly escaped falling into the hands of the demons, and only saved himself by running and dashing his head through the window of roach rock church. his terrible cries drove away the congregation, and the monks and priests met together to decide what could be done with him, as no service could be held in the church. [illustration: kynance cove and the lion rock. "the fine rock scenery on the coast continues all the way to land's end, while isolated rocks in many forms and smugglers' caves of all sizes are to be seen."] [illustration: near the lizard. "the lizard point with the neighbouring rocks, both when submerged and otherwise, formed a most dangerous place for mariners, especially when false lights were displayed by those robbers and murderers, the cornish wreckers."] they decided that tregeagle, accompanied by two saints to guard him, should be taken to the coast at padstow, and compelled to stay on the sandy shore making trusses of sand and ropes of sand to bind them, while the mighty sea rose continually and washed them away. the people at padstow could get no rest day or night on account of his awful cries of fear and despair, and they sought the aid of the great cornish saint petrox. the saint subdued tregeagle, and chained him with bonds, every link of which he welded with a prayer. st. petrox placed him at bareppa, and condemned him to carry sacks of sand across the estuary of st. looe and empty them at porthleven until the beach was clean to the rocks. he laboured a long time at that work, but in vain, for the tide round treawavas head always carried the sand back again. his cries and wails disturbed the families of the fishermen, but a mischievous demon came along, and, seeing him carrying an enormous sack full of sand and pebbles, tripped him up. tregeagle fell, and the sack upset and formed the bar that ruined the harbour of helston, which up to that time had been a prosperous port, the merchant vessels landing cargoes and taking back tin in exchange. the townspeople, naturally very wroth, sought the aid of the priests, and once more bonds were placed upon tregeagle. this time he was sent to the land's end, where he would find very few people to hear his awful cries. there his task was to sweep the sands from porthcurnow cove, round the headland called tol-peden-penwith, into nanjisal cove. at this task, it is said, tregeagle is still labouring, his wails and moans being still borne on the breeze that sweeps over the land's end; so as this was our destination, we had rather a queer prospect before us! between gweek and helston we crossed the famous promontory known as the lizard, which in length and breadth extends about nine miles in each direction, although the point itself is only two miles broad. the rocks at this extremity rise about feet above the stormy sea below, and are surmounted by a modern lighthouse. originally there was only a beacon light with a coal fire fanned with bellows, but oil was afterwards substituted. the lizard point in those days, with the neighbouring rocks, both when submerged and otherwise, formed a most dangerous place for mariners, especially when false lights were displayed by those robbers and murderers, the cornish wreckers. the lizard, the corinum of the ancients, is the most southerly point in england, and the fine rock scenery on the coast continues from there all the way to the land's end, while isolated rocks in many forms and smugglers' caves of all sizes are to be seen. weird legends connected with these and the cornish coast generally had been handed down from father to son from remote antiquity, and the wild and lonely goonhilly downs, that formed the centre of the promontory, as dreary a spot as could well be imagined, had a legend of a phantom ship that glided over them in the dusk or moonlight, and woe betide the mariners who happened to see it, for it was a certain omen of evil! the finest sight that we saw here was in broad daylight, and consisted of an immense number of sailing-ships, more in number than we could count, congregated together on one side of the lizard. on inquiring the reason, we were told that they were wind-bound vessels waiting for a change in the wind to enable them to round the point, and that they had been known to wait there a fortnight when unfavourable winds prevailed. this we considered one of the most wonderful sights we had seen on our journey. as we left helston on our way to penzance we had the agreeable company as far as st. breage of a young cornishman, who told us we ought to have come to helston in may instead of november, for then we should have seen the town at its best, especially if we had come on the "flurry" day. this he said was the name of their local yearly festival, held on or near may th, and he gave us quite a full account of what generally happened on that occasion. we could easily understand, from what he told us, that he had enjoyed himself immensely on the day of the last festival, which seemed to be quite fresh in his mind, although now more than six months had passed since it happened. in fact he made us wish that we had been there ourselves, as his story awoke some memories in our minds of-- the days we went a-gipsying a long time ago when lads and lasses in their best were dressed from top to toe, when hearts were light and faces bright, nor thought of care or woe, in the days we went a-gipsying a long time ago! [illustration: the "flurry" dance.] his description of the brass band of which he was a member, and the way they were dressed, and the adventures they met with during the day, from early morning till late at night, was both interesting and amusing. their first duty was to play round the town to waken people who were already awake--sleep was out of the question--children too had a share in the proceedings. they knew that booths or standings would be erected all over the town, some even on the footpath, displaying all manner of cakes, toffy, and nuts that would delight their eyes and sweeten their mouths, if they had the money wherewith to buy, and if not, there was the chance of persuading some stranger to come to the rescue! but first of all they must rush to the woods and fields in search of flowers and branches, for the town had to be decorated before the more imposing part of the ceremonies began. meantime the bandsmen were busy devouring a good breakfast, for bandsmen's appetites are proverbial. perhaps they are the only class of men who play while they work and work while they play. in any case, after breakfast they sauntered round the town talking to the girls until the auspicious hour arrived when they had to assemble in the market square to head the procession of the notables of the town dressed in all kinds of costumes, from that of william the conqueror onwards. my brother was anxious to know what quickstep they played, and if it was "havelock's quick march"; but our friend said it was not a quickstep at all, but something more like a hornpipe. was it the college or the sailor's hornpipe? it was neither, was the reply, as it had to be played slowly, for the people danced to it while they marched in the procession, and occasionally twirled their partners round; and then after some further ceremonies they separated and all the people began to dance both in the streets and through the houses, going in at one door and out at another, if there was one, tumbling about and knocking things over, and then out in the street again, and if not satisfied with their partners, changing them, and off again, this kind of enjoyment lasting for hours. sometimes, if a man-of-war happened to be in the neighbourhood, the sailors came, who were the best dancers of the lot, as they danced with each other and threw their legs about in a most astonishing fashion, a practice they were accustomed to when aboard ship. there were also shows and sometimes a circus, and the crowds that came from the country were astonishing. now and then there was a bit of a row, when some of them had "a drop o' drink," but the police were about, and not afraid to stop their games by making free use of their staves; this, however, was the shady side of the great "flurry" day. meantime every one had learned the strange dance-tune by heart, which our friend whistled for us, whereby we could tell it had come down from remote times. indeed, it was said that these rejoicings were originally in memory of the victory of the great michael over the devil, and no one thought of suggesting a more modern theory than that the "flurry" was a survival of the floralia observed by the romans on the fourth of the calends of may in honour of flora, the goddess of flowers. the very mention of the names of band and hornpipe was too much for my brother, who could not resist giving the cornishman a few samples of the single and double shuffle in the college hornpipe, and one or two movements from a scotch reel, but as i was no dancer myself, i had no means of judging the quality of his performances. i kept a respectful distance away, as sometimes his movements were very erratic, and his boots, like those of the emperor frederick, were rather heavy. we could not persuade our friend to come with us a yard farther than the village. as a fellow bandsman, he confided the reason why to my brother; he had seen a nice young lady at the "flurry" who came from that village, and he was going to see her now. he was standing in the street on the "flurry" day when the lady came along, and stopped to look at the bandsmen, who were then at liberty, and he said to her jocularly, "take my arm, love--i'm in the band," and, "by jove," he said, "if she didn't come and take it," to his great astonishment and delight. apparently his heart went at the same time, and we surmised that everything else would shortly follow. after bidding him good-bye, we looked round the church, and then my brother began to walk at an appalling speed, which fortunately he could not keep up, and which i attributed in some way to the effect of the bandsman's story, though he explained that we must try to reach penzance before dark. the church of st. breage was dedicated to a saint named breaca, sister of st. enny, who lived in the sixth century and came from ireland. there was a holed sandstone cross in the churchyard, which tradition asserted was made out of granite sand and then hardened with human blood! the tower was said to contain the largest bell in cornwall, it having been made in the time of a vicar who, not liking the peals, had all the other bells melted down to make one large one. the men of st. breage and those of the next village, st. germoe, had an evil reputation as wreckers or smugglers, for one old saying ran: god keep us from rocks and shelving sands, and save us from breage and germoe men's hands. opposite breage, on the sea-coast, was a place named porthleven, where a wesleyan chapel, with a very handsome front, had been built. no doubt there are others in the country built in a similar way, for to it and them the following lines might well apply: they built the church, upon my word, as fine as any abbey; and then they thought to cheat the lord, and built the back part shabby. after a walk of about two miles we arrived at the village of st. germoe. the saint of that name was said to have been an irish bard of royal race, and the font in the church, from its plain and rough form, was considered to be one of the most ancient in the county. in the churchyard was a curious structure which was mentioned by leland as a "chair," and was locally known as st. germoe's chair, but why it should be in the churchyard was a mystery, unless it had been intended to mark the spot where the saint had been buried. it was in the form of a sedilium, the seat occupied by the officiating priest near the altar in the chancel of a church, being about six feet high and formed of three sedilia, with two pillars supporting three arches, which in turn supported the roof; in general form it was like a portion of the row of seats in a roman amphitheatre. on the opposite coast, which was only about a mile away, was the famous prussia cove, named after a notorious smuggler who bore the nickname of the king of prussia; and adjoining his caves might still be seen the channels he had cut in the solid rock to enable his boats to get close to the shore. his real name was carter. he became the leader of the cornish smugglers, and kept the "old king of prussia inn," though having the reputation of being a "devout methodist." he was said to be so named because he bore some resemblance to frederick the great, the king of prussia. we had seen other inns in the south of the same name, but whether they were named after the king or the smuggler we could not say. he seemed to have had other caves on the cornish coast where he stored his stolen treasures, amongst which were some old cannon. one moonlight night, when he was anxiously waiting and watching for the return of his boats, he saw them in the distance being rapidly pursued by his majesty's revenue cutter the _fairy_. the smuggler placed his cannon on the top of the cliff and gave orders to his men to fire on the _fairy_, which, as the guns on board could not be elevated sufficiently to reach the top of the cliff, was unable to reply. thus the boats escaped; but early the following morning the revenue boat again appeared, and the officer and some of the crew came straight to carter's house, where they met the smuggler. he loudly complained to the officer that his crew should come there practising the cutter's guns at midnight and disturbing the neighbourhood. carter of course could give no information about the firing of any other guns, and suggested it might be the echo of those fired from the _fairy_ herself, nor could any other explanation be obtained in the neighbourhood where carter was well known, so the matter was allowed to drop. but the old smuggler was more sharply looked after in future, and though he lived to a great age, he died in poverty. our road crossed the perran downs, where, to the left, stood the small village of perranuthnoe, a place said to have existed before the time of st. piran and named lanudno in the taxation of pope nicholas. it was also pointed out as the place where trevelyan's horse landed him when he escaped the inrush of the sea which destroyed lyonesse, "that sweet land of lyonesse," which was inseparably connected with the name of king arthur, who flourished long before the age of written records. lyonesse was the name of the district which formerly existed between the land's end and the scilly islands, quite twenty-five miles away. when the waves from the atlantic broke through, trevelyan happened to be riding on a white horse of great swiftness. on seeing the waters rushing forward to overwhelm the country, he rode for his life and was saved by the speed of his horse. he never stopped until he reached perranuthnoe, where the rocks stopped the sea's farther progress. but when he looked back, he could see nothing but a wide expanse of water covering no less than parish churches. he lived afterwards in the cave in the rocks which has ever since borne the name of trevelyan's cave. it was beyond doubt that some great convulsion of nature had occurred to account for the submerged forests, of which traces were still known to exist. soon afterwards we reached a considerable village bearing the strange name of marazion, a place evidently once of some importance and at one time connected with the jews, for there were the jews' market and some smelting-places known as the jews' houses. here we came to the small rock surmounted by a castle which we had seen in front of our track for some miles without knowing what it was. now we discovered it to be the far-famed st. michael's mount. according to legend this once stood in a vast forest of the mysterious lyonesse, where wild beasts roamed, and where king arthur fought one of his many battles with a giant at the "guarded mount," as milton has so aptly named it. as we were told that the mount was only about half a mile away, we decided to visit it, and walked as quickly as we could along the rough-paved road leading up to it. on the mount we could see the lights being lit one by one as we approached, and, in spite of the arrival of the first quarter of the moon, it was now becoming dark, so we discussed the advisability of staying at st. michael's for the night; but we suddenly came to a point on our road where the water from the sea was rushing over it, and realised that st. michael's mount was an island. we could see where the road reappeared a little farther on, and i calculated that if we made a dash for it the water would not reach above our knees, but it was quite evident that we had now come to a dead stop. the rock by this time looked much higher, spreading its shadow over the water beneath, and the rather serious question arose as to how or when we should be able to get back again, for we had to reach land's end on the next day. finally we decided to retrace our steps to marazion, where we learned that the road to the mount was only available under favourable conditions for about eight hours out of the twenty-four, and as our rules would have prevented our returning by boat, we were glad we had not proceeded farther. [illustration: st. michael's mount.] according to the _saxon chronicle_, the inroad from the sea which separated st. michael's from the mainland occurred in . the mount had a sacred character, for st. michael himself was said to have appeared to a holy man who once resided there, and st. keyne also had made a pilgrimage to the mount in the year . the rock rises about feet above sea-level, and is about a mile in circumference, but the old monastery had been made into a private residence. at an angle in one of the towers, now called st. michael's chair, in which one person only could sit at a time, and that not without danger, as the chair projected over a precipice, was a stone lantern in which the monks formerly kept a light to guide seamen. the legend connected with this was that if a married woman sits in the chair before her husband has done so, she will rule over him, but if he sits down on it first, he will be the master. we thought this legend must have resulted from the visit of st. keyne, as it corresponded with that attached to her well near liskeard which we have already recorded. perkin warbeck, about whom we had heard at exeter, and who in appeared in england with , men to claim the english throne, occupied the castle on st. michael's mount for a short time with his beautiful wife, the "white rose of scotland," whom he left here for safety while he went forward to london to claim the crown. he was said to be a jew, or, to be correct, the son of a tournai jew, which possibly might in some way or other account for the jewish settlement at marazion. his army, however, was defeated, and he was hanged at tyburn, november rd, , while his wife was afterwards removed to the court of henry vii, where she received every consideration and was kindly treated. we soon covered the three miles which separated us from penzance, where we went to the best hotel in the town, arriving just in time for dinner. there was only one other visitor there, a gentleman who informed us he had come from liverpool, where he was in the timber trade, and was staying at penzance for a few days. he asked what business we were in, and when we told him we had practically retired from business in , and that that was the reason why we were able to spare nine weeks to walk from john o' groat's to land's end, he seemed considerably surprised. we did not think then that in a few years' time we should, owing to unexpected events, find ourselves in the same kind of business as his, and meet that same gentleman on future occasions! we shall always remember that night at penzance! the gentleman sat at the head of the table at dinner while we sat one on each side of him. but though he occupied the head position, we were head and shoulders above him in our gastronomical achievements--so much so that although he had been surprised at our long walk, he told us afterwards that he was "absolutely astounded" at our enormous appetites. he took a great interest in our description of the route we had followed. some of the places we had visited he knew quite well, and we sat up talking about the sights we had seen until it was past closing-time. when we rose to retire, he said he should esteem it an honour if we would allow him to accompany us to the land's end on the following day to see us "in at the finish." he said he knew intimately the whole of the coast between penzance and the land's end, and could no doubt show us objects of interest that we might otherwise miss seeing. we assured him that we should esteem the honour to be ours, and should be glad to accept his kind offer, informing him that we intended walking along the coast to the end and then engaging a conveyance to bring us back again. he thought that a good idea, but as we might have some difficulty in getting a suitable conveyance at that end of our journey, he strongly advised our hiring one at penzance, and offered, if we would allow him, to engage for us in the morning a trap he had hired the day before, though we must not expect anything very grand in these out-of-the-way parts of the country. we thankfully accepted his kind offer, and this item in the programme being settled, we considered ourselves friends, and parted accordingly for the night, pleasantly conscious that even if we did not walk at all on the morrow, we had secured our average of twenty-five miles daily over the whole of our journey. (_distance walked thirty-four and a half miles_.) _saturday, november th._ we had ordered breakfast much later than usual to suit the convenience of our friend, but we were out in the town at our usual early hour, and were quite astonished at the trees and plants we saw growing in the grounds and gardens there, some of which could only be grown under glass farther north. here they were growing luxuriantly in the open air, some having the appearance of the palm-trees we had seen pictured in books. we had been favoured with fairly fine weather for some time, and although we had passed through many showers, we had not encountered anything in the nature of continuous rain, although cornwall is naturally a humid county, and is said to have a shower of rain for every day in the week and two for sunday. we kept near the edge of the sea, and the view of the bay, with st. michael's mount on one side and the lizards on the other, was very fine; but the mount had assumed quite a different appearance since yesterday, for now it appeared completely isolated, the connection with the mainland not being visible. we were sure that both st. michael's mount and penzance must have had an eventful history, but the chief event in the minds of the people seemed to have been the visit of the spaniards when they burnt the town in . the cornishmen made very little resistance on that occasion, owing to the existence of an old prophecy foretelling the destruction of penzance by fire when the enemy landed on the rock of merlin, the place where the spaniards actually did land. probably it was impossible to defend the town against an enemy attacking penzance from that point, as it was only about a mile distant. we returned to our hotel at the time arranged for breakfast, which was quite ready, the table being laid for three; but where was our friend? we learned that he had gone out into the town, but we had got half-way through our breakfast, all the while wondering where he could be, when the door opened suddenly and in he came, with his face beaming like the rising sun, although we noticed he glanced rather anxiously in the direction of the remaining breakfast. he apologised for being late, but he had not been able to obtain the conveyance he mentioned to us last night, as it was engaged elsewhere. he had, however, found another which he thought might suit our purpose, and had arranged for it to be at the hotel in half an hour's time. he also brought the pleasing intelligence that we might expect a fine day. the trap duly arrived in charge of the owner, who was to act as driver; but some difficulty arose, as he had not quite understood the order. he thought he had simply to drive us to the land's end and back, and had contemplated being home again early, so our friend had to make another financial arrangement before he would accept the order. this was soon negotiated, but it was very difficult to arrange further details. here our friend's intimate knowledge of the country came in useful. there was no direct driving road along the coast, so it was arranged that our driver should accompany us where he could, and then when his road diverged he should meet us at certain points to be explained by our friend later in the day. mutual distrust, we supposed, prevented us from paying him in advance, and possibly created a suspicion in the driver's mind that there was something wrong somewhere, and he evidently thought what fools we were to walk all the way along the coast to land's end when we might have ridden in his trap. we journeyed together for the first mile or two, and then he had to leave us for a time while we trudged along with only our sticks to carry, for, to make matters equal in that respect, our friend had borrowed one at the hotel, a much finer-looking one than ours, of which he was correspondingly proud. [illustration: penzance] [illustration: dorothy pentreath's stone, st. paul's church.] he insisted upon our seeing everything there was to be seen, and it soon became evident that what our companion did not know about the fine rock scenery on this part of the coast of cornwall was not worth knowing, so that we were delighted to have him with us. the distance from penzance to land's end was not great, but by the route selected it occupied the whole of the day, including many stoppages, and we had a glorious walk. the weather had been rather squally yesterday, and there was a steady breeze still blowing. we enjoyed seeing the breakers dash themselves into foam against the rocks and thunder inside the fissures and caverns below. occasionally we got a glimpse of the red tinge given to the smoother waters of the sea by the shoals of pilchards passing along the coast, so that in the same journey we had seen the water reddened with herrings in the extreme north and with pilchards in the extreme south of britain. at newlyn we were delighted with the quaint, crooked little passages which did duty for streets, and we were informed that the place was noted for artists and fish--a rather strange combination. we learned that when first the pilchards arrived at land's end, they divided into two immense shoals, one going in the direction of mounts bay and the other towards st. ives bay, the record catch in a single haul at that place being millions! there was a saying at newlyn that it was unlucky to eat a pilchard from the head, as it should be eaten from its tail; but why, it was difficult to define, unless it was owing to the fact that it was the tail that guided the head of the fish towards the coasts of cornwall. we also passed through a village named paul, which had been modernised into st. paul. its church had a rather lofty tower, which stood on the hill like a sentinel looking over mounts bay. this place was also burnt by the spaniards in . it appeared that george borrow had visited it on january th, , as he passed through on his way to land's end, for the following entry appeared in his diary for that day: "went to st. paul's church. saw an ancient tomb with the inscription in cornish at north end. sat in a pew under a black suit of armour belonging to the godolphin family, with two swords." we copied this cornish epitaph as under: _bonnas heb duelth eu poes karens wei tha pobl bohodzhak paull han egles nei_. which translated means: eternal life be his whose loving care gave paul an almshouse, and the church repair. there was also an epitaph in the churchyard over the grave of an old lady who died at the age of , worded: here lyeth interred dorothy pentreath, who died in , said to have been the last person who conversed in the ancient cornish, the peculiar language of this county from the earliest records, till it expired in the eighteenth century in this parish of st. paul. this stone is erected by the prince louis lucien bonaparte, in union with the rev. john garrett, vicar of st. paul . under the guidance of our friend, who of course acted as leader, we now passed on to the famous place known as mousehole, a picturesque village in a shady hollow, with st. clement's island a little way out to sea in front. this place, now named mousehole, was formerly porth enys, or the island port, and a quay was built here as early as the year . we saw the cavern, rather a large one, and near it the fantastic rocks associated with merlin the "prince of enchanters," some of whose prophecies applied to cornwall. at mousehole there was a large rock named merlin's stone, where the only spaniards that ever devastated the shores of england landed in . merlin's prophecy in the cornish language reads: _aga syth lyer war and meyne merlyn ava neb syth leskey paul, penzance hag newlyn_. which means, translated: there shall land on the stone of merlyn those who shall burn paul, penzance, and newlyn. jenkin keigwin. there was a [illustration: the cavern, mousehole.] they also burnt mousehole, with the exception of one public-house, a house still standing, with walls four feet thick, and known as the "keigwin arms" of which they killed the landlord, rock here known as the "mermaid," which stood out in the sea, and from which songs by female voices were said to have allured young men to swim to the rock, never to be heard of again. we next came to the lamora cove, where we walked up the charming little valley, at the top of which we reached the plain of bolleit, where athelstan defeated the britons in their last desperate struggle for freedom. the battle lasted from morning until night, when, overpowered by numbers, the cornish survivors fled to the hills. after this battle in the light of the setting sun, athelstan is said to have seen the scilly islands and decided to try to conquer them, and, if successful, to build a church and dedicate it to st. buryana. he carried out his vow, and founded and endowed a college for augustine canons to have jurisdiction over the parishes of buryan, levan, and sennen, through which we now journeyed; but the scilly islands appeared to us to be scarcely worth conquering, as, although they comprised islets, many of them were only small bare rocks, the largest island, st. mary, being only three miles long by two and a half broad, and the highest point only feet above sea-level; but perhaps the refrangible rays of the setting sun so magnified them that athelstan believed a considerable conquest was before him. we next went to see the "merry maidens" and the "pipers." they were only pillars of stone, but our friend assured us they were lively enough once upon a time, and represented seven young but thoughtless ladies who lived in that neighbourhood. they were on their way to buryan church one sabbath day when they saw two pipers playing music in a field, who as they went near them began to play dance tunes. the maidens forgot the sacred character of the day, and, yielding to temptation, began to dance. by and by the music became extremely wild and the dancing proportionately furious. the day was beautifully fine and the sun shone through a clear blue sky, but the pipers were two evil spirits, and suddenly a flash of lightning came from the cloudless sky and turned them all, tempters and tempted, into stone, so there they stand, the girls in a circle and the pipers a little distance away, until the day of judgment. by this time we were all getting hungry, as the clear air of cornwall is conducive to good appetites; but our friend had thoughtfully arranged for this already, and we found when we entered the inn at buryan that our conveyance had arrived there, and that the driver had already regaled himself, and told the mistress that she might expect three other visitors. the old church of st. buryan was said to be named after buriena, the beautiful daughter of a munster chieftain, supposed to be the bruinsech of the donegal martyrology, who came to cornwall in the days of st. piran. there were two ancient crosses at buryan, one in the village and the other in the churchyard, while in the church was the thirteenth-century, coffin-shaped tomb of "clarice la femme cheffroi de bolleit," bearing an offer of ten days' pardon to whoever should pray for her soul. but just then we were more interested in worldly matters; and when, after we had refreshed ourselves in a fairly substantial way, our friend told us he would take us to see a "giant's castle," we went on our way rejoicing, to regain the sea-coast where the castle was to be seen, but not before the driver had made another frantic effort to induce us to ride in his trap. [illustration: the "keigwin arms," mousehole. "they (the spaniards) also burnt mousehole, with the exception of one public house, a house still standing, with walls four feet thick and known as the 'keigwin arms.'"] the castle of treryn, which our friend pronounced treen, was situated on a small headland jutting out into the sea, but only the triple vallum and fosse of the castle remained. the walls had been built of huge boulders, and had once formed the cyclopian castle of treryn. cyclops, our friend explained, was one of a number of giants who had each only one eye, and that in the centre of the forehead. their business was to forge the iron for vulcan, the god of fire. they could see to work in mines or dark places, for their one eye was as big as a moon. sometimes they were workers in stone, who erected their buildings chiefly in europe and asia, and their huge blocks of stone were worked so nicely that they fitted together without mortar. treryn castle was the stronghold of a giant who was stronger than most of the other giants who lived in those parts, and was, in addition, a necromancer or sorcerer, in communication with the spirits of the dead, by whose aid he raised this castle by enchantment from the depths of the sea. it was therefore an enchanted castle, and was kept in its position by a spell, a magic key, which the giant placed in a hole in a rock on the seacoast, still named the giant's lock. whenever this key, which was a large round stone, could be taken out of the lock, the castle and the promontory on which it stood would disappear beneath the sea to the place from whence it came. very few people had seen the key, because its hiding-place was in such a very dangerous position that scarcely any one was courageous enough to venture to the lock that held it. to reach the lock it was necessary to wait for a low tide, and then to walk along a ledge in the side of the rock scarcely wide enough for the passage of a small animal, where in the event of a false step the wanderer would be certain to be dashed to pieces on the rocks below. at the end of this dangerous path there was a sharp projecting rock in which was a hole wide enough for a man's hand and arm to pass down, and at the bottom of the hole he could feel a rather large but smooth stone in the shape of an egg, which he could easily move in any direction. then all he had to do further was to draw it out through the hole; but the difficulty was that the stone was larger than the aperture, and the mystery was who placed it there. [illustration: rocks near land's end.] the dangerous nature of the approach, in addition to the difficulty of getting back again, was quite sufficient to deter any of us from making the attempt; even if we gained possession of the magic key we might have been taken, with it and the castle and promontory, to the enchanted regions below, so we decided to refrain, for after all there was the desirability of reaching home again! it was a very wild place, and the great rocks and boulders were strongly suggestive of giants; but our friend would not have us linger, as we must go to see the famous logan rock. in order to save time and risk, he suggested that we should secure the services of a professional guide. we could see neither guides nor houses, and it looked like a forlorn hope to try to find either, but, asking us to stay where we were until he came back, our friend disappeared; and some time afterwards he reappeared from some unknown place, accompanied by an intelligent sailorlike man whom he introduced to us as the guide. the guide led us by intricate ways over stone walls, stepped on either side with projecting stones to do duty as stiles, and once or twice we walked along the top of the walls themselves, where they were broad enough to support a footpath. finally we crossed what appeared to be a boundary fence, and immediately afterwards found ourselves amongst a wilderness of stones and gigantic boulders, with the roar of the waves as they beat on the rocks below to keep us company. it was a circuitous and intricate course by which our guide conducted us, up and down hill, and one not altogether free from danger, and we had many minor objects to see before reaching the logan rock, which was the last of all. every precaution was taken to prevent any accident at dangerous places on our way. amongst other objects our guide pointed to the distant views of the lizard point, the wolf rock lighthouse, and the runnel stone bell buoy, and immediately below us was the porthcurnow bay and beach. then there were some queerly shaped rocks named the castle peak, the "tortoise," the "pig's mouth," all more or less like the objects they represented, and, as a matter of course, the giants were also there. our guide insisted upon our sitting in the giant's chair, where king arthur, he said, had sat before us. it was no easy matter to climb into the chair, and we had to be assisted by sundry pushes from below; but once in it we felt like monarchs of all we surveyed, and the view from that point was lovely. near by was the giant's bowl, and finally the giant's grave, an oblong piece of land between the rocks, which my brother measured in six long strides as being eighteen feet in length. the logan or swinging stone was estimated to weigh about eighty tons, and although it was quite still when we reached it, we were easily able to set it moving. it was a block of granite, and continued to oscillate for some little time, but formerly it was said that it could not be moved from its axis by force. this led to a foolish bet being made by lieutenant goldsmith of the royal navy, who landed with his boat's crew on april th, , and with the united exertions of nine men with handspikes, and excessive vibration, managed to slide the great stone from its equilibrium. this so roused the anger of the cornish people that the admiralty were obliged to make mr. goldsmith--who, by the way, was a nephew of oliver goldsmith, the author of the _vicar of wakefield_--replace the stone in its former position, which, owing to its immense weight and almost inaccessible situation, was a most difficult and costly thing to do. mr. davies gilbert persuaded the lords of the admiralty to lend the necessary apparatus from pymouth dockyard, and was said to have paid some portion of the cost; but after the assistance of friends, and two collections throughout the royal navy, goldsmith had to pay quite £ personally, and came out of the transaction a sadder, wiser, and poorer man. like other stones of an unusual character, the logan rock was thought to have some medicinal properties, and parents formerly brought their children to be rocked on the stone to cure their diseases; but the charm was said to have been broken by the removal of the stone, which did not afterwards oscillate as freely as before. it was reinstated in its former position on november nd, . we also saw the ladies' logan rock, weighing nine tons, which could easily be moved. in a rather dangerous portion of the rocks we came to a "wishing passage," through which it was necessary to walk backwards to obtain the fulfilment of a wish--doubtless in the case of nervous people that they might get away from the rocks again in safety. the rocks hereabouts are very vividly coloured at certain times of the year, and in the spring are covered with lichens and turf, with blossoms of the blue scilla. [illustration: the logan rock.] porthcurnow, which runs a short distance into the rocky coast, is one of cornwall's most picturesque little bays. round the foot of the rocks we saw what appeared to be a fringe of white sand, which at first sight we thought must have been left there by the giant tregeagle, as it was part of his task to sweep the sands from porthcurnow cove; but we ascertained that what we thought was white sand was in reality a mass of extremely small shells. the surface of the rocks above abounded with golden furze, which in summer, mingled with purple heather, formed a fine contrast. in the background was a small and dismal-looking valley known locally as the "bottoms," which was often obscured by mists rising from the marshes below, and which few people cared to cross after nightfall. it was near the "bottoms" that a mysterious stranger took up his abode many years ago. he was accompanied by an evil-looking foreign man-servant, who never spoke to any one except his master--probably because he was unable to speak english. no one knew where these strange people had come from, but they kept a boat in the cove, in which they used to start off to sea early in the morning and disappear in the distance, never returning until dead of night. sometimes when the weather was stormy they remained out all night. occasionally, but only on stormy and dark nights, they stayed on shore, and then they went hunting on the moors, whence the cry of their hounds was often heard in the midnight hours. [illustration: rocky coast near land's end.] at length the mysterious stranger died and was buried, the coffin being carried to the grave followed by the servant and the dogs. as soon as the grave was filled in with earth the servant and the dogs suddenly disappeared, and were never heard of again, while at the same time the boat vanished from the cove. since this episode a ghostly vessel had occasionally appeared in the night, floating through the midnight air from the direction of the sea--a black, square-rigged, single-masted barque, sometimes with a small boat, at other times without, but with no crew visible. the apparition appeared on the sea about nightfall, and sailed through the breakers that foamed over the dangerous rocks that fringed the shore, gliding over the sands and through the mist that covered the "bottoms," and proceeding in awful silence and mystery to the pirate's grave, where it immediately disappeared; and it is an ill omen to those who see that ghostly vessel, the sight of which forebodes misfortune! it was near st. levan's church that the stranger was buried, but when this happened was beyond record. st. levan himself appeared to have been a fisherman, but only for food, not sport; the valley in his day was not the dreary place it was now, for grass and flowers sprang up in his footsteps and made a footpath from his church to the sea. he only caught one fish each day, as that was sufficient for his frugal meal. one evening, however, when he was fishing, he felt a strong pull at his line, and on drawing it up found two fish (bream) on his hook. as he only needed one and desired to be impartial and not to favour one more than the other, he threw them both into the sea. then he threw his line in afresh, and again they both came on the hook, and were again thrown back; but when they came a third time, st. levan thought there must be some reason for this strange adventure, and carried them home. on reaching his house he found his sister st. breaze and her two children had come to visit him, and he was glad then that he had brought the two fish, which were cooked for supper. the children were very hungry, as they had walked a long distance, and ate fast and carelessly, so that a bone stuck in the throat of each and killed them! st. levan must have been a strong man, for he once split a rock by striking it with his fist, and then prophesied: when with panniers astride a pack-horse can ride through st. levan's stone the world will be done. the stone was still to be seen, and in the fissure made by the saint the flowers and ferns were still growing; but there did not appear to be any danger of the immediate fulfilment of the saint's prophecy! [illustration: sennen church.] we now walked on to one of the finest groups of rocks in the country, named "tol-peden-penwith"--a great mass of granite broken and shattered into the most fantastic forms and wonderfully picturesque. it formed the headland round which tregeagle had to carry the sand, and the remainder of the coast from there to land's end and beyond formed similar scenery. we were quite enraptured with the wild beauty of the different headlands and coves pointed out to us by our friend; but suddenly he saw a church tower in the distance, and immediately our interest in the lovely coast scenery faded away and vanished, for our friend, pointing towards the tower, said he knew a public-house in that direction where he had recently had a first-class tea. we all three hurried away across stone fences towards the place indicated until we reached a road, and we had just turned off on coming to a junction, when we heard a stentorian voice in the distance saying, "hi! that's not the way!" we had forgotten all about the driver for the moment, but there he was in another road a few fields away, so we shouted and motioned to him to follow us, and we all had tea together while his horse was stabled in the inn yard. the tea, for which we were quite ready, was a good one, and when we had finished we walked on to the land's end, giving our driver an idea of the probable time we should be ready for him there. the name of the village was sennen, and near the church was a large stone feet long and feet wide, said to have been the table-stone at which seven saxon kings once dined. an old historian gave their names as ethelbert v, king of kent; cissa ii, king of the south saxons; kinigils, king of the west saxons; sebert, king of essex or the east saxons; ethelfred, king of northumbria; penda, king of mercia; and sigebert v, king of east anglia. it was also supposed that king alfred had on one occasion dined at the same stone after defeating the danes at vellandruacher. the mile or so of moorland over which we now walked to the land's end must have looked very beautiful earlier in the year, as the gorse or furze was mingled with several varieties of heather which had displayed large bell-formed blooms of various colours, and there had been other flowers in addition. even at this late period of the year sufficient combination of colour remained to give us an idea how beautiful it must have appeared when at its best. from some distance away we could see the whitewashed wall of a house displaying in large black letters the words: "the first and last house in england," and this we found to be an inn. here we were practically at the end of our walk of , miles, which had extended over a period of nine weeks. we had passed through many dangers and hardships, and a feeling of thankfulness to the almighty was not wanting on our part as we found ourselves at the end. we had still to cross a narrow neck of land which was just wide enough at the top for a footpath, while almost immediately below we could hear the sea thundering on each side of us. as we cautiously walked across in single file our thoughts were running on the many cornish saints in whose footsteps we might now be treading, and on king arthur and the giant tregeagle, when our friend, who was walking ahead, suddenly stopped and told us we were now on the spot where charles wesley stood when he composed a memorable verse which still appeared in one of his hymns: lo! on a narrow neck of land, 'twixt two unbounded seas i stand secure, insensible; a point of time, a moment's space, removes me to that heavenly place or shuts me up in hell. as we were crossing the narrow path we had not thought of the wesleys as being amongst the cornish saints; but where was there a greater saint than john wesley? and how much does cornwall owe to him! he laboured there abundantly, and laid low the shades of the giants and the saints whom the cornish people almost worshipped before he came amongst them, and in the place of these shadows he planted the better faith of a simple and true religion, undefiled and that fadeth not away! we must own to a shade of disappointment when we reached the last stone and could walk no farther--a feeling perhaps akin to that of alexander the great, who, when he had conquered the known world, is said to have sighed because there were no other worlds to conquer. but this feeling soon vanished when with a rush came the thoughts of those dear friends at home who were anxiously awaiting the return of their loved ones whom they had lost awhile, and it was perhaps for their sakes as well as our own that we did not climb upon the last stone or ledge or rock that overhung the whirl of waters below: where the waters of the two channels were combining with those of the great atlantic. [illustration: enys-dodnan, armed knight, and longships.] we placed our well-worn sticks, whose work like our own was done, on the rock before us, with the intention of throwing them into the sea, but this we did not carry out. we stood silent and spell-bound, for beyond the longships lighthouse was the setting sun, which we watched intently as it slowly disappeared behind some black rocks in the far distance. it was a solemn moment, for had we not started with the rising sun on a monday morning and finished with the setting sun on a saturday night? it reminded us of the beginning and ending of our own lives, and especially of the end, as the shadows had already begun to fall on the great darkening waters before us. was it an ancient mariner, or a long-forgotten saint, or a presentiment of danger that caused my brother to think he heard a far-away whisper as if wafted over the sea? [illustration: longships lighthouse, land's end.] yea, though i walk through the valley of the shadow of death, i will fear no evil: for thou art with me; thy rod and thy staff they comfort me. homeward bound (by mr. robert naylor) we retraced our steps to the "first and last house in england," where we found our driver waiting for us with his conveyance, which we had now time to examine, and found to be a light, rickety, two-wheeled cart of ancient but durable construction, intended more for use than ornament, and equivalent to the more northern shandrydan or shandry. the strong board which formed the seat was placed across the conveyance from one side to the other a few inches below the top-rail, and would slide to any point required between the front and back of the trap, the weight of the driver or other passengers holding it in its place. it would only hold three persons, including the driver. the first difficulty that presented itself, however, was the fact that we were not sufficiently provided with warm clothing to face the twelve-mile drive to penzance in the cold night air; but, fortunately, our friend had an overcoat which had been brought out by the driver; so after a short consultation we arranged that i should sit between the driver and our friend, a comparatively warm position, while my brother sat on the floor of the conveyance, where there was a plentiful supply of clean dry straw, with his face towards the horse and his back supported by the backboard of the trap, where our presence on the seat above him would act as a screen from the wind. after arranging ourselves as comfortably as possible in our rather novel positions, with which we were rather pleased than otherwise, we proceeded on our way at a brisk speed, for our horse was quite fresh and showed no disposition to loiter on the road, since like ourselves he was on his way home. lighting regulations for vehicles were not in force in those days, and conveyances such as ours carried no lights even on the darkest night; but with a total absence of trees, and lighted by the first quarter of the new moon, we expected to reach penzance before the night became really dark. the conversation as we passed into the open country was carried on by the three of us in front, as my brother could not join in it owing to his position; and we had just turned towards him with the jocular remark, "how are you getting on down there?" and had received his reply, "all right!" when, with scarcely a moment's warning, we met with an accident which might have killed him and seriously injured ourselves. we suddenly crashed into a heavy waggon drawn by two horses, the first wheel of the waggon striking dead against ours. the force of the collision caused our seat to slide backwards against my brother, pinning him against the backboard of the cart, but, fortunately for him, our driver, who had retained his hold on his reins, jumped up at the same moment and relieved the pressure, so that he had only the weight of two men against him instead of three. meantime all was confusion, and it was a case of every one for himself; but the only man who was equal to the occasion was our driver, who with one hand pulled his horse backwards almost as quickly as the other horses came forward, and with his whip in the other hand slashed furiously at the face of the waggoner, who was seated on the wide board in front of his waggon fast asleep and, as it afterwards appeared, in a state of intoxication. our conveyance was on its proper side of the road and quite near the fence, so that our friend jumped out of it on the land above, quickly followed by myself, and, rapidly regaining the road, we ran towards the horses attached to the waggon and stopped them. a tremendous row now followed between the waggoner, who was a powerfully built man, and our driver, and the war of words seemed likely to lead to blows; but my brother, whom in the excitement of the moment we had quite forgotten, now appeared upon the scene in rather a dazed condition, and, hearing the altercation going on, advanced within striking distance of the waggoner. i could see by the way he held his cudgel that he meant mischief if the course of events had rendered it necessary, but the blood on the waggoner's face showed he had been severely punished already. seeing that he was hopelessly outnumbered, the waggoner, who was almost too drunk to understand what had happened, became a little quieter and gave us his name, and we copied the name of the miller who employed him from the name-plate on the waggon, giving similar information to the driver concerning ourselves; but as we heard nothing further about the matter, we concluded the case was settled out of court. we all congratulated my brother on his almost providential escape from what might have been a tragic ending to his long walk. he had told me he had a foreboding earlier in the evening that something was about to happen to him. from the position in which he was seated in the bottom of the trap he could not see anything before him except the backs of the three men sitting above, and he did not know what was happening until he thought he saw us tumbling upon him and myself jumping in the air over a bush. he described it in the well-known words of sir walter scott: the heart had hardly time to think. the eyelid scarce had time to wink. the squeeze, as he called it, had left its marks upon him, as his chest was bruised in several places, and he was quite certain that if we had slid backwards another half-inch on our seat in the trap we should have finished him off altogether--for the back of the trap had already been forced outwards as far as it would go. he felt the effects of the accident for a long time afterwards. we complimented our driver on his wonderful presence of mind and on the way he had handled his horse under the dangerous conditions which had prevailed. but we must needs find the smithy, for we dared not attempt to ride in our conveyance until it had been examined. the wheel had been rather seriously damaged, and other parts as well, but after some slight repairs it was so patched up as to enable us to resume our journey, with a caution from the blacksmith to drive slowly and with great care. we arrived at penzance safely, but much later than we had expected, and after paying our driver's fee together with a handsome donation, we adjourned with our friend to the hotel for a substantial dinner and to talk about our adventure until bedtime. when bidding us "good night," our friend informed us that, as he had an engagement in the country some miles away, we should not see him on the next day, but he promised to visit us after his return to liverpool. this he did, and we saw him on several occasions in after years when, owing to unforeseen circumstances, we found ourselves, like him, in the timber trade. _sunday, november th._ sir matthew hale was a member of cromwell's parliament and lord chief justice of england in . his "golden maxim" is famous: a sabbath well spent brings a week of content, and health for the toils of to-morrow; but a sabbath profaned, whate'er may be gained, is a certain forerunner of sorrow! anxious as we were to reach our home as soon as possible, our knowledge of sir matthew's maxim and of the commandment "_remember_ that thou keep holy the sabbath day," prevented us from travelling on sunday. penzance is said to have a temperature cooler in summer and warmer in winter than any other town in britain, and plants such as dracænas, aloes, escollonia, fuchsias, and hydrangeas, grown under glass in winter elsewhere, flourished here in the open air, while palms or tree ferns grow to a wonderful height, quite impossible under similar conditions in our more northern latitude, where they would certainly be cut down by frost. we also noted that the forest trees were still fairly covered with autumnal leaves, but when we arrived home two days later similar trees were quite bare. after a short walk we returned to the hotel for breakfast, over which we discussed the disappearance of our friend of yesterday, wondering what the business could be that had occupied his time for a whole week in the neighbourhood of penzance, and why he should have an engagement on the sunday "some miles in the country," when we could have done so well with his company ourselves. but as there seemed to be some mystery about his movements, we came to the conclusion that there must be a lady in the case, and so, as far as we were concerned, the matter ended. we attended morning service in accordance with our usual custom, and listened to a sermon from a clergyman who took for his text the whole of the last chapter in the book of ecclesiastes, with special emphasis on the first word: remember remember now thy creator in the days of thy youth, while the evil days come not, nor the years draw nigh, when thou shalt say, i have no pleasure in them. he began by informing us that we had nearly arrived at the end of the religious year, and that the season of advent, when the church's new year would begin, was close at hand. he then passed on to his text and began to describe the days of our youth. we listened intently as he took us by degrees from our youth up to old age and to the years when we might have to say we had no pleasure in them. he was a powerful preacher, and we almost felt ourselves growing older as we followed his references to each verse in the short chapter he had taken for his text. then he described the failure of the different organs of the human mind and body: the keepers of the house trembling; the strong men bowing their heads towards the earth to which they were hastening; the grinders, or teeth, ceasing because they were few; the eyes as if they were looking out of darkened windows; the ears stopped, as if they were listening to sounds outside doors that were shut; followed by the fears of that which was high "because man goeth to his long home"; and finally when the silver cord was loosed or the golden bowl broken, the dust returning to the earth as it was, and the spirit unto god who made it! we waited for the peroration of his fine sermon, which came with startling suddenness, like our accident yesterday, for he concluded abruptly with the following words: let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter: fear god and keep his commandments, for this is the whole duty of man. for god shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil. my brother took shorthand notes of portions of the sermon for future reference, for we were both greatly impressed by what we had heard, and conversed about some of the points raised as we returned to the hotel. later in the day we attended the wesleyan chapel, where we formed two units in a large congregation, as we had done in the far-off wesleyan chapel of the shetland islands. here again we appreciated the good service, including the fine congregational singing. early on monday morning we started by train for home; but travelling by rail was much slower in those days, and although we journeyed the whole of the day and late into the night which followed, we did not reach our home at thelwall until tuesday, november st, at two o'clock in the morning, where we awoke the sleepers by singing "home, sweet home" beneath a bedroom window on the east side of cuerden hall, where we knew our father and mother would be waiting for us--as they are now, but in no earthly home. [illustration: the rockeries at thelwall.] the news of our arrival soon spread through the surrounding country, where we were well known, and for a time we were lionised and visited by a host of friends, and our well-worn sticks, which at one time we thought of leaving in the sea at land's end, were begged from us by intimate friends and treasured for many years by their new owners in the parish of grappenhall. considerable interest had naturally been taken locally in our long walk, for we had been absent from our customary haunts for seventy-five days, having travelled by land and sea--apart from the actual walk from john o' groat's to land's end--a distance nearly a thousand miles. everybody wanted to be told all about it, so i was compelled to give the information in the form of lectures, which were repeated in the course of many years in different parts of the country where aid for philanthropic purposes was required. the title of the lecture i gave in the cobden hall at hull on january th, , was "my journey from john o' groat's to land's end, or , miles on foot," and the syllabus on that occasion was a curiosity, as it was worded as follows: john o' groat's house and how we got there--flying visit to orkney and shetland--crossing pentland firth in a sloop--who was john o' groat?--what kind of a house did he live in?--a long sermon--the great castles--up a lighthouse--the maiden's paps--lost on the moors--pictish towers--eating highland porridge--the scotch lassie and the english--a sunday at inverness--loch ness--the tale of the heads--taken for shepherds--fort william--up ben nevis--the devil's staircase--glencoe--a night in glen-orchy--sunday at dalmally--military road--the cobbler and his wife--inverary and the duke of argyle--loch lomond--stirling castle--wallace's monument--a bodyless church--battle of bannockburn-linlithgow palace--a sunday in edinburgh, and what i saw there--roslyn castle--muckle-mouthed meg--abbotsford, the residence of sir walter scott--melrose abbey--a would-not-be fellow-traveller--all night under the stairs--lilliesleaf--hawick--a stocking-maker's revenge--langholm--taken for beggars--in a distillery--a midnight adventure in the border land--a night at a coal-pit--crossing the boundary--a cheer for old england--longtown and its parish clerk--hearing the bishop--will you be married?--our visit to gretna-green--ramble through the lake district--sunday at keswick--furness abbey--a week in the big county--stump cross cavern--brimham rocks--malham cove--fountains abbey--the devil's arrows--taken for highwaymen--tessellated pavements--york minster--robin hood and little john--a sunday at castleton--peveril of the peak--the cave illuminated--my sore foot and the present of stones--march through derbyshire--lichfield cathedral--john wiclif--high cross--a peep at peeping tom at coventry--leamington--warwick castle--beauchamp chapel--in shakespeare's house at stratford-on-avon--inhospitable kineton--all night in the cold--banbury cross--a sunday at oxford--march across salisbury plain--stonehenge--salisbury cathedral--where they make carpets--exeter cathedral--bridport--honiton--dawlish--a sunday at torquay--devonshire lanes--totnes--dartmouth--plymouth and the big bridge--our adventure with the nd highlanders--tramp across dartmoor--lost in the dark--liskeard--truro--tramp through the land of the saints--st. blazey--st. michael's mount--a sunday at penzance--catching pilchards--the logan rock--druidical remains--the last church--wesley's rock--land's end--narrow escape--home, sweet home--god save the queen. to this lengthy programme the secretary added the following footnote: mr. naylor is probably one of the few men living, if not the only one, who has accomplished the feat of walking from one end of the kingdom to the other, without calling in the aid of any conveyance, or without crossing a single ferry, as his object was simply pleasure. his tour was not confined to the task of accomplishing the journey in the shortest possible time or distance, but as it embraced, to use his own words, "going where there was anything to be seen," his ramble led him to view some of the most picturesque spots in the kingdom. after this lecture i wired my brother, "i only got as far as york." as he knew i had gone to hull by train, he read the telegram to mean i had only been able to reach york that day, and he imagined how disappointed my friends in hull would be when i did not arrive there in time to give the lecture. but he was relieved when he afterwards discovered that my wire referred to the lecture itself. he thought i had done well to get as far as york, for "john o' groat's to land's end" was much too large a subject to be dealt with in the course of a single lecture. [illustration: land's end.] [illustration: [signature of] john naylor] in memoriam time plays many pranks with one's memory. the greatness of the journey is no longer with me, and my companion has been called away. but this much stands out clearly in my recollections: my brother was the leading spirit of the adventure--his was the genius which conceived it and it was his courage and perseverance which compelled us to keep on in spite of many difficulties. i have now set out our peregrinations at length from the diaries we kept during the journey. the record, such as it is, i give to those who knew us as a tribute to his memory. [illustration: beeston towers.] john naylor. beeston towers, cheshire, . the last of the peterkins, with others of their kin. by lucretia p. hale. * * * * * boston: little, brown, and company. . _copyright, _, by roberts brothers. printers s.j. parkhill & co., boston, u.s.a. to the lady from philadelphia, beloved by the peterkin family, this book is dedicated. * * * * * preface. the following papers contain the last records of the peterkin family, who unhappily ventured to leave their native land and have never returned. elizabeth eliza's commonplace book has been found among the family papers, and will be published here for the first time. it is evident that she foresaw that the family were ill able to contend with the commonplace struggle of life; and we may not wonder that they could not survive the unprecedented, far away from the genial advice of friends, especially that of the lady from philadelphia. it is feared that mr. and mrs. peterkin lost their lives after leaving tobolsk, perhaps in some vast conflagration. agamemnon and solomon john were probably sacrificed in some effort to join in or control the disturbances which arose in the distant places where they had established themselves,--agamemnon in madagascar, solomon john in rustchuk. the little boys have merged into men in some german university, while elizabeth eliza must have been lost in the mazes of the russian language. * * * * * contents. the last of the peterkins. chapter i. elizabeth eliza writes a paper ii. elizabeth eliza's commonplace-book iii. the peterkins practise travelling iv. the peterkins' excursion for maple sugar v. the peterkins "at home" vi. mrs. peterkin in egypt vii. mrs. peterkin faints on the great pyramid viii. the last of the peterkins others of their kin. ix. lucilla's diary x. jedidiah's noah's ark xi. carrie's three wishes xii. "where can those boys be?" xiii. a place for oscar xiv. the first needle * * * * * the last of the peterkins. i. elizabeth eliza writes a paper. elizabeth eliza joined the circumambient club with the idea that it would be a long time before she, a new member, would have to read a paper. she would have time to hear the other papers read, and to see how it was done; and she would find it easy when her turn came. by that time she would have some ideas; and long before she would be called upon, she would have leisure to sit down and write out something. but a year passed away, and the time was drawing near. she had, meanwhile, devoted herself to her studies, and had tried to inform herself on all subjects by way of preparation. she had consulted one of the old members of the club as to the choice of a subject. "oh, write about anything," was the answer,--"anything you have been thinking of." elizabeth eliza was forced to say she had not been thinking lately. she had not had time. the family had moved, and there was always an excitement about something, that prevented her sitting down to think. "why not write out your family adventures?" asked the old member. elizabeth eliza was sure her mother would think it made them too public; and most of the club papers, she observed, had some thought in them. she preferred to find an idea. [illustration: elizabeth eliza writes a paper.] so she set herself to the occupation of thinking. she went out on the piazza to think; she stayed in the house to think. she tried a corner of the china-closet. she tried thinking in the cars, and lost her pocket-book; she tried it in the garden, and walked into the strawberry bed. in the house and out of the house, it seemed to be the same,--she could not think of anything to think of. for many weeks she was seen sitting on the sofa or in the window, and nobody disturbed her. "she is thinking about her paper," the family would say, but she only knew that she could not think of anything. agamemnon told her that many writers waited till the last moment, when inspiration came which was much finer than anything studied. elizabeth eliza thought it would be terrible to wait till the last moment, if the inspiration should not come! she might combine the two ways,--wait till a few days before the last, and then sit down and write anyhow. this would give a chance for inspiration, while she would not run the risk of writing nothing. she was much discouraged. perhaps she had better give it up? but, no; everybody wrote a paper: if not now, she would have to do it sometime! and at last the idea of a subject came to her! but it was as hard to find a moment to write as to think. the morning was noisy, till the little boys had gone to school; for they had begun again upon their regular course, with the plan of taking up the study of cider in october. and after the little boys had gone to school, now it was one thing, now it was another,--the china-closet to be cleaned, or one of the neighbors in to look at the sewing-machine. she tried after dinner, but would fall asleep. she felt that evening would be the true time, after the cares of day were over. the peterkins had wire mosquito-nets all over the house,--at every door and every window. they were as eager to keep out the flies as the mosquitoes. the doors were all furnished with strong springs, that pulled the doors to as soon as they were opened. the little boys had practised running in and out of each door, and slamming it after them. this made a good deal of noise, for they had gained great success in making one door slam directly after another, and at times would keep up a running volley of artillery, as they called it, with the slamming of the doors. mr. peterkin, however, preferred it to flies. so elizabeth eliza felt she would venture to write of a summer evening with all the windows open. she seated herself one evening in the library, between two large kerosene lamps, with paper, pen, and ink before her. it was a beautiful night, with the smell of the roses coming in through the mosquito-nets, and just the faintest odor of kerosene by her side. she began upon her work. but what was her dismay! she found herself immediately surrounded with mosquitoes. they attacked her at every point. they fell upon her hand as she moved it to the inkstand; they hovered, buzzing, over her head; they planted themselves under the lace of her sleeve. if she moved her left hand to frighten them off from one point, another band fixed themselves upon her right hand. not only did they flutter and sting, but they sang in a heathenish manner, distracting her attention as she tried to write, as she tried to waft them off. nor was this all. myriads of june-bugs and millers hovered round, flung themselves into the lamps, and made disagreeable funeral-pyres of themselves, tumbling noisily on her paper in their last unpleasant agonies. occasionally one darted with a rush toward elizabeth eliza's head. if there was anything elizabeth eliza had a terror of, it was a june-bug. she had heard that they had a tendency to get into the hair. one had been caught in the hair of a friend of hers, who had long luxuriant hair. but the legs of the june-bug were caught in it like fish-hooks, and it had to be cut out, and the june-bug was only extricated by sacrificing large masses of the flowing locks. elizabeth eliza flung her handkerchief over her head. could she sacrifice what hair she had to the claims of literature? she gave a cry of dismay. the little boys rushed in a moment to the rescue. they flapped newspapers, flung sofa-cushions; they offered to stand by her side with fly-whisks, that she might be free to write. but the struggle was too exciting for her, and the flying insects seemed to increase. moths of every description--large brown moths, small, delicate white millers--whirled about her, while the irritating hum of the mosquito kept on more than ever. mr. peterkin and the rest of the family came in to inquire about the trouble. it was discovered that each of the little boys had been standing in the opening of a wire door for some time, watching to see when elizabeth eliza would have made her preparations and would begin to write. countless numbers of dorbugs and winged creatures of every description had taken occasion to come in. it was found that they were in every part of the house. "we might open all the blinds and screens," suggested agamemnon, "and make a vigorous onslaught and drive them all out at once." "i do believe there are more inside than out now," said solomon john. "the wire nets, of course," said agamemnon, "keep them in now." "we might go outside," proposed solomon john, "and drive in all that are left. then to-morrow morning, when they are all torpid, kill them and make collections of them." agamemnon had a tent which he had provided in case he should ever go to the adirondacks, and he proposed using it for the night. the little boys were wild for this. mrs. peterkin thought she and elizabeth eliza would prefer trying to sleep in the house. but perhaps elizabeth eliza would go on with her paper with more comfort out of doors. a student's lamp was carried out, and she was established on the steps of the back piazza, while screens were all carefully closed to prevent the mosquitoes and insects from flying out. but it was of no use. there were outside still swarms of winged creatures that plunged themselves about her, and she had not been there long before a huge miller flung himself into the lamp and put it out. she gave up for the evening. still the paper went on. "how fortunate," exclaimed elizabeth eliza, "that i did not put it off till the last evening!" having once begun, she persevered in it at every odd moment of the day. agamemnon presented her with a volume of "synonymes," which was of great service to her. she read her paper, in its various stages, to agamemnon first, for his criticism, then to her father in the library, then to mr. and mrs. peterkin together, next to solomon john, and afterward to the whole family assembled. she was almost glad that the lady from philadelphia was not in town, as she wished it to be her own unaided production. she declined all invitations for the week before the night of the club, and on the very day she kept her room with _eau sucrée_, that she might save her voice. solomon john provided her with brown's bronchial troches when the evening came, and mrs. peterkin advised a handkerchief over her head, in case of june-bugs. it was, however, a cool night. agamemnon escorted her to the house. the club met at ann maria bromwick's. no gentlemen were admitted to the regular meetings. there were what solomon john called "occasional annual meetings," to which they were invited, when all the choicest papers of the year were re-read. elizabeth eliza was placed at the head of the room, at a small table, with a brilliant gas-jet on one side. it was so cool the windows could be closed. mrs. peterkin, as a guest, sat in the front row. this was her paper, as elizabeth eliza read it, for she frequently inserted fresh expressions:-- the sun. it is impossible that much can be known about it. this is why we have taken it up as a subject. we mean the sun that lights us by day and leaves us by night. in the first place, it is so far off. no measuring-tapes could reach it; and both the earth and the sun are moving about so, that it would be difficult to adjust ladders to reach it, if we could. of course, people have written about it, and there are those who have told us how many miles off it is. but it is a very large number, with a great many figures in it; and though it is taught in most if not all of our public schools, it is a chance if any one of the scholars remembers exactly how much it is. it is the same with its size. we cannot, as we have said, reach it by ladders to measure it; and if we did reach it, we should have no measuring-tapes large enough, and those that shut up with springs are difficult to use in a high place. we are told, it is true, in a great many of the school-books, the size of the sun; but, again, very few of those who have learned the number have been able to remember it after they have recited it, even if they remembered it then. and almost all of the scholars have lost their school-books, or have neglected to carry them home, and so they are not able to refer to them,--i mean, after leaving school. i must say that is the case with me, i should say with us, though it was different. the older ones gave their school-books to the younger ones, who took them back to school to lose them, or who have destroyed them when there were no younger ones to go to school. i should say there are such families. what i mean is, the fact that in some families there are no younger children to take off the school-books. but even then they are put away on upper shelves, in closets or in attics, and seldom found if wanted,--if then, dusty. of course, we all know of a class of persons called astronomers, who might be able to give us information on the subject in hand, and who probably do furnish what information is found in school-books. it should be observed, however, that these astronomers carry on their observations always in the night. now, it is well known that the sun does not shine in the night. indeed, that is one of the peculiarities of the night, that there is no sun to light us, so we have to go to bed as long as there is nothing else we can do without its light, unless we use lamps, gas, or kerosene, which is very well for the evening, but would be expensive all night long; the same with candles. how, then, can we depend upon their statements, if not made from their own observation?--i mean, if they never saw the sun? we cannot expect that astronomers should give us any valuable information with regard to the sun, which they never see, their occupation compelling them to be up at night. it is quite likely that they never see it; for we should not expect them to sit up all day as well as all night, as, under such circumstances, their lives would not last long. indeed, we are told that their name is taken from the word _aster_, which means "star;" the word is "aster--know--more." this, doubtless, means that they know more about the stars than other things. we see, therefore, that their knowledge is confined to the stars, and we cannot trust what they have to tell us of the sun. there are other asters which should not be mixed up with these,--we mean those growing by the wayside in the fall of the year. the astronomers, from their nocturnal habits, can scarcely be acquainted with them; but as it does not come within our province, we will not inquire. we are left, then, to seek our own information about the sun. but we are met with a difficulty. to know a thing, we must look at it. how can we look at the sun? it is so very bright that our eyes are dazzled in gazing upon it. we have to turn away, or they would be put out,--the sight, i mean. it is true, we might use smoked glass, but that is apt to come off on the nose. how, then, if we cannot look at it, can we find out about it? the noonday would seem to be the better hour, when it is the sunniest; but, besides injuring the eyes, it is painful to the neck to look up for a long time. it is easy to say that our examination of this heavenly body should take place at sunrise, when we could look at it more on a level, without having to endanger the spine. but how many people are up at sunrise? those who get up early do it because they are compelled to, and have something else to do than look at the sun. the milkman goes forth to carry the daily milk, the ice-man to leave the daily ice. but either of these would be afraid of exposing their vehicles to the heating orb of day,--the milkman afraid of turning the milk, the ice-man timorous of melting his ice,--and they probably avoid those directions where they shall meet the sun's rays. the student, who might inform us, has been burning the midnight oil. the student is not in the mood to consider the early sun. there remains to us the evening, also,--the leisure hour of the day. but, alas! our houses are not built with an adaptation to this subject. they are seldom made to look toward the sunset. a careful inquiry and close observation, such as have been called for in preparation of this paper, have developed the fact that not a single house in this town faces the sunset! there may be windows looking that way, but in such a case there is always a barn between. i can testify to this from personal observations, because, with my brothers, we have walked through the several streets of this town with notebooks, carefully noting every house looking upon the sunset, and have found none from which the sunset could be studied. sometimes it was the next house, sometimes a row of houses, or its own wood-house, that stood in the way. of course, a study of the sun might be pursued out of doors. but in summer, sunstroke would be likely to follow; in winter, neuralgia and cold. and how could you consult your books, your dictionaries, your encyclopædias? there seems to be no hour of the day for studying the sun. you might go to the east to see it at its rising, or to the west to gaze upon its setting, but--you don't. * * * * * here elizabeth eliza came to a pause. she had written five different endings, and had brought them all, thinking, when the moment came, she would choose one of them. she was pausing to select one, and inadvertently said, to close the phrase, "you don't." she had not meant to use the expression, which she would not have thought sufficiently imposing,--it dropped out unconsciously,--but it was received as a close with rapturous applause. she had read slowly, and now that the audience applauded at such a length, she had time to feel she was much exhausted and glad of an end. why not stop there, though there were some pages more? applause, too, was heard from the outside. some of the gentlemen had come,--mr. peterkin, agamemnon, and solomon john, with others,--and demanded admission. "since it is all over, let them in," said ann maria bromwick. elizabeth eliza assented, and rose to shake hands with her applauding friends. ii. elizabeth eliza's commonplace-book. i am going to jot down, from time to time, any suggestions that occur to me that will be of use in writing another paper, in case i am called upon. i might be asked unexpectedly for certain occasions, if anybody happened to be prevented from coming to a meeting. i have not yet thought of a subject, but i think that is not of as much consequence as to gather the ideas. it seems as if the ideas might suggest the subject, even if the subject does not suggest the ideas. now, often a thought occurs to me in the midst, perhaps, of conversation with others; but i forget it afterwards, and spend a great deal of time in trying to think what it was i was thinking of, which might have been very valuable. i have indeed, of late, been in the habit of writing such thoughts on scraps of paper, and have often left the table to record some idea that occurred to me; but, looking up the paper and getting ready to write it, the thought has escaped me. then again, when i have written it, it has been on the backs of envelopes or the off sheet of a note, and it has been lost, perhaps thrown into the scrap-basket. amanda is a little careless about such things; and, indeed, i have before encouraged her in throwing away old envelopes, which do not seem of much use otherwise, so perhaps she is not to blame. * * * * * the more i think of it, the more does it seem to me there would be an advantage if everybody should have the same number to their houses,--of course not everybody, but everybody acquainted. it is so hard to remember all the numbers; the streets you are not so likely to forget. friends might combine to have the same number. what made me think of it was that we do have the same number as the easterlys. to be sure, we are out of town, and they are in boston; but it makes it so convenient, when i go into town to see the easterlys, to remember that their number is the same as ours. * * * * * agamemnon has lost his new silk umbrella. yet the case was marked with his name in full, and the street address and the town. of course he left the case at home, going out in the rain. he might have carried it with the address in his pocket, yet this would not have helped after losing the umbrella. why not have a pocket for the case in the umbrella? * * * * * in shaking the dust from a dress, walk slowly backwards. this prevents the dust from falling directly on the dress again. * * * * * on carving duck.--it is singular that i can never get so much off the breast as other people do. perhaps i have it set on wrong side up. * * * * * i wonder why they never have catalogues for libraries arranged from the last letter of the name instead of the first. there is our italian teacher whose name ends with a "j," which i should remember much easier than the first letter, being so odd. * * * * * i cannot understand why a man should want to marry his wife's deceased sister. if she is dead, indeed, how can he? and if he has a wife, how wrong! i am very glad there is a law against it. * * * * * it is well, in prosperity, to be brought up as though you were living in adversity; then, if you have to go back to adversity, it is all the same. on the other hand, it might be as well, in adversity, to act as though you were living in prosperity; otherwise, you would seem to lose the prosperity either way. * * * * * solomon john has invented a new extinguisher. it is to represent a turk smoking a pipe, which is to be hollow, and lets the smoke out. a very pretty idea! * * * * * a bee came stumbling into my room this morning, as it has done every spring since we moved here,--perhaps not the same bee. i think there must have been a family bee-line across this place before ever a house was built here, and the bees are trying for it every year. perhaps we ought to cut a window opposite. there's room enough in the world for me and thee; go thou and trouble some one else,--as the man said when he put the fly out of the window. * * * * * ann maria thinks it would be better to fix upon a subject first; but then she has never yet written a paper herself, so she does not realize that you have to have some thoughts before you can write them. she should think, she says, that i would write about something that i see. but of what use is it for me to write about what everybody is seeing, as long as they can see it as well as i do? * * * * * the paper about emergencies read last week was one of the best i ever heard; but, of course, it would not be worth while for me to write the same, even if i knew enough. * * * * * my commonplace-book ought to show me what to do for common things; and then i can go to lectures, or read the "rules of emergencies" for the uncommon ones. because, as a family, i think we are more troubled about what to do on the common occasions than on the unusual ones. perhaps because the unusual things don't happen to us, or very seldom; and for the uncommon things, there is generally some one you can ask. i suppose there really is not as much danger about these uncommon things as there is in the small things, because they don't happen so often, and because you are more afraid of them. i never saw it counted up, but i conclude that more children tumble into mud-puddles than into the ocean or niagara falls, for instance. it was so, at least, with our little boys; but that may have been partly because they never saw the ocean till last summer, and have never been to niagara. to be sure, they had seen the harbor from the top of bunker hill monument, but there they could not fall in. they might have fallen off from the top of the monument, but did not. i am sure, for our little boys, they have never had the remarkable things happen to them. i suppose because they were so dangerous that they did not try them, like firing at marks and rowing boats. if they had used guns, they might have shot themselves or others; but guns have never been allowed in the house. my father thinks it is dangerous to have them. they might go off unexpected. they would require us to have gunpowder and shot in the house, which would be dangerous. amanda, too, is a little careless. and we never shall forget the terrible time when the "fulminating paste" went off one fourth of july. it showed what might happen even if you did not keep gunpowder in the house. to be sure, agamemnon and solomon john are older now, and might learn the use of fire-arms; but even then they might shoot the wrong person--the policeman or some friends coming into the house--instead of the burglar. and i have read of safe burglars going about. i don't know whether it means that it is safe for them or for us; i hope it is the latter. perhaps it means that they go without fire-arms, making it safer for them. * * * * * i have the "printed rules for emergencies," which will be of great use, as i should be apt to forget which to do for which. i mean i should be quite likely to do for burns and scalds what i ought to do for cramp. and when a person is choking, i might sponge from head to foot, which is what i ought to do to prevent a cold. but i hope i shall not have a chance to practise. we have never had the case of a broken leg, and it would hardly be worth while to break one on purpose. then we have had no cases of taking poison, or bites from mad dogs, perhaps partly because we don't keep either poison or dogs; but then our neighbors might, and we ought to be prepared. we do keep cats, so that we do not need to have poison for the rats; and in this way we avoid both dangers,--from the dogs going mad, and from eating the poison by mistake instead of the rats. to be sure, we don't quite get rid of the rats, and need a trap for the mice; but if you have a good family cat it is safer. * * * * * about window-curtains--i mean the drapery ones--we have the same trouble in deciding every year. we did not put any in the parlor windows when we moved, only window-shades, because there were so many things to be done, and we wanted time to make up our minds as to what we would have. but that was years ago, and we have not decided yet, though we consider the subject every spring and fall. the trouble is, if we should have heavy damask ones like the bromwicks', it would be very dark in the winter, on account of the new, high building opposite. now, we like as much light as we can get in the winter, so we have always waited till summer, thinking we would have some light muslin ones, or else of the new laces. but in summer we like to have the room dark, and the sun does get round in the morning quite dazzling on the white shades. (we might have dark-colored shades, but there would be the same trouble of its being too dark in the winter.) we seem to need the heavy curtains in summer and the light curtains in winter, which would look odd. besides, in winter we do need the heavy curtains to shut out the draughts, while in summer we like all the air we can get. i have been looking for a material that shall shut out the air and yet let in the light, or else shut out the light and let in the air; or else let in the light when you want it, and not when you don't. i have not found it yet; but there are so many new inventions that i dare say i shall come across it in time. they seem to have invented everything except a steamer that won't go up and down as well as across. * * * * * i never could understand about averages. i can't think why people are so fond of taking them,--men generally. it seems to me they tell anything but the truth. they try to tell what happens every evening, and they don't tell one evening right. there was our free evening cooking-school. we had a class of fourteen girls; and they admired it, and liked nothing better, and attended regularly. but ann maria made out the report according to the average of attendance on the whole number of nights in the ten weeks of the school, one evening a week; so she gave the numbers - / each night. now the fact was, they all came every night except one, when there was such a storm, nobody went,--not even the teacher, nor ann maria, nor any of us. it snowed and it hailed and the wind blew, and our steps were so slippery amanda could not go out to put on ashes; ice even on the upper steps. the janitor, who makes the fire, set out to go; but she was blown across the street, into the gutter. she did succeed in getting in to ann maria's, who said it was foolish to attempt it, and that nobody would go; and i am not sure but she spent the night there,--at ann maria's, i mean. still, ann maria had to make up the account of the number of evenings of the whole course. but it looks, in the report, as though there were never the whole fourteen there, and as though - / of a girl stayed away every night, when the facts are we did not have a single absence, and the whole fourteen were there every night, except the night there was no school; and i have been told they all had on their things to come that night, but their mothers would not let them,--those that had mothers,--and they would have been blown away if they had come. it seems to me the report does not present the case right, on account of the averages. i think it is indeed the common things that trouble one to decide about, as i have said, since for the remarkable ones one can have advice. the way we do on such occasions is to ask our friends, especially the lady from philadelphia. whatever we should have done without her, i am sure i cannot tell, for her advice is always inestimable. to be sure, she is not always here; but there is the daily mail (twice from here to boston), and the telegraph, and to some places the telephone. but for some common things there is not time for even the telephone. * * * * * yesterday morning, for instance, going into boston in the early train, i took the right side for a seat, as is natural, though i noticed that most of the passengers were crowding into the seats on the other side. i found, as we left the station, that i was on the sunny side, which was very uncomfortable. so i made up my mind to change sides, coming out. but, unexpectedly, i stayed in till afternoon at mrs. easterly's. it seems she had sent a note to ask me (which i found at night all right, when i got home), as mr. easterly was away. so i did not go out till afternoon. i did remember my determination to change sides in going out, and as i took the right going in, not to take the right going out. but then i remembered, as it was afternoon, the sun would have changed; so if the right side was wrong in the morning, it would be right in the afternoon. at any rate, it would be safe to take the other side. i did observe that most of the people took the opposite side, the left side; but i supposed they had not stopped to calculate. when we came out of the station and from under the bridges, i found i was sitting in the sun again, the same way as in the morning, in spite of all my reasoning. ann maria, who had come late and taken the last seat on the other side, turned round and called across to me, "why do you always take the sunny side? do you prefer it?" i was sorry not to explain it to her, but she was too far off. it might be safe to do what most of the other people do, when you cannot stop to inquire; but you cannot always tell, since very likely they may be mistaken. and then if they have taken all the seats, there is not room left for you. still, this time, in coming out, i had reached the train in plenty of season, and might have picked out my seat, but then there was nobody there to show where most of the people would go. i might have changed when i saw where most would go; but i hate changing, and the best seats were all taken. * * * * * my father thinks it would be a good plan for amanda to go to the lectures on physics. she has lived with us a great many years, and she still breaks as many things as she did at the beginning. dr. murtrie, who was here the other night, said he learned when quite a boy, from some book on physics, that if he placed some cold water in the bottom of a pitcher, before pouring in boiling-hot water, it would not break. also, that in washing a glass or china pitcher in very hot water, the outside and inside should be in the hot water, or, as he said, should feel the hot water at the same time. i don't quite understand exactly how, unless the pitcher has a large mouth, when it might be put in sideways. he told the reasons, which, being scientific, i cannot remember or understand. if amanda had known about this, she might have saved a great deal of valuable glass and china. though it has not always been from hot water, the breaking, for i often think she has not the water hot enough; but often from a whole tray-full sliding out of her hand, as she was coming up-stairs, and everything on it broke. but dr. murtrie said if she had learned more of the laws of physics she would not probably so often tip over the waiter. the trouble is, however, remembering at the right time. she might have known the law perfectly well, and forgotten it just on the moment, or her dress coming in the way may have prevented. still, i should like very well myself to go to the lectures on physics. perhaps i could find out something about scissors,--why it is they do always tumble down, and usually, though so heavy, without any noise, so that you do not know that they have fallen. i should say they had no law, because sometimes they are far under the sofa in one direction, or hidden behind the leg of the table in another, or perhaps not even on the floor, but buried in the groove at the back of the easy-chair, and you never find them till you have the chair covered again. i do feel always in the back of the chair now; but amanda found mine, yesterday, in the groove of the sofa. * * * * * it is possible elizabeth eliza may have taken the remaining sheets of her commonplace-book abroad with her. we have not been able to recover them. iii. the peterkins practise travelling. long ago mrs. peterkin had been afraid of the mohammedans, and would have dreaded to travel among them; but since the little boys had taken lessons of the turk, and she had become familiar with his costume and method of sitting, she had felt less fear of them as a nation. to be sure, the turk had given but few lessons, as, soon after making his engagement, he had been obliged to go to new york to join a tobacconist's firm. mr. peterkin had not regretted his payment for instruction in advance; for the turk had been very urbane in his manners, and had always assented to whatever the little boys or any of the family had said to him. mrs. peterkin had expressed a desire to see the famous cleopatra's needle which had been brought from egypt. she had heard it was something gigantic for a needle, and it would be worth a journey to new york. she wondered at their bringing it such a distance, and would have supposed that some of cleopatra's family would have objected to it if they were living now. agamemnon said that was the truth; there was no one left to object; they were all mummies under ground, with such heavy pyramids over them that they would not easily rise to object. mr. peterkin feared that all the pyramids would be brought away in time. agamemnon said there were a great many remaining in egypt. still, he thought it would be well to visit egypt soon, before they were all brought away, and nothing but the sand left. mrs. peterkin said she would be almost as willing to travel to egypt as to new york, and it would seem more worth while to go so far to see a great many than to go to new york only for one needle. "that would certainly be a needless expense," suggested solomon john. elizabeth eliza was anxious to see the sphinx. perhaps it would answer some of the family questions that troubled them day after day. agamemnon felt it would be a great thing for the education of the little boys. if they could have begun with the egyptian hieroglyphics before they had learned their alphabet, they would have begun at the right end. perhaps it was not too late now to take them to egypt, and let them begin upon its old learning. the little boys declared it was none too late. they could not say the alphabet backward now, and could never remember whether _u_ came before _v_; and the voyage would be a long one, and before they reached egypt, very likely they would have forgotten all. it was about this voyage that mrs. peterkin had much doubt. what she was afraid of was getting in and out of the ships and boats. she was afraid of tumbling into the water between, when she left the wharf. elizabeth eliza agreed with her mother in this, and began to calculate how many times they would have to change between boston and egypt. there was the ferry-boat across to east boston would make two changes; one more to get on board the steamer; then liverpool--no, to land at queenstown would make two more,--four, five changes; liverpool, six. solomon john brought the map, and they counted up. dover, seven; calais, eight; marseilles, nine; malta, if they landed, ten, eleven; and alexandria, twelve changes. mrs. peterkin shuddered at the possibilities, not merely for herself, but for the family. she could fall in but once, but by the time they should reach egypt, how many would be left out of a family of eight? agamemnon began to count up the contingencies. eight times twelve would make ninety-six chances ( × = ). mrs. peterkin felt as if all might be swept off before the end could be reached. solomon john said it was not usual to allow more than one chance in a hundred. people always said "one in a hundred," as though that were the usual thing expected. it was not at all likely that the whole family would be swept off. mrs. peterkin was sure they would not want to lose one; they could hardly pick out which they could spare, she felt certain. agamemnon declared there was no necessity for such risks. they might go directly by some vessel from boston to egypt. solomon john thought they might give up egypt, and content themselves with rome. "all roads lead to rome;" so it would not be difficult to find their way. but mrs. peterkin was afraid to go. she had heard you must do as the romans did if you went to rome; and there were some things she certainly should not like to do that they did. there was that brute who killed cæsar! and she should not object to the long voyage. it would give them time to think it all over. mr. peterkin thought they ought to have more practice in travelling, to accustom themselves to emergencies. it would be fatal to start on so long a voyage and to find they were not prepared. why not make their proposed excursion to the cousins at gooseberry beach, which they had been planning all summer? there they could practise getting in and out of a boat, and accustom themselves to the air of the sea. to be sure, the cousins were just moving up from the seashore, but they could take down a basket of luncheon, in order to give no trouble, and they need not go into the house. elizabeth eliza had learned by heart, early in the summer, the list of trains, as she was sure they would lose the slip their cousins had sent them; and you never could find the paper that had the trains in when you wanted it. they must take the a.m. train into boston in time to go across to the station for the gooseberry train at . , and they would have to return from gooseberry beach by a . train. the cousins would order the "barge" to meet them on their arrival, and to come for them at p.m., in time for the return train, if they were informed the day before. elizabeth eliza wrote them a postal card, giving them the information that they would take the early train. the "barge" was the name of the omnibus that took passengers to and from the gooseberry station. mrs. peterkin felt that its very name was propitious to this egyptian undertaking. the day proved a fine one. on reaching boston, mrs. peterkin and elizabeth eliza were put into a carriage with the luncheon-basket to drive directly to the station. elizabeth eliza was able to check the basket at the baggage-station, and to buy their "go-and-return" tickets before the arrival of the rest of the party, which appeared, however, some minutes before a quarter of eight. mrs. peterkin counted the little boys. all were there. this promised well for egypt. but their joy was of short duration. on presenting their tickets at the gate of entrance, they were stopped. the gooseberry train had gone at . ! the mattapan train was now awaiting its passengers. impossible! elizabeth eliza had repeated . every morning through the summer. it must be the gooseberry train. but the conductor would not yield. if they wished to go to mattapan they could go; if to gooseberry, they must wait till the p.m. train. mrs. peterkin was in despair. their return train was . ; how could p.m. help them? mr. peterkin, with instant decision, proposed they should try something else. why should not they take their luncheon-basket across some ferry? this would give them practice. the family hastily agreed to this. what could be better? they went to the baggage-office, but found their basket had gone in the . train! they had arrived in time, and could have gone too. "if we had only been checked!" exclaimed mrs. peterkin. the baggage-master, showing a tender interest, suggested that there was a train for plymouth at eight, which would take them within twelve miles of gooseberry beach, and they might find "a team" there to take them across. solomon john and the little boys were delighted with the suggestion. "we could see plymouth rock," said agamemnon. but hasty action would be necessary. mr. peterkin quickly procured tickets for plymouth, and no official objected to their taking the a.m. train. they were all safely in the train. this had been a test expedition; and each of the party had taken something, to see what would be the proportion of things lost to those remembered. mr. peterkin had two umbrellas, agamemnon an atlas and spyglass, and the little boys were taking down two cats in a basket. all were safe. "i am glad we have decided upon plymouth," said mr. peterkin. "before seeing the pyramids of egypt we certainly ought to know something of plymouth rock. i should certainly be quite ashamed, when looking at their great obelisks, to confess that i had never seen our own rock." the conductor was attracted by this interesting party. when mr. peterkin told him of their mistake of the morning, and that they were bound for gooseberry beach, he advised them to stop at kingston, a station nearer the beach. they would have but four miles to drive, and a reduction could be effected on their tickets. the family demurred. were they ready now to give up plymouth? they would lose time in going there. solomon john, too, suggested it would be better, chronologically, to visit plymouth on their return from egypt, after they had seen the earliest things. this decided them to stop at kingston. but they found here no omnibus nor carriage to take them to gooseberry. the station-master was eager to assist them, and went far and near in search of some sort of wagon. hour after hour passed away, the little boys had shared their last peanut, and gloom was gathering over the family, when solomon john came into the station to say there was a photographer's cart on the other side of the road. would not this be a good chance to have their photographs taken for their friends before leaving for egypt? the idea reanimated the whole party, and they made their way to the cart, and into it, as the door was open. there was, however, no photographer there. agamemnon tried to remember what he had read of photography. as all the materials were there, he might take the family's picture. there would indeed be a difficulty in introducing his own. solomon john suggested they might arrange the family group, leaving a place for him. then, when all was ready, he could put the curtain over the box, take his place hastily, then pull away the curtain by means of a string. and solomon john began to look around for a string while the little boys felt in their pockets. agamemnon did not exactly see how they could get the curtain back. mr. peterkin thought this of little importance. they would all be glad to sit some time after travelling so long. and the longer they sat the better for the picture, and perhaps somebody would come along in time to put back the curtain. they began to arrange the group. mr. and mrs. peterkin were placed in the middle, sitting down. elizabeth eliza stood behind them, and the little boys knelt in front with the basket of cats. solomon john and agamemnon were also to stand behind, agamemnon leaning over his father's shoulder. solomon john was still looking around for a string when the photographer himself appeared. he was much surprised to find a group all ready for him. he had gone off that morning for a short holiday, but was not unwilling to take the family, especially when he heard they were soon going to egypt. he approved of the grouping made by the family, but suggested that their eyes should not all be fixed upon the same spot. before the pictures were finished, the station-master came to announce that two carriages were found to take the party to gooseberry beach. "there is no hurry," said mr. peterkin, "let the pictures be finished; they have made us wait, we can keep them waiting as long as we please." the result, indeed, was very satisfactory. the photographer pronounced it a remarkably fine group. elizabeth eliza's eyes were lifted to the heavens perhaps a little too high. it gave her a rapt expression not customary with her; but mr. peterkin thought she might look in that way in the presence of the sphinx. it was necessary to have a number of copies, to satisfy all the friends left behind when they should go to egypt; and it certainly would not be worth while to come again so great a distance for more. it was therefore a late hour when they left kingston. it took some time to arrange the party in two carriages. mr. peterkin ought to be in one, mrs. peterkin in the other; but it was difficult to divide the little boys, as all wished to take charge of the cats. the drive, too, proved longer than was expected,--six miles instead of four. when they reached their cousin's door, the "barge" was already standing there. "it has brought our luncheon-basket!" exclaimed solomon john. "i am glad of it," said agamemnon, "for i feel hungry enough for it." he pulled out his watch. it was three o'clock! this was indeed the "barge," but it had come for their return. the gooseberry cousins, much bewildered that the family did not arrive at the time expected, had forgotten to send to countermand it. and the "barge" driver, supposing the family had arrived by the other station, had taken occasion to bring up the lunch-basket, as it was addressed to the gooseberry cousins. the cousins flocked out to meet them. "what had happened? what had delayed them? they were glad to see them at last." mrs. peterkin, when she understood the state of the case, insisted upon getting directly into the "barge" to return, although the driver said there would be a few moments to spare. some of the cousins busied themselves in opening the luncheon-basket, and a part led the little boys and agamemnon and solomon john down upon the beach in front of the house; there would be a few moments for a glance at the sea. indeed, the little boys ventured in their india-rubber boots to wade in a little way, as the tide was low. and agamemnon and solomon john walked to look at a boat that was drawn up on the beach, and got into it and out of it for practice, till they were all summoned back to the house. it was indeed time to go. the gooseberry cousins had got out the luncheon, and had tried to persuade the family to spend the night. mrs. peterkin declared this would be impossible. they never had done such a thing. so they went off, eating their luncheon as they went, the little boys each with a sandwich in one hand and a piece of cake in the other. mrs. peterkin was sure they should miss the train or lose some of the party. no, it was a great success; for all, and more than all, were found in the train: slung over the arm of one of the little boys was found the basket containing the cats. they were to have left the cats, but in their haste had brought them away again. this discovery was made in a search for the tickets which elizabeth eliza had bought, early in the morning, to go and return; they were needed now for return. she was sure she had given them to her father. mrs. peterkin supposed that mr. peterkin must have changed them for the kingston tickets. the little boys felt in their pockets, agamemnon and solomon john in theirs. in the excitement, mrs. peterkin insisted upon giving up her copy of their new photograph, and could not be satisfied till the conductor had punched it. at last the tickets were found in the outer lappet of elizabeth eliza's hand-bag. she had looked for them in the inner part. it was after this that mr. peterkin ventured to pronounce the whole expedition a success. to be sure, they had not passed the day at the beach, and had scarcely seen their cousins; but their object had been to practise travelling, and surely they had been travelling all day. elizabeth eliza had seen the sea, or thought she had. she was not sure--she had been so busy explaining to the cousins and showing the photographs. agamemnon was sorry she had not walked with them to the beach, and tried getting in and out of the boat. elizabeth eliza regretted this. of course it was not the same as getting into a boat on the sea, where it would be wobbling more, but the step must have been higher from the sand. solomon john said there was some difficulty. he had jumped in, but was obliged to take hold of the side in getting out. the little boys were much encouraged by their wade into the tide. they had been a little frightened at first when the splash came, but the tide had been low. on the whole, mr. peterkin continued, things had gone well. even the bringing back of the cats might be considered a good omen. cats were worshipped in egypt, and they ought not to have tried to part with them. he was glad they had brought the cats. they gave the little boys an interest in feeding them while they were waiting at the kingston station. their adventures were not quite over, as the station was crowded when they reached boston. a military company had arrived from the south and was received by a procession. a number of distinguished guests also were expected, and the peterkins found it difficult to procure a carriage. they had determined to take a carriage, so that they might be sure to reach their own evening train in season. at last mr. peterkin discovered one that was empty, standing at the end of a long line. there would be room for mrs. peterkin, elizabeth eliza, himself, and the little boys, and agamemnon and solomon john agreed to walk behind in order to keep the carriage in sight. but they were much disturbed when they found they were going at so slow a pace. mr. peterkin called to the coachman in vain. he soon found that they had fallen into the line of the procession, and the coachman was driving slowly on behind the other carriages. in vain mr. peterkin tried to attract the driver's attention. he put his head out of one window after another, but only to receive the cheers of the populace ranged along the sidewalk. he opened the window behind the coachman and pulled his coat. but the cheering was so loud that he could not make himself heard. he tried to motion to the coachman to turn down one of the side streets, but in answer the driver pointed out with his whip the crowds of people. mr. peterkin, indeed, saw it would be impossible to make their way through the throng that filled every side street which they crossed. mrs. peterkin looked out of the back window for agamemnon and solomon john. they were walking side by side, behind the carriage, taking off their hats, and bowing to the people cheering on either side. "they are at the head of a long row of men, walking two by two," said mrs. peterkin. "they are part of the procession," said elizabeth eliza. "we are part of the procession," mr. peterkin answered. "i rather like it," said mrs. peterkin, with a calm smile, as she looked out of the window and bowed in answer to a cheer. "where do you suppose we shall go?" asked elizabeth eliza. "i have often wondered what became of a procession," said mr. peterkin. "they are always going somewhere, but i never could tell where they went to." "we shall find out!" exclaimed the little boys, who were filled with delight, looking now out of one window, now out of the other. "perhaps we shall go to the armory," said one. this alarmed mrs. peterkin. sounds of martial music were now heard, and the noise of the crowd grew louder. "i think you ought to ask where we are going," she said to mr. peterkin. "it is not for us to decide," he answered calmly. "they have taken us into the procession. i suppose they will show us the principal streets, and will then leave us at our station." this, indeed, seemed to be the plan. for two hours more the peterkins, in their carriage, and agamemnon and solomon john, afoot, followed on. mrs. peterkin looked out upon rows and rows of cheering people. the little boys waved their caps. "it begins to be a little monotonous," said mrs. peterkin, at last. "i am afraid we have missed all the trains," said elizabeth eliza, gloomily. but mr. peterkin's faith held to the last, and was rewarded. the carriage reached the square in which stood the railroad station. mr. peterkin again seized the lapels of the coachman's coat and pointed to the station, and he was able to turn his horses in that direction. as they left the crowd, they received a parting cheer. it was with difficulty that agamemnon and solomon john broke from the ranks. "that was a magnificent reception!" exclaimed mr. peterkin, wiping his brow, after paying the coachman twice his fee. but elizabeth eliza said,-- "but we have lost all the trains, i am sure." they had lost all but one. it was the last. "and we have lost the cats!" the little boys suddenly exclaimed. but mrs. peterkin would not allow them to turn back in search of them. iv. the peterkins' excursion for maple sugar. it was, to be sure, a change of plan to determine to go to grandfather's for a maple-sugaring instead of going to egypt! but it seemed best. egypt was not given up,--only postponed. "it has lasted so many centuries," sighed mr. peterkin, "that i suppose it will not crumble much in one summer more." the peterkins had determined to start for egypt in june, and elizabeth eliza had engaged her dressmaker for january; but after all their plans were made, they were told that june was the worst month of all to go to egypt in,--that they would arrive in midsummer, and find the climate altogether too hot,--that people who were not used to it died of it. nobody thought of going to egypt in summer; on the contrary, everybody came away. and what was worse, agamemnon learned that not only the summers were unbearably hot, but there really was no egypt in summer,--nothing to speak of,--nothing but water; for there was a great inundation of the river nile every summer, which completely covered the country, and it would be difficult to get about except in boats. mr. peterkin remembered he had heard something of the sort, but he did not suppose it had been kept up with the modern improvements. mrs. peterkin felt that the thing must be very much exaggerated. she could not believe the whole country would be covered, or that everybody would leave; as summer was surely the usual time for travel, there must be strangers there, even if the natives left. she would not be sorry if there were fewer of the savages. as for the boats, she supposed after their long voyage they would all be used to going about in boats; and she had thought seriously of practising, by getting in and out of the rocking-chair from the sofa. the family, however, wrote to the lady from philadelphia, who had travelled in egypt, and whose husband knew everything about egypt that could be known,--that is, everything that had already been dug up, though he could only guess at what might be brought to light next. the result was a very earnest recommendation not to leave for egypt till the autumn. travellers did not usually reach there before december, though october might be pleasant on account of the fresh dates. so the egypt plan was reluctantly postponed; and, to make amends for the disappointment to the little boys, an excursion for maple syrup was proposed instead. mr. peterkin considered it almost a necessity. they ought to acquaint themselves with the manufactures of their own new country before studying those of the oldest in the world. he had been inquiring into the products of egypt at the present time, and had found sugar to be one of their staples. they ought, then, to understand the american methods and compare them with those of egypt. it would be a pretty attention, indeed, to carry some of the maple sugar to the principal dignitaries of egypt. but the difficulties in arranging an excursion proved almost as great as for going to egypt. sugar-making could not come off until it was warm enough for the sun to set the sap stirring. on the other hand, it must be cold enough for snow, as you could only reach the woods on snow-sleds. now, if there were sun enough for the sap to rise, it would melt the snow; and if it were cold enough for sledding, it must be too cold for the syrup. there seemed an impossibility about the whole thing. the little boys, however, said there always had been maple sugar every spring,--they had eaten it; why shouldn't there be this spring? elizabeth eliza insisted gloomily that this was probably old sugar they had eaten,--you never could tell in the shops. mrs. peterkin thought there must be fresh sugar occasionally, as the old would have been eaten up. she felt the same about chickens. she never could understand why there were only the old, tough ones in the market, when there were certainly fresh young broods to be seen around the farm-houses every year. she supposed the market-men had begun with the old, tough fowls, and so they had to go on so. she wished they had begun the other way; and she had done her best to have the family eat up the old fowls, hoping they might, some day, get down to the young ones. as to the uncertainty about the weather, she suggested they should go to grandfather's the day before. but how can you go the day before, when you don't yet know the day? all were much delighted, therefore, when hiram appeared with the wood-sled, one evening, to take them, as early as possible the next day, to their grandfather's. he reported that the sap had started, the kettles had been on some time, there had been a light snow for sleighing, and to-morrow promised to be a fine day. it was decided that he should take the little boys and elizabeth eliza early, in the wood-sled; the others would follow later, in the carry-all. mrs. peterkin thought it would be safer to have some of the party go on wheels, in case of a general thaw the next day. a brilliant sun awoke them in the morning. the wood-sled was filled with hay, to make it warm and comfortable, and an arm-chair was tied in for elizabeth eliza. but she was obliged to go first to visit the secretary of the circumambient society, to explain that she should not be present at their evening meeting. one of the rules of this society was to take always a winding road when going upon society business, as the word "circumambient" means "compassing about." it was one of its laws to copy nature as far as possible, and a straight line is never seen in nature. therefore she could not send a direct note to say she should not be present; she could only hint it in general conversation with the secretary; and she was obliged to take a roundabout way to reach the secretary's house, where the little boys called for her in her wood-sled. what was her surprise to find eight little boys instead of three! in passing the school-house they had picked up five of their friends, who had reached the school door a full hour before the time. elizabeth eliza thought they ought to inquire if their parents would be willing they should go, as they all expected to spend the night at grandfather's. hiram thought it would require too much time to stop for the consent of ten parents; if the sun kept on at this rate, the snow would be gone before they should reach the woods. but the little boys said most of the little boys lived in a row, and elizabeth eliza felt she ought not to take the boys away for all night without their parents' knowledge. the consent of two mothers and two fathers was gained, and mr. dobson was met in the street, who said he would tell the other mother. but at each place they were obliged to stop for additional tippets and great-coats and india-rubber boots for the little boys. at the harrimans', too, the harriman girls insisted on dressing up the wood-sled with evergreens, and made one of the boys bring their last christmas-tree, that was leaning up against the barn, to set it up in the back of the sled, over elizabeth eliza. all this made considerable delay; and when they reached the high-road again, the snow was indeed fast melting. elizabeth eliza was inclined to turn back, but hiram said they would find the sleighing better farther up among the hills. the armchair joggled about a good deal, and the christmas-tree creaked behind her; and hiram was obliged to stop occasionally and tie in the chair and the tree more firmly. but the warm sun was very pleasant, the eight little boys were very lively, and the sleigh-bells jingled gayly as they went on. it was so late when they reached the wood-road that hiram decided they had better not go up the hill to their grandfather's, but turn off into the woods. "your grandfather will be there by this time," he declared. elizabeth eliza was afraid the carry-all would miss them, and thought they had better wait. hiram did not like to wait longer, and proposed that one or two of the little boys should stop to show the way. but it was so difficult to decide which little boys should stay that he gave it up. even to draw lots would take time. so he explained that there was a lunch hidden somewhere in the straw; and the little boys thought it an admirable time to look it up, and it was decided to stop in the sun at the corner of the road. elizabeth eliza felt a little jounced in the armchair, and was glad of a rest; and the little boys soon discovered an ample lunch,--just what might have been expected from grandfather's,--apple-pie and doughnuts, and plenty of them! "lucky we brought so many little boys!" they exclaimed. hiram, however, began to grow impatient. "there 'll be no snow left," he exclaimed, "and no afternoon for the syrup!" but far in the distance the peterkin carry-all was seen slowly approaching through the snow, solomon john waving a red handkerchief. the little boys waved back, and hiram ventured to enter upon the wood-road, but at a slow pace, as elizabeth eliza still feared that by some accident the family might miss them. it was with difficulty that the carry-all followed in the deep but soft snow, in among the trunks of the trees and over piles of leaves hidden in the snow. they reached at last the edge of a meadow; and on the high bank above it stood a row of maples, a little shanty by the side, a slow smoke proceeding from its chimney. the little boys screamed with delight, but there was no reply. nobody there! "the folks all gone!" exclaimed hiram; "then we must be late." and he proceeded to pull out a large silver watch from a side pocket. it was so large that he seldom was at the pains to pull it out, as it took time; but when he had succeeded at last, and looked at it, he started. "late, indeed! it is four o'clock, and we were to have been here by eleven; they have given you up." the little boys wanted to force in the door; but hiram said it was no use,--they wouldn't understand what to do, and he should have to see to the horses,--and it was too late, and it was likely they had carried off all the syrup. but he thought a minute, as they all stood in silence and gloom; and then he guessed they might find some sugar at deacon spear's, close by, on the back road, and that would be better than nothing. mrs. peterkin was pretty cold, and glad not to wait in the darkening wood; so the eight little boys walked through the wood-path, hiram leading the way; and slowly the carry-all followed. they reached deacon spear's at length; but only mrs. spear was at home. she was very deaf, but could explain that the family had taken all their syrup to the annual festival. "we might go to the festival," exclaimed the little boys. "it would be very well," said mrs. peterkin, "to eat our fresh syrup there." but mrs. spear could not tell where the festival was to be, as she had not heard; perhaps they might know at squire ramsay's. squire ramsay's was on their way to grandfather's, so they stopped there; but they learned that the "squire's folks had all gone with their syrup to the festival," but the man who was chopping wood did not know where the festival was to be. "they 'll know at your grandfather's," said mrs. peterkin, from the carry-all. "yes, go on to your grandfather's," advised mr. peterkin, "for i think i felt a drop of rain." so they made the best of their way to grandfather's. at the moment they reached the door of the house, a party of young people whom elizabeth eliza knew came by in sleighs. she had met them all when visiting at her grandfather's. "come along with us," they shouted; "we are all going down to the sugar festival." "that is what we have come for," said mr. peterkin. "where is it?" asked solomon john. "it is down your way," was the reply. "it is in your own new hall," said another. "we have sent down all our syrup. the spears and ramsays and doolittles have gone on with theirs. no time to stop; there's good sleighing on the old road." there was a little consultation with the grandfather. hiram said that he could take them back with the wood-sled, when he heard there was sleighing on the old road; and it was decided that the whole party should go in the wood-sled, with the exception of mr. peterkin, who would follow on with the carry-all. mrs. peterkin would take the arm-chair, and cushions were put in for elizabeth eliza, and more apple-pie for all. no more drops of rain appeared, though the clouds were thickening over the setting sun. "all the way back again," sighed mrs. peterkin, "when we might have stayed at home all day, and gone quietly out to the new hall!" but the little boys thought the sledding all day was great fun,--and the apple-pie! "and we did see the kettle through the cracks of the shanty!" "it is odd the festival should be held at the new hall," said elizabeth eliza; "for the secretary did say something about the society meeting there to-night, being so far from the centre of the town." this hall was so called because it was once a new hall, built to be used for lectures, assemblies, and entertainments of this sort, for the convenience of the inhabitants who had collected about some flourishing factories. "you can go to your own circumambient society, then!" exclaimed solomon john. "and in a truly circumambient manner," said agamemnon; and he explained to the little boys that they could now understand the full meaning of the word, for surely elizabeth eliza had taken the most circumambient way of reaching the place by coming away from it. "we little thought, when we passed it early this morning," said elizabeth eliza, "that we should come back to it for our maple sugar." "it is odd the secretary did not tell you they were going to join the sugar festival," said mrs. peterkin. "it is one of the rules of the society," said elizabeth eliza, "that the secretary never tells anything directly. she only hinted at the plan of the new hall." "i don't see how you can find enough to talk about," said solomon john. "we can tell of things that never have happened," said elizabeth eliza, "or that are not likely to happen, and wonder what would have happened if they had happened." they arrived at the festival at last, but very late, and glad to find a place that was warm. there was a stove at each end of the hall, and an encouraging sound and smell from the simmering syrup. there were long tables down the hall, on which were placed, in a row, first a bowl of snow, then a pile of saucers and spoons, then a plate of pickles, intended to whet the appetite for more syrup; another of bread, then another bowl of snow, and so on. hot syrup was to be poured on the snow and eaten as candy. the peterkin family were received at this late hour with a wild enthusiasm. elizabeth eliza was an especial heroine, and was made directly the president of the evening. everybody said that she had best earned the distinction; for had she not come to the meeting by the longest way possible, by going away from it? the secretary declared that the principles of the society had been completely carried out. she had always believed that if left to itself, information would spread itself in a natural instead of a forced way. "now, in this case, if i had written twenty-nine notifications to this meeting, i should have wasted just so much of my time. but the information has disseminated naturally. ann maria said what a good plan it would be to have the circumambients go to the sugaring at the new hall. everybody said it would be a good plan. elizabeth eliza came and spoke of the sugaring, and i spoke of the new hall." "but if you had told elizabeth eliza that all the maple syrup was to be brought here--" began mrs. peterkin. "we should have lost our excursion for maple syrup," said mr. peterkin. later, as they reached home in the carry-all (hiram having gone back with the wood-sled), mr. and mrs. peterkin, after leaving little boys at their homes all along the route, found none of their own to get out at their own door. they must have joined elizabeth eliza, agamemnon, and solomon john in taking a circuitous route home with the rest of the circumambients. "the little boys will not be at home till midnight," said mrs. peterkin, anxiously. "i do think this is carrying the thing too far, after such a day!" "elizabeth eliza will feel that she has acted up to the principles of the society," said mr. peterkin, "and we have done our best; for, as the little boys said, 'we did see the kettle.'" v. the peterkins "at home." might not something be done by way of farewell before leaving for egypt? they did not want to give another tea-party, and could not get in all at dinner. they had had charades and a picnic. elizabeth eliza wished for something unusual, that should be remembered after they had left for egypt. why should it not be a fancy ball? there never had been one in the place. mrs. peterkin hesitated. perhaps for that reason they ought not to attempt it. she liked to have things that other people had. she however objected most to the "ball" part. she could indeed still dance a minuet, but she was not sure she could get on in the "boston dip." the little boys said they would like the "fancy" part and "dressing up." they remembered their delight when they browned their faces for hindus, at their charades, just for a few minutes; and what fun it would be to wear their costumes through a whole evening! mrs. peterkin shook her head; it was days and days before the brown had washed out of their complexions. still, she too was interested in the "dressing up." if they should wear costumes, they could make them of things that might be left behind, that they had done wearing, if they could only think of the right kind of things. mrs. peterkin, indeed, had already packed up, although they were not to leave for two months, for she did not want to be hurried at the last. she and elizabeth eliza went on different principles in packing. elizabeth eliza had been told that you really needed very little to travel with,--merely your travelling dress and a black silk. mrs. peterkin, on the contrary, had heard it was best to take everything you had, and then you need not spend your time shopping in paris. so they had decided upon adopting both ways. mrs. peterkin was to take her "everything," and already had all the shoes and stockings she should need for a year or two. elizabeth eliza, on the other hand, prepared a small valise. she consoled herself with the thought that if she should meet anything that would not go into it, she could put it in one of her mother's trunks. it was resolved to give the fancy ball. mr. peterkin early determined upon a character. he decided to be julius cæsar. he had a bald place on the top of his head, which he was told resembled that of the great roman; and he concluded that the dress would be a simple one to get up, requiring only a sheet for a toga. agamemnon was inclined to take the part which his own name represented, and he looked up the costume of the greek king of men. but he was dissatisfied with the representation given of him in dr. schliemann's "mykenæ." there was a picture of agamemnon's mask, but very much battered. he might get a mask made in that pattern, indeed, and the little boys were delighted with the idea of battering it. agamemnon would like to wear a mask, then he would have no trouble in keeping up his expression. but elizabeth eliza objected to the picture in dr. schliemann's book; she did not like it for agamemnon,--it was too slanting in the eyes. so it was decided he should take the part of nick bottom, in "midsummer night's dream." he could then wear the ass's head, which would have the same advantage as a mask, and would conceal his own face entirely. then he could be making up any face he pleased in the ass's head, and would look like an ass without any difficulty, while his feet would show he was not one. solomon john thought that they might make an ass's head if they could get a pattern, or could see the real animal and form an idea of the shape. barnum's circus would be along in a few weeks, and they could go on purpose to study the donkeys, as there usually was more than one donkey in the circus. agamemnon, however, in going with a friend to a costumer's in boston, found an ass's head already made. the little boys found in an illustrated paper an accurate description of the hindu snake-charmer's costume, and were so successful in their practice of shades of brown for the complexion, that solomon john decided to take the part of othello, and use some of their staining fluid. there was some discussion as to consulting the lady from philadelphia, who was in town. solomon john thought they ought to practise getting on by themselves, for soon the atlantic would lie between her and them. mrs. peterkin thought they could telegraph. elizabeth eliza wanted to submit to her two or three questions about the supper, and whether, if her mother were queen elizabeth, they could have chinese lanterns. was china invented at that time? agamemnon was sure china was one of the oldest countries in the world and did exist, though perhaps queen elizabeth did not know it. elizabeth eliza was relieved to find that the lady from philadelphia thought the question not important. it would be impossible to have everything in the house to correspond with all the different characters, unless they selected some period to represent, such as the age of queen elizabeth. of course, elizabeth eliza would not wish to do this when her father was to be julius cæsar. the lady from philadelphia advised mrs. peterkin to send for jones the "caterer" to take charge of the supper. but his first question staggered her. how many did she expect? they had not the slightest idea. they had sent invitations to everybody. the little boys proposed getting the directory of the place, and marking out the people they didn't know and counting up the rest. but even if this would give the number of invitations, it would not show how many would accept; and then there was no such directory. they could not expect answers, as their invitations were cards with "at home" on them. one answer had come from a lady, that she too would be "at home" with rheumatism. so they only knew there was one person who would not come. elizabeth eliza had sent in circumambient ways to all the members of that society,--by the little boys, for instance, who were sure to stop at the base-ball grounds, or somewhere, so a note was always delayed by them. one circumambient note she sent by mail, purposely omitting the "mass.," so that it went to the dead-letter office, and came back six weeks after the party. but the peterkin family were not alone in commotion. the whole town was in excitement, for "everybody" had been invited. ann maria bromwick had a book of costumes that she lent to a few friends, and everybody borrowed dresses or lent them, or went into town to the costumer's. weeks passed in preparation. "what are you going to wear?" was the only question exchanged; and nobody answered, as nobody would tell. at length the evening came,--a beautiful night in late summer, warm enough to have had the party out-of-doors; but the whole house was lighted up and thrown open, and chinese lanterns hung in the portico and on the pillars of the piazzas. at an early hour the peterkins were arrayed in their costumes. the little boys had their legs and arms and faces browned early in the day, and wore dazzlingly white full trousers and white turbans. elizabeth eliza had prepared a dress as queen elizabeth; but solomon john was desirous that she should be desdemona, and she gave up her costume to her mother. mrs. peterkin therefore wore a red wig which ann maria had found at a costumer's, a high ruff, and an old-fashioned brocade. she was not sure that it was proper for queen elizabeth to wear spectacles; but queen elizabeth must have been old enough, as she lived to be seventy. as for elizabeth eliza, in recalling the fact that desdemona was smothered by pillows, she was so impressed by it that she decided she could wear the costume of a sheet-and-pillow-case party. so she wore a white figured silk that had been her mother's wedding-dress, and over it draped a sheet as a large mantle, and put a pillow-case upon her head, and could represent desdemona not quite smothered. but solomon john wished to carry out the whole scene at the end. as they stood together, all ready to receive, in the parlor at the appointed hour, mr. peterkin suddenly exclaimed,-- "this will never do! we are not the peterkins,--we are distinguished guests! we cannot receive." "we shall have to give up the party," said mrs. peterkin. "or our costumes," groaned agamemnon from his ass's head. "we must go out, and come in as guests," said elizabeth eliza, leading the way to a back door, for guests were already thronging in, and up the front stairs. they passed out by a piazza, through the hedge of hollyhocks, toward the front of the house. through the side windows of the library they could see the company pouring in. the black attendant was showing them upstairs; some were coming down, in doubt whether to enter the parlors, as no one was there. the wide middle entrance hall was lighted brilliantly; so were the parlors on one side and the library on the other. but nobody was there to receive! a flock of guests was assembling,--peasant girls, italian, german, and norman; turks, greeks, persians, fish-wives, brigands, chocolate-women, lady washington, penelope, red riding-hood, joan of arc, nuns, amy robsart, leicester, two or three mary stuarts, neapolitan fisher-boys, pirates of penzance and elsewhere,--all lingering, some on the stairs, some going up, some coming down. charles i. without his head was entering the front door (a short gentleman, with a broad ruff drawn neatly together on top of his own head, which was concealed in his doublet below). three hindu snake-charmers leaped wildly in and out among the throng, flinging about dark, crooked sticks for snakes. there began to be a strange, deserted air about the house. nobody knew what to do, where to go! "can anything have happened to the family?" "have they gone to egypt?" whispered one. no ushers came to show them in. a shudder ran through the whole assembly, the house seemed so uninhabited; and some of the guests were inclined to go away. the peterkins saw it all through the long library-windows. "what shall we do?" said mr. peterkin. "we have said _we_ should be 'at home.'" "and here we are, all out-of-doors among the hollyhocks," said elizabeth eliza. "there are no peterkins to 'receive,'" said mr. peterkin, gloomily. "we might go in and change our costumes," said mrs. peterkin, who already found her elizabethan ruff somewhat stiff; "but, alas! i could not get at my best dress." "the company is filling all the upper rooms," said elizabeth eliza; "we cannot go back." at this moment the little boys returned from the front door, and in a subdued whisper explained that the lady from philadelphia was arriving. "oh, bring her here!" said mrs. peterkin. and solomon john hastened to meet her. she came, to find a strange group half lighted by the chinese lanterns. mr. peterkin, in his white toga, with a green wreath upon his head, came forward to address her in a noble manner, while she was terrified by the appearance of agamemnon's ass's head, half hidden among the leaves. "what shall we do?" exclaimed mr. peterkin. "there are no peterkins; yet we have sent cards to everybody that they are 'at home'!" the lady from philadelphia, who had been allowed to come without costume, considered for a moment. she looked through the windows to the seething mass now crowding the entrance hall. the hindu snake-charmers gambolled about her. "_we_ will receive as the peterkin family!" she exclaimed. she inquired for a cap of mrs. peterkin's, with a purple satin bow, such as she had worn that very morning. amanda was found by a hindu, and sent for it and for a purple cross-over shawl that mrs. peterkin was wont to wear. the daughters of the lady from philadelphia put on some hats of the little boys and their india-rubber boots. hastily they went in through the back door and presented themselves, just as some of the wavering guests had decided to leave the house, it seeming so quiet and sepulchral. the crowd now flocked into the parlors. the peterkins themselves left the hollyhocks and joined the company that was entering; mr. peterkin, as julius cæsar, leading in mrs. peterkin, as queen elizabeth. mrs. peterkin hardly knew what to do, as she passed the parlor door; for one of the osbornes, as sir walter raleigh, flung a velvet cloak before her. she was uncertain whether she ought to step on it, especially as she discovered at that moment that she had forgotten to take off her rubber overshoes, which she had put on to go through the garden. but as she stood hesitating, the lady from philadelphia, as mrs. peterkin, beckoned her forward, and she walked over the ruby velvet as though it were a door-mat. for another surprise stunned her,--there were three mrs. peterkins! not only mrs. bromwick, but their opposite neighbor, had induced amanda to take dresses of mrs. peterkin's from the top of the trunks, and had come in at the same moment with the lady from philadelphia, ready to receive. she stood in the middle of the bow-window at the back of the room, the two others in the corners. ann maria bromwick had the part of elizabeth eliza, and agamemnon too was represented; and there were many sets of "little boys" in india-rubber boots, going in and out with the hindu snake-charmers. mr. peterkin had studied up his latin grammar a little, in preparation for his part of julius cæsar. agamemnon had reminded him that it was unnecessary, as julius cæsar in shakspeare spoke in english. still he now found himself using with wonderful ease latin phrases such as "e pluribus unum," "lapsus linguæ," and "sine qua non," where they seemed to be appropriate. solomon john looked well as othello, although by some he was mistaken for an older snake-charmer, with his brown complexion, glaring white trousers, and white shirt. he wore a white lawn turban that had belonged to his great-grandmother. his part, however, was more understood when he was with elizabeth eliza as desdemona; for they occasionally formed a tableau, in which he pulled the pillow-case completely over her head. agamemnon was greeted with applause as nick bottom. he sang the song of the "ousel cock," but he could not make himself heard. at last he found a "titania" who listened to him. but none of the company attempted to carry out the parts represented by their costumes. charles i. soon conversed with oliver cromwell and with the different mary stuarts, who chatted gayly, as though executions were every-day occurrences. at first there was a little awkwardness. nuns stood as quiet as if in their convent cells, and brave brigands hid themselves behind the doors; but as the different guests began to surprise each other, the sounds of laughter and talking increased. every new-comer was led up to each several mrs. peterkin. then came a great surprise,--a band of music sounded from the piazza. some of the neighbors had sent in the town band, as a farewell tribute. this added to the excitement of the occasion. strains of dance-music were heard, and dancing was begun. sir walter raleigh led out penelope, and red riding-hood without fear took the arm of the fiercest brigand for a round dance. the various groups wandered in and out. elizabeth eliza studied the costumes of her friends, and wished she had tried each one of them. the members of the circumambient society agreed that it would be always well to wear costumes at their meetings. as the principles of the society enforced a sort of uncertainty, if you always went in a different costume you would never have to keep up your own character. elizabeth eliza thought she should enjoy this. she had all her life been troubled with uncertainties and questions as to her own part of "elizabeth eliza," wondering always if she were doing the right thing. it did not seem to her that other people had such a bother. perhaps they had simpler parts. they always seemed to know when to speak and when to be silent, while she was always puzzled as to what she should do as elizabeth eliza. now, behind her pillow-case, she could look on and do nothing; all that was expected of her was to be smothered now and then. she breathed freely and enjoyed herself, because for the evening she could forget the difficult role of elizabeth eliza. mrs. peterkin was bewildered. she thought it a good occasion to study how mrs. peterkin should act; but there were three mrs. peterkins. she found herself gazing first at one, then at another. often she was herself called mrs. peterkin. [illustration: the ass's head proved hot and heavy, and agamemnon was forced to hang it over his arm.] at supper-time the bewilderment increased. she was led in by the earl of leicester, as principal guest. yet it was to her own dining-room, and she recognized her own forks and spoons among the borrowed ones, although the china was different (because their own set was not large enough to go round for so much company). it was all very confusing. the dance-music floated through the air. three mrs. peterkins hovered before her, and two agamemnons; for the ass's head proved hot and heavy, and agamemnon was forced to hang it over his arm as he offered coffee to titania. there seemed to be two elizabeth elizas, for elizabeth eliza had thrown back her pillow-case in order to eat her fruit-ice. mr. peterkin was wondering how julius cæsar would have managed to eat his salad with his fork, before forks were invented, and then he fell into a fit of abstraction, planning to say "vale" to the guests as they left, but anxious that the word should not slip out before the time. eight little boys and three hindu snake-charmers were eating copiously of frozen pudding. two joans of arc were talking to charles i., who had found his head. all things seemed double to mrs. peterkin as they floated before her. "was she eating her own supper or somebody's else? were they peterkins, or were they not?" strains of dance-music sounded from the library. yes, they were giving a fancy ball! the peterkins were "at home" for the last time before leaving for egypt! vi. mrs. peterkin in egypt. the family had taken passage in the new line for bordeaux. they supposed they had; but would they ever reach the vessel in new york? the last moments were terrific. in spite of all their careful arrangements, their planning and packing of the last year, it seemed, after all, as if everything were left for the very last day. there were presents for the family to be packed, six steamer-bags for mrs. peterkin, half a dozen satchels of salts-bottles for elizabeth eliza, apollinaris water, lunch-baskets. all these must be disposed of. on the very last day elizabeth eliza went into boston to buy a bird, as she had been told she would be less likely to be sea-sick if she had a bird in a cage in her stateroom. both she and her mother disliked the singing of caged birds, especially of canaries; but mrs. peterkin argued that they would be less likely to be homesick, as they never had birds at home. after long moments of indecision, elizabeth eliza determined upon two canary-birds, thinking she might let them fly as they approached the shore of portugal, and they would then reach their native islands. this matter detained her till the latest train, so that on her return from boston to their quiet suburban home, she found the whole family assembled in the station, ready to take the through express train to new york. she did not have time, therefore, to go back to the house for her own things. it was now locked up and the key intrusted to the bromwicks; and all the bromwicks and the rest of the neighbors were at the station, ready to bid them good-by. the family had done their best to collect all her scattered bits of baggage; but all through her travels, afterward, she was continually missing something she had left behind, that she would have packed and had intended to bring. they reached new york with half a day on their hands; and during this time agamemnon fell in with some old college friends, who were going with a party to greece to look up the new excavations. they were to leave the next day in a steamer for gibraltar. agamemnon felt that here was the place for him, and hastened to consult his family. perhaps he could persuade them to change their plans and take passage with the party for gibraltar. but he reached the pier just as the steamer for bordeaux was leaving the shore. he was too late, and was left behind! too late to consult them, too late even to join them! he examined his map, however,--one of his latest purchases, which he carried in his pocket,--and consoled himself with the fact that on reaching gibraltar he could soon communicate with his family at bordeaux, and he was easily reconciled to his fate. it was not till the family landed at bordeaux that they discovered the absence of agamemnon. every day there had been some of the family unable to come on deck,--sea-sick below. mrs. peterkin never left her berth, and constantly sent messages to the others to follow her example, as she was afraid some one of them would be lost overboard. those who were on deck from time to time were always different ones, and the passage was remarkably quick; while, from the tossing of the ship, as they met rough weather, they were all too miserable to compare notes or count their numbers. elizabeth eliza especially had been exhausted by the voyage. she had not been many days seasick, but the incessant singing of the birds had deprived her of sleep. then the necessity of talking french had been a great tax upon her. the other passengers were mostly french, and the rest of the family constantly appealed to her to interpret their wants, and explain them to the _garçon_ once every day at dinner. she felt as if she never wished to speak another word in french; and the necessity of being interpreter at the hotel at bordeaux, on their arrival, seemed almost too much for her. she had even forgotten to let her canary-birds fly when off shore in the bay of biscay, and they were still with her, singing incessantly, as if they were rejoicing over an approach to their native shores. she thought now she must keep them till their return, which they were already planning. the little boys, indeed, would like to have gone back on the return trip of the steamer. a son of the steward told them that the return cargo consisted of dried fruits and raisins; that every stateroom, except those occupied with passengers, would be filled with boxes of raisins and jars of grapes; that these often broke open in the passage, giving a great opportunity for boys. but the family held to their egypt plan, and were cheered by making the acquaintance of an english party. at the _table d'hôte_ elizabeth eliza by chance dropped her fork into her neighbor's lap. she apologized in french; her neighbor answered in the same language, which elizabeth eliza understood so well that she concluded she had at last met with a true parisian, and ventured on more conversation, when suddenly they both found they were talking in english, and elizabeth eliza exclaimed, "i am so glad to meet an american," at the moment that her companion was saying, "then you are an englishwoman!" from this moment elizabeth eliza was at ease, and indeed both parties were mutually pleased. elizabeth eliza's new friend was one of a large party, and she was delighted to find that they too were planning a winter in egypt. they were waiting till a friend should have completed her "cure" at pau, and the peterkins were glad also to wait for the appearance of agamemnon, who might arrive in the next steamer. one of the little boys was sure he had heard agamemnon's voice the morning after they left new york, and was certain he must have been on board the vessel. mr. peterkin was not so sure. he now remembered that agamemnon had not been at the dinner-table the very first evening; but then neither mrs. peterkin nor solomon john was able to be present, as the vessel was tossing in a most uncomfortable manner, and nothing but dinner could have kept the little boys at table. solomon john knew that agamemnon had not been in his own stateroom during the passage, but he himself had seldom left it, and it had been always planned that agamemnon should share that of a fellow-passenger. however this might be, it would be best to leave marseilles with the english party by the "p. & o." steamer. this was one of the english "peninsular and oriental" line, that left marseilles for alexandria, egypt, and made a return trip directly to southampton, england. mr. peterkin thought it might be advisable to take "go-and-return" tickets, coming back to southampton; and mrs. peterkin liked the idea of no change of baggage, though she dreaded the longer voyage. elizabeth eliza approved of this return trip in the p. & o. steamer, and decided it would give a good opportunity to dispose of her canary-birds on her return. the family therefore consoled themselves at marseilles with the belief that agamemnon would appear somehow. if not, mr. peterkin thought he could telegraph him from marseilles, if he only knew where to telegraph to. but at marseilles there was great confusion at the hôtel de noailles; for the english party met other friends, who persuaded them to take route together by brindisi. elizabeth eliza was anxious to continue with her new english friend, and solomon john was delighted with the idea of passing through the whole length of italy. but the sight of the long journey, as she saw it on the map in the guide-book, terrified mrs. peterkin. and mr. peterkin had taken their tickets for the marseilles line. elizabeth eliza still dwelt upon the charm of crossing under the alps, while this very idea alarmed mrs. peterkin. on the last morning the matter was still undecided. on leaving the hotel, it was necessary for the party to divide and take two omnibuses. mr. and mrs. peterkin reached the steamer at the moment of departure, and suddenly mrs. peterkin found they were leaving the shore. as they crossed the broad gangway to reach the deck, she had not noticed they had left the pier; indeed, she had supposed that the steamer was one she saw out in the offing, and that they would be obliged to take a boat to reach it. she hurried from the group of travellers whom she had followed to find mr. peterkin reading from his guide-book to the little boys an explanation that they were passing the château d'if, from which the celebrated historical character the count of monte cristo had escaped by flinging himself into the sea. "where is elizabeth eliza? where is solomon john?" mrs. peterkin exclaimed, seizing mr. peterkin's arm. where indeed? there was a pile of the hand-baggage of the family, but not that of elizabeth eliza, not even the bird-cage. "it was on the top of the other omnibus," exclaimed mrs. peterkin. yes, one of the little boys had seen it on the pavement of the court-yard of the hotel, and had carried it to the omnibus in which elizabeth eliza was sitting. he had seen her through the window. "where is that other omnibus?" exclaimed mrs. peterkin, looking vaguely over the deck, as they were fast retreating from the shore. "ask somebody what became of that other omnibus!" she exclaimed. "perhaps they have gone with the english people," suggested mr. peterkin; but he went to the officers of the boat, and attempted to explain in french that one half of his family had been left behind. he was relieved to find that the officers could understand his french, though they did not talk english. they declared, however, it was utterly impossible to turn back. they were already two minutes and a half behind time on account of waiting for a party who had been very long in crossing the gangway. mr. peterkin returned gloomily with the little boys to mrs. peterkin. "we cannot go back," he said, "we must content ourselves with going on; but i conclude we can telegraph from malta. we can send a message to elizabeth eliza and solomon john, telling them that they can take the next marseilles p. & o. steamer in ten days, or that they can go back to southampton for the next boat, which leaves at the end of this week. and elizabeth eliza may decide upon this," mr. peterkin concluded, "on account of passing so near the canary isles." "she will be glad to be rid of the birds," said mrs. peterkin, calming herself. these anxieties, however, were swallowed up in new trials. mrs. peterkin found that she must share her cabin (she found it was called "cabin," and not "stateroom," which bothered her and made her feel like robinson crusoe),--her cabin she must share with some strange ladies, while mr. peterkin and the little boys were carried to another part of the ship. mrs. peterkin remonstrated, delighted to find that her english was understood, though it was not listened to. it was explained to her that every family was divided in this way, and that she would meet mr. peterkin and the little boys at meal-times in the large _salon_--on which all the cabins opened--and on deck; and she was obliged to content herself with this. whenever they met their time was spent in concocting a form of telegram to send from malta. it would be difficult to bring it into the required number of words, as it would be necessary to suggest three different plans to elizabeth eliza and solomon john. besides the two they had already discussed, there was to be considered the possibility of their having joined the english party. but mrs. peterkin was sure they must have gone back first to the hôtel de noailles, to which they could address their telegram. she found, meanwhile, the ladies in her cabin very kind and agreeable. they were mothers returning to india, who had been home to england to leave their children, as they were afraid to expose them longer to the climate of india. mrs. peterkin could have sympathetic talks with them over their family photographs. mrs. peterkin's family-book was, alas! in elizabeth eliza's hand-bag. it contained the family photographs, from early childhood upward, and was a large volume, representing the children at every age. at malta, as he supposed, mr. peterkin and the little boys landed, in order to send their telegram. indeed, all of the gentlemen among the passengers, and some of the ladies, gladly went on shore to visit the points of interest that could be seen in the time allotted. the steamer was to take in coal, and would not leave till early the next morning. mrs. peterkin did not accompany them. she still had her fears about leaving the ship and returning to it, although it had been so quietly accomplished at marseilles. the party returned late at night, after mrs. peterkin had gone to her cabin. the next morning, she found the ship was in motion, but she did not find mr. peterkin and the little boys at the breakfast-table as usual. she was told that the party who went on shore had all been to the opera, and had returned at a late hour to the steamer, and would naturally be late at breakfast. mrs. peterkin went on deck to await them, and look for malta as it seemed to retreat in the distance. but the day passed on, and neither mr. peterkin nor either of the little boys appeared! she tried to calm herself with the thought that they must need sleep; but all the rest of the passengers appeared, relating their different adventures. at last she sent the steward to inquire for them. he came back with one of the officers of the boat, much disturbed, to say that they could not be found; they must have been left behind. there was great excitement, and deep interest expressed for mrs. peterkin. one of the officers was very surly, and declared he could not be responsible for the inanity of passengers. another was more courteous. mrs. peterkin asked if they could not go back,--if, at least, she could not be put back. he explained how this would be impossible, but that the company would telegraph when they reached alexandria. mrs. peterkin calmed herself as well as she could, though indeed she was bewildered by her position. she was to land in alexandria alone, and the landing she was told would be especially difficult. the steamer would not be able to approach the shore; the passengers would go down the sides of the ship, and be lifted off the steps, by arabs, into a felucca (whatever that was) below. she shuddered at the prospect. it was darker than her gloomiest fancies had pictured. would it not be better to remain in the ship, go back to southampton, perhaps meet elizabeth eliza there, picking up mr. peterkin at malta on the way? but at this moment she discovered that she was not on a "p. & o." steamer,--it was a french steamer of the "messagerie" line; they had stopped at messina, and not at malta. she could not go back to southampton, so she was told by an english colonel on his way to india. he indeed was very courteous, and advised her to "go to an hotel" at alexandria with some of the ladies, and send her telegrams from there. to whom, however, would she wish to send a telegram? "who is mr. peterkin's banker?" asked the colonel. alas! mrs. peterkin did not know. he had at first selected a banker in london, but had afterward changed his mind and talked of a banker in paris; and she was not sure what was his final decision. she had known the name of the london banker, but had forgotten it, because she had written it down, and she never did remember the things she wrote down in her book. that was her old memorandum-book, and she had left it at home because she had brought a new one for her travels. she was sorry now she had not kept the old book. this, however, was not of so much importance, as it did not contain the name of the paris banker; and this she had never heard. "elizabeth eliza would know;" but how could she reach elizabeth eliza? some one asked if there were not some friend in america to whom she could appeal, if she did not object to using the ocean telegraph. "there is a friend in america," said mrs. peterkin, "to whom we all of us do go for advice, and who always does help us. she lives in philadelphia." "why not telegraph to her for advice?" asked her friends. mrs. peterkin gladly agreed that it would be the best plan. the expense of the cablegram would be nothing in comparison with the assistance the answer would bring. her new friends then invited her to accompany them to their hotel in alexandria, from which she could send her despatch. the thought of thus being able to reach her hand across the sea to the lady from philadelphia gave mrs. peterkin fresh courage,--courage even to make the landing. as she descended the side of the ship and was guided down the steps, she closed her eyes that she might not see herself lifted into the many-oared boat by the wild-looking arabs, of whom she had caught a glimpse from above. but she could not close her ears; and as they approached the shore, strange sounds almost deafened her. she closed her eyes again, as she was lifted from the boat and heard the wild yells and shrieks around her. there was a clashing of brass, a jingling of bells, and the screams grew more and more terrific. if she did open her eyes, she saw wild figures gesticulating, dark faces, gay costumes, crowds of men and boys, donkeys, horses, even camels, in the distance. she closed her eyes once more as she was again lifted. should she now find herself on the back of one of those high camels? perhaps for this she came to egypt. but when she looked round again, she found she was leaning back in a comfortable open carriage, with a bottle of salts at her nose. she was in the midst of a strange whirl of excitement; but all the party were bewildered, and she had scarcely recovered her composure when they reached the hotel. here a comfortable meal and rest somewhat restored them. by the next day a messenger from the boat brought her the return telegram from messina. mr. peterkin and family, left behind by the "messagerie" steamer, had embarked the next day by steamer, probably for naples. more anxious than ever was mrs. peterkin to send her despatch. it was too late the day of their arrival; but at an early hour next day it was sent, and after a day had elapsed, the answer came:-- "all meet at the sphinx." everything now seemed plain. the words were few but clear. her english friends were going directly to cairo, and she accompanied them. after reaching cairo, the whole party were obliged to rest awhile. they would indeed go with mrs. peterkin on her first visit to the sphinx, as to see the sphinx and ascend the pyramid formed part of their programme. but many delays occurred to detain them, and mrs. peterkin had resolved to carry out completely the advice of the telegram. she would sit every day before the sphinx. she found that as yet there was no hotel exactly in front of the sphinx, nor indeed on that side of the river, and she would be obliged to make the excursion of nine miles there and nine miles back, each day. but there would always be a party of travellers whom she could accompany. each day she grew more and more accustomed to the bewildering sights and sounds about her, and more and more willing to intrust herself to the dark-colored guides. at last, chafing at so many delays, she decided to make the expedition without her new friends. she had made some experiments in riding upon a donkey, and found she was seldom thrown, and could not be hurt by the slight fall. and so, one day, mrs. peterkin sat alone in front of the sphinx,--alone, as far as her own family and friends were concerned, and yet not alone indeed. a large crowd of guides sat around this strange lady who proposed to spend the day in front of the sphinx. clad in long white robes, with white turbans crowning their dark faces, they gazed into her eyes with something of the questioning expression with which she herself was looking into the eyes of the sphinx. there were other travellers wandering about. just now her own party had collected to eat their lunch together; but they were scattered again, and she sat with a circle of arabs about her, the watchful dragoman lingering near. somehow the eastern languor must have stolen upon her, or she could not have sat so calmly, not knowing where a single member of her family was at that moment. and she had dreaded egypt so; had feared separation; had even been a little afraid of the sphinx, upon which she was now looking as at a protecting angel. but they all were to meet at the sphinx! if only she could have seen where the different members of the family were at that moment, she could not have sat so quietly. she little knew that a tall form, not far away (following some guides down into the lower halls of a lately excavated temple), with a blue veil wrapped about a face shielded with smoke-colored spectacles, was that of elizabeth eliza herself, from whom she had been separated two weeks before. she little knew that at this moment solomon john was standing looking over the edge of the matterhorn, wishing he had not come up so high. but such a gay young party had set off that morning from the hotel that he had supposed it an easy thing to join them; and now he would fain go back, but was tied to the rest of his party with their guide preceding them, and he must keep on and crawl up behind them, still farther, on hands and knees. agamemnon was at mycenæ, looking down into an open pit. two of the little boys were roasting eggs in the crater of mount vesuvius. and she would have seen mr. peterkin comfortably reclining in a gondola, with one of the little boys, in front of the palaces of venice. but none of this she saw; she only looked into the eyes of the sphinx. vii. mrs. peterkin faints on the great pyramid. "meet at the sphinx!" yes; these were the words that the lady from philadelphia had sent in answer to the several telegrams that had reached her from each member of the peterkin family. she had received these messages while staying in a remote country town, but she could communicate with the cable line by means of the telegraph office at a railway station. the intelligent operator, seeing the same date affixed at the close of each message, "took in," as she afterward expressed it, that it was the date of the day on which the message was sent; and as this was always prefixed to every despatch, she did not add it to the several messages. she afterward expressed herself as sorry for the mistake, and declared it should not occur another time. elizabeth eliza was the first at the appointed spot, as her route had been somewhat shorter than the one her mother had taken. a wild joy had seized her when she landed in egypt, and saw the frequent and happy use of the donkey as a beast of travel. she had never ventured to ride at home, and had always shuddered at the daring of the women who rode at the circuses, and closed her eyes at their performances. but as soon as she saw the little egyptian donkeys, a mania for riding possessed her. she was so tall that she could scarcely, under any circumstances, fall from them, while she could mount them with as much ease as she could the arm of the sofa at home, and most of the animals seemed as harmless. it is true, the donkey-boys gave her the wrong word to use when she might wish to check the pace of her donkey, and mischievously taught her to avoid the soothing phrase of _beschwesch_, giving her instead one that should goad the beast she rode to its highest speed; but elizabeth eliza was so delighted with the quick pace that she was continually urging her donkey onward, to the surprise and delight of each fresh attendant donkey-boy. he would run at a swift pace after her, stopping sometimes to pick up a loose slipper, if it were shuffled off from his foot in his quick run, but always bringing up even in the end. elizabeth eliza's party had made a quick journey by the route from brindisi, and proceeding directly to cairo, had stopped at a small french hotel not very far from mrs. peterkin and her party. every morning at an early hour elizabeth eliza made her visit to the sphinx, arriving there always the first one of her own party, and spending the rest of the day in explorations about the neighborhood. [illustration: every morning at an early hour elizabeth eliza made her visit to the sphinx.] mrs. peterkin, meanwhile, set out each day at a later hour, arriving in time to take her noon lunch in front of the sphinx, after which she indulged in a comfortable nap and returned to the hotel before sunset. a week--indeed, ten days--passed in this way. one morning, mrs. peterkin and her party had taken the ferry-boat to cross the nile. as they were leaving the boat on the other side, in the usual crowd, mrs. peterkin's attention was arrested by a familiar voice. she turned, to see a tall young man who, though he wore a red fez upon his head and a scarlet wrap around his neck, certainly resembled agamemnon. but this agamemnon was talking greek, with gesticulations. she was so excited that she turned to follow him through the crowd, thus separating herself from the rest of her party. at once she found herself surrounded by a mob of arabs, in every kind of costume, all screaming and yelling in the manner to which she was becoming accustomed. poor mrs. peterkin plaintively protested in english, exclaiming, "i should prefer a donkey!" but the arabs could not understand her strange words. they had, however, struck the ear of the young man in the red fez whom she had been following. he turned, and she gazed at him. it was agamemnon! he, meanwhile, was separated from his party, and hardly knew how to grapple with the urgent arabs. his recently acquired greek did not assist him, and he was advising his mother to yield and mount one of the steeds, while he followed on another, when, happily, the dragoman of her party appeared. he administered a volley of rebukes to the persistent arabs, and bore mrs. peterkin to her donkey. she was thus carried away from agamemnon, who was also mounted upon a donkey by his companions. but their destination was the same; and though they could hold no conversation on the way, agamemnon could join his mother as they approached the sphinx. but he and his party were to ascend the pyramid before going on to the sphinx, and he advised his mother to do the same. he explained that it was a perfectly easy thing to do. you had only to lift one of your feet up quite high, as though you were going to step on the mantelpiece, and an arab on each side would lift you to the next step. mrs. peterkin was sure she could not step up on their mantelpieces at home. she never had done it,--she never had even tried to. but agamemnon reminded her that those in their own house were very high,--"old colonial;" and meanwhile she found herself carried along with the rest of the party. at first the ascent was delightful to her. it seemed as if she were flying. the powerful nubian guides, one on each side, lifted her jauntily up, without her being conscious of motion. having seen them daily for some time past, she was now not much afraid of these handsome athletes, with their polished black skins, set off by dazzling white garments. she called out to agamemnon, who had preceded her, that it was charming; she was not at all afraid. every now and then she stopped to rest on the broad cornice made by each retreating step. suddenly, when she was about half-way up, as she leaned back against the step above, she found herself panting and exhausted. a strange faintness came over her. she was looking off over a beautiful scene: through the wide libyan desert the blue nile wound between borders of green edging, while the picturesque minarets of cairo, on the opposite side of the river, and the sand in the distance beyond, gleamed with a red and yellow light beneath the rays of the noonday sun. but the picture danced and wavered before her dizzy sight. she sat there alone; for agamemnon and the rest had passed on, thinking she was stopping to rest. she seemed deserted, save by the speechless black statues, one on either side, who, as she seemed to be fainting before their eyes, were looking at her in some anxiety. she saw dimly these wild men gazing at her. she thought of mungo park, dying with the african women singing about him. how little she had ever dreamed, when she read that account in her youth, and gazed at the savage african faces in the picture, that she might be left to die in the same way alone, in a strange land--and on the side of a pyramid! her guides were kindly. one of them took her shawl to wrap about her, as she seemed to be shivering; and as a party coming down from the top had a jar of water, one of her nubians moistened a handkerchief with water and laid it upon her head. mrs. peterkin had closed her eyes, but she opened them again, to see the black figures in their white draperies still standing by her. the travellers coming down paused a few minutes to wonder and give counsel, then passed on, to make way for another party following them. again mrs. peterkin closed her eyes, but once more opened them at hearing a well-known shout,--such a shout as only one of the peterkin family could give,--one of the little boys! yes, he stood before her, and agamemnon was behind; they had met on top of the pyramid. the sight was indeed a welcome one to mrs. peterkin, and revived her so that she even began to ask questions: "where had he come from? where were the other little boys? where was mr. peterkin?" no one could tell where the other little boys were. and the sloping side of the pyramid, with a fresh party waiting to pass up and the guides eager to go down, was not just the place to explain the long, confused story. all that mrs. peterkin could understand was that mr. peterkin was now, probably, inside the pyramid, beneath her very feet! agamemnon had found this solitary "little boy" on top of the pyramid, accompanied by a guide and one of the party that he and his father had joined on leaving venice. at the foot of the pyramid there had been some dispute in the party as to whether they should first go up the pyramid, or down inside, and in the altercation the party was divided; the little boy had been sure that his father meant to go up first, and so he had joined the guide who went up. but where was mr. peterkin? probably in the innermost depths of the pyramid below. as soon as mrs. peterkin understood this, she was eager to go down, in spite of her late faintness; even to tumble down would help her to meet mr. peterkin the sooner. she was lifted from stone to stone by the careful nubians. agamemnon had already emptied his pocket of coins, in supplying backsheesh to his guide, and all were anxious to reach the foot of the pyramid and find the dragoman, who could answer the demands of the others. breathless as she was, as soon as she had descended, mrs. peterkin was anxious to make for the entrance to the inside. before, she had declared that nothing would induce her to go into the pyramid. she was afraid of being lost in its stairways and shut up forever as a mummy. but now she forgot all her terrors; she must find mr. peterkin at once! she was the first to plunge down the narrow stairway after the guide, and was grateful to find the steps so easy to descend. but they presently came out into a large, open room, where no stairway was to be seen. on the contrary, she was invited to mount the shoulders of a burly nubian, to reach a large hole half-way up the side-wall (higher than any mantelpiece), and to crawl through this hole along the passage till she should reach another stairway. mrs. peterkin paused. could she trust these men? was not this a snare to entice her into one of these narrow passages? agamemnon was far behind. could mr. peterkin have ventured into this treacherous place? at this moment a head appeared through the opening above, followed by a body. it was that of one of the native guides. voices were heard coming through the passage: one voice had a twang to it that surely mrs. peterkin had heard before. another head appeared now, bound with a blue veil, while the eyes were hidden by green goggles. yet mrs. peterkin could not be mistaken,--it was--yes, it was the head of elizabeth eliza! it seemed as though that were all, it was so difficult to bring forward any more of her. mrs. peterkin was screaming from below, asking if it were indeed elizabeth eliza, while excitement at recognizing her mother made it more difficult for elizabeth eliza to extricate herself. but travellers below and behind urged her on, and with the assistance of the guides, she pushed forward and almost fell into the arms of her mother. mrs. peterkin was wild with joy as agamemnon and his brother joined them. "but mr. peterkin!" at last exclaimed their mother. "did you see anything of your father?" "he is behind," said elizabeth eliza. "i was looking for the body of chufu, the founder of the pyramid,--for i have longed to be the discoverer of his mummy,--and i found instead--my father!" mrs. peterkin looked up, and at that moment saw mr. peterkin emerging from the passage above. he was carefully planting one foot on the shoulder of a stalwart nubian guide. he was very red in the face, from recent exertion, but he was indeed mr. peterkin. on hearing the cry of mrs. peterkin, he tottered, and would have fallen but for the support of the faithful guide. the narrow place was scarcely large enough to hold their joy. mrs. peterkin was ready to faint again with her great excitement. she wanted to know what had become of the other little boys, and if mr. peterkin had heard from solomon john. but the small space was becoming more and more crowded. the dragomans from the different parties with which the peterkins were connected came to announce their several luncheons, and insisted upon their leaving the pyramid. mrs. peterkin's dragoman wanted her to go on directly to the sphinx, and she still clung to the belief that only then would there be a complete reunion of the family. yet she could not separate herself from the rest. they could not let her go, and they were all hungry, and she herself felt the need of food. but with the confusion of so many luncheons, and so much explanation to be gone through with, it was difficult to get an answer to her questions. elizabeth and her father were involved in a discussion as to whether they should have met if he had not gone into the queen's chamber in the pyramid. for if he had not gone to the queen's chamber he would have left the inside of the pyramid before mrs. peterkin reached it, and would have missed her, as he was too fatigued to make the ascent. and elizabeth eliza, if she had not met her father, had planned going back to the king's chamber in another search for the body of chufu, in which case she would have been too late to meet her mother. mrs. peterkin was not much interested in this discussion; it was enough that they had met. but she could not get answers to what she considered more important questions; while elizabeth eliza, though delighted to meet again her father and mother and brothers, and though interested in the fate of the missing ones, was absorbed in the egyptian question; and the mingling of all their interests made satisfactory intercourse impracticable. where was solomon john? what had become of the body of chufu? had solomon john been telegraphed to? when had elizabeth eliza seen him last? was he chufu or shufu, and why cheops? and where were the other little boys? mr. peterkin attempted to explain that he had taken a steamer from messina to the south of italy, and a southern route to brindisi. by mistake he had taken the steamer from alexandria, on its way to venice, instead of the one that was leaving brindisi for alexandria at the same hour. indeed, just as he had discovered his mistake, and had seen the other boat steaming off by his side in the other direction, too late he fancied he saw the form of elizabeth eliza on deck, leaning over the taffrail (if it was a taffrail). it was a tall lady, with a blue veil wound around her hat. was it possible? could he have been in time to reach elizabeth eliza? his explanation only served to increase the number of questions. mrs. peterkin had many more. how had agamemnon reached them? had he come to bordeaux with them? but agamemnon and elizabeth eliza were now discussing with others the number of feet that the great pyramid measured. the remaining members of all the parties, too, whose hunger and thirst were now fully satisfied, were ready to proceed to the sphinx, which only mrs. peterkin and elizabeth eliza had visited. side by side on their donkeys, mrs. peterkin attempted to learn something from mr. peterkin about the other little boys. but his donkey proved restive: now it bore him on in swift flight from mrs. peterkin; now it would linger behind. his words were jerked out only at intervals. all that could be said was that they were separated; the little boys wanted to go to vesuvius, but mr. peterkin felt they must hurry to brindisi. at a station where the two trains parted--one for naples, the other for brindisi--he found suddenly, too late, that they were not with him; they must have gone on to naples. but where were they now? viii. the last of the peterkins. the expedition up the nile had taken place successfully. the peterkin family had reached cairo again,--at least, its scattered remnant was there, and they were now to consider what next. mrs. peterkin would like to spend her life in the dahabieh,[ ] though she could not pronounce its name, and she still felt the strangeness of the scenes about her. however, she had only to look out upon the mud villages on the bank to see that she was in the veritable "africa" she had seen pictured in the geography of her childhood. if further corroboration were required, had she not, only the day before, when accompanied by no one but a little donkey-boy, shuddered to meet a strange nubian, attired principally in hair that stood out from his savage face in frizzes at least half a yard long? [footnote : a boat used for transportation on the nile.] but oh the comforts of no trouble in housekeeping on board the dahabieh! never to know what they were to have for dinner, nor to be asked what they would like, and yet always to have a dinner you could ask chance friends to, knowing all would be perfectly served! some of the party with whom they had engaged their dahabieh had even brought canned baked beans from new england, which seemed to make their happiness complete. "though we see beans here," said mrs. peterkin, "they are not 'boston beans'!" she had fancied she would have to live on stuffed ostrich (ostrich stuffed with iron filings, that the books tell of), or fried hippopotamus, or boiled rhinoceros. but she met with none of these, and day after day was rejoiced to find her native turkey appearing on the table, with pigeons and chickens (though the chickens, to be sure, were scarcely larger than the pigeons), and lamb that was really not more tough than that of new hampshire and the white mountains. if they dined with the arabs, there was indeed a kind of dark molasses-gingerbread-looking cake, with curds in it, that she found it hard to eat. "but _they_ like it," she said complacently. the remaining little boy, too, smiled over his pile of ripe bananas, as he thought of the quarter-of-a-dollar-a-half-dozen green ones at that moment waiting at the corners of the streets at home. indeed, it was a land for boys. there were the dates, both fresh and dried,--far more juicy than those learned at school; and there was the gingerbread-nut tree, the dôm palm, that bore a nut tasting "like baker's gingerbread that has been kept a few days in the shop," as the remaining little boy remarked. and he wished for his brothers when the live dinner came on board their boat, at the stopping-places, in the form of good-sized sheep struggling on the shoulders of stout arabs, or an armful of live hens and pigeons. all the family (or as much of it as was present) agreed with mrs. peterkin's views. amanda at home had seemed quite a blessing, but at this distance her services, compared with the attentions of their maltese dragoman and the devotion of their arab servants, seemed of doubtful value, and even mrs. peterkin dreaded returning to her tender mercies. "just imagine inviting the russian count to dinner at home--and amanda!" exclaimed elizabeth eliza. "and he came to dinner at least three times a week on board the boat," said the remaining little boy. "the arabs are so convenient about carrying one's umbrellas and shawls," said elizabeth eliza. "how i should miss hassan in picking up my blue veil!" the family recalled many anecdotes of the shortcomings of amanda, as mrs. peterkin leaned back upon her divan and wafted a fly-whisk. mr. peterkin had expended large sums in telegrams from every point where he found the telegraph in operation; but there was no reply from solomon john, and none from the two little boys. by a succession of telegrams they had learned that no one had fallen into the crater of vesuvius in the course of the last six months, not even a little boy. this was consoling. by letters from the lady from philadelphia, they learned that she had received solomon john's telegram from geneva at the time she heard from the rest of the family, and one signed "l. boys" from naples. but neither of these telegrams gave an address for return answers, which she had, however, sent to geneva and naples, with the fatal omission by the operator (as she afterward learned) of the date, as in the other telegrams. mrs. peterkin therefore disliked to be long away from the sphinx, and their excursion up the nile had been shortened on this account. all the nubian guides near the pyramids had been furnished with additional backsheesh and elaborate explanations from mr. peterkin as to how they should send him information if solomon john and the little boys should turn up at the sphinx,--for all the family agreed they would probably appear in egypt together. mrs. peterkin regretted not having any photographs to leave with the guides; but elizabeth eliza, alas! had lost at brindisi the hand-bag that contained the family photograph-book. mrs. peterkin would have liked to take up her residence near the sphinx for the rest of the year. but every one warned her that the heat of an egyptian summer would not allow her to stay at cairo,--scarcely even on the sea-shore, at alexandria. how thankful was mrs. peterkin, a few months after, when the war in egypt broke out, that her wishes had not been yielded to! for many nights she could not sleep, picturing how they all might have been massacred by the terrible mob in alexandria. intelligence of solomon john led them to take their departure. one day, they were discussing at the _table d'hôte_ their letters from the lady from philadelphia, and how they showed that solomon john had been at geneva. "ah, there was his mistake!" said elizabeth eliza. "the doolittles left marseilles with us, and were to branch off for geneva, and we kept on to genoa, and solomon john was always mistaking genoa for geneva, as we planned our route. i remember there was a great confusion when they got off." "i always mix up geneva and genoa," said mrs. peterkin. "i feel as if they were the same." "they are quite different," said elizabeth eliza; "and genoa lay in our route, while geneva took him into switzerland." an english gentleman, on the opposite side of the table, then spoke to mr. peterkin. "i beg pardon," he said. "i think i met one of your name in athens. he attracted our attention because he went every day to the same spot, and he told us he expected to meet his family there,--that he had an appointment by telegraph--" "in athens!" exclaimed mrs. peterkin. "was his name solomon john?" asked elizabeth eliza. "were there two little boys?" inquired mrs. peterkin. "his initials were the same as mine," replied the englishman,--"s.j.p.,--for some of his luggage came by mistake into my room, and that is why i spoke of it." "is there a sphinx in athens?" mrs. peterkin inquired. "there used to be one there," said agamemnon. "i beg your pardon," said the englishman, "but that sphinx never was in athens." "but solomon john may have made the mistake,--we all make our mistakes," said mrs. peterkin, tying her bonnet-strings, as if ready to go to meet solomon john at that moment. "the sphinx was at thebes in the days of oedipus," said the englishman. "no one would expect to find it anywhere in greece at the present day." "but was solomon john inquiring for it?" asked mr. peterkin. "indeed, no!" answered the englishman; "he went every day to the pnyx, a famous hill in athens, where his telegram had warned him he should meet his friends." "the pnyx!" exclaimed mr. peterkin; "and how do you spell it?" "p-n-y-x!" cried agamemnon,--"the same letters as in sphinx!" "all but the _s_ and the _h_ and the _y_" said elizabeth eliza. "i often spell sphinx with a _y_ myself," said mr. peterkin. "and a telegraph-operator makes such mistakes!" said agamemnon. "his telegram had been forwarded to him from switzerland," said the englishman; "it had followed him into the dolomite region, and must have been translated many timed." "and of course they could not all have been expected to keep the letters in the right order," said elizabeth eliza. "and were there two little boys with him?" repeated mrs. peterkin. no; there were no little boys. but further inquiries satisfied the family that solomon john must be awaiting them in athens. and how natural the mistake! mrs. peterkin said that if she had known of a pnyx, she should surely have looked for the family there. should they then meet solomon john at the pnyx, or summon him to egypt? it seemed safer to go directly to athens, especially as mr. peterkin and agamemnon were anxious to visit that city. it was found that a steamer would leave alexandria next day for athens, by way of smyrna and constantinople. this was a roundabout course; but mr. peterkin was impatient to leave, and was glad to gain more acquaintance with the world. meanwhile they could telegraph their plans to solomon john, as the english gentleman could give them the address of his hotel. and mrs. peterkin did not now shrink from another voyage. her experience on the nile had made her forget her sufferings in crossing the atlantic, and she no longer dreaded entering another steamboat. their delight in river navigation, indeed, had been so great that the whole family had listened with interest to the descriptions given by their russian fellow-traveller of steamboat navigation on the volga--"the most beautiful river in the world," as he declared. elizabeth eliza and mr. peterkin were eager to try it, and agamemnon remarked that such a trip would give them an opportunity to visit the renowned fair at nijninovgorod. even mrs. peterkin had consented to this expedition, provided they should meet solomon john and the other little boys. she started, therefore, on a fresh voyage without any dread, forgetting that the mediterranean, if not so wide as the atlantic, is still a sea, and often as tempestuous and uncomfortably "choppy." alas! she was soon to be awakened from her forgetfulness: the sea was the same old enemy. as they passed up among the ionian isles, and she heard agamemnon and elizabeth eliza and their russian friend (who was accompanying them to constantinople) talking of the old gods of greece, she fancied that they were living still, and that neptune and the classic waves were wreaking their vengeance on them, and pounding and punishing them for venturing to rule them with steam. she was fairly terrified. as they entered smyrna she declared she would never enter any kind of a boat again, and that mr. peterkin must find some way by which they could reach home by land. how delightful it was to draw near the shore, on a calm afternoon,--even to trust herself to the charge of the boatmen in leaving the ship, and to reach land once more and meet the tumult of voices and people! here were the screaming and shouting usual in the east, and the same bright array of turbans and costumes in the crowd awaiting them. but a well-known voice reached them, and from the crowd rose a well-known face. even before they reached the land they had recognized its owner. with his american dress, he looked almost foreign in contrast to the otherwise universal eastern color. a tall figure on either side seemed, also, each to have a familiar air. were there three solomon johns? no; it was solomon john and the two other little boys--but grown so that they were no longer little boys. even mrs. peterkin was unable to recognize them at first. but the tones of their voices, their ways, were as natural as ever. each had a banana in his hand, and pockets stuffed with oranges. questions and answers interrupted each other in a most confusing manner:-- "are you the little boys?" "where have you been?" "did you go to vesuvius?" "how did you get away?" "why didn't you come sooner?" "our india-rubber boots stuck in the hot lava." "have you been there all this time?" "no; we left them there." "have you had fresh dates?" "they are all gone now, but the dried ones are better than those squeezed ones we have at home." "how you have grown!" "why didn't you telegraph?" "why did you go to vesuvius, when papa said he couldn't?" "did you, too, think it was pnyx?" "where have you been all winter?" "did you roast eggs in the crater?" "when did you begin to grow?" the little boys could not yet thoroughly explain themselves; they always talked together and in foreign languages, interrupting each other, and never agreeing as to dates. solomon john accounted for his appearance in smyrna by explaining that when he received his father's telegram in athens, he decided to meet them at smyrna. he was tired of waiting at the pnyx. he had but just landed, and came near missing his family, and the little boys too, who had reached athens just as he was leaving it. none of the family wished now to continue their journey to athens, but they had the advice and assistance of their russian friend in planning to leave the steamer at constantinople; they would, by adopting this plan, be _en route_ for the proposed excursion to the volga. mrs. peterkin was overwhelmed with joy at having all her family together once more; but with it a wave of homesickness surged over her. they were all together; why not go home? it was found that there was a sailing-vessel bound absolutely for maine, in which they might take passage. no more separation; no more mistakes; no more tedious study of guide-books; no more weighing of baggage. every trunk and bag, every peterkin, could be placed in the boat, and safely landed on the shores of home. it was a temptation, and at one time mrs. peterkin actually pleaded for it. but there came a throbbing in her head, a swimming in her eyes, a swaying of the very floor of the hotel. could she bear it, day after day, week after week? would any of them be alive? and constantinople not seen, nor steam-navigation on the volga! and so new plans arose, and wonderful discoveries were made, and the future of the peterkin family was changed forever. in the first place a strange stout gentleman in spectacles had followed the peterkin family to the hotel, had joined in the family councils, and had rendered valuable service in negotiating with the officers of the steamer for the cancellation of their through tickets to athens. he dined at the same table, and was consulted by the (formerly) little boys. who was he? they explained that he was their "preceptor." it appeared that after they parted from their father, the little boys had become mixed up with some pupils who were being taken by their preceptor to vesuvius. for some time he had not noticed that his party (consisting of boys of their own age) had been enlarged; and after finding this out, he had concluded they were the sons of an english family with whom he had been corresponding. he was surprised that no further intelligence came with them, and no extra baggage. they had, however, their hand-bags; and after sending their telegram to the lady from philadelphia, they assured him that all would be right. but they were obliged to leave naples the very day of despatching the telegram, and left no address to which an answer could be sent. the preceptor took them, with his pupils, directly back to his institution in gratz, austria, from which he had taken them on this little excursion. it was not till the end of the winter that he discovered that his youthful charges--whom he had been faithfully instructing, and who had found the gymnasium and invigorating atmosphere so favorable to growth--were not the sons of his english correspondent, whom he had supposed, from their explanations, to be travelling in america. he was, however, intending to take his pupils to athens in the spring, and by this time the little boys were able to explain themselves better in his native language. they assured him they should meet their family in the east, and the preceptor felt it safe to take them upon the track proposed. it was now that mr. peterkin prided himself upon the plan he had insisted upon before leaving home. "was it not well," he exclaimed, "that i provided each of you with a bag of gold, for use in case of emergency, hidden in the lining of your hand-bags?" this had worked badly for elizabeth eliza, to be sure, who had left hers at brindisi; but the little boys had been able to pay some of their expenses, which encouraged the preceptor to believe he might trust them for the rest. so much pleased were all the family with the preceptor that they decided that all three of the little boys should continue under his instructions, and return with him to gratz. this decision made more easy the other plans of the family. both agamemnon and solomon john had decided they would like to be foreign consuls. they did not much care where, and they would accept any appointment; and both, it appeared, had written on the subject to the department at washington. agamemnon had put in a plea for a vacancy at madagascar, and solomon john hoped for an opening at rustchuk, turkey; if not there, at aintab, syria. answers were expected, which were now telegraphed for, to meet them in constantinople. meanwhile mr. peterkin had been consulting the preceptor and the russian count about a land-journey home. more and more mrs. peterkin determined she could not and would not trust herself to another voyage, though she consented to travel by steamer to constantinople. if they went as far as nijninovgorod, which was now decided upon, why could they not persevere through "russia in asia"? their russian friend at first shook his head at this, but at last agreed that it might be possible to go on from novgorod comfortably to tobolsk, perhaps even from there to yakoutsk, and then to kamtschatka. "and cross at behring's strait!" exclaimed mrs. peterkin. "it looks so narrow on the map." "and then we are in alaska," said mr. peterkin. "and at home," exclaimed mrs. peterkin, "and no more voyages." but elizabeth eliza doubted about kamtschatka and behring's strait, and thought it would be very cold. "but we can buy furs on our way," insisted mrs. peterkin. "and if you do not find the journey agreeable," said their russian friend, "you can turn back from yakoutsk, even from tobolsk, and come to visit us." yes--_us_! for elizabeth eliza was to marry the russian count! he had been in a boat that was behind them on the nile, had met them often, had climbed the ruins with them, joined their excursions, and had finally proposed at edfu. elizabeth eliza had then just written to consult the lady from philadelphia with regard to the offer of a german professor they had met, and she could give no reply to the count. now, however, it was necessary to make a decision. she had meanwhile learned a few words of russian. the count spoke english moderately well, made himself understood better than the professor, and could understand elizabeth eliza's french. also the count knew how to decide questions readily, while the professor had to consider both sides before he could make up his mind. mrs. peterkin objected strongly at first. she could not even pronounce the russian's name. "how should she be able to speak to him, or tell anybody whom elizabeth eliza had married?" but finally the family all gave their consent, won by the attention and devotion of elizabeth eliza's last admirer. the marriage took place in constantinople, not at santa sophia, as elizabeth eliza would have wished, as that was under a mohammedan dispensation. a number of american residents were present, and the preceptor sent for his other pupils in athens. elizabeth eliza wished there was time to invite the lady from philadelphia to be present, and ann maria bromwick. would the name be spelled right in the newspapers? all that could be done was to spell it by telegraph as accurately as possible, as far as they themselves knew how, and then leave the papers to do their best (or their worst) in their announcements of the wedding "at the american consulate, constantinople, turkey. no cards." the last that was ever heard of the peterkins, agamemnon was on his way to madagascar, solomon john was at rustchuk, and the little boys at gratz; mr. and mrs. peterkin, in a comfortable sledge, were on their way from tobolsk to yakoutsk; and elizabeth eliza was passing her honeymoon in the neighborhood of moscow. * * * * * others of their kin. * * * * * ix. lucilla's diary. monday.--i spent some time this morning watching for the rag-man. i wish i had taken down a note which day it was i saw him before. i remember it was washing-day, for i had to take my hands out of the tub and wipe the suds off when johnnie came to tell me that the rag-man was on the street. he was just turning the corner by the wylies when i got to the front gate. but whether we washed on monday i can't think. it rained that monday, or the week before, and we had to wait till tuesday; but which it was i couldn't say. i was in such a whirl fitting artemas off, and much as ever i made him hear; and he wasn't the right man after all, for he wouldn't give more than a cent and a half a pound for the papers, and mrs. carruthers got two cents. she could not remember what was his day for coming, but agreed to send him if she should see him again. * * * * * mrs. carruthers sent the rag-man to-day; but i can't say much for the bargain, though he was a different man from the one that came monday, and it seems it was monday. he agreed to give me the same he gave mrs. carruthers,--two cents a pound. and i had a lot of newspapers,--all the papers artemas has been taking through the winter; for he doesn't like me to take them for kindlings, says he would rather pay separate for kindlings, as i might burn the wrong one. and there were the papers that came around his underclothes and inside the packing boxes he has taken away. so i expected to make something; but he gave me no more than forty-five cents! he weighed them, and said himself there were thirty pounds. that ought to have come to sixty cents at least, according to my arithmetic. but he made out it was all right, and had them all packed up, and went off, though i followed him out to the gate and told him that it didn't amount to no more than i might have got from the other man at a cent and a half. he said it was all they were worth; that he wished he could get as much for them. then i asked him why he took the trouble to come for them, under the circumstances. but by that time he was off and down the street. * * * * * i was just sitting at the window this morning, and there were mr. and mrs. peebles walking down the street,--he on one side and she on the other. i do wonder why they didn't go on the same side! if they hadn't got so far past the gate, i'd have asked them. i never heard there was any quarrel between them, and it was just as muddy this side of the street as that. they have been spending their winters in the city lately, and perhaps it's some new fashion. i declare it's worth while to sit at the window now and then, and see what is going on. i'm usually so busy at the back of the house, i don't know. but now lavinia has taken to going to school with the boys, and they are willing to take care of her, half my work seems taken out of my hands. not that she was much in the way for a girl of four, but she might slip out of the gate at any time, as there are so many of those grinding organs around with their monkeys. * * * * * mrs. carruthers was in yesterday afternoon, and she said the peebles were looking up the numbers on the doors to find the wylies. they got puzzled because the numbers go up one side of the street and down the other, and they haven't but just been put on. and it seems that up in the city they have them go across. it does appear to me shiftless in our town officers, when they undertook to have the streets numbered as they do elsewhere, that they didn't number them the same way. but i can't see but our way is as good, and more sensible than having to cross a muddy street to look up the next number. * * * * * artemas has been gone a whole week. i told him i would put down the most important things in a diary, and then he can look at it, if he has time, when he comes home. he thinks it is a more sensible way than writing letters every week. he expects to be up and down in texas, and perhaps across the mountains; and in those lawless countries letters would not stand much chance,--maybe they wouldn't ever reach him, after i'd had the trouble of writing them. there's the expense of stamps too,--not so very much for one letter, but it counts up. nothing worries me more than getting a letter, unless it's having a telegraph come,--and that does give one a start. but even that's sooner over and quicker read; while for a letter, it's long, and it takes a good while to get to the end. i feel it might be a kind of waste of time to write in my diary; but not more than writing letters, and it saves the envelopes and hunting them up. i'm not likely to find much time for either, for the boys are fairly through their winter suits; if i can only keep them along while the spring hangs off so. * * * * * mrs. norris was in yesterday, just as i was writing about the boys' suits, to know if i would let martha off to work for her after the washing is over. i told her i didn't like to disoblige, but i couldn't see my way clear to get along without martha. the boys ought to be having their spring suits this very minute, and martha was calculating to make them this week; and they'd have to have their first wear of them sundays for a while before they start on them for school. i never was so behindhand; but what with fitting off artemas and the spring cleaning being delayed, i didn't seem to know how to manage. martha is good at making over, and there are two very good coats of artemas's that she would do the right thing by; while there was a good many who could scrub and clean as well as she,--there was that nora that used to live at patty's. but mrs. norris did not take to nora. the wylies tried her, but could make nothing out of her. i said i thought it would be hard to find the person mrs. wylie could get on with. not that i ever knew anything about her till she came to live on our street last winter, but they do say she's just as hard on her own family; for there's a story that she won't let that pretty daughter of hers, clara, marry bob prince's son, larkin. mrs. norris said she didn't wonder, for larkin prince hadn't found anything to do since he came home. i thought there was enough to live upon in the wylie family, even if larkin didn't find something the first minute he'd got his education. * * * * * i can see that mrs. norris didn't take it well that i was not willing to give up martha; but i don't really see why i should be the one to give up. but i must say i haven't got on as well with the work as i had hoped, lavinia's going with the boys so much keeps her clothes half torn off her back, and i can't seem to see how to make her tidy. i was real ashamed when i went to lift her out of a mud-puddle yesterday outside the gate; and there was clara wylie looking as clean as a white lily, and she stopped to help her out. it seemed that lavinia had left her boot in the last mud-puddle, and i would have liked to have gone through the ground. i hope it will be a lesson to lavinia, for miss wylie oughtn't to have touched her with her hand. but she did, yellow gloves and all, and said it was dreadful walking now, the frost so late coming out of the ground, and she had quite envied lavinia running across the fields after the boys. but lavinia has taken to envying miss wylie, and wishes she could wear that kind of boots she has, with high heels that keep her out of the mud-puddles. * * * * * i am thinking of having my ruby cashmere colored over. i don't seem to feel like ripping it all up, pleatings and all; but mrs. peebles says it can be dipped just as well made up, and i needn't take out a seam. i might have it a kind of dark olive, like mrs. carruthers' dress. * * * * * i have had a start! it is a letter from artemas; nothing particular about himself, only i should say he was well. but he wants to take out a young man farther west with him,--somebody with something of an education, who understands chemicals or engineering, and he wants me to pick out somebody. there's my brother sam, of course. i thought of him the first thing. but artemas never took to sam, though he is my brother. still, i dare say he would do right by him. and sam don't seem to find the work here that suits, and i hate to have him hanging round. but he don't know more than i about chemicals, as much as even what they are, though i dare say he could find out, for sam is smart and always could make out if he chose to lay his hands to anything. and i dare say artemas thought of sam, and that is why he sent to me to give him a chance. from what he says it must be a pretty good chance, exactly what sam would like if he knew anything about the business. i dare say he'd do quite as well as half the fellows who might go. he can be steady if he's a mind to. but i can't but think of larkin prince; how he's taken all the pains to get an education, and his father for him laying up money for the very purpose, and that pretty clara wylie waiting to be married till he should get something fit to do, and maybe her father wanting to marry her off to some rich man while she's waiting, when her heart is set on larkin. and he'd be just the man for artemas, seeing as he's been studying just such things. * * * * * it wasn't no use taking up the time writing in my diary, as artemas must have a telegraph before night, and the boys home from school to know if they might go to the swamp after checkerberries, and lavinia with them, and i let her go, clean apron and all, and i put on my bonnet to go over to mrs. prince's. it made my heart bump to think how much sam would set on having the situation, and artemas kind of expecting him; but i said to myself, if larkin should be out of town, or anything, that would settle the matter for sam. as it happened, who should i meet but larkin just at the gate! and i asked him if he would turn back and step in with me for a minute. he looked kind of provoked, and i shouldn't wonder if he hadn't expected to meet clara wylie coming out of her gate just below, as it's natural she should at this time. but he came in, and i gave him artemas's letter to read, for there wasn't anything in it except particulars of the work. he quite started as he read it, and then he looked at me inquiring, and i asked him if he had the kind of knowledge artemas wanted. i supposed he might have it, as he'd been to the new schools. it told in the letter about the expenses, and what the pay would be, and where he would find the free pass, and that he'd have to telegraph right off, and perhaps he noticed he'd have to start to-night. well, i guess he needn't care even to thank me; for that look in his face was enough, and i shan't forget it. he wanted to know was it artemas thought of him. but before i could answer, he saw somebody out in the street, and went to rushing out, only he gave me another of those looks as he went, and said he'd see me before he sent the telegraph, and would take any message from me to artemas. * * * * * i hadn't more than time to write this yesterday, when mrs. norris came in to inquire about some garden seeds, but i guess she expected to find out what larkin prince had been in for, for she was calling over at mrs. carruthers'. i offered her some squash seeds, and took her out the back way, through the garden, to show her how the squashes were likely to spread. last summer they were all over the garden. it seems the only thing the boys let to grow. she hadn't more than gone when larkin came in. it was all settled, and other things seemed to be settled too; for who should come in with him but clara wylie, crying and smiling all at once. she had to come and help larkin to thank me because he had got the place. after he was gone she came back for a little cry. she didn't seem to wonder that larkin was the one chosen, and supposed artemas must have known all about him, she said, as well as the company he is working for. they probably had seen his name in the papers, she thought, when he graduated so honorably from the school. i didn't tell her that there wasn't any company; that artemas never had time to read that kind of thing in the newspapers, and would not have noticed it if he had; and that he'd left it all to me. i can't but say after it was all settled i had a kind of a turn myself, to think that sam might have gone just as well, and i had been standing in his way. * * * * * i shall have to let down lavinia's gowns full two inches this summer. lucky i put tucks in them all last year. mrs. carruthers wanted me to finish them off with a frill; lucky i didn't, it would have been up to her ears this summer. as for the boys, i can take them in turn,--last year's clothes for the next boy all the way down, and cyrus can have his father's. but it seems harder to fit out lavinia. the ruby cashmere is as good for me as new; it is dipped. * * * * * i'm real sorry about the jones's losing their cow; it comes hard for them. it's better for our potato patch, particularly if they do not have another. cyrus ought to fence it in. sam came in last night. he had heard that larkin prince was summoned off by a company out west, for work that would pay, and would set him up for years, and he had a free pass, and old wylie had given his consent to his marrying clara. some people, he said, had luck come to them without trying for it, just standing round. there was he himself had been looking for just such work last year, and nobody had thought of him. * * * * * i hope i wasn't hard on sam. i couldn't help telling him if he'd gone up to the schools, as larkin prince did, and he might have done, he could have made himself fit for an engineer or a chemical agent. well, it took him kind of surprised, and i agreed to go round this evening, when father is at home, and talk to father and mother about sam's going to some of them schools. at least he might try; and, anyhow, it would get him out of the kind of company he's taken a fancy to. i must say i didn't think of how he'd feel about clara wylie; but, of course, her father would never have given sam any encouragement more than larkin. and as for clara wylie--well, i saw her look at larkin that night. * * * * * i don't know but i made a mistake in sending so many of his woollen socks to artemas by larkin prince. perhaps i had better have sent more of the cotton ones. larkin said he would tell him we were all well, and how he found us. lavinia had gone up to bed, and was hollering to me to come up to her, and cyrus slung silas's cap into the window, and it most hit larkin; silas came in after it through the window, and the rest of the boys were pounding on the barn door, where they were having a militia meeting, or some kind of a parade, with half the boys in town. so artemas will know things goes on about as usual. * * * * * an excellent sermon from mr. jenkins today. i can't seem to think what it was about, to put it down; but we are all of us more and more pleased with him as a minister. you can't expect all things of any man; and if a minister preaches a good sermon twice a sunday and perhaps at evening meeting, and goes around among the people as much as mr. jenkins, and holds meetings through the week, and bible class every friday evening, and sits by the bedside of the sick and the dying, and gives a hand in his own farming or a neighbor's, and stands on the committee for the schools, i don't know as you can expect much more of him. mrs. carruthers says there's a talk of the peebles moving up to the city for good and all. i should think they might as well go as careening back and forth, spring and fall; though she says they will still go down to the seashore or up to the mountains, summers. when i had a home, i will say, i liked to stay in it. there, now! i do believe that i have not mentioned in my diary that our house is burned down, and much as ever we all got out alive, coming in the night so. i suppose i ought to have put it in as being one of the principal events; but somehow i have been so unsettled since the fire, i haven't seemed to think to write it down. and, of course, artemas would see from the depot, the minute he arrived, that the house wasn't there, and he wouldn't need to wait and read about it in my diary; and i have been pretty busy getting set to rights again. everything being burnt, there 's all the summer clothes to be made over again, except a few things i brought off in a bundle along with the diary. still, it might have been better than writing about my neighbors, as i did about the peebles. * * * * * mr. jenkins came in as i was writing. he says that diaries are good things, and if you didn't put in only your thoughts in a sentimental kind of way, they'd be useful for posterity. i told him i didn't write for posterity, but for artemas, instead of a letter. he was surprised i hadn't written him about the fire, as the news might reach him exaggerated. i could not help from laughing, for i don't see how it could be made out much worse,--the house burnt down, and the barn with the horse in it, and cyrus's crop of squashes. much as ever we got out alive, and i had to come to rooms--two pair, back. i did bring the diary out in my apron. mr. jenkins spoke of the insurance, and maybe artemas might have something to say about that; but we talked it all over the night before he went away, and he spoke of the insurance being out, and he didn't think it worth while to renew; there never had been a fire, and it wasn't likely there would be. * * * * * mrs. carruthers came in to inquire when was a good time to try out soap. i told her i managed generally to do it when artemas wasn't at home, as he was not partial to the smell in the house. but mr. carruthers never does go away, and she doesn't believe he'd notice it. i don't know but i'd rather have my husband coming and going like artemas, instead of sticking around not noticing, especially if he was mr. carruthers. * * * * * clara wylie has been with letters in her hands, and it seems she wrote to larkin prince all about our fire; how our boys dropped matches in the hay, and the fire spread to the house from the barn, and how we were waked up, and had to hurry out just as we were. i don't believe she told how the wylies took us in that night, and found us these rooms at their aunt marshall's till artemas comes home. but it seems that artemas has told larkin it ain't no kind of consequence, the house burning down, because he never liked it facing the depot, and he'll be glad to build again, and has money enough for it, and can satisfy the neighbors if there's a complaint that our boys burned down all that side of the street, with being careless with their matches. and there was a note inclosed to me from artemas. he says he'd had a kind of depressed time, when things were going wrong, but matters began to look up when larkin prince came, who had just the information needed. so it's just as well i didn't write about the fire. i hope artemas don't talk too large about his earning so much; anyhow, i shall try to get along spending next to nothing, and earning what i can making buttonholes. * * * * * i've made over my ruby cashmere for lavinia, and i'm sorry now that i had it dyed over so dark, the olive is kind of dull for her; but i can't seem to lay my hand on anything else for her, and she must have something. lucky it was lying on the chair, close by the door, so i brought it off from the fire. * * * * * artemas has come home. x. jedidiah's noah's ark. i. "i don't see how we can ever get them back again," said mr. dyer. "why should not we ask the 'grateful people'?" asked jedidiah. to explain what jedidiah and his father meant, i shall have to tell how it was jedidiah came to have a noah's ark, and all about it, for it was a little odd. jedidiah was the son of poor parents. his father lived in a small, neat house, and owned a little farm. it was not much of a place; but he worked hard, and raised vegetables upon it, mostly potatoes. but mrs. dyer liked string-beans and peas; so they had a few of these, and pumpkins, when the time came; but we have nothing to do with them at present. if i began to tell you what mrs. dyer liked, it would take a great while, because there are marrow-squashes and cranberry-beans, though she did not care so much for tomatoes; but vegetables do help out, and don't cost as much as butcher's meat, if you don't keep sheep; but hens mrs. dyer did keep. it was the potatoes that were most successful, for it was one summer when everybody's potatoes had failed. they had all kinds of diseases, especially at spinville, near which mr. dyer lived. some were rotten in the middle, some had specks outside; some were very large and bad, some were small and worse; and in many fields there were none at all. but mr. dyer's patch flourished marvellously. so, after he had taken in all he wanted for himself, he told his wife he was going to ask the people of spinville to come and get what they wanted. "now, mr. dyer!" said his wife. she did not say much else; but what she meant was, that if he had any potatoes to spare, he had better sell them than give them away. mr. dyer was a poor man; why should not he make a little money? but mr. dyer replied that he had no cart and horse to take the potatoes to spinville with, and no time either. he had agreed to mow the deacon's off-lot, and he was not going to disappoint the deacon, even if he should get a couple of dollars by it; and he wasn't going to let his potatoes rot, when all spinville was in want of potatoes. so mr. dyer set to work, and printed in large letters on a sheet of paper these words: "all persons in want of potatoes, apply to j. dyer, cranberry lane, wednesday, the fifteenth, after seven o'clock, a.m. gratis." the last word was added after mr. dyer had pasted the notice against the town hall of spinville; for so many people came up to bother him with questions as to how much he was going to ask for his potatoes, that he was obliged to add this by way of explanation, or he would never have got to the deacon's off-lot tuesday morning. wednesday morning, mrs. dyer sat by the front window, with her darning. she had persuaded mr. dyer to wait till wednesday; for as for having all the people tramping through the yard when the clean clothes were out, she couldn't think of it; and she might as well get through the ironing, then she could have an eye on them. and how provoked they'd all be to come down all that way to cranberry hollow, to find only a bin of potatoes to divide among them all. the little shed was full of potatoes, mr. dyer answered. and he had no idea many people would come, just the poorer ones; and as long as he had any potatoes to spare, he was willing they should take them. but, sure enough, as mrs. dyer said, what a procession came! poor mrs. jones's little girl, with a bag; tom scraggs, with two baskets; the minister's son, with a wheelbarrow; and even rich mr. jones, the selectman, with a horse and cart. boys and girls, and old women, and middle-sized men, and every kind of a vehicle, from a tin tipcart to mrs. stubbs's carry-all. well, let them come, thought mrs. dyer. it would just show mr. dyer she was right, and he didn't often find that out. she should be disturbed by them soon enough when they found out that there was not more than half a potato apiece, and like enough, not that. pretty business of mr. dyer, to take to giving away, when he had not more than enough to put into his own mouth, to say nothing of jedidiah's! so she went on darning and thinking. what was her surprise, all of a sudden, to hear only shouts of joy as the people returned round the corner of the house! poor mrs. jones's little girl gave a scream of delight as she held up her bag full of potatoes; the minister's son had hard work to push along his full wheelbarrow; rich mr. jones was laughing from the top of his piled-up cart; tom scraggs was trying to get help in carrying his baskets. such a laughing, such fun, was never heard in spinville, which is a sober place. and they all nodded to mrs. dyer, and gave shouts for mr. dyer, and offered jedidiah rides in all their carts, those that had them, and asked mrs. dyer what they could do for her in spinville. and jedidiah tried to tell his mother, through the open window, how the more they took the potatoes out of the bin, the more there were left in it; and how everybody had enough, and went away satisfied, and had filled their pockets; and even one of the boys was planning a quill popgun for sliced potato, such as the worst boys had not dreamed of all summer. he was a bad boy from the meadow. "well, mr. dyer!" said mrs. dyer, all day, and again when he came home at night. of course the spinville people thought a great deal from this time of mr. dyer; and there was a town council held to consider what they should do to express their feelings to him. he had declined six times being made selectman, and he did not want to ring the bell as sexton. there did not seem to be anything in the way of an office they could offer him that he would accept. at last mr. jones suggested that the best way to please the father was to give something to the son. "something for jedidiah!" exclaimed mr. jones. "the next time i go to new york, i'll go to a toy-shop; i'll buy something for jedidiah." so he did. he came home with the noah's ark. it was a moderate-sized ark, painted blue, as usual, with red streaks, and a slanting roof, held down with a crooked wire. it was brought to jedidiah, one evening, just as he was going to bed; so the crooked wire was not lifted, for mrs. dyer thought he had better go to bed at his time and get up early and look at his ark. but he could not sleep well, thinking of his ark. it stood by his bedside, and all night long he heard a great racket inside of it. there was a roaring and a grunting and a squeaking,--all kinds of strange noises. in the moonlight he thought he saw the roof move; if the wire had not been so crooked it surely would have opened. but it didn't, not till he took it downstairs, and mrs. dyer had got out her ironing-board, that the animals might be spread out upon it; then jedidiah lifted the roof. what a commotion there was then! the elephant on the top, and his trunk stretched out; in a minute or two he would have unfastened the wire; the giraffe's long neck was stretched out; one dove flew away directly, and some crows sat on the eaves. mr. and mrs. dyer and jedidiah started back, while the elephant with his trunk helped out some of the smaller animals, who stepped into rows on the ironing-board as fast as they were taken out. the cows were mooing, the cats mewing, the dogs barking, the pigs grunting. presently noah's head appeared, and he looked round for his wife; and then came shem and ham and japheth with their wives. they helped out some of the birds,--white, with brown spots,--geese, and ducks. it took the elephant and noah and all his sons to get the horses out, plunging and curvetting as they were. some sly foxes got out of themselves, leaping from the roof to the back of a kneeling camel. jedidiah's eyes sparkled with joy. mrs. dyer sat with folded hands, and said, "why, mr. dyer!" and mr. dyer occasionally helped a stray donkey, whose legs were caught, or a turkey fluttering on the edge. at last a great roaring and growling was heard at the bottom of the ark. the elephant nodded his trunk to the giraffe; the camel was evidently displeased; noah and his sons stood together looking up at the roof. "it's the wild animals," said jedidiah. "if they should get out," thought mrs. dyer; "all the wild tigers and the lions loose in the house!" and she looked round to see if the closet door were open for a place of retreat. mr. dyer stepped up and shut the roof of the ark. it was in time; for a large bear was standing on his hind legs on the back of a lion, and was looking out. noah and his family looked much pleased; the elephants waved their trunks with joy; the camels stopped growling. "i don't wonder they are glad to get out," said jedidiah. "i do believe they have been treading down those wild animals all night." mrs. dyer wondered what they should do with the rest. come tuesday she would want her ironing-board,--perhaps baking-day, to set the pies on. "they ought to have some houses to live in, and barns," said jedidiah. then it was mr. dyer had said they could never get them back into the ark; and jedidiah had said, "we might ask the 'grateful people,'"--for this was the name the inhabitants of spinville went by in the dyer family ever since the time of the potatoes. the story of their coming for the potatoes had been told over and over again; then how the "people" felt so grateful to mr. dyer. mr. dyer said he was tired of hearing about it. mrs. dyer thought if they meant to do anything to let mr. dyer see they were grateful, they had better not talk so much about it. but jedidiah called them the "grateful people;" and it was he that caught the first glimpse of the procession when it came up with the ark, mr. jones at the head. he had some faith in them; so it was he that thought there ought to be a village built for noah and his family; and when mr. dyer had some doubts about building it he suggested, "let's ask the 'grateful people.'" what they did will be told in another chapter. ii. about the grateful people and the wild beasts. that very afternoon there was a great rush to see jedidiah's noah's ark, and there was immense enthusiasm about it. some brave ones opened the roof and looked in upon the growling wild animals. the girls liked the lambs the best; the boys were delighted with the foxes that jumped on the edge of the boat that formed the ark. in a day or two there was a flourishing little village built on a smooth place on the other side of mr. dyer's house. the minister's daughter had brought a little toy village she had with red roofs, and one of the men scooped out the houses, which were made of one block of wood, but could now accommodate noah and his family, and each one picked out a house to match the color of his garments. tom stubbs built a barn of wooden bricks for the larger animals, and lucy miles brought a pewter bird-cage, with a door that would open and shut, for the birds. the elephant knocked out a brick with his trunk as soon as he went into the barn, but that made a good window for him to look out of. jedidiah himself made the loveliest coop for the hen; and the boys had a nice time over a pond they dug in the mud, for the ducks. indeed, it occupied spinville for some time; and noah, shem, and ham did not sit down much, but looked very busy. there was a fence built round the whole village, high enough to keep in the elephants and the giraffes, though they could look over. there was a bit of pasture-land shut in for the cows, who fell to nibbling as soon as they were put in it. a clover-leaf lasted one of the sheep two days. the tinman sent some little tin dippers no bigger than a thimble, and the children were delighted to see the animals drink. the boys handed one of the dippers into the ark for the tigers. the giraffes found a bush just high enough for them to eat from. the doves sat on the eaves of the ark, and agamemnon brought some pickled olives, as he had no olive-branch for them. the children were never tired of seeing the camels kneel and rise. they made them carry little burdens,--stones that were to be cleared from the field, chips from the henhouse. sometimes the camels growled; then the children took off a chip or two from their burdens,--the last ounce, they thought. the "grateful people" sent a large umbrella, used by the umbrella-maker for a sign, that could be opened over the whole village in case of a rain; and the toy-shop man sent a tin teapot, though mrs. dyer did not venture to give noah and his family any real tea; but it was a very pretty teapot, with a red flower upon it. mrs. noah liked it, though it was almost large enough for the whole family to get into. all this was not the work of a day, by any means. first, all spinville had to come and look at the things, and then it had to discuss the whole affair. mrs. dyer's knitting got on bravely, for so many of her friends came in to sit in her best parlor, and talk it all over. mrs. dyer agreed with them; she thought it was all very strange. she should be thankful if only the tigers would never get out. she did not like having tigers running in and out of the house, even if they were no bigger than your thimble. she thought it quite likely some of the boys would let them out some day; but it was no use looking forward. so, day by day, the people came to look at the wonderful village. there was always something new to see. at last, one of the deacons declared jedidiah ought to charge so much a sight. it was as good a show as the menagerie, any day; and everybody was willing to give ten cents for that, children half-price. this made great talk. should jedidiah charge for the show, or not? mr. dyer would have nothing to say about it. mrs. dyer thought they might as well; then there would be fewer children in her front yard picking at the currants. at last it was settled that spinville should pay two cents a sight, children half-price, and strangers could see the village for nothing; but all those who had contributed anything towards the ark should have a right to visit it with their families, without paying. there was a great rush after this to see who was going to pay. it turned out only the schoolmaster's and doctor's families had to buy tickets; and when it came to that, mr. dyer said he would not let them pay anything. so jedidiah did not gain much by it; but he and a few of his friends made some tickets, all the same, printing on them "noah's ark. admittance, two cents; children, half-price;" and a good many children bought tickets for the fun of it. at last there came a crash. one afternoon, tim stubbs, in setting up a new pump, gave a knock to the ark, and sent the whole thing over. the roof snapped open, and out came all the wild beasts. the hyenas laughed, the lions roared, the bears growled, and the tigers leaped about to see whom they could devour; noah jumped up on top of the pump; the elephant knocked out a side of the barn, to see what was the matter; all the wives ran for the houses, and there was a general confusion. a leopard seized a young chicken. mrs. dyer came out with a rolling-pin in her hand. tim and tom stubbs declared they would catch the animals, if jedidiah would only find something safe to put them in. "if we only had a cave!" exclaimed lucy miles, who had hidden behind the kitchen door. tim and tom stubbs caught one of the tigers, just as jedidiah appeared with his mother's bandbox. he had thrown his mother's caps and her sunday bonnet on the spare-room floor. they shut the tiger up in the bandbox, then found one of the bears climbing up the pump after noah. jedidiah brought a strong string, and tied him to a post. all the rest of the boys ran away at first, but ventured to come back and join in the search for the rest of the beasts. the hunt grew quite exciting. one of the boys, who had read african travels, prepared a leash of twine, and made a lasso, and with this he succeeded in catching the two hyenas. then no one knew if all the beasts were caught or no. the boy who had read the travels could tell a long list of wild animals that ought to be in the ark. there was the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus, the jaguar; there was the leopard, the panther, the ocelot. mrs. dyer put her hands up to her ears in dismay. she could not bear to hear any more of their names; and to think she might meet them any day, coming in at the wood-house door, or running off with one of the chickens! but the stubbses thought very likely all these animals never were in this ark at all, though they might have been in the original noah's ark. this was only a play ark, after all, and you could not expect to find every animal in it. the minister's wife said she did not know what you should expect. the ark was quite a different one from any she had seen. she had bought them for her children, year in and year out, and she had never seen anything of the sort. you might expect a hippopotamus, or any kind of beast. those she had bought were always of wood, and the legs broke off easily. you could mend them with spalding's glue; but even spalding was not as good as it used to be, and you could not depend upon it. meanwhile the hunt went on. the spinville people began to be sorry they had ever bought a noah's ark. they had expected nothing of the sort. at last the two leopards were found,--beautiful creatures, who lashed their tails wildly; and before long, two hippopotami were discovered in the duck-pond, wallowing in their native element. they were very fierce and wild, and were caught with great difficulty. these were put in the bandbox with the others. it was a strong, old-fashioned box; but it was feared it would not last long for the wild beasts. jedidiah tied it up with some twine, and it was put for the present in the spare-room closet. mrs. dyer did not sleep well that night, though her doors had been shut all day. she dreamed she heard lions all the night long, and was sure a rhinoceros could get in at the window. why had mr. dyer ever been so generous with his potatoes? why had he invited all the people to come? of what use had the noah's ark been? jedidiah had got along without toys before; now his head was turned. better for him to amuse himself digging potatoes, or seeing to the squashes, than meddling with the beasts. and there were the spinville boys round before breakfast. they were there, indeed, and began again their search for the beasts. the girls sat at the chamber windows, watching the chase. under a cabbage-leaf, fast asleep, the stray tiger was found. the boy learned in natural history went over the terrible list of all the fierce animals. "yes, there were ocelots and cougars and jaguars, peculiarly shy and stealthy in approaching their prey," so the book said. "there was the chibiguasu----" but jedidiah said he didn't believe _his_ noah cared for such out-of-the-way beasts; they must have come in since his ark. they had enough to do to catch the regular wild animals, and these at last they found in some number. they were all seized, and with difficulty put into a wooden lozenge-box. there was great delight; there must be all; the ark surely could have held no more. lions, tigers, leopards, panthers, lynxes, wildcats,--all the animals necessary for a respectable ark, all in twos. but, oh horror! a jaguar was discovered, also, at the last moment just before school. one jaguar, and there must be another somewhere. the one found answered the description completely: "the body yellow, marked with open black figures, considerable variety in the marking." a stray jaguar in spinville! so fierce a beast! no one could be sure of his footsteps. noah, his sons and their wives, had not been unmoved. their satisfaction had been great. they had carried water to the bears, and had looked much pleased; and now they shook their heads at seeing only one jaguar. "i think they must be all caught but that one jaguar," said jedidiah. "they look satisfied, and are going about their daily work; and it is time we found some place for the wild beasts. they will come through mother's bandbox before long." the boys went to school. there was great consultation all that day, which ended in tom stubbs bringing a squirrel-cage. it was just the thing, for the wires were near enough to keep the animals in, and everybody could have a look at them. but how were they to be got into the squirrel-cage? there came a new question. tim stubbs remembered he had often caught a butterfly under his hat, and a very handsome butterfly, too, and he was sure he had him; but just as he lifted the brim of the hat to show the other fellows that he was really there, the butterfly would be off. happily there was no afternoon school, and a grand council of the boys was held, assisted by some of the selectmen. the beasts in the lozenge-box were easily disposed of, for it had a sliding cover, which was dexterously raised high enough to let the beasts all into the squirrel-cage. then handy tim stubbs punched a hole in the bandbox opposite to the entrance of the squirrel-cage, and one by one the leopards and the rest were allowed to make their way into the wiry prison. the tiger made a dash, but in vain; he was imprisoned like the rest. this is our last news from spinville. it is more than a month since the spinville stage set out on its weekly trip for that place. it was an old stage; the horses were old, the harness was old, the driver was old. it is not then to be wondered at that in crossing the bridge on the old road, which is so little travelled that it is never kept in repair, the old wheel was caught in a chink between the boards, the old coach tumbled over, the driver was thrown from his seat and broke his leg, the horses fell on their knees, and the whole concern was made a complete wreck. now, the stage-driver was the owner of the old coach and team. he had always said the thing did not pay; he would give it all up. indeed, he only had driven to spinville once a week to see the folks himself. nobody ever went there, and nobody ever came away, except once a year mr. jones, and he had a team of his own. so there is no communication with spinville. that a jaguar is loose is the latest news. xi. carrie's three wishes. carrie fraser was a great trouble to her mother, because she was always wishing for something she had not got. "the other girls always have things that i don't," she complained to her mother. her mother tried to explain to carrie that she had a great many things the other girls didn't have. "but they are not always wishing for my things, just as i wish for theirs." "that is because they are not such 'teasers' as you are," her mother would reply. "you do not hear them from morning till night teasing for things they have not got." another thing in carrie troubled her mother very much. she used a great many extravagant phrases. she was not satisfied with saying even "perfectly lovely," "splendid," "excruciatingly jolly." her mother might have permitted these terms, and was used to hearing the other girls use them; but carrie got hold of the strangest expressions and phrases, i am afraid to put them into this story; for every boy and girl is perhaps already too familiar with such, and i might only spread the use of them. i will mention that "bang-up" and "bumptious," and that class of expressions were her favorites, and the best-educated boy or girl will be able to imagine the rest. this story will show how a careless use of words brought carrie to grief, and taught her a severe lesson. one day, as usual, she had been complaining, and wishing she could have everything she wanted. her mother said: "you remember the old story of the old couple who had their three wishes granted, and how they never got any good from it." "but that was because they acted like such geese," exclaimed carrie. "i could never have been so elephantinely idiotic! first, they wasted one wish, for a black pudding." "that is a sausage," said her mother. "yes, they asked for a common, every-day sausage to come down the chimney; then they got into a fight, and wished it would settle on one of their noses; and then they had to waste their last wish, by wishing it off again! it is too bad to have such luck come to such out-and-out idiots." mrs. fraser was just setting out for the village street, to order the dinner. the governor was expected to pass through the place, and was to be met at the town hall. jimmy, the only son in the family, had gone off to see the show. "now, if he were a real, genuine governor," said carrie, "like a prince in a fairytale, you would go and beseech him to grant your wishes. you would fall on your knees, or something, and he would beg you to rise, and your lovely daughter should have all that she wished." "i am afraid you are very foolish," sighed mrs. fraser; "but i will see the governor. perhaps he can advise what is best." it seemed to carrie as if her mother were gone a great while. "she might have got six dinners!" she exclaimed to herself. "how tiresome! i wish i had gone down myself, anyway. all the girls and boys have gone, and i might have seen the governor." but she passed the time in rocking backward and forward in a rocking-chair; for to her other faults carrie added that of laziness, and when the other girls had gone down town, and had urged her to go with them, she had been quite too lazy to go for her hat or to hunt up her boot button-hook. "it seems as if jimmy might have come back to tell about things," she went on. "oh dear me! if i had only a chariot and four to go down with, and somebody to dress me and find my boots and my hat and my gloves, then it would have been worth while to go. i mean to make out a list of wishes, in case somebody should grant me the power to have them." she took out a little blank-book from her pocket, and began to write down:-- " . a chariot and four, man to drive, striped afghan, etc. " . maid to find and put on hat, boots, etc. " . plenty of hats, boots, and gloves for the maid to put on, and so that they could be found when wanted." "that would be bully!" said carrie, interrupting herself. "if i had gloves in every drawer and on every shelf, i should not have to be looking for them. i might have a hat on every peg in the house except what jimmy uses. i might have a sack over the back of every chair, and gloves in the pockets of each. the boots could be in each corner of the room and on all the top shelves. but boot-hooks! there's the stunner! where could one find boot-buttoners enough? they do get out of the way so! i should have six in every drawer, one in each pocket, half a dozen in mamma's basket, a row on the mantelpiece--on all the mantelpieces. then perhaps i could do without a maid; at least, save her up till i grow older. let's see. that makes three wishes. they generally have three. if i strike out the maid, i can think of something else. suppose i say something to eat, then. chocolate creams! i never had enough yet." at this moment mrs. fraser returned, looking quite heated and breathless. she had to fling herself into a chair by the window to recover strength enough to speak, and then her words came out in gasps. carrie did leave her rocking-chair and tried fanning her mother, for she saw she had something to say. "what is it? what have you seen? have you got something slam-bang for me? is the governor coming here? couldn't you raise any dinner?" carrie's questions came out so fast that her mother never could have answered them, even with the breath of a corliss engine; much less, panting as she was now. "yes, i saw him; i managed to see him," she gasped out. "the guns were firing, the cannon were booming, the bells were ringing----" "oh! i dare say! i dare say!" cried carrie, eager to hear more. "i could hear them up here. that was not worth going to town for. what did the governor say?" "my dear! my dear!" panted mrs. fraser, "he said you could have your three wishes." "what! the chariot and four (that means horses), the maid, and the boot-hooks,--no, the maid was scratched out,--not the chocolates?" asked carrie, in wonder. "no, no! i don't know what you mean!" said mrs. fraser; "but you can have three wishes; and i have hurried home, for they are to be told as the clock strikes twelve,--one to-day, one to-morrow, one the next day,--the moment the clock strikes, and i am only just in time. you are to wish, and you will have just what you wish." both carrie and her mother looked at the clock. the hand was just approaching twelve. carrie could hear a little "click" that always came from inside the clock before it struck. "i have written out my wishes," she hurried to say; "but i don't want the chariot yet, because everybody is coming back from town. and i don't want any more hats and boots just now. but, oh! i do want some chocolate creams, and i wish this room was 'chock full of them.'" as she spoke the clock struck; and when it stopped she could speak no more, for the room was as full of chocolate creams as it could hold. they came rattling down upon her head, filling in all the crannies of the room. they crowded into her half-open mouth; they filled her clutching hands. luckily, mrs. fraser was sitting near the open window, and the chocolate creams pushed her forward upon the sill. there were two windows looking upon the piazza. one was made of glass doors that were shut; the other, fortunately, was quite low; and mrs. fraser seated herself on the edge, and succeeded in passing her feet over to the other side, a torrent of chocolate creams following her as she came. she then turned to see if she could help carrie. carrie was trying to eat her way toward the window, and stretched out her arms to her mother, who seized her, and with all her strength pulled her through the window. "they are bully!" exclaimed carrie, as soon as she was free. "they are the freshest i ever ate. golumptious!" "oh, carrie," said her mother, mournfully, "how can you use such expressions now, when you have wasted your opportunity in such an extravagant wish?" "what! a whole roomful of chocolate creams do you consider a waste?" exclaimed carrie. "why, we shall be envied of all our neighbors; and, mamma, you have been sighing over our expenses, and wishing that jimmy and i could support you. do not you see that we can make our fortune with chocolate creams? first, let us eat all we want before telling anybody; then let us give some to choice friends, and we will sell the rest." all the time she was talking carrie was putting in her hand for chocolate creams and cramming one after another. mrs. fraser, too, did not refuse to taste them. how could they ever get into the parlor again, unless they were eaten up? "i am sure we can make quite a fortune," carrie went on. "as soon as jimmy comes home we can calculate how much it will be. the last time i was in boston i gave fifteen cents for a quarter of a pound, and there were just thirteen chocolate creams. now, see. in my two hands i can hold fourteen; now, how many times that do you suppose there are in the room?" mrs. fraser could not think. carrie was triumphant. "jimmy will know how to calculate, for he knows how many feet and inches there are in the room. if not, he can measure by the piazza; and we can row the chocolate creams out, and see how many go to a foot, and then we can easily find out. of course, we shall sell them cheaper than they do in boston, and so there will be a rush for them. it will be bully!" "i am glad we happened to take this rocking-chair out on the piazza this morning," said mrs. fraser, languidly seating herself. "i don't see how we shall ever get into the parlor again." "jimmy and i will eat our way in fast enough," said carrie, laughing; and jimmy at that moment appeared with two boy friends, whom he had brought home to dinner. they were all delighted when they understood the situation, and had soon eaten a little place by the window, inside the room. "i quite forgot to buy any dinner," exclaimed mrs. fraser, starting up. "i meant to have ordered a leg of mutton as i went down, and now it is too late; and eggs for a pudding. jimmy will have to go down----" "oh, the chocolate creams will do!" exclaimed carrie. "don't you see, there's our first saving, and my wish does not turn out so extravagant, after all. the boys will be glad to have chocolate creams for dinner, i'm sure." the boys all said they would, as far as they could, when their mouths were so full. "we must put out an advertisement," said carrie, at last, as soon as she could stop to speak: "'chocolate creams sold cheap!' i guess we won't give any away. we may as well make all we can. it will be geminy! suppose we look up some boxes and baskets, jimmy, to sell them in; and you boys can go to the gate and tell people there are chocolate creams for sale." but all the boxes and baskets were soon filled, and only a little space made in the room. jimmy pulled out the other rocking-chair that carrie had been sitting in, and she rested herself for a while. "i declare, i never thought before i could eat enough chocolate creams; but they are a trifle cloying." "my dear," said mrs. fraser, "if you had not said 'chock full;' if you had said 'a great many,' or 'a trunkful,' or something of that sort." "but i meant 'chock full,'" insisted carrie. "i did not mean quite up to the ceiling. i didn't suppose that was what 'chock' meant. now we know." a great shouting was heard. all the boys of the town were gathering, and quite a crowd of people seemed coming near. mrs. fraser was a widow, and there was no man in the house. jimmy was the nearest approach to a man that she could depend upon; and here he was, leading a band of boys! she sent one of the boys she knew the best for mr. stetson, the neighboring policeman, who came quickly, having already seen the crowd of boys flocking to the house. carrie was trying to sell off her boxes for fifteen, ten, even five cents; but the crowd could not be easily appeased, for the boys could see across the windows the chocolate creams closely packed. "the room is chock full!" they exclaimed. mr. stetson examined the premises. "you'll find it hard work to get them chocolates out in a week, even if you set all the boys on them. i'd advise letting them in one by one to fill their pockets, each to pay a cent." even carrie assented to this, and a line was formed, and boys let in through the window. they ate a way to the door that led into the entry, so that it could be opened and the room could be entered that way. the boys now went in at the window and came out at the door, eating as they went and filling their pockets. carrie could not but sigh at thought of the boston chocolates, more than a cent apiece! but the boys ate, and then the girls came and ate; but with night all had to leave, at last. it was possible to shut the window and lock it, and shut the door for the night, after they had gone. "i don't see why the chocolates should not stay on there weeks and weeks," said carrie to her mother. "of course, they won't be so fresh, day after day; but they will be fresher than some in the shops. i'm awfully tired of eating them now, and feel as if i never wanted to see a chocolate cream again; but i suppose i shall feel different after a night's sleep, and i think mr. stetson is wrong in advising us to sell them so low." mrs. fraser suggested she should like to go in the parlor to sit. "but to-morrow is the day of the picnic," said carrie, "and we shall be out-of-doors anyhow. i will take chocolate creams for my share. but, dear me! my dress is on the sofa,--my best dress. you were putting the ruffles in!" "i told you, my dear, one of the last things, to take it upstairs," said mrs. fraser. "and there it is, in the furthest corner of the room," exclaimed carrie, "with all those chocolates scrouching on it. i'll tell you. i'll get ben sykes in early. he eats faster than any of the other boys, and he shall eat up toward my dress. he made a great hole in the chocolates this afternoon. i will have him come in early, and we don't go to the picnic till after twelve o'clock." "and at twelve o'clock you have your second wish," said mrs. fraser. "yes, mamma," said carrie; "and i have already decided what it shall be,--a chariot and four. it will come just in time to take me to the picnic." "oh, my dear carrie," said her mother, "do think what you are planning! where would you keep your chariot and the four horses?" "oh! there will be a man to take care of them," said carrie; "but i will think about it all night carefully----" at that very moment she went to sleep. the next morning early, carrie was downstairs. she found she could eat a few more chocolate creams, and jimmy was in the same condition. she proposed to him her plan of keeping the chocolates still for sale, but eating a way to the sofa in the corner, to her best dress. ben sykes came early, and a few of the other boys. the rest were kept at home, because it turned out they had eaten too many and their parents would not let them come. a good many of the older people came with baskets and boxes, and bought some to carry away, they were so delicious and fresh. meanwhile ben sykes was eating his way toward the corner. it was very hard making any passage, for as fast as he ate out a place others came tumbling in from the top. carrie and jimmy invented "a kind of a tunnel" of chairs and ironing-boards, to keep open the passage; and other boys helped eat, as they were not expected to pay. but the morning passed on. mrs. fraser tried to persuade carrie to wear another dress; but she had set her mind on this. she had a broad blue sash to wear with it, and the sash would not go with any other dress. she watched the clock, she watched ben; she went in under the ironing-boards, to help him eat, although she had begun to loathe the taste of the chocolate creams. ben was splendid. he seemed to enjoy more the more he ate. carrie watched him, as he licked them and ate with glowing eyes. "oh, ben," carrie suddenly exclaimed, "you can't seem to eat them fast enough. i wish your throat were as long as from one end of this room to the other." at this moment the clock was striking. carrie was ready to scream out her second wish; but she felt herself pushed in a strange way. ben was on all fours in front of her, and now he pushed her back, back. his neck was so long that while his head was still among the chocolates, at the far corner of the room, his feet were now out of the door. carrie stood speechless. she had lost her wish by her foolish exclamation. the faithful ben, meanwhile, was flinging something through the opening. it was her dress, and she hurried away to put it on. when she came down, everybody was looking at ben. at first he enjoyed his long neck very much. he could stand on the doorstep and put his head far out up in the cherry trees and nip off cherries, which pleased both the boys and himself. [illustration: he enjoyed his long neck very much.] instead of a chariot and four, carrie went off in an open wagon, with the rest of the girls. it made her feel so to see ben, with his long neck, that she got her mother's permission to spend the night with the friend in whose grounds the picnic was to be held. she carried baskets of chocolate creams, and she found numbers of the girls, who had not eaten any, who were delighted with them, and promised to come the next day, to buy and carry away any amount of them. she began to grow more cheerful, though she felt no appetite, and instead of eating everything, as she always did at picnics, she could not even touch mattie somers's cream-pie nor julia dale's doughnuts. she stayed as late as she could at her friend mattie's; but she felt she must get home in time for her third wish, at twelve o'clock. would it be necessary for her to wish that ben sykes's neck should be made shorter? she hoped she might find that it had grown shorter in the night; then she could do as she pleased about her third wish. she still clung to the desire for the chariot and four. if she had it, she and her mother and jimmy could get into it and drive far away from everybody,--from ben sykes and his long neck, if he still had it,--and never see any of them any more. still, she would like to show the chariot and four to her friends; and perhaps ben sykes would not mind his long neck, and would be glad to keep it and earn money by showing himself at a circus. so she reached home in the middle of the morning, and found the whole sykes family there, and ben, still with his long neck. it seems it had given him great trouble in the night. he had to sleep with his head in the opposite house, because there was not room enough on one floor at home. mrs. sykes had not slept a wink, and her husband had been up watching, to see that nobody stepped on ben's neck. ben himself appeared in good spirits; but was glad to sit in a high room, where he could support his head. carrie suggested her plan that ben should exhibit himself. he, no doubt, could earn a large sum. but his mother broke out against this. he never could earn enough to pay for what he ate, now his throat was so long. even before this he could swallow more oatmeal than all the rest of the family put together, and she was sure that now even mr. barnum himself could not supply him with food enough. then she burst into a flood of tears, and said she had always hoped ben would be her stay and support; and now he could never sleep at home, and everybody looking after him when he went out, and the breakfast he had eaten that very morning was enough for six peoples' dinners. they were all in the parlor, where the chocolate creams were partially cleared away. they were in a serried mass on two sides of the room, meeting near the centre, with the underground passage, through which ben had worked his way to carrie's dress. mrs. fraser had organized a band to fill pasteboard boxes, which she had obtained from the village, and she and her friends were filling them, to send away to be sold, as all the inhabitants of the town were now glutted with chocolate creams. at this moment carrie heard a click in the clock. she looked at her mother, and as the clock struck she said steadily, "i wish that ben's neck was all right again." nobody heard her, for at that moment ben sykes started up, saying: "i'm all right, and i have had enough. come along home!" and he dragged his family away with him. carrie fell into her mother's arms. "i'll never say 'chock full' again!" she cried; "and i'll always be satisfied with what i have got, for i can never forget what i suffered in seeing ben's long neck!" xii. "where can those boys be?" this was the cry in the wilson family as they sat down to dinner. "it is odd," said aunt harriet. "i have noticed they are usually ready for their dinner. they may be out of the way at other times, but they always turn up at their meals." "they were here at breakfast," said jane, the eldest daughter. "i helped jack about his latin before he went to school," said the mother of the family. "they are probably at the pentzes'," said gertrude. "if our boys are not there, the pentzes are here; and as long as the pentzes are not here, i suppose our boys are there." "i should say they were not likely to get so good a dinner at the pentzes' as we have here," said aunt harriet, as a plate was set before her containing her special choice of rare-done beef, mashed potato, stewed celery, and apple-sauce. "who are the pentzes?" said mr. wilson, looking round the table to see if everybody was helped. "he is a painter and glazier," said aunt harriet, "and the mother takes in washing." "they are good boys," said mrs. wilson. "jonas pentz stands high in his class, and is a great help to our sam. don't you remember him? he is the boy that came and spent a night with sam a week ago. they have their first lesson in 'cæsar' this afternoon; perhaps they are studying up." "jack always has to go where sam does," said gertrude. this was the talk at the wilsons' table. the subject was much the same at the pentzes'. there was a large family at the wilsons'; so there was at the pentzes'. mrs. pentz was ladling out some boiled apple-pudding to a hungry circle round her. but she missed two. "where are jonas and dick?" she asked. a clamor of answers came up. "i saw jonas and dick go off with sam wilson after school, and jack wilson, and john stebbins," said will, one of the small boys. "you don't think jonas and dick both went to dine at the wilsons'?" said mrs. pentz. "i should not like that." "i dare say they did," said mary pentz. "you know the wilson boys are here half the time, and the other half our boys are at the wilsons'." "still, i don't like their going there for meal-times," said mrs. pentz, anxiously. "jonas had a new lesson in 'cæsar,'" said mary pentz. "i don't believe they planned to spend much time at dinner." but at supper-time no boys appeared at the wilsons'. mrs. wilson was anxious. george, the youngest boy of all, said the boys had been home since afternoon school; he had seen jack in the kitchen with john stebbins. "jack came to me for gingerbread," said jane, "and i asked him where they had been, and john stebbins said, with the pentz boys. he said something about to-morrow being a holiday, and preparing for a lark." "i don't like their getting all their meals at the pentzes'," said mrs. wilson, "and i don't much like john stebbins." again at the pentzes' the talk was much the same. mary pentz reported the boys went through their 'cæsar' recitation well; she had a nod of triumph from jonas as he walked off with sam wilson. "they had their books, so i suppose they are off for study again." "i don't like their taking two meals a day at the wilsons'," said mrs. pentz. "there's no school to-morrow," said mary, "because the new furnace is to be put in. but i dare say the boys, sam and jonas, will be studying all the same." "i hope he won't be out late," said mrs. pentz. "he's more likely to spend the night at the wilsons'," said mary. "you know he did a week ago." "the boys were round here for a candle," said will. "then they do mean to study late," said mrs. pentz. "i shall tell him never to do it again; and with dick, too!" mr. wilson came hurrying home for a late supper, and announced he must go to new york by a late train. "a good chance for you," he said to his wife, "to go and see your sister. you won't have more than a day with her, for i shall have to take the night train back, but it will give you a day's talk." mrs. wilson would like to go, but she felt anxious about the boys. "they have not been home for dinner or supper." "but they came home for gingerbread," said aunt harriet. "i suppose they didn't have too hearty a dinner at the pentzes'." "joanna says they went off with a basket packed up for to-morrow," said gertrude. "if the pentzes did not live so far off, i would send up," said mrs. wilson. "they will be in by the time we are off, or soon after," said mr. wilson. "it looks like rain, but it won't hurt us." mrs. wilson and he went, but no boys appeared all the evening. aunt harriet, who had not been long in the family, concluded this was the way boys acted. jane sat up some time finishing a novel, and hurried off to bed, startled to find it so late, and waking up gertrude to say, "it is odd those boys have not come home!" why hadn't they? they couldn't. this is what happened. wednesday afternoon, after school, the younger boys had gone to play at the old wilson house, far away at the other end of the main street, beyond the pentzes'. this was an old deserted mansion, where the wilsons themselves had lived once upon a time. but it had taken a fortune and two furnaces to warm it in winter, and half a dozen men to keep the garden in order in summer, and it had grown now more fashionable to live at the other end of the town; so the wilson family had moved down years ago, where the girls could see "the passing" and mr. wilson would be near his business. of late years he had not been able to let the house, and it had been closely shut to keep it from the tramps. the boys had often begged the keys of their father, for they thought it would be such fun to take possession of the old house. but mr. wilson said, "no; if a parcel of boys found their way in, all the tramps in the neighborhood would learn how to get in too." still, it continued the object of the boys' ambition to get into the house, and they were fond of going up to play in the broad grassy space by the side of the house; and they kept good oversight of the apple crop there. on this wednesday afternoon they were playing ball there, and lost the ball. it had gone through a ventilation hole into the cellar part of the house. now, everybody knows that if a boy loses a ball it must be recovered, especially if he knows where it is. there is not even a woman so stony-hearted but she will let in a troop of muddy-shoed boys through her entry (just washed) if they come to look for a ball, even if it has broken a pane of glass on its way. so the boys got a ladder from the pentzes', and put it up at one of the windows where the blind was broken. jack went up the ladder. the slat was off, but not in the right place to open the window. there could not be any harm in breaking off another; then he could reach the middle of the sash and pull up the window. no; it was fastened inside. john stebbins tried, but it was of no use. "it would not help if we broke the window by the fastening," said john; "for the shutters are closed inside with old-fashioned inside shutters." here was the time to ask for the key. they must have the key to find that ball, and the boys trudged back to meet sam just going home from the pentzes'. but sam refused to ask for the key again, he didn't want to bother his father so soon, and he didn't want the bother himself. he had his new "cæsar" lesson to study; to-morrow, after school, he and jonas would look round at the house, and find some way to recover the ball, for even the stern and studious sam knew the value of a ball. so thursday noon the boys all hurried up to the wilson house,--sam, jonas, and all. they examined it on every side. they came back to the hole where the ball was lost. "there's the cold-air box," said jonas. "could not dick crawl in?" now, dick was a very small pattern of a boy, indeed, to be still a boy. really he might crawl into the cold-air box. he tried it! he did get in! he had to squeeze through one part, but worked his way down fairly into the cellar, and screamed out with triumph that he had found the ball close by the hole! but how was dick to get out again? he declared he could never scramble up. he slipped back as fast as he tried. he would look for the cellar stairs, only it was awful dark except just by the hole. he had a match in his pocket. jack ran to the pentzes' and got a candle, and they rolled it in to dick, and waited anxiously to see where he would turn up next. they heard him, before long, pounding at a door round the corner of the house. he had found the cellar stairs, and a door with bolts and a great rusty key, which he succeeded in turning. the boys pulled at the door and it opened; and there stood dick with the ball in one hand, picking up the candle with the other! what a chance to enter the house! down the cellar stairs, up into the attics! strange echoes in the great halls, and dark inside; for all the windows were closed and barred,--all but in one room upstairs that opened on a back veranda. it was a warm late-autumn day, and the sun poured down pleasantly upon a seat in the corner of the veranda, where a creeper was shedding its last gay leaves. "what a place to study!" exclaimed sam. "let's come and spend to-morrow," said john stebbins; "there's no school." "no school friday, on account of the furnace!" exclaimed jack. "let's bring a lot of provisions and stay the whole day here." "we might lay it in to-night," said john stebbins; "we'll come up after school this afternoon!" "and i'll tell father about the key this evening," said sam; "he won't mind, if he finds we have got one." "jack and i will see to the provisions," said john stebbins, "if the rest of you boys will come here as soon as school is over." it was all so interesting that they were too late for dinners, and had to content themselves with gingerbread as they hurried to school. "be sure you tell mother," was sam's last warning to jack and john stebbins, as they parted for their separate schoolrooms. after school the party hastened to the old house. sam took the entry key from his pocket and opened the door, leaving dick to wait for jack and john stebbins. they appeared before long with a basket of provisions, and were ready for a feast directly, but delayed for a further examination of the house. it was dark soon, and sam would not let them stay long in any one room. they must just take a look, and then go home,--no waiting for a feast. "i'll talk to father this evening, and ask him if we may have it if we keep the whole thing secret." they fumbled their way down to the lower back door, but could not get it open. it was locked! "we left the key in the door outside," said dick, in a low whisper. "you ninnies!" exclaimed sam, "somebody saw you and has locked us in." "some of the boys, to plague us," said john stebbins. "mighty great secrecy, now," said sam, "if half the boys in town know we are here. it all comes of that great basket of provisions you saw fit to bring round." "you'll be glad enough of it," said john stebbins, "if we have to spend the night here." "let's have it now," said jack. "we may as well occupy ourselves that way," said sam, in a resigned tone, "till they choose to let us out." "suppose we go up to the room with the bed and the sofa," said john stebbins; "and we've got a surprise for you. there's a pie,--let's eat that." they stumbled their way back. the provident john stebbins had laid in more candles, and they found an old table and had a merry feast. sam and jonas had their books. when sam had hold of a fresh latin book he could not keep away from it. jonas's mind was busy with a new invention. the boys thought he would make his fortune by it. he was determined to invent some use for coal ashes. they were the only things that were not put to some use by his mother in their establishment. he thought he should render a service to mankind if he could do something useful with coal ashes. so he had studied all the chemistry books, and had one or two in his pockets now, and drew out a paper with h o, and other strange letters and figures on it. the other boys after supper busied themselves with arranging the room for a night's sleep. "it's awful jolly," said dick. "this bed will hold four of us. i'll sleep across the foot, and sam shall have the sofa." but sam rose up from his study. "i've no notion of spending the night here. the door must be open by this time." he went to the window that looked out on the veranda. there was a heavy rain-storm; it was pouring hard. it was hard work getting down to the door in the dark. the candle kept going out; and they found the door still locked when they reached it. "why not spend the night?" said jonas. "they'll have got over their worries at home by this time." "nobody could come up here to see after us in this rain," said sam. "i suppose they think that as we have made our bed we may as well sleep in it." sleep they did until a late hour in the morning. all the windows but the one upon the veranda closed with shutters. they woke up to find snow and rain together. they went all over the house to find some way of getting out, but doors and windows were well closed. "it's no use, boys," said sam. "we've tried it often enough from outside to get in, and now it is as hard to get out. i was always disgusted that the windows were so high from the ground. anyhow, father or some of the folks will be after us sometime. what was it you told mother?" sam asked. john stebbins had to confess that he had not seen mrs. wilson, and indeed had been vague with the information he had left with jane. "i told them we were with the pentz boys," he said; "i thought it just as well to keep dark." "mighty dark we all of us are!" said sam, in a rage. he was so angry that john stebbins began to think he had made jane understand where they were, and he tried to calm sam down. jonas proposed that dick should be put through the cold-air box again. with a little squeezing from behind he must be able to get through. everybody but dick thought it such a nice plan that he was obliged to agree. but what was their horror when they reached the place to find some boards nailed across the outside! "a regular siege!" said sam. "well, if they can stand it i guess we can." his mettle was up. "we'll stay till relief forces come. it is some trick of the boys. lucky there's no school. they can't hold out long." "a state of siege! what fun!" cried the boys. "i only wish we had brought two pies," said john stebbins. "but there's plenty of gingerbread." now they would ransack the house at their leisure. there was light enough in the attics to explore the treasures hidden there. they found old coal-hods for helmets, and warming-pans for fiery steeds, and they had tournaments in the huge halls. they piled up carpets for their comfort in their bedroom,--bits of old carpet,--and jonas and sam discovered a pile of old worm-eaten books. the day seemed too short, and the provender lasted well. the night, however, was not so happy. the candles were growing short and matches fewer. sam and jonas had to economize in reading, and told stories instead, and the stories had a tendency to ghosts. dick and jack murmured to john stebbins it was not such fun after all; when, lo! their own talk was interrupted by noises below! a sound of quarrelling voices came from the rooms beneath. voices of men! they went on tiptoe to the head of the stairs to listen. tramps, indeed! how had they got in? was it they who had locked the door? did they come in that way? "suppose we go down," said sam, in a whisper. but john stebbins and the little boys would not think of it. the men were swearing at each other; there was a jingle of bottles and sound of drinking. "it's my opinion we had better keep quiet," said jonas. "it is a poor set, and i don't know what they would do to us if they saw we had found them out and would be likely to tell of them." so they crept back noiselessly. in a state of siege, indeed! john stebbins, with help of the others, lifted the sofa across the door and begged sam to sleep on it. but that night there was not much sleep! the storm continued, snow, hail, and rain, and wind howling against the windows. toward morning they did fall asleep. it was at a late hour they waked up and went to peer out from the veranda window. there was a policeman passing round the house! * * * * * meanwhile there had been great anxiety at the wilsons'. "if it were not for the storm," said aunt harriet, "i should send up to the pentzes' to inquire about those boys." "i suppose it's the storm that keeps them," said jane. "if it were not for the storm," mrs. pentz was saying to mary, "i should like you to go down to the wilsons' and see what those boys are about." as to mrs. stebbins, john was so seldom at home it did not occur to her to wonder where he was. but when saturday morning came, and no boys, aunt harriet said, "there's a little lull in the storm. i can't stand it any longer, jane. i am going to put on my waterproof and go up to the pentzes'." "i will go too," said jane; and gertrude and george joined the party. half-way up the long street they met the pentz family coming down to make the same inquiries,--mr. and mrs. pentz, mary, sophy, will, and the rest. "where are the boys?" was the exclamation as they met half-way between the two houses. mr. johnson, one of the leading men of the town, crossed the street to ask what was the commotion in the two families. "our boys are missing," said mr. pentz. "five boys!" "we haven't seen them since thursday morning," said aunt harriet. "they were at home thursday afternoon," said mary pentz. "i must speak to the police," said mr. pentz. "he is up at the wilson house," said mr. johnson. "there were tramps in the house there last night, and the police came very near catching them. he found the door unlocked night before last. the tramps kept off that night, but turned up last night in the storm. they have got off, however. there is only one policeman, but we've sworn in a special to keep guard on the house." "i'll go up and see him," said mr. pentz. "we'll all go up," said harriet. "perhaps the tramps have gone off with the boys," said gertrude. quite a crowd had collected with the party as they moved up the street, and all together came to the front of the house. the policeman was just disappearing round the other side. they turned to the back to meet him, and reached the corner where the veranda looked down upon the yard. at this moment mr. and mrs. wilson appeared. they had arrived at the station from new york, and heard there the story of the disappearance of the boys, and of tramps in the house. they hastened to the scene, mrs. wilson almost distracted, and now stood with the rest of the wilsons and the pentzes awaiting the policeman. they heard a cry from above, and looked up to the veranda. there were all the boys in a row. xiii. a place for oscar. "i don't like tiresome fables," said jack, throwing down an old book in which he had been trying to read; "it is so ridiculous making the beasts talk. of course they never do talk that way, and if they did talk, they would not be giving that kind of advice but then they never did talk. did you ever hear of a beast talking, ernest, except in a fable?" ernest looked up from his book. "why, yes," he said decidedly; "the horses of achilles talked, don't you remember?" "well, that was a kind of fable," said jack. "our horses never talked. bruno comes near it sometimes. but, hester, don't you think fables are tiresome? they always have a moral tagged on!" he continued, appealing to his older sister; for ernest proved a poor listener, and was deep in his book again. "i will tell you a fable about a boy," said hester, sitting down with her work, "and you shall see." "but don't let the beasts speak," said jack, "and don't let the boy give advice!" "he won't even think of it," said hester; and she went on. "once there was a boy, and his name was oscar, and he went to a very good school, where he learned to spell and read very well, and do a few sums. but when he had learned about as much as that, he took up a new accomplishment. this was to fling up balls, two at a time, and catch them in his hands. this he could do wonderfully well; but then a great many other boys could. he, however, did it at home; he did it on the sidewalk; he could do it sitting on the very top of a board fence; but he was most proud of doing it in school hours while the teacher was not looking. this grew to be his great ambition. he succeeded once or twice, when she was very busy with a younger class, and once while her back was turned, and she was at the door receiving a visitor. "but that did not satisfy him: he wanted to be able to do it when she was sitting on her regular seat in front of the platform; and every day he practised, sometimes with one ball and sometimes with another. it took a great deal of his time and all of his attention; and often some of the other boys were marked for laughing when he succeeded. and he had succeeded so well that the teacher had not the slightest idea what they were laughing at. "all this was very satisfactory to him; but it was not so well for him at the end of the year, because it turned out he was behind-hand in all his studies, and he had to be put down into a lower room. but coming into another room with a fresh teacher, he had to learn his favorite accomplishment all over again. it was difficult, for she was a very rigid teacher, and seemed to have eyes in every hair of her head; and he sat at the other side of the room, so that he had to change hands somehow in throwing the balls and getting them into his desk quick without being seen. but there were a number of younger boys in the room who enjoyed it all very much, so that he was a real hero, and felt himself quite a favorite. he did manage to keep up better in his arithmetic, too, in spite of his having so little time for his books. perhaps from having to watch the teacher so much, he did learn the things that he heard her repeat over and over again; and then he picked up some knowledge from the other boys. still, all through his school term, he was sent about more or less from one room to another. the teachers could not quite understand why such a bright-looking boy, who seemed to be always busy with his lessons, was not farther on in his studies. "so it happened, when they all left school, oscar was himself surprised to find that the boys of his age were ahead of him in various ways. a large class went on to the high school; but oscar, as it proved, was not at all fitted. "and his father took him round from one place to another to try to get some occupation for him. he looked so bright that he was taken for an office-boy here and there; but he never stayed. the fact was, the only thing he could do well was to fling balls up in the air and catch them in turn, without letting them drop to the ground; and this he could only do best on the sly, behind somebody's back. now this, though entertaining to those who saw it for a little while, did not help on his employers, who wondered why they did not get more work out of oscar. "a certain mr. spenser, a friend of oscar's father, asked him to bring his boy round to his office, and he would employ him. 'he will have to do a little drudgery at first, but i think we can promote him soon, if he is faithful.' "so oscar went with his father to mr. spenser's office. mr. spenser started a little when he saw oscar; but after talking awhile, he went to his table, and took from a drawer two balls. 'my little boy left these here this morning,' he said. 'how long do you think,' turning to oscar, 'you could keep them up in the air without letting them drop?' "oscar was much pleased. here was his chance; at this office the kind of thing he could do was wanted. so he dexterously took the balls, and flung them up and down, and might have kept at it all the morning but that mr. spenser said at last, 'that will do, and it is more than enough.' he said, turning to oscar's father: 'as soon as i saw your boy i thought i recognized him as a boy i saw one day in the school flinging balls up in the air on the sly behind his teacher's back. i'm sorry to see that he keeps up the art still. but i felt pretty sure that day that he couldn't have learned much else. i should be afraid to take him into my office with a propensity to do things on the sly, for i have other boys that must learn to be busy. perhaps you can find some other place for oscar.' "but oscar could not find the kind of place. "his friend, seth clayton, had been fond of collecting insects all through his school years. oscar used to laugh at his boxes full of bugs. but seth used to study them over, and talk about them with his teacher, who told him all she knew, and helped him to find books about them. and it was when she was leaning over a beautiful specimen of a night-moth that oscar had performed his most remarkable feat of keeping three balls in the air for a second and a half. this was in their last school year. "and now, after some years more of study, seth was appointed to join an expedition to go to south america and look up insects along the amazon and in brazil. "'just what i should like to do,' said oscar; for he had studied a little about the geography of south america, and thought it would be fun catching cocoanuts with the help of the monkeys, and have a salary too. 'that is something i really could do,' said oscar to seth. but seth went, and oscar was left behind. "will leigh had the best chance, perhaps. he used to be a great crony of oscar. he went through the latin school, and then to harvard college. 'he was always burrowing into latin and greek,' said oscar; 'much as ever you could do to get an english word out of him.' "well, he was wanted as professor in a western college; so they sent him for three years to a german university to study up his hebrew. but he was to travel about europe first. "'i wish they would send me,' said oscar. 'travelling about europe is just what i should like, and just what i could do. it is a queer thing that just these fellows that can work hard, and like to work too, get the easiest places, where they have only to lie back and do nothing!' "even some of the boys who were behind him in school and below him in lower classes came out ahead. sol smith, whom oscar always thought a stupid dunce, had the place in mr. spenser's office that he would have liked. "'mr. spenser took sol out to his country place in the mountains,' oscar complained, 'where he has boats and plenty of fishing. i know i could have caught a lot of trout. it is just what i can do. but that stupid sol, if he looked at a trout, he probably frightened it away.' "it was just so all along through life. oscar could not find exactly the place he was fitted for. one of his friends, tracy, went out west as engineer. 'i could have done that,' said oscar; 'i could have carried the chain as easy as not. it is a little hard that all the rest of the fellows tumble into these easy places. there's tracy making money hand over hand.' "the next he heard of him tracy was in the legislature. 'that i could do,' said oscar. 'it is easy enough to go and sit in the legislature, with your hands in your pockets, and vote when your turn comes; or you needn't be there all the time if you don't choose.' "so they put oscar up for the legislature; but he lost the vote, because he forgot to sign his name to an important note, in answer to one of his 'constituents.' he tried for congress, too, but without success. he talked round among his friends about running for president. there was the great white house to live in. he would be willing to stay all summer. he felt he should be the right person, as he had never done anything, and would offend no party. "but even for president something more is needed than catching half-a-dozen balls without letting them fall to the ground. "once, indeed, he had thought of joining a circus; but he could not equal the chinese juggler with the balls, and it tired him to jump up and down. his father got him the place of janitor at an art building; but he made mistakes in making change for tickets, and put wrong checks on the umbrellas and parasols, so that nobody got the right umbrella. he was really glad when they dismissed him, it tired him so. it was harder work than flinging balls----" "look at here, you need not go on," said jack, interrupting his sister. "i never did it but just once in school, and that was when you happened to come in and speak to miss eaton. i was real ashamed that you caught me at it then, and i have never had the balls at school since, or thought of them." "the beast has spoken," said ernest, looking up from his book. jack made a rush at his brother. "oh! stop," said ernest; "let us find out what became of oscar." "he has married," said hester, "and his wife supports him." xiv. the first needle. "have you heard the new invention, my dears, that a man has invented?" said she. "it's a stick with an eye, through which you can tie a thread so long, it acts like a thong; and the men have such fun to see the thing run! a firm, strong thread, through that eye at the head, is pulled over the edges most craftily, and makes a beautiful seam to see!" "what! instead of those wearisome thorns, my dear, those wearisome thorns?" cried they. "the seam we pin, driving them in; but where are they, by the end of the day, with dancing and jumping and leaps by the sea? for wintry weather they won't hold together, seal-skins and bear-skins all dropping round, off from our shoulders down to the ground. the thorns, the tiresome thorns, will prick, but none of them ever consented to stick! oh, won't the men let us this new thing use? if we mend their clothes, they can't refuse. ah, to sew up a seam for them to see,-- what a treat, a delightful treat, 't will be!" "yes, a nice thing, too, for the babies, my dears,-- but, alas, there is but one!" cried she. "i saw them passing it round, and then they said it was only fit for men! what woman would know how to make the thing go? there was not a man so foolish to dream that any woman could sew up a seam!" oh, then there was babbling and screaming, my dears! "at least they might let us do that!" cried they. "let them shout and fight and kill bears day and night; we'll leave them their spears and hatchets of stone if they'll give us this thing for our very own. it will be like a joy above all we could scheme, to sit up all night and sew such a seam!" "beware! take care!" cried an aged old crone, "take care what you promise!" said she. "at first 't will be fun, but, in the long run, you'll wish that the men had let the thing be. through this stick with an eye i look and espy that for ages and ages you'll sit and you'll sew, and longer and longer the seams will grow, and you'll wish you never had asked to sew. but nought that i say. can keep back the day; for the men will return to their hunting and rowing. and leave to the women forever the sewing." ah! what are the words of an aged crone, for all have left her muttering alone; and the needle and thread they got with such pains. they forever must keep as dagger and chains. file was produced from images generously made available by the canadian institute for historical microreproductions (www.canadiana.org)) transcriber's notes: there are several inconsistencies in spelling and punctuation in the original. some corrections have been made for obvious typographical errors; they have been noted individually in the text. all changes made by the transcriber are enumerated in braces, for example { }; details of corrections and comments are listed at the end of the text. note that many of the errors were introduced in the third edition, as cross-referencing the second edition has shown. in the original, the "mc" in scottish names is given as "m" followed by what looks like a left single quotation mark (unicode ). this has been changed to "mc" throughout the text. specific spellings that differ from their modern versions and have been retained in this text are "saskatchawan" (modern "saskatchewan"), "esquimaux" (modern "eskimo") and "musquito" (modern "mosquito"). text in italics in the original is shown between _underlines_. for this text version, the oe-ligature (unicode ) has been rendered as "oe". footnote in chapter viii contains several instances of [· ] as a transliteration of the symbol for "sun" (unicode ). * * * * * narrative of a journey to the shores of the polar sea, in the years - - - . by john franklin, capt. r.n., f.r.s., m.w.s., and commander of the expedition. published by authority of the right honourable the earl bathurst. third edition. two vols.--vol. ii. london: john murray, albemarle-street. mdcccxxiv. london: printed by william clowes, northumberland-court. contents of the second volume. chapter viii. page transactions at fort enterprise--mr. back's narrative of his journey to chipewyan, and return chapter ix. continuation of proceedings at fort enterprise--some account of the copper indians--preparations for the journey to the northward chapter x. departure from fort enterprise--navigation of the copper-mine river--visit to the copper mountain--interview with the esquimaux--departure of the indian hunters--arrangements made with them for our return chapter xi. navigation of the polar sea, in two canoes, as far as cape turnagain, to the eastward, a distance exceeding five hundred and fifty miles--observations on the probability of a north-west passage chapter xii. journey across the barren grounds--difficulty and delay in crossing copper-mine river--melancholy and fatal results thereof--extreme misery of the whole party--murder of mr. hood--death of several of the canadians--desolate state of fort enterprise--distress suffered at that place--dr. richardson's narrative--mr. back's narrative--conclusion journey to the shores of the polar sea. * * * * * chapter viii. transactions at fort enterprise--mr. back's narrative of his journey to chipewyan and return. . september. during our little expedition to the copper-mine river, mr. wentzel had made great progress in the erection of our winter-house, having nearly roofed it in. but before proceeding to give an account of a ten months' residence at this place, henceforth designated fort enterprise, i may premise, that i shall omit many of the ordinary occurrences of a north american winter, as they have been already detailed in so able and interesting a manner by ellis[ ], and confine myself principally to the circumstances which had an influence on our progress in the ensuing summer. the observations on the magnetic needle, the temperature of the atmosphere, the aurora borealis, and other meteorological phenomena, together with the mineralogical and botanical notices, being less interesting to the general reader, are omitted in this edition. [ ] voyage to hudson's bay in the dobbs and california. the men continued to work diligently at the house, and by the th of september had nearly completed it for our reception, when a heavy fall of rain washed the greater part of the mud off the roof. this rain was remarked by the indians as unusual, after what they had deemed so decided a commencement of winter in the early part of the month. the mean temperature for the month was - / °, but the thermometer had sunk as low as °, and on one occasion rose to °. besides the party constantly employed at the house, two men were appointed to fish, and others were occasionally sent for meat, as the hunters procured it. this latter employment, although extremely laborious, was always relished by the canadians, as they never failed to use a prescriptive right of helping themselves to the fattest and most delicate parts of the deer. towards the end of the month, the rein-deer began to quit the barren grounds, and came into the vicinity of the house, on their way to the woods; and the success of the hunters being consequently great, the necessity of sending for the meat considerably retarded the building of the house. in the mean time we resided in our canvas tents, which proved very cold habitations, although we maintained a fire in front of them, and also endeavoured to protect ourselves from the piercing winds by a barricade of pine branches. on the th of october, the house being completed, we struck our tents, and removed into it. it was merely a log-building, fifty feet long, and twenty-four wide, divided into a hall, three bed rooms and a kitchen. the walls and roof were plastered with clay, the floors laid with planks rudely squared with the hatchet, and the windows closed with parchment of deer-skin. the clay, which from the coldness of the weather, required to be tempered before the fire with hot water, froze as it was daubed on, and afterwards cracked in such a manner as to admit the wind from every quarter; yet, compared with the tents, our new habitation appeared comfortable; and having filled our capacious clay-built chimney with fagots, we spent a cheerful evening before the invigorating blaze. the change was peculiarly beneficial to dr. richardson, who, having, in one of his excursions, incautiously laid down on the frozen side of a hill when heated with walking, had caught a severe inflammatory sore throat, which became daily worse whilst we remained in the tents, but began to mend soon after he was enabled to confine himself to the more equable warmth of the house. we took up our abode at first on the floor, but our working party, who had shown such skill as house carpenters, soon proved themselves to be, with the same tools, (the hatchet and crooked knife,) excellent cabinet makers, and daily added a table, chair, or bedstead, to the comforts of our establishment. the crooked knife generally made of an old file, bent and tempered by heat, serves an indian or canadian voyager for plane, chisel, and auger. with it the snow-shoe and canoe-timbers are fashioned, the deals of their sledges reduced to the requisite thinness and polish, and their wooden bowls and spoons hollowed out. indeed, though not quite so requisite for existence as the hatchet, yet without its aid there would be little comfort in these wilds. on the th we were gratified by a sight of the sun, after it had been obscured for twelve days. on this and several following days the meridian sun melted the light covering of snow or hoar frost on the lichens, which clothe the barren grounds, and rendered them so tender as to attract great herds of rein-deer to our neighbourhood. on the morning of the th i estimated the numbers i saw during a short walk, at upwards of two thousand. they form into herds of different sizes, from ten to a hundred, according as their fears or accident induce them to unite or separate. the females being at this time more lean and active, usually lead the van. the haunches of the males are now covered to the depth of two inches or more with fat, which is beginning to get red and high flavoured, and is considered a sure indication of the commencement of the rutting season. their horns, which in the middle of august were yet tender, have now attained their proper size, and are beginning to lose their hairy covering which hangs from them in ragged filaments. the horns of the rein-deer vary, not only with its sex and age, but are otherwise so uncertain in their growth, that they are never alike in any two individuals. the old males shed their's about the end of december; the females retain them until the disappearance of the snow enables them to frequent the barren grounds, which may be stated to be about the middle or end of may, soon after which period they proceed towards the sea-coast and drop their young. the young males lose their horns about the same time with the females or a little earlier, some of them as early as april. the hair of the rein-deer falls in july, and is succeeded by a short thick coat of mingled clove, deep reddish, and yellowish browns; the belly and under parts of the neck, _&c._, remaining white. as the winter approaches the hair becomes longer, and lighter in its colours, and it begins to loosen in may, being then much worn on the sides, from the animal rubbing itself against trees and stones. it becomes grayish and almost white, before it is completely shed. the indians form their robes of the skins procured in autumn, when the hair is short. towards the spring the larvæ of the oestrus attaining a large size, produce so many perforations in the skins, that they are good for nothing. the cicatrices only of these holes are to be seen in august, but a fresh set of _ova_ have in the mean time been deposited[ ]. [ ] "it is worthy of remark, that in the month of may a very great number of large larvæ exist under the mucous membrane at the root of the tongue, and posterior part of the nares and pharynx. the indians consider them to belong to the same species with the oestrus, that deposits its ova under the skin: to us the larvæ of the former appeared more flattened than those of the latter. specimens of both kinds, preserved in spirits, were destroyed by the frequent falls they received on the portages."--dr. richardson's _journal_. the rein-deer retire from the sea-coast in july and august, rut in october on the verge of the barren grounds, and shelter themselves in the woods during the winter. they are often induced by a few fine days in winter, to pay a transitory visit to their favourite pastures in the barren country, but their principal movement to the northward commences generally in the end of april, when the snow first begins to melt on the sides of the hills, and early in may, when large patches of the ground are visible, they are on the banks of the copper-mine river. the females take the lead in this spring migration, and bring forth their young on the sea-coast about the end of may or beginning of june. there are certain spots or passes well known to the indians, through which the deer invariably pass in their migrations to and from the coast, and it has been observed that they always travel against the wind. the principal food of the rein-deer in the barren grounds, consists of the _cetraria nivalis_ and _cucullata_, _cenomyce rangiferina_, _cornicularia ochrileuca_, and other lichens, and they also eat the hay or dry grass which is found in the swamps in autumn. in the woods they feed on the different lichens which hang from the trees. they are accustomed to gnaw their fallen antlers, and are said also to devour mice. the weight of a full grown barren-ground deer, exclusive of the offal, varies from ninety to one hundred and thirty pounds. there is, however, a much larger kind found in the woody parts of the country, whose carcase weighs from two hundred to two hundred and forty pounds. this kind never leaves the woods, but its skin is as much perforated by the gad-fly as that of the others; a presumptive proof that the smaller species are not driven to the sea-coast solely by the attacks of that insect. there are a few rein-deer occasionally killed in the spring, whose skins are entire, and these are always fat, whereas the others are lean at that season. this insect likewise infests the red-deer (_wawaskeesh_,) but its ova are not found in the skin of the moose, or buffalo, nor, as we have been informed, of the sheep and goat that inhabit the rocky mountains, although the rein-deer found in those parts, (which are of an unusually large kind,) are as much tormented by them as the barren-ground variety. the herds of rein-deer are attended in their migrations by bands of wolves, which destroy a great many of them. the copper indians kill the rein-deer in the summer with the gun, or taking advantage of a favourable disposition of the ground, they enclose a herd upon a neck of land, and drive them into a lake, where they fall an easy prey; but in the rutting season and in the spring, when they are numerous on the skirts of the woods, they catch them in snares. the snares are simple nooses, formed in a rope made of twisted sinew, which are placed in the aperture of a slight hedge, constructed of the branches of trees. this hedge is so disposed as to form several winding compartments, and although it is by no means strong, yet the deer seldom attempt to break through it. the herd is led into the labyrinth by two converging rows of poles, and one is generally caught at each of the openings by the noose placed there. the hunter, too, lying in ambush, stabs some of them with his bayonet as they pass by, and the whole herd frequently becomes his prey. where wood is scarce, a piece of turf turned up answers the purpose of a pole to conduct them towards the snares. the rein-deer has a quick eye, but the hunter by keeping to leeward and using a little caution, may approach very near; their apprehensions being much more easily roused by the smell than the sight of any unusual object. indeed their curiosity often causes them to come close up and wheel around the hunter; thus affording him a good opportunity of singling out the fattest of the herd, and upon these occasions they often become so confused by the shouts and gestures of their enemy, that they run backwards and forwards with great rapidity, but without the power of making their escape. the copper indians find by experience that a white dress attracts them most readily, and they often succeed in bringing them within shot, by kneeling and vibrating the gun from side to side, in imitation of the motion of a deer's horns when he is in the act of rubbing his head against a stone. the dog-rib indians have a mode of killing these animals, which though simple, is very successful. it was thus described by mr. wentzel, who resided long amongst that people. the hunters go in pairs, the foremost man carrying in one hand the horns and part of the skin of the head of a deer, and in the other a small bundle of twigs, against which he, from time to time, rubs the horns, imitating the gestures peculiar to the animal. his comrade follows treading exactly in his footsteps, and holding the guns of both in a horizontal position, so that the muzzles project under the arms of him who carries the head. both hunters have a fillet of white skin round their foreheads, and the foremost has a strip of the same kind round his wrists. they approach the herd by degrees, raising their legs very slowly, but setting them down somewhat suddenly, after the manner of a deer, and always taking care to lift their right or left feet simultaneously. if any of the herd leave off feeding to gaze upon this extraordinary phenomenon, it instantly stops, and the head begins to play its part by licking its shoulders, and performing other necessary movements. in this way the hunters attain the very centre of the herd without exciting suspicion, and have leisure to single out the fattest. the hindmost man then pushes forward his comrade's gun, the head is dropt, and they both fire nearly at the same instant. the herd scampers off, the hunters trot after them; in a short time the poor animals halt to ascertain the cause of their terror, their foes stop at the same instant, and having loaded as they ran, greet the gazers with a second fatal discharge. the consternation of the deer increases, they run to and fro in the utmost confusion, and sometimes a great part of the herd is destroyed within the space of a few hundred yards. a party who had been sent to akaitcho returned, bringing three hundred and seventy pounds of dried meat, and two hundred and twenty pounds of suet, together with the unpleasant information, that a still larger quantity of the latter article had been found and carried off, as he supposed, by some dog-ribs, who had passed that way. the weather becoming daily colder, all the lakes in the neighbourhood of the house were completely, and the river partially, frozen over by the middle of the month. the rein-deer now began to quit us for more southerly and better-sheltered pastures. indeed, their longer residence in our neighbourhood would have been of little service to us, for our ammunition was almost completely expended, though we had dealt it of late with a very sparing hand to the indians. we had, however, already secured in the store-house the carcases of one hundred deer, together with one thousand pounds of suet, and some dried meat; and had, moreover, eighty deer stowed up at various distances from the house. the necessity of employing the men to build a house for themselves, before the weather became too severe, obliged us to put the latter _en cache_, as the voyagers term it, instead of adopting the more safe plan of bringing them to the house. putting a deer _en cache_, means merely protecting it against the wolves, and still more destructive wolverenes, by heavy loads of wood or stones; the latter animal, however, sometimes digs underneath the pile, and renders the precaution abortive. on the th, mr. back and mr. wentzel set out for fort providence, accompanied by beauparlant, belanger, and two indians, akaiyazza and thoolezzeh, with their wives, the little forehead, and the smiling marten. mr. back had volunteered to go and make the necessary arrangements for transporting the stores we expected from cumberland house, and to endeavour to obtain some additional supplies from the establishments at slave lake. if any accident should have prevented the arrival of our stores, and the establishments at moose-deer island should be unable to supply the deficiency, he was, if he found himself equal to the task, to proceed to chipewyan. ammunition was essential to our existence, and a considerable supply of tobacco was also requisite, not only for the comfort of the canadians, who use it largely, and had stipulated for it in their engagements, but also as a means of preserving the friendship of the indians. blankets, cloth, and iron-work, were scarcely less indispensible to equip our men for the advance next season. mr. wentzel accompanied mr. back, to assist him in obtaining from the traders, on the score of old friendship, that which they might be inclined to deny to our necessities. i forwarded by them letters to the colonial office and admiralty, detailing the proceedings of the expedition up to this period. on the d we were surprised by a visit from a dog; the poor animal was in low condition, and much fatigued. our indians discovered, by marks on his ears, that he belonged to the dog-ribs. this tribe, unlike the chipewyans and copper indians, had preserved that useful associate of man, although from their frequent intercourse with the latter people, they were not ignorant of the prediction alluded to in a former page. one of our interpreters was immediately despatched, with an indian, to endeavour to trace out the dog-ribs, whom he supposed might be concealed in the neighbourhood from their dread of the copper indians; although we had no doubt of their coming to us, were they aware of our being here. the interpreter, however, returned without having discovered any traces of strange indians; a circumstance which led us to conclude, that the dog had strayed from his masters a considerable time before. towards the end of the month the men completed their house, and took up their abode in it. it was thirty-four feet long and eighteen feet wide; was divided into two apartments, and was placed at right angles to the officers' dwelling, and facing the store-house: the three buildings forming three sides of a quadrangle. on the th akaitcho and his party arrived, the hunting in this neighbourhood being terminated for the season, by the deer having retired southward to the shelter of the woods. the arrival of this large party was a serious inconvenience to us, from our being compelled to issue them daily rates of provision from the store. the want of ammunition prevented us from equipping and sending them to the woods to hunt; and although they are accustomed to subsist themselves for a considerable part of the year by fishing, or snaring the deer, without having recourse to fire-arms, yet, on the present occasion, they felt little inclined to do so, and gave scope to their natural love of ease, as long as our store-house seemed to be well stocked. nevertheless, as they were conscious of impairing our future resources, they did not fail, occasionally, to remind us that it was not their fault, to express an ardent desire to go hunting, and to request a supply of ammunition, although they knew that it was not in our power to give it. the summer birds by this time had entirely deserted us, leaving, for our winter companions, the raven, cinereous crow, ptarmigan, and snow-bird. the last of the water-fowl that quitted us was a species of diver, of the same size with the _colymbus arcticus_, but differing from it in the arrangement of the white spots on its plumage, and in having a yellowish white bill. this bird was occasionally caught in our fishing nets. the thermometer during the month of october, at fort enterprise, never rose above °, or fell below °; the mean temperature for the month was °. in the beginning of october a party had been sent to the westward to search for birch to make snow-shoe frames, and the indian women were afterwards employed in netting the shoes and preparing leather for winter-clothing to the men. robes of rein-deer skins were also obtained from the indians, and issued to the men who were to travel, as they are not only a great deal lighter than blankets, but also much warmer, and altogether better adapted for a winter in this climate. they are, however, unfit for summer use, as the least moisture causes the skin to spoil, and lose its hair. it requires the skins of seven deer to make one robe. the finest are made of the skins of young fawns. the fishing, having failed as the weather became more severe, was given up on the th. it had procured us about one thousand two hundred _white fish_, from two to three pounds each. there are two other species of _coregoni_ in winter lake, _back's grayling_ and the _round fish_; and a few _trout_, _pike_, _methye_, and _red carp_, were also occasionally obtained from the nets. it may be worthy of notice here, that the fish froze as they were taken out of the nets, in a short time became a solid mass of ice, and by a blow or two of the hatchet were easily split open, when the intestines might be removed in one lump. if in this completely frozen state they were thawed before the fire, they recovered their animation. this was particularly the case with the carp, and we had occasion to observe it repeatedly, as dr. richardson occupied himself in examining the structure of the different species of fish, and was, always in the winter, under the necessity of thawing them before he could cut them. we have seen a carp recover so far as to leap about with much vigour, after it had been frozen for thirty-six hours. from the th to the th we had fine, and for the season, warm weather; and the deer, which had not been seen since the th of october, reappeared in the neighbourhood of the house, to the surprise of the indians, who attributed their return to the barren grounds to the unusual mildness of the season. on this occasion, by melting some of our pewter cups, we managed to furnish five balls to each of the hunters, but they were all expended unsuccessfully, except by akaitcho, who killed two deer. by the middle of the month winter river was firmly frozen over, except the small rapid at its commencement, which remained open all the winter. the ice on the lake was now nearly two feet thick. after the th we had a succession of cold, snowy, and windy weather. we had become anxious to hear of the arrival of mr. back and his party at fort providence. the indians, who had calculated the period at which a messenger ought to have returned from thence to be already passed, became impatient when it had elapsed, and with their usual love of evil augury tormented us by their melancholy forebodings. at one time they conjectured that the whole party had fallen through{ } the ice; at another, that they had been way-laid and cut off by the dog-ribs. in vain did we urge the improbability of the former accident, or the peaceable character of the dog-ribs, so little in conformity with the latter. "the ice at this season was deceitful," they said, "and the dog-ribs, though unwarlike, were treacherous." these assertions, so often repeated, had some effect upon the spirits of our canadian voyagers, who seldom weigh any opinion they adopt; but we persisted in treating their fears as chimerical, for had we seemed to listen to them for a moment, it is more than probable that the whole of our indians would have gone to fort providence in search of supplies, and we should have found it extremely difficult to have recovered them. the matter was put to rest by the appearance of belanger on the morning of the d, and the indians, now running into the opposite extreme, were disposed to give us more credit for our judgment than we deserved. they had had a tedious and fatiguing journey to fort providence, and for some days were destitute of provisions. belanger arrived alone; he had walked constantly for the last six-and-thirty hours, leaving his indian companions encamped at the last woods, they being unwilling to accompany him across the barren grounds during the storm that had prevailed for several days, and blew with unusual violence on the morning of his arrival. his locks were matted with snow, and he was incrusted with ice from head to foot, so that we scarcely recognised him when he burst in upon us. we welcomed him with the usual shake of the hand, but were unable to give him the glass of rum which every voyager receives on his arrival at a trading post. as soon as his packet was thawed, we eagerly opened it to obtain our english letters. the latest were dated on the preceding april. they came by way of canada, and were brought up in september to slave lake by the north-west company's canoes. we were not so fortunate with regard to our stores; of ten pieces, or bales of lbs. weight, which had been sent from york factory by governor williams, five of the most essential had been left at the grand rapid on the saskatchawan, owing, as far as we could judge from the accounts that reached us, to the misconduct of the officer to whom they were intrusted, and who was ordered to convey them to cumberland-house. being overtaken by some of the north-west company's canoes, he had insisted on their taking half of his charge as it was intended for the service of government. the north-west gentlemen objected, that their canoes had already got a cargo in, and that they had been requested to convey our stores from cumberland house only, where they had a canoe waiting for the purpose. the hudson's-bay officer upon this deposited our ammunition and tobacco upon the beach, and departed without any regard to the serious consequences that might result to us from the want of them. the indians, who assembled at the opening of the packet, and sat in silence watching our countenances, were necessarily made acquainted with the non-arrival of our stores, and bore the intelligence with unexpected tranquillity. we took care, however, in our communications with them to dwell upon the more agreeable parts of our intelligence, and they seemed to receive particular pleasure on being informed of the arrival of two esquimaux interpreters at slave lake, on their way to join the party. the circumstance not only quieted their fears of opposition from the esquimaux on our descent to the sea next season, but also afforded a substantial proof of our influence in being able to bring two people of that nation from such a distance. akaitcho, who is a man of great penetration and shrewdness, duly appreciated these circumstances; indeed he has often surprised us by his correct judgment of the character of individuals amongst the traders or of our own party, although his knowledge of their opinions was, in most instances, obtained through the imperfect medium of interpretation. he was an attentive observer, however, of every action, and steadily compared their conduct with their pretensions. by the newspapers we learned the demise of our revered and lamented sovereign george iii., and the proclamation of george iv. we concealed this intelligence from the indians, lest the death of their great father might lead them to suppose that we should be unable to fulfil our promises to them. the indians who had left fort providence with belanger arrived the day after him, and, amongst other intelligence, informed akaitcho of some reports they had heard to our disadvantage. they stated that mr. weeks, the gentleman in charge of fort providence, had told them, that so far from our being what we represented ourselves to be, the officers of a great king, we were merely a set of dependant wretches, whose only aim was to obtain subsistence for a season in the plentiful country of the copper indians; that, out of charity we had been supplied with a portion of goods by the trading companies, but that there was not the smallest probability of our being able to reward the indians when their term of service was completed. akaitcho, with great good sense, instantly came to have the matter explained, stating at the same time, that he could not credit it. i then pointed out to him that mr. wentzel, with whom they had long been accustomed to trade, had pledged the credit of his company for the stipulated rewards to the party that accompanied us, and that the trading debts due by akaitcho, and his party had already been remitted, which was of itself a sufficient proof of our influence with the north-west company. i also reminded akaitcho, that our having caused the esquimaux to be brought up at a great expense, was evidence of our future intentions, and informed him that i should write to mr. smith, the senior trader in the department, on the subject, when i had no doubt that a satisfactory explanation would be given. the indians retired from the conference apparently satisfied, but this business was in the end productive of much inconvenience to us, and proved very detrimental to the progress of the expedition. in conjunction also with other intelligence conveyed in mr. back's letters respecting the disposition of the traders towards us, particularly a statement of mr. weeks, that he had been desired not to assist us with supplies from his post, it was productive of much present uneasiness to me. on the th st. germain, the interpreter, set out with eight canadian voyagers and four indian hunters to bring up our stores from fort providence. i wrote by him to mr. smith, at moose-deer island, and mr. keith, at chipewyan, both of the north-west company, urging them in the strongest manner to comply with the requisition for stores, which mr. back would present. i also informed mr. simpson, principal agent in the athabasca for the hudson's bay company, who had proffered every assistance in his power, that we should gladly avail ourselves of the kind intentions expressed in a letter which i had received from him. we also sent a number of broken axes to slave lake to be repaired. the dog that came to us on the d of october, and had become very familiar, followed the party. we were in hopes that it might prove of some use in dragging their loads, but we afterwards learned, that on the evening after their departure from the house, they had the cruelty to kill and eat it, although they had no reason to apprehend a scarcity of provision. a dog is considered to be delicate eating by the voyagers. the mean temperature of the air for november was - °. . the greatest heat observed was ° above, and the least ° below, zero. on the st of december the sky was clear, a slight appearance of stratus only being visible near the horizon; but a kind of snow fell at intervals in the forenoon, its particles so minute as to be observed only in the sunshine. towards noon the snow became more apparent, and the two limbs of a prismatic arch were visible, one on each side of the sun near its place in the heavens, the centre being deficient. we have frequently observed this descent of minute icy spiculæ when the sky appears perfectly clear, and could even perceive that its silent but continued action, added to the snowy covering of the ground. having received one hundred balls from fort providence by belanger, we distributed them amongst the indians, informing the leader at the same time, that the residence of so large a party as his at the house, amounting, with women and children, to forty souls, was producing a serious reduction in our stock of provision. he acknowledged the justice of the statement, and promised to remove as soon as his party had prepared snow-shoes and sledges for themselves. under one pretext or other, however, their departure was delayed until the th of the month, when they left us, having previously received one of our fishing-nets, and all the ammunition we possessed. the leader left his aged mother and two female attendants to our care, requesting that if she died during his absence, she might be buried at a distance from the fort, that he might not be reminded of his loss when he visited us. keskarrah, the guide, also remained behind, with his wife and daughter. the old man has become too feeble to hunt, and his time is almost entirely occupied in attendance upon his wife, who has been long affected with an ulcer on the face, which has nearly destroyed her nose. lately he made an offering to the water spirits, whose wrath he apprehended to be the cause of her malady. it consisted of a knife, a piece of tobacco, and some other trifling articles, which were tied up in a small bundle, and committed to the rapid with a long prayer. he does not trust entirely, however, to the relenting of the spirits for his wife's cure, but comes daily to dr. richardson for medicine. upon one occasion he received the medicine from the doctor with such formality, and wrapped it up in his rein-deer robe with such extraordinary carefulness, that it excited the involuntary laughter of mr. hood and myself. the old man smiled in his turn, and as he always seemed proud of the familiar way in which we were accustomed to joke with him, we thought no more upon the subject. but he unfortunately mentioned the circumstance to his wife, who imagined in consequence, that the drug was not productive of its usual good effects, and they immediately came to the conclusion that some bad medicine had been intentionally given to them. the distress produced by this idea, was in proportion to their former faith in the potency of the remedy, and the night was spent in singing and groaning. next morning the whole family were crying in concert, and it was not until the evening of the second day that we succeeded in pacifying them. the old woman began to feel better, and her faith in the medicine was renewed. while speaking of this family, i may remark that the daughter, whom we designated green-stockings from her dress, is considered by her tribe to be a great beauty. mr. hood drew an accurate portrait of her, although her mother was averse to her sitting for it. she was afraid, she said, that her daughter's likeness would induce the great chief who resided in england to send for the original. the young lady, however, was undeterred by any such fear. she has already been an object of contest between her countrymen, and although under sixteen years of age, has belonged successively to two husbands, and would probably have been the wife of many more, if her mother had not required her services as a nurse. the weather during this month, was the coldest we experienced during our residence in america. the thermometer sunk on one occasion to ° below zero, and never rose beyond ° above it; the mean for the month was - °. . during these intense colds, however, the atmosphere was generally calm, and the wood-cutters and others went about their ordinary occupations without using any extraordinary precautions, yet without feeling any bad effects. they had their rein-deer shirts on, leathern mittens lined with blankets, and furred caps; but none of them used any defence for the face, or needed any. indeed we have already mentioned that the heat is abstracted most rapidly from the body during strong breezes, and most of those who have perished from cold in this country, have fallen a sacrifice to their being overtaken on a lake or other unsheltered place, by a storm of wind. the intense colds, were, however, detrimental to us in another way. the trees froze to their very centres and became as hard as stones, and more difficult to cut. some of the axes were broken daily, and by the end of the month we had only one left that was fit for felling trees. by intrusting it only to one of the party who had been bred a carpenter, and who could use it with dexterity, it was fortunately preserved until the arrival of our men with others from fort providence. a thermometer, hung in our bed-room at the distance of sixteen feet from the fire, but exposed to its direct radiation, stood even in the day-time occasionally at ° below zero, and was observed more than once previous to the kindling of the fire in the morning, to be as low as ° below zero. on two of these occasions the chronometers and , which during the night lay under mr. hood's and dr. richardson's pillows, stopped while they were dressing themselves. the rapid at the commencement of the river remained open in the severest weather, although it was somewhat contracted in width. its temperature was °, as was the surface of the river opposite the house, about a quarter of a mile lower down, tried at a hole in the ice, through which water was drawn for domestic purposes. the river here was two fathoms and a half deep, and the temperature at its bottom was at least ° above zero. this fact was ascertained by a spirit thermometer; in which, probably, from some irregularity in the tube, a small portion of the coloured liquor usually remained at ° when the column was made to descend rapidly. in the present instance the thermometer standing at ° below zero, with no portion of the fluid in the upper part of the tube, was let down slowly into the water, but drawn cautiously and rapidly up again, when a red drop at + ° indicated that the fluid had risen to that point or above it. at this period the daily visits of the sun were very short, and owing to the obliquity of his rays, afforded us little warmth or light. it is half past eleven before he peeps over a small ridge of hills opposite to the house, and he sinks in the horizon at half past two. on the th mr. hood, in order to attain an approximation to the quantity of terrestrial refraction, observed the sun's meridian altitude when the thermometer stood at ° below zero, at the imminent hazard of having his fingers frozen. he found the sextant had changed its error considerably, and that the glasses had lost their parallelism from the contraction of the brass. in measuring the error he perceived that the diameter of the sun's image was considerably short of twice the semi-diameter; a proof of the uncertainty of celestial observations made during these intense frosts. the results of this and another similar observation are given at the bottom of the page[ ]. [ ] "the observed meridian altitude of [· ] upper limb was ° ' ". temperature of the air - ° '{ }. by comparing this altitude, corrected by the mean refraction and parallax, with that deduced from the latitude which was observed in autumn, the increase of refraction is found to be ' ", the whole refraction, therefore, for the altitude ° ' " is ' ". admitting that the refraction increases in the same ratio as that of the atmosphere at a mean state of temperature, the horizontal refraction will be ' ". but the diameter of the sun measured immediately after the observation, was only ' ", which shews an increase of refraction at the lower limb of ' ". the horizontal refraction calculated with this difference, and the above-mentioned ratio, is ' ", at the temperature - ° '. so that in the parallel ° ', where if there was no refraction, the sun would be invisible for thirty-four days, his upper limb, with the refraction ' ", is, in fact, above the horizon at every noon. the wind was from the westward a moderate breeze, and the air perfectly clear. january st, . observed meridian altitude of [· ] lower limb ° ' ". [· ] apparent diameter ° '. for apparent altitude ° ' ", the mean refraction is ' " (mackay's tables), and the true, found as detailed above, is ' ": which increasing in the same ratio as that of the atmosphere, at a mean state of temperature, is ' " at the horizon. but the difference of refraction at the upper and lower limbs, increasing also in that ratio, gives ' " for the horizontal refraction. temperature of the air - °. wind north, a light breeze, a large halo visible about the sun. january th, .--observed an apparent meridian altitude [· ] lower limb ° ' ". [· ] apparent diameter ' ". for apparent altitude ° ' ", the mean refraction is ' " (mackay's tables), and the true, found as detailed above, is ' ", which, increasing in the same ratio as that of the atmosphere at a mean state of temperature, is ' " at the horizon. but the difference of refraction between the upper and lower limbs increasing also in that ratio, gives ' " for the horizontal refraction. temperature of the air - °, a light air from the westward, very clear. the extreme coldness of the weather rendered these operations difficult and dangerous; yet i think the observations may be depended upon within ", as will appear by their approximate results in calculating the horizontal refraction; for it must be considered that an error of ", in the refraction in altitude, would make a difference of several minutes in the horizontal refraction."--mr. hood's _journal_. the aurora appeared with more or less brilliancy on twenty-eight nights in this month, and we were also gratified by the resplendent beauty of the moon, which for many days together performed its circle round the heavens, shining with undiminished lustre, and scarcely disappearing below the horizon during the twenty-four hours. during many nights there was a halo round the moon, although the stars shone brightly, and the atmosphere appeared otherwise clear. the same phenomenon{ } was observed round the candles, even in our bed-rooms; the diameter of the halo increasing as the observer receded from the light. these halos, both round the moon and candles, occasionally exhibited faintly some of the prismatic colours. as it may be interesting to the reader to know how we passed our time at this season of the year, i shall mention briefly, that a considerable portion of it was occupied in writing up our journals. some newspapers and magazines, that we had received from england with our letters, were read again and again, and commented upon, at our meals; and we often exercised ourselves with conjecturing the changes that might take place in the world before we could hear from it again. the probability of our receiving letters, and the period of their arrival, were calculated to a nicety. we occasionally paid the woodmen a visit, or took a walk for a mile or two on the river. in the evenings we joined the men in the hall, and took a part in their games, which generally continued to a late hour; in short, we never found the time to hang heavy upon our hands; and the peculiar occupations of each of the officers afforded them more employment than might at first be supposed. i re-calculated the observations made on our route; mr. hood protracted the charts, and made those drawings of birds, plants, and fishes, which cannot appear in this work, but which have been the admiration of every one who has seen them. each of the party sedulously and separately recorded their observations on the aurora; and dr. richardson contrived to obtain from under the snow, specimens of most of the lichens in the neighbourhood, and to make himself acquainted with the mineralogy of the surrounding country. the sabbath was always a day of rest with us; the woodmen were required to provide for the exigencies of that day on saturday, and the party were dressed in their best attire. divine service was regularly performed, and the canadians attended, and behaved with great decorum, although they were all roman catholics, and but little acquainted with the language in which the prayers were read. i regretted much that we had not a french prayer-book, but the lord's prayer and creed were always read to them in their own language. our diet consisted almost entirely of rein-deer meat, varied twice a week by fish, and occasionally by a little flour, but we had no vegetables of any description. on the sunday mornings we drank a cup of chocolate, but our greatest luxury was tea (without sugar,) of which we regularly partook twice a-day. with rein-deer's fat, and strips of cotton shirts, we formed candles; and hepburn acquired considerable skill in the manufacture of soap, from the wood-ashes, fat, and salt. the formation of soap was considered as rather a mysterious operation by our canadians, and, in their hands, was always supposed to fail if a woman approached the kettle in which the ley{ } was boiling. such are our simple domestic details. on the th, two hunters came from the leader, to convey ammunition to him, as soon as our men should bring it from fort providence. the men, at this time, coated the walls of the house on the outside, with a thin mixture of clay and water, which formed a crust of ice, that, for some days, proved impervious to the air; the dryness of the atmosphere, however, was such, that the ice in a short time evaporated, and gave admission to the wind as before. it is a general custom at the forts to give this sort of coating to the walls at christmas time. when it was gone, we attempted to remedy its defect, by heaping up snow against the walls. , january . this morning our men assembled, and greeted us with the customary salutation on the commencement of the new year. that they might enjoy a holiday{ }, they had yesterday collected double the usual quantity of fire-wood, and we anxiously expected the return of the men from fort providence, with some additions to their comforts. we had stronger hope of their arrival before the evening, as we knew that every voyager uses his utmost endeavour to reach a post upon, or previous to, the _jour de l'an_, that he may partake of the wonted festivities. it forms, as christmas is said to have done among our forefathers, the theme of their conversation for months before and after the period of its arrival. on the present occasion we could only treat them with a little flour and fat; these were both considered as great luxuries, but still the feast was defective from the want of rum, although we promised them a little when it should arrive. the early part of january proved mild, the thermometer rose to ° above zero, and we were surprised by the appearance of a kind of damp fog approaching very nearly to rain. the indians expressed their astonishment at this circumstance, and declared the present to be one of the warmest winters they had ever experienced. some of them reported that it had actually rained in the woody parts of the country. in the latter part of the month, however, the thermometer again descended to - °, and the mean temperature for the month proved to be - °. . owing to the fogs that obscured the sky the aurora was visible only upon eighteen nights in the month. on the th seven of our men arrived from fort providence with two kegs of rum, one barrel of powder, sixty pounds of ball, two rolls of tobacco, and some clothing. they had been twenty-one days on their march from slave lake, and the labour they underwent was sufficiently evinced by their sledge-collars having worn out the shoulders of their coats. their loads weighed from sixty to ninety pounds each, exclusive of their bedding and provisions, which at starting must have been at least as much more. we were much rejoiced at their arrival, and proceeded forthwith to pierce the spirit cask, and issue to each of the household the portion of rum which had been promised on the first day of the year. the spirits, which were proof, were frozen, but after standing at the fire for some time they flowed out of the consistency of honey. the temperature of the liquid, even in this state, was so low as instantly to convert into ice the moisture which condensed on the surface of the dram-glass. the fingers also adhered to the glass, and would, doubtless, have been speedily frozen had they been kept in contact with it; yet each of the voyagers swallowed his dram without experiencing the slightest inconvenience, or complaining of tooth-ache. after the men had retired, an indian, who had accompanied them from fort providence, informed me that they had broached the cask on their way up and spent two days in drinking. this instance of breach of trust was excessively distressing to me; i felt for their privations and fatigues, and was disposed to seize every opportunity of alleviating them, but this, combined with many instances of petty dishonesty with regard to meat, shewed how little confidence could be put in a canadian voyager when food or spirits were in question. we had been indeed made acquainted with their character on these points by the traders; but we thought that when they saw their officers living under equal if not greater privations than themselves, they would have been prompted by some degree of generous feeling to abstain from those depredations which, under ordinary circumstances, they would scarcely have blushed to be detected in. as they were pretty well aware that such a circumstance could not long be concealed from us, one of them came the next morning with an artful apology for their conduct. he stated, that as they knew it was my intention to treat them with a dram on the commencement of the new year, they had helped themselves to a small quantity on that day, trusting to my goodness for forgiveness; and being unwilling to act harshly at this period, i did forgive them, after admonishing them to be very circumspect in their future conduct. the ammunition, and a small present of rum, were sent to akaitcho. on the th vaillant, the woodman, had the misfortune to break his axe. this would have been a serious evil a few weeks sooner, but we had just received some others from slave lake. on the th mr. wentzel and st. germain arrived with the two esquimaux, tattannoeuck and hoeootoerock, (the belly and the ear.) the english names, which were bestowed upon them at fort churchill in commemoration of the months of their arrival there, are augustus and junius. the former speaks english. we now learned that mr. back proceeded with beauparlant to fort chipewyan, on the th of december, to procure stores, having previously discharged j. belleau from our service at his own request, and according to my directions. i was the more induced to comply with this man's desire of leaving us, as he proved to be too weak to perform the duty of bowman which he had undertaken. four dogs were brought up by this party, and proved a great relief to our wood-haulers during the remainder of the season. by the arrival of mr. wentzel, who is an excellent musician, and assisted us (_con amore_) in our attempts to amuse the men, we were enabled to gratify the whole establishment with an occasional dance. of this amusement the voyagers were very fond, and not the less so, as it was now and then accompanied by a dram as long as our rum lasted. on the th of february, two canadians came from akaitcho for fresh supplies of ammunition. we were mortified to learn that he had received some further unpleasant reports concerning us from fort providence, and that his faith in our good intentions was somewhat shaken. he expressed himself dissatisfied with the quantity of ammunition we had sent him, accused us of an intention of endeavouring to degrade him in the eyes of his tribe, and informed us that mr. weeks had refused to pay some notes for trifling quantities of goods and ammunition that had been given to the hunters who accompanied our men to slave lake. some powder and shot, and a keg of diluted spirits were sent to him with the strongest assurances of our regard. on the th, another party of six men was sent to fort providence, to bring up the remaining stores. st. germain went to akaitcho for the purpose of sending two of his hunters to join this party on its route. on comparing the language of our two esquimaux with a copy of st. john's gospel, printed for the use of the moravian missionary settlements on the labrador coast, it appeared that the esquimaux who resort to churchill speak a language essentially the same with those who frequent the labrador coast. the red knives, too, recognise the expression _teyma_, used by the esquimaux when they accost strangers in a friendly manner, as similarly pronounced by augustus, and those of his race who frequent the mouth of the copper-mine river. the tribe to which augustus belongs resides generally a little to the northward of churchill. in the spring, before the ice quits the shores, they kill seal, but during winter they frequent the borders of the large lakes near the coast, where they obtain fish, rein-deer, and musk-oxen. there are eighty-four grown men in the tribe, only seven of whom are aged. six chiefs have each two wives; the rest of the men have only one, so that the number of married people may amount to one hundred and seventy. he could give me no certain data whereby i might estimate the number of children. two great chiefs, or _ackhaiyoot_, have complete authority in directing the movements of the party, and in distributing provisions. the _attoogawnoeuck_, or lesser chiefs, are respected principally as senior men. the tribe seldom suffers from want of food, if the chief moves to the different stations at the proper season. they seem to follow the eastern custom respecting marriage. as soon as a girl is born, the young lad who wishes to have her for a wife goes to her father's tent, and proffers himself. if accepted, a promise is given which is considered binding, and the girl is delivered to her betrothed husband at the proper age. they consider their progenitors to have come from the moon. augustus has no other idea of a deity than some confused notions which he has obtained at churchill. when any of the tribe are dangerously ill, a conjurer is sent for, and the bearer of the message carries a suitable present to induce his attendance. upon his arrival he encloses himself in the tent with the sick man, and sings over him for days together without tasting food; but augustus, as well as the rest of the uninitiated, are ignorant of the purport of his songs, and of the nature of the being to whom they are addressed. the conjurers practise a good deal of jugglery in swallowing knives, firing bullets through their bodies, _&c._, but they are at these times generally secluded from view, and the bystanders believe their assertions, without requiring to be eye-witnesses of the fact. sixteen men and three women amongst augustus' tribe are acquainted with the mysteries of the art. the skill of the latter is exerted only on their own sex. upon the map being spread before augustus, he soon comprehended it, and recognised chesterfield inlet to be "the opening into which salt waters enter at spring tides, and which receives a river at its upper end." he termed it _kannoeuck kleenoeuck_. he has never been farther north himself than marble island, which he distinguishes as being the spot where the large ships were wrecked, alluding to the disastrous termination of barlow and knight's voyage of discovery[ ]. he says, however, that esquimaux of three different tribes have traded with his countrymen, and that they described themselves as having come across land from a northern sea. one tribe, who named themselves _ahwhacknanhelett_, he supposes may come from repulse bay; another, designated _ootkooseek-kalingmoeoot_, or stone-kettle esquimaux, reside more to the westward; and the third, the _kang-orr-moeoot_, or white goose esquimaux, describe themselves as coming from a great distance, and mentioned that a party of indians had killed several of their tribe on the summer preceding their visit. upon comparing the dates of this murder with that of the last massacre which the copper indians have perpetrated on these harmless and defenceless people, they appear to differ two years; but the lapse of time is so inaccurately recorded, that this difference in their accounts is not sufficient to destroy their identity; besides the chipewyans, the only other indians who could possibly have committed the deed, have long since ceased to go to war. if this massacre should be the one mentioned by the copper indians, the kang-orr-moeoot must reside near the mouth of the anatessy, or river of strangers. [ ] see introduction to hearne's _journey_, page xxiv. the winter habitations of the esquimaux, who visit churchill are built of snow, and judging from one constructed by augustus to-day, they are very comfortable dwellings. having selected a spot on the river, where the snow was about two feet deep, and sufficiently compact, he commenced by tracing out a circle twelve feet in diameter. the snow in the interior of the circle was next divided with a broad knife, having a long handle, into slabs three feet long, six inches thick, and two feet deep, being the thickness of the layer of snow. these slabs were tenacious enough to admit of being moved about without breaking, or even losing the sharpness of their angles, and they had a slight degree of curvature, corresponding with that of the circle from which they were cut. they were piled upon each other exactly like courses of hewn stone around the circle which was traced out, and care was taken to smooth the beds of the different courses with the knife, and to cut them so as to give the wall a slight inclination inwards, by which contrivance the building acquired the properties of a dome. the dome was closed somewhat suddenly and flatly by cutting the upper slabs in a wedge-form, instead of the more rectangular shape of those below. the roof was about eight feet high, and the last aperture was shut up by a small conical piece. the whole was built from within, and each slab was cut so that it retained its position without requiring support until another was placed beside it, the lightness of the slabs greatly facilitating the operation. when the building was covered in, a little loose snow was thrown over it, to close up every chink, and a low door was cut through the walls with a knife. a bed-place was next formed and neatly faced up with slabs of snow, which was then covered with a thin layer of pine branches, to prevent them from melting by the heat of the body. at each end of the bed a pillar of snow was erected to place a lamp upon, and lastly, a porch was built before the door, and a piece of clear ice was placed in an aperture cut in the wall for a window. the purity of the material of which the house was framed, the elegance of its construction, and the translucency of its walls, which transmitted a very pleasant light, gave it an appearance far superior to a marble building, and one might survey it with feelings somewhat akin to those produced by the contemplation of a grecian temple, reared by phidias; both are triumphs of art, inimitable in their kinds. annexed there is a plan of a complete esquimaux snow-house and kitchen and other apartments, copied from a sketch made by augustus, with the names of the different places affixed. the only fire-place is in the kitchen, the heat of the lamps sufficing to keep the other apartments warm:-- [illustration] references to the plan. a. _ablokeyt_, steps. b. _pahloeuk_, porch. c. _wadl-leek_, passage. d. _haddnoeweek_, for the reception of the sweepings of the house. e. g. _tokheuook_, antechamber, or passage. f. _annarroeartoweek._ h. _eegah_, cooking-house. i. _eegah-natkah_, passage. k. _keidgewack_, for piling wood upon. l. _keek kloweyt_, cooking side. m. _keek loot_, fire-place built of stone.{ } n. _eegloo_, house. o. _kattack_, door. p. _nattoeuck_, clear space in the apartment. a. d. _eekput_, a kind of shelf where the candle stands; and b. c. a pit where they throw their bones, and other offal of their provision. q. _eegl-luck_, bed-place. r. _eegleeteoet_, bed-side or sitting-place. s. bed-place, as on the other side.{ } t. _kietgn-nok_, small pantry. u. _hoergloack_, store-house{ } for provisions. several deer were killed near the house, and we received some supplies from akaitcho. parties were also employed in bringing in the meat that was placed _en cache_ in the early part of the winter. more than one half of these _caches_, however, had been destroyed by the wolves and wolverenes; a circumstance which, in conjunction with the empty state of our store-house, led us to fear that we should be much straitened for provisions before the arrival of any considerable number of rein-deer in this neighbourhood. a good many ptarmigan were seen at this time, and the women caught some in snares, but not in sufficient quantity to make any further alteration in the rations of deers' meat that were daily issued. they had already been reduced from eight, to the short allowance of five pounds. many wolves prowled nightly about the house, and even ventured upon the roof of the kitchen, which is a low building, in search of food; keskarrah shot a very large white one, of which a beautiful and correct drawing was made by mr. hood. the temperature in february was considerably lower than in the preceding month, although not so low as in december, the mean being - °. . the greatest temperature was ° above zero, and the lowest ° below. on the th of march the people returned from slave lake, bringing the remainder of our stores, consisting of a cask of flour, thirty-six pounds of sugar, a roll of tobacco, and forty pounds of powder. i received a letter from mr. weeks, wherein he denied that he had ever circulated any reports to our disadvantage; and stated that he had done every thing in his power to assist us, and even discouraged akaitcho from leaving us, when he had sent him a message, saying, that he wished to do so, if he was sure of being well received at fort providence. we mentioned the contents of the letter to the indians, who were at the house at the time, when one of the hunters, who had attended the men on their journey, stated, that he had heard many of the reports against us from mr. weeks himself, and expressed his surprise that he should venture to deny them. st. germain soon afterwards arrived from akaitcho, and informed us, that he left him in good humour, and, apparently, not harbouring the slightest idea of quitting us. on the th, we sent four men to fort providence; and, on the th mr. back arrived from fort chipewyan, having performed, since he left us, a journey of more than one thousand miles on foot. i had every reason to be much pleased with his conduct on this arduous undertaking; but his exertions may be best estimated by the perusal of the following narrative. "on quitting fort enterprise, with mr. wentzel and two canadians, accompanied by two hunters and their wives, our route lay across the barren hills. we saw, during the day, a number of deer, and, occasionally, a solitary white wolf; and in the evening halted near a small knot of pines. owing to the slow progress made by the wives of the hunters, we only travelled the first day a distance of seven miles and a half. during the night we had a glimpse of the fantastic beauties of the aurora borealis, and were somewhat annoyed by the wolves, whose nightly howling interrupted our repose. early the next morning we continued our march, sometimes crossing small lakes (which were just frozen enough to bear us,) and at other times going large circuits, in order to avoid those which were open. the walking was extremely bad throughout the day; for independent of the general unevenness of the ground, and the numberless large stones which lay scattered in every direction, the unusual warmth of the weather had dissolved the snow, which not only kept us constantly wet, but deprived us of a firm footing, so that the men, with their heavy burdens, were in momentary apprehension of falling. in the afternoon a fine herd of deer was descried, and the indians, who are always anxious for the chase, and can hardly be restrained from pursuing every animal they see, set out immediately. it was late when they returned, having had good success, and bringing with them five tongues, and the shoulder of a deer. we made about twelve miles this day. the night was fine, and the aurora borealis so vivid, that we imagined, more than once, that we heard a rustling noise like that of autumnal leaves stirred by the wind; but after two hours of attentive listening, we were not entirely convinced of the fact. the coruscations were not so bright, nor the transition from one shape and colour to another so rapid, as they sometimes are; otherwise, i have no doubt, from the midnight silence which prevailed, that we should have ascertained this yet undecided point. "the morning of the th was so extremely hazy that we could not see ten yards before us; it was, therefore, late when we started, and during our journey the hunters complained of the weather, and feared they should lose the track of our route. towards the evening it became so thick that we could not proceed; consequently, we halted in a small wood, situated in a valley, having only completed a distance of six miles. "the scenery consisted of high hills, which were almost destitute of trees, and lakes appeared in the valleys. the cracking of the ice was so loud during the night as to resemble thunder, and the wolves howled around us. we were now at the commencement of the woods, and at an early hour, on the st, continued our journey over high hills for three miles, when the appearance of some deer caused us to halt, and nearly the remainder of the day was passed in hunting them. in the evening we stopped within sight of prospect hill, having killed and concealed six deer. a considerable quantity of snow fell during the night. "the surrounding country was extremely rugged; the hills divided by deep ravines, and the valleys covered with broken masses of rocks and stones; yet the deer fly (as it were,) over these impediments with apparent ease, seldom making a false step, and springing from crag to crag with all the confidence of the mountain goat. after passing rein-deer lake, (where the ice was so thin as to bend at every step for nine miles,) we halted, perfectly satisfied with our escape from sinking into the water. while some of the party were forming the encampment one of the hunters killed a deer, a part of which was concealed to be ready for use on our return. this evening we halted in a wood near the canoe track, after having travelled a distance of nine miles. the wind was s.e. and the night cloudy, with wind and rain. "on the th and th we underwent some fatigue from being obliged to go round the lakes, which lay across our route, and were not sufficiently frozen to bear us. several rivulets appeared to empty themselves into the lakes, no animals were killed, and few tracks seen. the scenery consisted of barren rocks and high hills, covered with lofty pine, birch, and larch trees. "_october _.--we continued our journey, sometimes on frozen lakes, and at other times on high craggy rocks. when we were on the lakes we were much impeded in our journey by different parts which were unfrozen. there was a visible increase of wood, consisting of birch and larch, as we inclined to the southward. about ten a.m. we passed icy portage, where we saw various tracks of the moose, bear, and otter; and after a most harassing march through thick woods and over fallen trees, we halted a mile to the westward of fishing lake; our provisions were now almost expended; the weather was cloudy with snow. "on the th we crossed two lakes, and performed a circuitous route, frequently crossing high hills to avoid those lakes which were not frozen; during the day one of the women made a hole through the ice, and caught a fine pike, which she gave to us; the indians would not partake of it, from the idea (as we afterwards learnt,) that we should not have sufficient for ourselves: 'we are accustomed to starvation,' said they, 'but you are not.' in the evening, we halted near rocky lake. i accompanied one of the indians to the summit of a hill, where he shewed me a dark horizontal cloud, extending to a considerable distance along the mountains in the perspective, which he said was occasioned by the great slave lake, and was considered as a good guide to all the hunters in the vicinity. on our return we saw two untenanted bears' dens. "the night was cloudy with heavy snow, yet the following morning we continued our tedious march; many of the lakes remained still open, and the rocks were high and covered with snow, which continued to fall all day, consequently we effected but a trifling distance, and that too with much difficulty. in the evening we halted; having only performed about seven miles. one of the indians gave us a fish which he had caught, though he had nothing for himself; and it was with much trouble that he could be prevailed upon to partake of it. the night was again cloudy with snow. on the th we set out through deep snow and thick woods; and after crossing two small lakes stopped to breakfast, sending the women on before, as they had already complained of lameness, and could not keep pace with the party. it was not long before we overtook them on the banks of a small lake, which though infinitely less in magnitude than many we had passed, yet had not a particle of ice on its surface. it was shoal, had no visible current, and was surrounded by hills. we had nothing to eat, and were not very near an establishment where food could be procured; however, as we proceeded, the lakes were frozen, and we quickened our pace stopping but twice for the hunters to smoke. nevertheless the distance we completed was but trifling, and at night we halted near a lake, the men being tired, and much bruised from constantly falling amongst thick broken wood and loose stones concealed under the snow. the night was blowing and hazy with snow. "on the th we set out with the expectation of gaining the slave lake in the evening; but our progress was again impeded by the same causes as before, so that the whole day was spent in forcing our way through thick woods and over snow-covered swamps. we had to walk over pointed and loose rocks, which sliding from under our feet, made our path dangerous, and often threw us down several feet on sharp-edged stones lying beneath the snow. once we had to climb a towering, and almost perpendicular, rock, which not only detained us, but was the cause of great anxiety for the safety of the women who being heavily laden with furs, and one of them with a child at her back, could not exert themselves with the activity which such a task required. fortunately nothing serious occurred, though one of them once fell with considerable violence. during the day one of the hunters broke through the ice, but was soon extricated; when it became dark we halted near the bow string portage, greatly disappointed at not having reached the lake. the weather was cloudy, accompanied with thick mist and snow. the indians expected to have found here a bear in its den, and to have made a hearty meal of its flesh: indeed it had been the subject of conversation all day, and they had even gone so far as to divide it, frequently asking me what part i preferred; but when we came to the spot--oh! lamentable! it had already fallen a prey to the devouring appetites of some more fortunate hunters, who had only left sufficient evidence that such a thing had once existed, and we had merely the consolation of realizing an old proverb. one of our men, however, caught a fish which with the assistance of some weed scraped from the rocks, (_tripe de roche_,) which forms a glutinous substance, made us a tolerable supper; it was not of the most choice kind, yet good enough for hungry men. while we were eating it i perceived one of the women busily employed scraping an old skin, the contents of which her husband presented us with. they consisted of pounded meat, fat, and a greater proportion of indians' and deers' hair than either; and though such a mixture may not appear very alluring to an english stomach, it was thought a great luxury after three days' privation in these cheerless regions of america. indeed had it not been for the precaution and generosity of the indians, we must have gone without sustenance until we reached the fort. "on the st of november our men began to make a raft to enable us to cross a river which was not even frozen at the edges. it was soon finished, and three of us embarked, being seated up to the ankles in water. we each took a pine branch for a paddle, and made an effort to gain the opposite shore, in which, after some time, (and not without strong apprehensions of drifting into the slave lake,) we succeeded. in two hours the whole party was over, with a comfortable addition to it in the shape of some fine fish, which the indians had caught: of course we did not forget to take these friends with us, and after passing several lakes, to one of which we saw no termination, we halted within eight miles to the fort. the great slave lake was not frozen. "in crossing a narrow branch of the lake i fell through the ice, but received no injury; and at noon we arrived at fort providence, and were received by mr. weeks, a clerk of the north-west company, in charge of the establishment. i found several packets of letters for the officers, which i was desirous of sending to them immediately; but as the indians and their wives complained of illness and inability to return without rest, a flagon of mixed spirits was given them, and their sorrows were soon forgotten. in a quarter of an hour they pronounced themselves excellent hunters, and capable of going any where; however, their boasting ceased with the last drop of the bottle, when a crying scene took place, which would have continued half the night, had not the magic of an additional quantity of spirits dried their tears, and once more turned their mourning into joy. it was a satisfaction to me to behold these poor creatures enjoying themselves, for they had behaved in the most exemplary and active manner towards the party, and with a generosity and sympathy seldom found even in the more civilized parts of the world: and the attention and affection which they manifested towards their wives, evinced a benevolence of disposition and goodness of nature which could not fail to secure the approbation of the most indifferent observer. "the accounts i here received of our goods were of so unsatisfactory a nature, that i determined to proceed, as soon as the lake was frozen, to moose-deer island, or if necessary to the athabasca lake; both to inform myself of the grounds of the unceremonious and negligent manner in which the expedition had been treated, and to obtain a sufficient supply of ammunition and other stores, to enable it to leave its present situation, and proceed for the attainment of its ultimate object. "_november _.--i despatched to fort enterprise one of the men, with the letters and a hundred musquet-balls, which mr. weeks lent me on condition that they should be returned the first opportunity. an indian and his wife accompanied the messenger. lieutenant franklin was made acquainted with the exact state of things; and i awaited with much impatience the freezing of the lake. "_november _.--a band of slave indians came to the fort with a few furs and some bear's grease. though we had not seen any of them, it appeared that they had received information of our being in the country, and knew the precise situation of our house, which they would have visited long ago, but from the fear of being pillaged by the copper indians. i questioned the chief about the great bear and marten lakes, their distance from fort enterprise, &c.; but his answers were so vague and unsatisfactory that they were not worth attention; his description of bouleau's route, (which he said was the shortest and best, and abundant in animals,) was very defective, though the relative points were sufficiently characteristic, had we not possessed a better route. he had never been at the sea; and knew nothing about the mouth of the copper-mine river. in the evening he made his young men dance, and sometimes accompanied them himself. they had four feathers in each hand. one commenced moving in a circular form, lifting both feet at the same time, similar to jumping sideways. after a short time a second and a third joined, and afterwards the whole band was dancing, some in a state of nudity, others half dressed, singing an unmusical wild air with (i suppose,) appropriate words; the particular sounds of which were, ha! ha! ha! uttered vociferously, and with great distortion of countenance, and peculiar attitude of body, the feathers being always kept in a tremulous motion. the ensuing day i made the chief acquainted with the object of our mission, and recommended him to keep at peace with his neighbouring tribes, and to conduct himself with attention and friendship towards the whites. i then gave him a medal, telling him it was the picture of the king, whom they emphatically term 'their great father.' "_november _.--we observed two mock moons at equal distances from the central one; and the whole were encircled by a halo: the colour of the inner edge of the large circle was a light red, inclining to a faint purple. "_november _.--two parhelia were observable with a halo; the colours of the inner edge of the circle were a bright carmine and red lake, intermingled with a rich yellow, forming a purplish orange; the outer edge was pale gamboge. "_december _.--a man was sent some distance on the lake, to see if it was sufficiently frozen for us to cross. i need scarcely mention my satisfaction, when he returned with the pleasing information that it was. "_december _.--i quitted fort providence, being accompanied by mr. wentzel, beauparlant, and two other canadians, provided with dogs and sledges. we proceeded along the borders of the lake, occasionally crossing deep bays; and at dusk encamped at the _gros cap_, having proceeded twenty-five miles. "_december _.--we set out on the lake with an excessively cold north-west wind, and were frequently interrupted by large pieces of ice which had been thrown up by the violence of the waves during the progress of congelation, and at dusk we encamped on the rein-deer islands. "the night was fine, with a faint aurora borealis. next day the wind was so keen, that the men proposed conveying me in a sledge that i might be the less exposed, to which, after some hesitation, i consented. accordingly a rein-deer skin and a blanket were laid along the sledge, and in these i was wrapped tight up to the chin, and lashed to the vehicle, just leaving sufficient play for my head to perceive when i was about to be upset on some rough projecting piece of ice. thus equipped, we set off before the wind (a favourable circumstance on a lake), and went on very well until noon; when the ice being driven up in ridges, in such a manner as to obstruct us very much, i was released; and i confess not unwillingly, though i had to walk the remainder of the day. "there are large openings in many parts where the ice had separated; and in attempting to cross one of them, the dogs fell into the water, and were saved with difficulty. the poor animals suffered dreadfully from the cold, and narrowly escaped being frozen to death. we had quickened our pace towards the close of the day, but could not get sight of the land; and it was not till the sun had set that we perceived it about four miles to our left, which obliged us to turn back, and head the wind. it was then so cold, that two of the party were frozen almost immediately about the face and ears. i escaped, from having the good fortune to possess a pair of gloves made of rabbits' skin, with which i kept constantly chafing the places which began to be affected. at six p.m. we arrived at the fishing-huts near stony island, and remained the night there. the canadians were not a little surprised at seeing us whom they had already given up for lost--nor less so at the manner by which we had come--for they all affirmed, that the lake near them was quite free from ice the day before. "_december _.--at{ } an early hour we quitted the huts, lashed on sledges as before, with some little addition to our party; and at three hours thirty minutes p.m. arrived at the north-west fort on moose-deer island, where i was received by mr. smith, with whom i had been acquainted at the athabasca. he said he partly expected me. the same evening i visited messrs. mcvicar and mcauley{ } at hudson's bay fort, when i found the reports concerning our goods were but too true, there being in reality but five packages for us. i also was informed that two esquimaux, augustus the chief, and junius his servant, who had been sent from fort churchill by governor williams, to serve in the capacity of interpreters to the expedition, were at the fort. these men were short of stature but muscular, apparently good-natured, and perfectly acquainted with the purpose for which they were intended. they had built themselves a snow-house on an adjacent island, where they used frequently to sleep. the following day i examined the pieces, and to my great disappointment found them to consist of three kegs of spirits, already adulterated by the voyagers who had brought them; a keg of flour, and thirty-five pounds of sugar, instead of sixty. the ammunition and tobacco,{ } the two greatest requisites, were left behind. "i lost no time in making a demand from both parties; and though their united list did not furnish the half of what was required, yet it is possible that every thing was given by them which could be spared consistently with their separate interests, particularly by mr. mcvicar, who in many articles gave me the whole he had in his possession. these things were sent away immediately for fort enterprise, when an interpreter arrived with letters from lieutenant franklin, which referred to a series of injurious reports said to have been propagated against us by some one at fort providence. "finding a sufficiency of goods could not be provided at moose-deer island, i determined{ } to proceed to the athabasca lake, and ascertain the inclinations of the gentlemen there. with this view i communicated my intentions to both parties; but could only get dogs enough from the north-west company to carry the necessary provisions for the journey. indeed mr. smith informed me plainly he was of opinion that nothing could be spared at fort chipewyan; that goods had never been transported so long a journey in the winter season, and that the same dogs could not possibly go and return; besides, it was very doubtful if i could be provided with dogs there; and finally, that the distance was great, and would take sixteen days to perform it. he added that the provisions would be mouldy and bad, and that from having to walk constantly on snow-shoes, i should suffer a great deal of misery and fatigue. notwithstanding these assertions, on the d of december i left the fort, with beauparlant and a bois-brulé, each having a sledge drawn by dogs, laden with pemmican. we crossed an arm of the lake, and entered the little buffalo river, which is connected with the salt river, and is about fifty yards wide at its junction with the lake--the water is brackish. this route is usually taken in the winter, as it cuts off a large angle in going to the great slave river. in the afternoon we passed two empty fishing-huts, and in the evening encamped amongst some high pines on the banks of the river, having had several snow-showers during the day, which considerably{ } impeded the dogs, so that we had not proceeded more than fifteen miles. "_december _ and _ _.--we continued along the river, frequently making small portages to avoid going round the points, and passed some small canoes, which the indians had left for the winter. the snow was so deep that the dogs were obliged to stop every ten minutes to rest; and the cold so excessive, that both the men were badly frozen on both sides of the face and chin. at length, having come to a long meadow, which the dogs could not cross that night, we halted in an adjoining wood, and were presently joined by a canadian, who was on his return to the fort, and who treated us with some fresh meat in exchange for pemmican. during the latter part of the day we had seen numerous tracks of the moose, buffalo, and marten. "_december _.--the weather was so cold that we were compelled to run to prevent ourselves from freezing; our route lay across some large meadows which appeared to abound in animals, though the indians around slave lake are in a state of great want. about noon we passed a sulphur-stream, which ran into the river; it appeared to come from a plain about fifty yards distant. there were no rocks near it, and the soil through which it took its course was composed of a reddish clay. i was much galled by the strings of the snow-shoes during the day, and once got a severe fall, occasioned by the dogs running over one of my feet, and dragging me some distance, my snow-shoe having become entangled with the sledge. in the evening we lost our way, from the great similarity of appearance in the country, and it was dark before we found it again, when we halted in a thick wood, after having come about sixteen miles from the last encampment. much snow fell during the night. "at an early hour on the th of december, we continued our journey over the surface of a long but narrow lake, and then through a wood, which brought us to the _grand detour_ on the slave river. the weather was extremely cloudy, with occasional falls of snow, which tended greatly to impede our progress, from its gathering in lumps between the dogs' toes; and though they did not go very fast, yet my left knee pained me so much, that i found it difficult to keep up with them. at three p.m. we halted within nine miles of the salt river, and made a hearty meal of mouldy pemmican. "_december _ and _ _.--we had much difficulty in proceeding, owing to the poor dogs being quite worn out, and their feet perfectly raw. we endeavoured to tie shoes on them, to afford them some little relief, but they continually came off when amongst deep snow, so that it occupied one person entirely to look after them. in this state they were hardly of any use among the steep ascents of the portages, when we were obliged to drag the sledges ourselves. we found a few of the rapids entirely frozen. those that were not had holes and large spaces about them, from whence issued a thick vapour, and in passing this we found it particularly cold; but what appeared most curious was the number of small fountains which rose through the ice, and often rendered it doubtful which way we should take. i was much disappointed at finding several falls (which i had intended to sketch) frozen almost even with the upper and lower parts of the stream; the ice was connected by a thin arch, and the rushing of the water underneath might be heard at a considerable distance. on the banks of these rapids there was a constant overflowing of the water, but in such small quantities as to freeze before it had reached the surface of the central ice, so that we passed between two ridges of icicles, the transparency of which was beautifully contrasted by the flakes of snow and the dark green branches of the over-hanging pine. "beauparlant complained bitterly of the cold whilst among the rapids, but no sooner had he reached the upper part of the river than he found the change of the temperature so great, that he vented his indignation against the heat.--"mais c'est terrible," said he, to be frozen and sun-burnt in the same day. the poor fellow, who had been a long time in the country, regarded it as the most severe punishment that could have been inflicted on him, and would willingly have given a part of his wages rather than this disgrace had happened; for there is a pride amongst "old voyagers," which makes them consider the state of being frost-bitten as effeminate, and only excusable in a "pork-eater," or one newly come into the country. i was greatly fatigued, and suffered acute pains in the knees and legs, both of which were much swollen when we halted a little above the dog river. "_december _ and _ _.--our journey these days was by far the most annoying we had yet experienced; but, independent of the vast masses of ice that were piled on one another, as well as the numerous open places about the rapids (and they did not a little impede us,) there was a strong gale from the north-west, and so dreadfully keen, that our time was occupied in rubbing the frozen parts of the face, and in attempting to warm the hands, in order to be prepared for the next operation. scarcely was one place cured by constant friction than another was frozen; and though there was nothing pleasant about it, yet it was laughable enough to observe the dexterity which was used in changing the position of the hand from the face to the mitten, and _vice versâ_. one of the men was severely affected, the whole side of his face being nearly raw. towards sunset i suffered so much in my knee and ankle, from a recent sprain, that it was with difficulty i could proceed with snow-shoes to the encampment on the stony islands. but in this point i was not singular: for beauparlant was almost as bad, and without the same cause. . january . "we set out with a quick step, the wind still blowing fresh from the north-west, which seemed in some measure to invigorate the dogs; for towards sunset they left me considerably behind. indeed my legs and ankles were now so swelled, that it was excessive pain to drag the snow-shoes after me. at night we halted on the banks of stony river, when i gave the men a glass of grog, to commemorate the new year; and the next day, january , we arrived at fort chipewyan, after a journey of ten days and four hours--the shortest time in which the distance had been performed at the same season. i found messrs. g. keith and s. mcgillivray in charge of the fort, who were not a little surprised to see me. the commencement of the new year is the rejoicing season of the canadians, when they are generally intoxicated for some days. i postponed making any demand till this time of festivity should cease; but on the same day i went over to the hudson's bay fort, and delivered lieutenant franklin's letters to mr. simpson. if they were astonished on one side to see me, the amazement was still greater on the other; for reports were so far in advance, that we were said to have already fallen by the spears of the esquimaux. "_january _.--i made a demand from both parties for supplies; such as ammunition, gun-flints, axes, files, clothing, tobacco, and spirits. i stated to them our extreme necessity, and that without their assistance the expedition must be arrested in its progress. the answer from the north-west gentlemen was satisfactory enough; but on the hudson's bay side i was told, "that any farther assistance this season entirely depended on the arrival of supplies expected in a few weeks from a distant establishment." i remained at fort chipewyan five weeks, during which time some laden sledges did arrive, but i could not obtain any addition to the few articles i had procured at first. a packet of letters for us, from england, having arrived, i made preparations for my return, but not before i had requested both companies to send next year, from the depôts, a quantity of goods for our use, specified in lists furnished to them. "the weather, during my abode at chipewyan, was generally mild, with occasional heavy storms, most of which were anticipated by the activity of the aurora borealis; and this i observed had been the case between fort providence and the athabasca in december and january, though not invariably so in other parts of the country. one of the partners of the north-west company related to me the following singular story:--'he was travelling in a canoe in the english river, and had landed near the kettle fall, when the coruscations of the aurora borealis were so vivid and low, that the canadians fell on their faces, and began praying and crying, fearing they should be killed; he himself threw away his gun and knife, that they might not attract the flashes, for they were within two feet from the earth, flitting along with incredible swiftness, and moving parallel to its surface. they continued for upwards of five minutes, as near as he could judge, and made a loud rustling noise, like the waving of a flag in a strong breeze. after they had ceased, the sky became clear, with little wind.' "_february _.--having got every thing arranged, and had a hearty breakfast with a _coupe de l'eau de vie_, (a custom amongst the traders,) i took my departure, or rather attempted to do so, for on going to the gate there was a long range of women, who came to bid me farewell. they were all dressed (after the manner of the country) in blue or green cloth, with their hair fresh greased, separated before, and falling down behind, not in careless tresses, but in a good sound tail, fastened with black tape or riband. this was considered a great compliment, and the ceremony consisted in embracing the whole party. "i had with me four sledges, laden with goods for the expedition, and a fifth belonging to the hudson's bay company. we returned exactly by the same route, suffering no other inconvenience but that arising from the chafing of the snow-shoe, and bad weather. some indians, whom we met on the banks of the little buffalo river, were rather surprised at seeing us, for they had heard that we were on an island, which was surrounded by esquimaux. the dogs were almost worn out, and their feet raw, when, on february the th, we arrived at moose-deer island with our goods all in good order. towards the end of the month two of our men arrived with letters from lieutenant franklin, containing some fresh demands, the major part of which i was fortunate enough to procure without the least trouble. having arranged the accounts and receipts between the companies and the expedition, and sent every thing before me to fort providence, i prepared for my departure; and it is but justice to the gentlemen of both parties at moose-deer island to remark, that they afforded the means of forwarding our stores in the most cheerful and pleasant manner. "_march _.--i took leave of the gentlemen at the forts, and, in the afternoon, got to the fisheries near stony island, where i found mr. mcvicar, who was kind enough to have a house ready for my reception; and i was not a little gratified at perceiving a pleasant-looking girl employed in roasting a fine joint, and afterwards arranging the table with all the dexterity of an accomplished servant. "_march _.--we set out at daylight, and breakfasted at the rein-deer islands. as the day advanced, the heat became so oppressive, that each pulled off his coat and ran till sunset, when we halted with two men, who were on their return to moose-deer island. there was a beautiful aurora borealis in the night; it rose about n.b.w., and divided into three bars, diverging at equal distances as far as the zenith, and then converging until they met in the opposite horizon; there were some flashes at right angles to the bars. "_march _.--we arrived at fort providence, and found our stores safe and in good order. there being no certainty when the indian, who was to accompany me to our house, would arrive, and my impatience to join my companions increasing as i approached it, after making the necessary arrangements with mr. weeks respecting our stores, on march the th i quitted the fort, with two of our men, who had each a couple of dogs and a sledge laden with provision. on the th we met the indian, near icy portage, who was sent to guide me back. on the th we killed a deer, and gave the dogs a good feed; and on the th, at an early hour, we arrived at fort enterprise, having travelled about eighteen miles a-day. i had the pleasure of meeting my friends all in good health, after an absence of nearly five months, during which time i had travelled one thousand one hundred and four miles, on snow-shoes, and had no other covering at night, in the woods, than a blanket and deer-skin, with the thermometer frequently at - °, and once at - °; and sometimes passing two or three days without tasting food." chapter ix. continuation of proceedings at fort enterprise--some account of the copper indians--preparations for the journey to the northward. . march . i shall now give a brief account of the copper indians, termed by the chipewyans, tantsawhot-dinneh, or birch-rind indians. they were originally a tribe of the chipewyans, and, according to their own account, inhabited the south side of great slave lake, at no very distant period. their language, traditions, and customs, are essentially the same with those of the chipewyans, but in personal character they have greatly the advantage of that people; owing, probably, to local causes, or perhaps to their procuring their food more easily and in greater abundance. they hold women in the same low estimation as the chipewyans do, looking upon them as a kind of property, which the stronger may take from the weaker, whenever there is just reason for quarrelling, if the parties are of their own nation, or whenever they meet, if the weaker party are dog-ribs or other strangers. they suffer, however, the kinder affections to shew themselves occasionally; they, in general, live happily with their wives, the women are contented with their lot, and we witnessed several instances of strong attachment. of their kindness to strangers we are fully qualified to speak; their love of property, attention to their interests, and fears for the future, made them occasionally clamorous and unsteady; but their delicate and humane attention to us, in a season of great distress, at a future period, are indelibly engraven on our memories. of their notions of a deity, or future state, we never could obtain any satisfactory account; they were unwilling, perhaps, to expose their opinions to the chance of ridicule. akaitcho generally evaded our questions on these points, but expressed a desire to learn from us, and regularly attended divine service during his residence at the fort, behaving with the utmost decorum. this leader, indeed, and many others of his tribe, possess a laudable curiosity, which might easily be directed to the most important ends; and i believe, that a well-conducted christian mission to this quarter would not fail of producing the happiest effect. old keskarrah alone used boldly to express his disbelief of a supreme deity, and state that he could not credit the existence of a being, whose power was said to extend every where, but whom he had not yet seen, although he was now an old man. the aged sceptic is not a little conceited, as the following exordium to one of his speeches evinces: "it is very strange that i never meet with any one who is equal in sense to myself." the same old man, in one of his communicative moods, related to us the following tradition. the earth had been formed, but continued enveloped in total darkness, when a bear and a squirrel met on the shores of a lake; a dispute arose as to their respective powers, which they agreed to settle by running in opposite directions round the lake, and whichever arrived first at the starting point, was to evince his superiority by some signal act of power. the squirrel beat, ran up a tree, and loudly demanded light, which instantly beaming forth, discovered a bird dispelling the gloom with its wings; the bird was afterwards recognised to be a crow. the squirrel next broke a piece of bark from the tree, endowed it with the power of floating, and said, "behold the material which shall afford the future inhabitants of the earth the means of traversing the waters." the indians are not the first people who have ascribed the origin of nautics to the ingenuity of the squirrel. the copper indians consider the bear, otter, and other animals of prey, or rather some kind of spirits which assume the forms of these creatures, as their constant enemies, and the cause of every misfortune they endure; and in seasons of difficulty or sickness they alternately deprecate and abuse them. few of this nation have more than one wife at a time, and none but the leaders have more than two. akaitcho has three, and the mother of his only son is the favourite. they frequently marry two sisters, and there is no prohibition to the intermarriage of cousins, but a man is restricted from marrying his niece. the last war excursion they made against the esquimaux was ten years ago, when they destroyed about thirty persons, at the mouth of what they term stony-point river, not far from the mouth of the copper-mine river. they now seem desirous of being on friendly terms with that persecuted nation, and hope, through our means, to establish a lucrative commerce with them. indeed, the copper indians are sensible of the advantages that would accrue to them, were they made the carriers of goods between the traders and esquimaux. at the time of hearne's visit, the copper indians being unsupplied with fire-arms, were oppressed by the chipewyans; but even that traveller had occasion to praise their kindness of heart. since they have received arms from the traders, the chipewyans are fearful of venturing upon their lands; and all of that nation, who frequent the shores of great slave lake, hold the name of akaitcho in great respect. the chipewyans have no leader of equal authority amongst themselves. the number of the copper indians may be one hundred and ninety souls, _viz._, eighty men and boys, and one hundred and ten women and young children. there are forty-five hunters in the tribe. the adherents of akaitcho amount to about forty men and boys; the rest follow a number of minor chiefs. for the following notices of the nations on mackenzie's river, we are principally indebted to mr. wentzel, who resided for many years in that quarter. the _thlingcha-dinneh_, or dog-ribs, or, as they are sometimes termed after the crees, who formerly warred against them, _slaves_, inhabit the country to the westward of the copper indians, as far as mackenzie's river. they are of a mild, hospitable, but rather indolent, disposition; spend much of their time in amusements, and are fond of singing and dancing. in this respect, and in another, they differ very widely from most of the other aborigines of north america. i allude to their kind treatment of the women. the men do the laborious work, whilst their wives employ themselves in ornamenting their dresses with quill-work, and in other occupations suited to their sex. mr. wentzel has often known the young married men to bring specimens of their wives' needle-work to the forts, and exhibit them with much pride. kind treatment of the fair sex being usually considered as an indication of considerable progress in civilization, it might be worth while to inquire how it happens, that this tribe has stept so far beyond its neighbours. it has had, undoubtedly, the same common origin with the chipewyans, for their languages differ only in accent, and their mode of life is essentially the same. we have not sufficient data to prosecute the inquiry with any hope of success, but we may recall to the reader's memory what was formerly mentioned, that the dog-ribs say they came from the westward, whilst the chipewyans say that they migrated from the eastward. when bands of dog-ribs meet each other after a long absence, they perform a kind of dance. a piece of ground is cleared for the purpose, if in winter of the snow, or if in summer of the bushes; and the dance frequently lasts for two or three days, the parties relieving each other as they get tired. the two bands commence the dance with their backs turned to each other, the individuals following one another in indian file, and holding the bow in the left hand, and an arrow in the right. they approach obliquely, after many turns, and when the two lines are closely back to back, they feign to see each other for the first time, and the bow is instantly transferred to the right hand, and the arrow to the left, signifying that it is not their intention to employ them against their friends. at a fort they use feathers instead of bows. the dance is accompanied with a song. these people are the dancing-masters of the country. the copper indians have neither dance nor music but what they borrow from them. on our first interview with akaitcho, at fort providence, he treated us, as has already been mentioned, with a representation of the dog-rib dance; and mr. back, during his winter journey, had an opportunity of observing it performed by the dog-ribs themselves. the chief tribe of the dog-rib nation, termed horn mountain indians, inhabit the country betwixt great bear lake, and the west end of great slave lake. they muster about two hundred men and boys capable of pursuing the chase. small detachments of the nation frequent marten lake, and hunt during the summer in the neighbourhood of fort enterprise. indeed this part of the country was formerly exclusively theirs, and most of the lakes and remarkable hills bear the names which they imposed upon them. as the copper indians generally pillage them of their women and furs when they meet, they endeavour to avoid them, and visit their ancient quarters on the barren grounds only by stealth. immediately to the northward of the dog-ribs, on the north side of bear lake river, are the _kawcho-dinneh_, or hare indians, who also speak a dialect of the chipewyan language, and have much of the same manners with the dog-ribs, but are considered both by them and by the copper indians, to be great conjurers. these people report that in their hunting excursions to the northward of great bear lake they meet small parties of esquimaux. immediately to the northward of the hare indians, on both banks of mackenzie's river, are the _tykothee-dinneh_, loucheux, squint-eyes, or quarrellers. they speak a language distinct from the chipewyan. they war often with the esquimaux at the mouth of mackenzie's river, but have occasionally some peaceable intercourse with them, and it would appear that they find no difficulty in understanding each other, there being considerable similarity in their languages. their dress also resembles the esquimaux, and differs from that of the other inhabitants of mackenzie's river. the tykothee-dinneh trade with fort good-hope, situated a considerable distance below the confluence of bear lake river with mackenzie's river, and as the traders suppose, within three days' march of the arctic sea. it is the most northern establishment of the north-west company, and some small pieces of russian copper coin once made their way thither across the continent from the westward. blue or white beads are almost the only articles of european manufacture coveted by the loucheux. they perforate the septum of the nose, and insert in the opening three small shells, which they procure at a high price from the esquimaux. on the west bank of mackenzie's river there are several tribes who speak dialects of the chipewyan language, that have not hitherto been mentioned. the first met with, on tracing the river to the southward from fort good-hope, are the _ambawtawhoot-dinneh_, or sheep indians. they inhabit the rocky mountains near the sources of the dawhoot-dinneh river which flows into mackenzie's, and are but little known to the traders. some of them have visited fort good-hope. a report of their being cannibals may have originated in an imperfect knowledge of them. some distance to the southward of this people are the rocky mountain indians, a small tribe which musters about forty men and boys capable of pursuing the chase. they differ but little from the next we are about to mention, the _edchawtawhoot-dinneh_, strong-bow, beaver, or thick-wood indians, who frequent the _rivière aux liards_, or south branch of mackenzie's river. the strong-bows resemble the dog-ribs somewhat in their disposition; but when they meet they assume a considerable degree of superiority over the latter, who meekly submit to the haughtiness of their neighbours. until the year , when a small party of them, from some unfortunate provocation, destroyed fort nelson on the _rivière aux liards_, and murdered its inmates, the strong-bows were considered to be a friendly and quiet tribe, and esteemed as excellent hunters. they take their names, in the first instance, from their dogs. a young man is the father of a certain dog, but when he is married, and has a son, he styles himself the father of the boy. the women have a habit of reproving the dogs very tenderly when they observe them fighting.--"are you not ashamed," say they, "are you not ashamed to quarrel with your little brother?" the dogs appear to understand the reproof, and sneak off. the strong-bows, and rocky-mountain indians, have a tradition in common with the dog-ribs, that they came originally from the westward, from a level country, where there was no winter, which produced trees, and large fruits, now unknown to them. it was inhabited also by many strange animals, amongst which there was a small one whose visage bore a striking resemblance to the human countenance. during their residence in this land, their ancestors were visited by a man who healed the sick, raised the dead, and performed many other miracles, enjoining them at the same time to lead good lives, and not to eat of the entrails of animals, nor to use the brains for dressing skins until after the third day; and never to leave the skulls of deer upon the ground within the reach of dogs and wolves, but to hang them carefully upon trees. no one knew from whence this good man came, or whither he went. they were driven from that land by the rising of the waters, and following the tracks of animals on the sea-shore, they directed their course to the northward. at length they came to a strait, which they crossed upon a raft, but the sea has since frozen, and they have never been able to return. these traditions are unknown to the chipewyans. the number of men and boys of the strong-bow nation who are capable of hunting, may amount to seventy. there are some other tribes who also speak dialects of the chipewyan, upon the upper branches of the rivière aux liards, such as the _nohhannies_ and the _tsillawdawhoot-dinneh_, or brushwood indians. they are but little known, but the latter are supposed occasionally to visit some of the establishments on peace river. having now communicated as briefly as i could the principal facts that came to our knowledge regarding the indians in this quarter, i shall resume the narrative of events at fort enterprise.--the month of march proved fine. the thermometer rose once to ° above zero, and fell upon another day ° below zero, but the mean was - - / °. on the d the last of our winter's stock of deer's meat was expended, and we were compelled to issue a little pounded meat which we had reserved for making pemmican for summer use. our nets, which were set under the ice on the th, produced only two or three small fish daily. amongst these was the round fish, a species of coregonus, which we had not previously seen. on the following day two indians came with a message from the hook, the chief next to akaitcho in authority amongst the copper indians. his band was between west marten and great bear lakes, and he offered to provide a quantity of dried meat for us on the banks of the copper-mine river in the beginning of summer, provided we sent him goods and ammunition. it was in his power to do this without inconvenience, as he generally spends the summer months on the banks of the river, near the copper mountain; but we had no goods to spare, and i could not venture to send any part of our small stock of ammunition until i saw what the necessities of our own party required. i told them, however, that i would gladly receive either provisions or leather when we met, and would pay for them by notes on the north-west company's post; but to prevent any misunderstanding with mr. weeks, i requested them to take their winter's collection of furs to fort providence before they went to the copper-mine river. they assured me that the hook would watch anxiously for our passing, as he was unwell, and wished to consult the doctor. several circumstances having come lately to my knowledge that led me to suspect the fidelity of our interpreters, they were examined upon this subject. it appeared that in their intercourse with the indians they had contracted very fearful ideas of the danger of our enterprise, which augmented as the time of our departure drew near, and had not hesitated to express their dislike to the journey in strong terms amongst the canadians, who are accustomed to pay much deference to the opinions of an interpreter. but this was not all; i had reason to suspect they had endeavoured to damp the exertions of the indians, with the hope that the want of provision in the spring would put an end to our progress at once. st. germain, in particular, had behaved in a very equivocal way, since his journey to slave lake. he denied the principal parts of the charge in a very dogged manner, but acknowledged he had told the leader that we had not paid him the attention which a chief like him ought to have received; and that we had put a great affront on him in sending him only a small quantity of rum. an artful man like st. germain, possessing a flow of language, and capable of saying even what he confessed, had the means of poisoning the minds of the indians without committing himself by any direct assertion; and it is to be remarked, that unless mr. wentzel had possessed a knowledge of the copper indian language, we should not have learned what we did. although perfectly convinced of his baseness, i could not dispense with his services; and had no other resource but to give him a serious admonition, and desire him to return to his duty; after endeavouring to work upon his fears by an assurance, that i would certainly convey him to england for trial, if the expedition should be stopped through his fault. he replied, "it is immaterial to me where i lose my life, whether in england, or in accompanying you to the sea, for the whole party will perish." after this discussion, however, he was more circumspect in his conduct. on the th we received a small supply of meat from the indian lodges. they had now moved into a lake, about twelve miles from us, in expectation of the deer coming soon to the northward. on the th akaitcho arrived at the house, having been sent for to make some arrangements respecting the procuring of provision, and that we might learn what his sentiments were with regard to accompanying us on our future journey. next morning we had a conference, which i commenced by shewing him the charts and drawings that were prepared to be sent to england, and explaining fully our future intentions. he appeared much pleased at this mark of attention, and, when his curiosity was satisfied, began his speech by saying, that "although a vast number of idle rumours had been floating about the barren grounds during the winter," he was convinced that the representations made to him at fort providence regarding the purport of the expedition were perfectly correct. i next pointed out to him the necessity of our proceeding with as little delay as possible during the short period of the year that was fit for our operations, and that to do so it was requisite we should have a large supply of provisions at starting. he instantly admitted the force of these observations, and promised that he and his young men should do their utmost to comply with our desires: and afterwards, in answer to my questions, informed us that he would accompany the expedition to the mouth of the copper-mine river, or, if we did not meet with esquimaux there, for some distance along the coast; he was anxious, he said, to have an amicable interview with that people; and he further requested, that, in the event of our meeting with dog-ribs on the copper-mine river, we should use our influence to persuade them to live on friendly terms with his tribe. we were highly pleased to find his sentiments so favourable to our views, and, after making some minor arrangements, we parted, mutually content. he left us on the morning of the st, accompanied by augustus, who, at his request, went to reside for a few days at his lodge. on the th of april our men arrived with the last supply of goods from fort providence, the fruits of mr. back's arduous journey to the athabasca lake; and on the th belanger _le gros_ and belanger _le rouge_, for so our men discriminated them, set out for slave lake, with a box containing the journals of the officers, charts, drawings, observations, and letters addressed to the secretary of state for colonial affairs. they also conveyed a letter for governor williams, in which i requested that he would, if possible, send a schooner to wager bay with provisions and clothing to meet the exigencies of the party, should they succeed in reaching that part of the coast. connoyer, who was much tormented with biliary calculi, and had done little or no duty all the winter, was discharged at the same time, and sent down in company with an indian named the belly. the commencement of april was fine, and for several days a considerable thaw took place in the heat of the sun, which laying bare some of the lichens on the sides of the hills, produced a consequent movement of the rein-deer to the northward, and induced the indians to believe that the spring was already commencing. many of them, therefore, quitted the woods, and set their snares on the barren grounds near fort enterprise. two or three days of cold weather, however, towards the middle of the month, damped their hopes, and they began to say that another moon must elapse before the arrival of the wished-for season. in the mean time their premature departure from the woods, caused them to suffer from want of food, and we were in some degree involved in their distress. we received no supplies from the hunters, our nets produced but very few fish, and the pounded meat which we had intended to keep for summer use was nearly expended. our meals at this period were always scanty, and we were occasionally restricted to one in the day. the indian families about the house, consisting principally of women and children, suffered most. i had often requested them to move to akaitcho's lodge, where they were more certain of receiving supplies; but as most of them were sick or infirm, they did not like to quit the house, where they daily received medicines from dr. richardson, to encounter the fatigue of following the movements of a hunting camp. they cleared away the snow on the site of the autumn encampments to look for bones, deer's feet, bits of hide, and other offal. when we beheld them gnawing the pieces of hide, and pounding the bones, for the purpose of extracting some nourishment from them by boiling, we regretted our inability to relieve them, but little thought that we should ourselves be afterwards driven to the necessity of eagerly collecting these same bones a second time from the dunghill. at this time, to divert the attention of the men from their wants, we encouraged the practice of sliding down the steep bank of the river upon sledges. these vehicles descended the snowy bank with much velocity, and ran a great distance upon the ice. the officers joined in the sport, and the numerous overturns we experienced formed no small share of the amusement of the party; but on one occasion, when i had been thrown from my seat and almost buried in the snow, a fat indian woman drove her sledge over me, and sprained my knee severely. on the th at eight in the evening a beautiful halo appeared round the sun when it was about ° high. the colours were prismatic, and very bright, the red next the sun. on the st the ice in the river was measured and found to be five feet thick, and in setting the nets in round rock lake, it was there ascertained to be six feet and a half thick, the water being six fathoms deep. the stomachs of some fish were at this time opened by dr. richardson, and found filled with insects which appear to exist in abundance under the ice during the winter. on the nd a moose-deer was killed at the distance of forty-five miles; st. germain went for it with a dog-sledge, and returned with unusual expedition on the morning of the third day. this supply was soon exhausted, and we passed the th without eating, with the prospect of fasting a day or two longer, when old keskarrah entered with the unexpected intelligence of having killed a deer. it was divided betwixt our own family and the indians, and during the night a seasonable supply arrived from akaitcho. augustus returned with the men who brought it, much pleased with the attention he had received from the indians during his visit to akaitcho. next day mr. wentzel set out with every man that we could spare from the fort, for the purpose of bringing meat from the indians as fast as it could be procured. dr. richardson followed them two days afterwards, to collect specimens of the rocks in that part of the country. on the same day the two belangers arrived from fort providence, having been only five days on the march from thence. the highest temperature in april was + °, the lowest - °, the mean + °. . the temperature of the rapid, examined on the th by messrs. back and hood, was ° at the surface, ° at the bottom. on the th of may, dr. richardson returned. he informed me that the rein-deer were again advancing to the northward, but that the leader had been joined by several families of old people, and that the daily consumption of provision at the indian tents was consequently great. this information excited apprehensions of being very scantily provided when the period of our departure should arrive. the weather in the beginning of may was fine and warm. on the nd some patches of sandy ground near the house were cleared of snow. on the th the sides of the hills began to appear bare, and on the th a large house-fly was seen. this interesting event spread cheerfulness through our residence and formed a topic of conversation for the rest of the day. on the th the approach of spring was still more agreeably confirmed by the appearance of a merganser and two gulls, and some loons, or arctic divers, at the rapid. this day, to reduce the labour of dragging meat to the house, the women and children and all the men, except four, were sent to live at the indian tents. the blue-berries, crow-berries, eye-berries, and cran-berries, which had been covered, and protected by the snow during the winter, might at this time be gathered in abundance, and proved indeed a valuable resource. the ground continued frozen, but the heat of the sun had a visible effect on vegetation; the sap thawed in the pine-trees, and dr. richardson informed me that the mosses were beginning to shoot, and the calyptræ of some of the jungermanniæ already visible. on the th mr. wentzel returned from the indian lodges, having made the necessary arrangements with akaitcho for the drying of meat for summer use, the bringing fresh meat to the fort and the procuring a sufficient quantity of the resin of the spruce fir, or as it is termed by the voyagers _gum_, for repairing the canoes previous to starting, and during the voyage. by my desire, he had promised payment to the indian women who should bring in any of the latter article, and had sent several of our own men to the woods to search for it. at this time i communicated to mr. wentzel the mode in which i meant to conduct the journey of the approaching summer. upon our arrival at the sea, i proposed to reduce the party to what would be sufficient to man two canoes, in order to lessen the consumption of provisions during our voyage, or journey along the coast; and as mr. wentzel had expressed a desire of proceeding no farther than the mouth of the copper-mine river, which was seconded by the indians, who wished him to return with them, i readily relieved his anxiety on this subject; the more so as i thought he might render greater service to us by making deposits of provision at certain points, than by accompanying us through a country which was unknown to him, and amongst a people with whom he was totally unacquainted. my intentions were explained to him in detail, but they were of course to be modified by circumstances. on the th a robin (_turdus migratorius_) appeared; this bird is hailed by the natives as the infallible precursor of warm weather. ducks and geese were also seen in numbers, and the rein-deer advanced to the northward. the merganser, (_mergus serrator_,) which preys upon small fish, was the first of the duck tribe that appeared; next came the teal, (_anas crecca_,) which lives upon small insects that abound in the waters at this season; and lastly the goose, which feeds upon berries and herbage. geese appear at cumberland house, in latitude °, usually about the th of april; at fort chipewyan, in latitude °, on the th of april; at slave lake, in latitude °, on the st of may; and at fort enterprise, in latitude ° ', on the th or th of the same month. on the th a minor chief amongst the copper indians, attended by his son, arrived from fort providence to consult dr. richardson. he was affected with snow-blindness, which was soon relieved by the dropping of a little laudanum into his eyes twice a day. most of our own men had been lately troubled with this complaint, but it always yielded in twenty or thirty hours to the same remedy. on the st all our men returned from the indians, and akaitcho was on his way to the fort. in the afternoon two of his young men arrived to announce his visit, and to request that he might be received with a salute and other marks of respect that he had been accustomed to on visiting fort providence in the spring. i complied with his desire although i regretted the expenditure of ammunition, and sent the young men away with the customary present of powder to enable him to return the salute, some tobacco, vermilion to paint their faces, a comb and a looking-glass. at eleven akaitcho arrived; at the first notice of his appearance the flag was hoisted at the fort, and upon his nearer approach, a number of muskets were fired by a party of our people, and returned by his young men. akaitcho, preceded by his standard-bearer, led the party, and advanced with a slow and stately step to the door where mr. wentzel and i received him. the faces of the party were daubed with vermilion, the old men having a spot on the right cheek, the young ones on the left. akaitcho himself was not painted. on entering he sat down on a chest, the rest placed themselves in a circle on the floor. the pipe was passed once or twice round, and in the mean time a bowl of spirits and water, and a present considerable for our circumstances of cloth, blankets, capots, shirts, _&c._, was placed on the floor for the chief's acceptance, and distribution amongst his people. akaitcho then commenced his speech, but i regret to say, that it was very discouraging, and indicated that he had parted with his good humour, at least since his march visit. he first inquired, whether, in the event of a passage by sea being discovered, we should come to his lands in any ship that might be sent? and being answered, that it was probable but not quite certain, that some one amongst us might come; he expressed a hope that some suitable present should be forwarded to himself and nation; "for," said he, "the great chief who commands where all the goods come from, must see from the drawings and descriptions of us and our country that we are a miserable people." i assured him that he would be remembered, provided he faithfully fulfilled his engagement with us. he next complained of the non-payment of my notes by mr. weeks, from which he apprehended that his own reward would be withheld. "if," said he, "your notes to such a trifling amount are not accepted, whilst you are within such a short distance, and can hold communication with the fort, it is not probable that the large reward which has been promised to myself and party, will be paid when you are far distant, on your way to your own country. it really appears to me," he continued, "as if both the companies consider your party as a third company, hostile to their interests, and that neither of them will pay the notes you give to the indians." afterwards, in the course of a long conference, he enumerated many other grounds of dissatisfaction; the principal of which were our want of attention to him as chief, the weakness of the rum formerly sent to him, the smallness of the present now offered, and the want of the chief's clothing, which he had been accustomed to receive at fort providence every spring. he concluded, by refusing to receive the goods now laid before him. in reply to these complaints it was stated that mr. weeks's conduct could not be properly discussed at such a distance from his fort; that no dependence ought to be placed on the vague reports that floated through the indian territory; that, for our part, although we had heard many stories to his (akaitcho's) disadvantage, we discredited them all; that the rum we had sent him, being what the great men in england were accustomed to drink, was of a milder kind, but, in fact, stronger than what he had been accustomed to receive; and that the distance we had come, and the speed with which we travelled, precluded us from bringing large quantities of goods like the traders; that this had been fully explained to him when he agreed to accompany us; and that, in consideration of his not receiving his usual spring outfit, his debts to the company had been cancelled, and a present, much greater than any he had ever received before, ordered to be got ready for his return. he was further informed, that we were much disappointed in not receiving any dried meat from him, an article indispensable for our summer voyage, and which, he had led us to believe there was no difficulty in procuring; and that, in fact, his complaints were so groundless, in comparison with the real injury we sustained from the want of supplies, that we were led to believe they were preferred solely for the purpose of cloaking his own want of attention to the terms of his engagement. he then shifted his ground, and stated, that if we endeavoured to make a voyage along the sea-coast we should inevitably perish; and he advised us strongly against persisting in the attempt. this part of his harangue being an exact transcript of the sentiments formerly expressed by our interpreters, induced us to conclude that they had prompted his present line of conduct, by telling him, that we had goods or rum concealed. he afterwards received a portion of our dinner, in the manner he had been accustomed to do, and seemed inclined to make up matters with us in the course of the evening, provided we added to the present offered to him.{ } being told, however, that this was impossible,{ } since we had already offered him all the rum we had, and every article of goods we could spare from our own equipment, his obstinacy was a little shaken, and he made some concessions, but deferred giving a final answer, until the arrival of humpy, his elder brother. the young men, however, did not choose to wait so long, and at night came for the rum, which we judged to be a great step towards a reconciliation. st. germain, the most intelligent of our two interpreters, and the one who had most influence with the indians, being informed that their defection was, in a great measure, attributed to the unguarded conversations he had held with them, and which he had in part acknowledged, exerted himself much, on the following day, in bringing about a change in their sentiments, and with some success. the young men, though they declined hunting, conducted themselves with the same good humour and freedom as formerly. akaitcho being, as he said, ashamed to shew himself, kept close in his tent all day. on the th, one of the women who accompanied us from athabasca, was sent down to fort providence, under charge of the old chief, who came some days before for medicine for his eyes. angelique and roulante, the other two women, having families, preferred accompanying the indians during their summer hunt. on the th, clothing, and other necessary articles, were issued to the canadians as their equipment for the ensuing voyage. two or three blankets, some cloth, iron work, and trinkets were reserved for distribution amongst the esquimaux on the sea-coast. laced dresses were given to augustus and junius. it is impossible to describe the joy that took possession of the latter on the receipt of this present. the happy little fellow burst into extatic laughter, as he surveyed the different articles of his gay habiliments[ ]. [ ] these men kept their dresses, and delighted in them. an indian chief, on the other hand, only appears once before the donor in the dress of ceremony which he receives, and then transfers it to some favourite in the tribe whom he desires to reward by this "robe of honour." in the afternoon humpy, the leader's elder brother; annoethai-yazzeh, another of his brothers; and one of our guides, arrived with the remainder of akaitcho's band; as also long-legs, brother to the hook, with three of his band. there were now in the encampment, thirty hunters, thirty-one women, and sixty children, in all one hundred and twenty-one of the copper-indian or red-knife tribe. the rest of the nation were with the hook on the lower part of the copper-mine river. annoethai-yazzeh is remarkable amongst the indians for the number of his descendants; he has eighteen children living by two wives, of whom sixteen were at the fort at this time. in the evening we had another formidable conference. the former complaints were reiterated, and we parted about midnight, without any satisfactory answer to my questions, as to when akaitcho would proceed towards the river, and where he meant to make provision for our march. i was somewhat pleased, however, to find, that humpy and annoethai-yazzeh censured their brother's conduct, and accused him of avarice. on the th the canoes were removed from the places where they had been deposited, as we judged that the heat of the atmosphere was now so great, as to admit of their being repaired, without risk of cracking the bark. we were rejoiced to find that two of them had suffered little injury from the frost during the winter. the bark of the third was considerably rent, but it was still capable of repair. the indians sat in conference in their tents all the morning; and in the afternoon, came into the house charged with fresh matter for discussion. soon after they had seated themselves, and the room was filled with the customary volume of smoke from their calumets, the goods which had been laid aside, were again presented to the leader; but he at once refused to distribute so small a quantity amongst his men, and complained that there were neither blankets, kettles, nor daggers, amongst them; and in the warmth of his anger, he charged mr. wentzel with having advised the distribution of all our goods to the canadians, and thus defrauding the indians of what was intended for them. mr. wentzel, of course, immediately repelled this injurious accusation, and reminded akaitcho again, that he had been told, on engaging to accompany us, that he was not to expect any goods until his return. this he denied with an effrontery that surprised us all, when humpy, who was present at our first interview at fort providence, declared that he heard us say, that no goods could be taken for the supply of the indians on the voyage; and the first guide added, "i do not expect any thing here, i have promised to accompany the white people to the sea, and i will, therefore, go, confidently relying upon receiving the stipulated reward on my return." akaitcho did not seem prepared to hear such declarations from his brothers, and instantly changing the subject, began to descant upon the treatment he had received from the traders in his concerns with them, with an asperity of language that bore more the appearance of menace than complaint. i immediately refused to discuss this topic, as foreign to our present business, and desired akaitcho to recall to memory, that he had told me on our first meeting, that he considered me the father of every person attached to the expedition, in which character it was surely my duty to provide for the comfort and safety of the canadians as well as the indians. the voyagers, he knew, had a long journey to perform, and would in all probability, be exposed to much suffering from cold on a coast destitute of wood; and, therefore, required a greater provision of clothing than was necessary for the indians, who, by returning immediately from the mouth of the river, would reach fort providence in august, and obtain their promised rewards. most of the indians appeared to assent to this argument, but akaitcho said, "i perceive the traders have deceived you; you should have brought more goods, but i do not blame you." i then told him, that i had brought from england only ammunition, tobacco, and spirits; and that being ignorant what other articles the indians required, we were dependent on the traders for supplies; but he must be aware, that every endeavour had been used on our parts to procure them, as was evinced by mr. back's journey to fort chipewyan. with respect to the ammunition and tobacco, we had been as much disappointed as themselves in not receiving them, but this was to be attributed to the neglect of those to whom they had been intrusted. this explanation seemed to satisfy him. after some minutes of reflection, his countenance became more cheerful, and he made inquiry, whether his party might go to either of the trading posts they chose on their return, and whether the hudson's bay company were rich, for they had been represented to him as a poor people? i answered him, that we really knew nothing about the wealth of either company, having never concerned ourselves with trade, but that all the traders appeared to us to be respectable. our thoughts, i added, are fixed solely on the accomplishment of the objects for which we came to the country. our success depends much on your furnishing us with provision speedily, that we may have all the summer to work; and if we succeed a ship will soon bring goods in abundance to the mouth of the copper-mine river. the indians talked together for a short time after this conversation, and then the leader made an application for two or three kettles and some blankets, to be added to the present to his young men; we were unable to spare him any kettles, but the officers promised to give a blanket each from their own beds. dinner was now brought in, and relieved us for a time from their importunity. the leading men, as usual, received each a portion from the table. when the conversation was resumed, the chief renewed his solicitations for goods, but it was now too palpable to be mistaken, that he aimed at getting every thing he possibly could, and leaving us without the means of making any presents to the esquimaux, or other indians we might meet. i resolved, therefore, on steadily refusing every request; and when he perceived that he could extort nothing more, he rose in an angry manner, and addressing his young men, said: "there are too few goods for me to distribute; those that mean to follow the white people to the sea may take them." this was an incautious speech, as it rendered it necessary for his party to display their sentiments. the guides, and most of the hunters, declared their readiness to go, and came forward to receive a portion of the present, which was no inconsiderable assortment. this relieved a weight of anxiety from my mind, and i did not much regard the leader's retiring in a very dissatisfied mood. the hunters then applied to mr. wentzel for ammunition, that they might hunt in the morning, and it was cheerfully given to them. the officers and men amused themselves at prison-bars, and other canadian games till two o'clock in the morning, and we were happy to observe the indians sitting in groups enjoying the sport. we were desirous of filling up the leisure moments of the canadians with amusements, not only for the purpose of enlivening their spirits, but also to prevent them from conversing upon our differences with the indians, which they must have observed. the exercise was also in a peculiar manner serviceable to mr. hood. ever ardent in his pursuits, he had, through close attention to his drawings and other avocations, confined himself too much to the house in winter, and his health was impaired by his sedentary habits. i could only take the part of a spectator in these amusements, being still lame from the hurt formerly alluded to. the sun now sank for so short a time below the horizon, that there was more light at midnight, than we enjoyed on some days at noon in the winter-time. on the th the hunters brought in two rein-deer. many of the indians attended divine service this day, and were attentive spectators of our addresses to the almighty. on the th i had a conversation with long-legs, whose arrival two days before has been mentioned. i acquainted him with the objects of our expedition, and our desire of promoting peace between his nation and the esquimaux, and learned from him, that his brother the hook was by this time on the copper-mine river with his party; and that, although he had little ammunition, yet it was possible he might have some provision collected before our arrival at his tents. i then decorated him with a{ } medal similar to those given to the other chiefs. he was highly pleased with this mark of our regard, and promised to do every thing for us in his power. akaitcho came in during the latter part of our conversation, with a very cheerful countenance. jealousy of the hook, and a knowledge that the sentiments of the young men differed from his own, with respect to the recent discussions, had combined to produce this change in his conduct, and next morning he took an opportunity of telling me that i must not think the worse of him for his importunities. it was their custom, he said, to do so, however strange it might appear to us, and he, as the leader of his party, had to beg for them all; but as he saw we had not deceived him by concealing any of our goods, and that we really had nothing left, he should ask for no more. he then told me that he would set out for the river as soon as the state of the country admitted of travelling. the snow, he remarked, was still too deep for sledges to the northward, and the moss too wet to make fires. he was seconded in this opinion by long-legs, whom i was the more inclined to believe, knowing that he was anxious to rejoin his family as soon as possible. akaitcho now accepted the dress he had formerly refused, and next day clothed himself in another new suit, which he had received from us in the autumn. ever since his arrival at the fort, he had dressed meanly, and pleaded poverty; but, perceiving that nothing more could be gained by such conduct, he thought proper to shew some of his riches to the strangers who were daily arriving. in the afternoon, however, he made another, though a covert, attack upon us. he informed me that two old men had just arrived at the encampment with a little pounded meat which they wished to barter. it was evident that his intention was merely to discover whether we had any goods remaining or not. i told him that we had nothing at present to give for meat, however much we stood in need of it, but that we would pay for it by notes on the north-west company, in any kind of goods they pleased. after much artful circumlocution, and repeated assurances of the necessities of the men who owned the meat, he introduced them, and they readily agreed to give us the provision on our own terms. i have deemed it my duty to give the details of these tedious conversations, to point out to future travellers, the art with which these indians pursue their objects, their avaricious nature, and the little reliance that can be placed upon them when their interests jar with their promises. in these respects they agree with other tribes of northern indians; but as has been already mentioned, their dispositions are not cruel, and their hearts are readily moved by the cry of distress. the average temperature for may was nearly °, the greatest heat was °, the lowest °. we had constant daylight at the end of the month, and geese and ducks were abundant, indeed rather too much so, for our hunters were apt to waste upon them the ammunition that was given to them for killing deer. uncertain as to the length of time that it might be required to last, we did not deem a goose of equal value with the charge it cost to procure it. dr. richardson and mr. back having visited the country to the northward of the slave rock, and reported that they thought we might travel over it, i signified my intention of sending the first party off on monday the th of june. i was anxious to get the indians to move on before, but they lingered about the house, evidently with the intention of picking up such articles as we might deem unnecessary to take. when akaitcho was made acquainted with my purpose of sending away a party of men, he came to inform me that he would appoint two hunters to accompany them, and at the same time requested that dr. richardson, or as he called him, the medicine chief, might be sent with his own band. these indians set a great value upon medicine, and made many demands upon dr. richardson on the prospect of his departure. he had to make up little packets, of the different articles in his chest, not only for the leader, but for each of the minor chiefs, who carefully placed them in their medicine bags, noting in their memories the directions he gave for their use. the readiness with which their requests for medical assistance were complied with, was considered by them as a strong mark of our good intentions towards them; and the leader often remarked, that they owed much to our kindness in that respect; that formerly numbers had died every year, but that not a life had been lost since our arrival amongst them. in the present instance, however, the leader's request could not be complied with. dr. richardson had volunteered to conduct the first party to the copper-mine river, whilst the rest of the officers remained with me to the last moment, to complete our astronomical observations at the house. he, therefore, informed the leader that he would remain stationary at point lake until the arrival of the whole party, where he might be easily consulted if any of his people fell sick, as it was in the neighbourhood of their hunting-grounds. on the nd the stores were packed up in proper-sized bales for the journey. i had intended to send the canoes by the first party, but they were not yet repaired, the weather not being sufficiently warm for the men to work constantly at them, without the hazard of breaking the bark. this day one of the new trading guns, which we had recently received from fort chipewyan, burst in the hands of a young indian; fortunately, however, without doing him any material injury. this was the sixth accident of the kind which had occurred since our departure from slave lake. surely this deficiency in the quality of the guns, which hazards the lives of so many poor indians, requires the serious consideration of the principals of the trading companies. on the th, at three in the morning, the party under the charge of dr. richardson started. it consisted of fifteen voyagers, three of them conducting dog sledges, baldhead and basil, two indian hunters with their wives, akaiyazzeh{ } a sick indian and his wife, together with angelique and roulante; so that the party amounted to twenty-three exclusive of children. the burdens of the men were about eighty pounds each, exclusive of their personal baggage, which amounted to nearly as much more. most of them dragged their loads upon sledges, but a few preferred carrying them on their backs. they set off in high spirits. after breakfast the indians struck their tents, and the women, the boys, and the old men who had to drag sledges, took their departure. it was three p.m., however, before akaitcho and the hunters left us. we issued thirty balls to the leader, and twenty to each of the hunters and guides, with a proportionate quantity of powder, and gave them directions to make all the provision they could on their way to point lake. i then desired mr. wentzel to inform akaitcho, in the presence of the other indians, that i wished a deposit of provision to be made at this place previous to next september, as a resource should we return this way. he and the guides not only promised to see this done, but suggested that it would be more secure if placed in the cellar, or in mr. wentzel's room. the dog-ribs, they said, would respect any thing that was in the house, as knowing it to belong to the white people. at the close of this conversation akaitcho exclaimed with a smile, "i see now that you have really no goods left, (the rooms and stores being completely stripped,) and therefore i shall not trouble you any more, but use my best endeavours to prepare provision for you, and i think if the animals are tolerably numerous, we may get plenty before you can embark on the river." whilst the indians were packing up this morning, one of the women absconded. she belongs to the dog-rib tribe, and had been taken by force from her relations by her present husband, who treated her very harshly. the fellow was in my room when his mother announced the departure of his wife, and received the intelligence with great composure, as well as the seasonable reproof of akaitcho. "you are rightly served," said the chief to him, "and will now have to carry all your things yourself, instead of having a wife to drag them." one hunter remained after the departure of the other indians. on the th the dog-rib woman presented herself on a hill at some distance from the house, but was afraid to approach us, until the interpreter went and told her that neither we nor the indian who remained with us, would prevent her from going where she pleased. upon this she came to solicit a fire-steel and kettle. she was at first low-spirited, from the non-arrival of a country-woman who had promised to elope with her, but had probably been too narrowly watched. the indian hunter, however, having given her some directions as to the proper mode of joining her own tribe, she became more composed, and ultimately agreed to adopt his advice of proceeding at once to fort providence, instead of wandering about the country all summer in search of them, at the imminent hazard of being starved. on the th the wind, shifting to the southward, dispersed the clouds which had obscured the sky for several days, and produced a change of temperature under which the snow rapidly disappeared. the thermometer rose to °, many flies came forth, musquitoes shewed themselves for the first time, and one swallow made its appearance. we were the more gratified with these indications of summer, that st. germain was enabled to commence the repair of the canoes, and before night had completed the two which had received the least injury. augustus killed two deer to-day. on the th the dip of the magnetic needle being observed, shewed a decrease of ' " since last autumn. the repairs of the third canoe were finished this evening. the snow was now confined to the bases of the hills, and our indian hunter told us the season was early. the operations of nature, however, seemed to us very tardy. we were eager to be gone, and dreaded the lapse of summer, before the indians would allow it had begun. on the th the geese and ducks had left the vicinity of fort enterprise, and proceeded to the northward. some young ravens and whiskey-johns made their appearance at this time. on the th winter river was nearly cleared of ice, and on the th the men returned, having left dr. richardson on the borders of point lake. dr. richardson informed me by letter that the snow was deeper in many parts near his encampment than it had been at any time last winter near fort enterprise, and that the ice on point lake had scarcely begun to decay. although the voyagers were much fatigued on their arrival, and had eaten nothing for the last twenty-four hours, they were very cheerful, and expressed a desire to start with the remainder of the stores next morning. the dog-rib woman, who had lingered about the house since the th of june, took alarm at the approach of our men, thinking, perhaps, that they were accompanied by indians, and ran off. she was now provided with a hatchet, kettle, and fire-steel, and would probably go at once to fort providence, in the expectation of meeting with some of her countrymen before the end of summer. chapter x[ ]. [ ] it will be seen hereafter that i had the misfortune to lose my portfolio containing my journals from fort enterprise to the th of september. but the loss has been amply redeemed by my brother officers' journals, from which the narrative up to that period has been chiefly compiled. departure from fort enterprise--navigation of the copper-mine river--visit to the copper mountain--interview with the esquimaux--departure of the indian hunters--arrangements made with them for our return. . june . the trains for the canoes having been finished during the night, the party attached to them commenced their journey at ten this morning. each canoe was dragged by four men assisted by two dogs. they took the route of winter lake, with the intention of following, although more circuitous, the water-course as far as practicable, it being safer for the canoes than travelling over land. after their departure, the remaining stores, the instruments, and our small stock of dried meat, amounting only to eighty pounds, were distributed equally among hepburn, three canadians, and the two esquimaux; with this party and two indian hunters, we quitted fort enterprise, most sincerely rejoicing that the long-wished-for day had arrived, when we were to proceed towards the final object of the expedition. we left in one of the rooms a box, containing a journal of the occurrences up to this date, the charts and some drawings, which was to be conveyed to fort chipewyan by mr. wentzel, on his return from the sea, and thence to be sent to england. the room was blocked up, and, by the advice of mr. wentzel, a drawing representing a man holding a dagger in a threatening attitude, was affixed to the door, to deter any indians from breaking it open. we directed our course towards the dog-rib rock, but as our companions were loaded with the weight of near one hundred and eighty pounds each, we of necessity proceeded at a slow pace. the day was extremely warm, and the musquitoes, whose attacks had hitherto been feeble, issued forth in swarms from the marshes, and were very tormenting. having walked five miles we encamped near a small cluster of pines about two miles from the dog-rib rock. the canoe party had not been seen since they set out. our hunters went forward to marten lake, intending to wait for us at a place where two deer were deposited. at nine p.m. the temperature of the air was °. we resumed our march at an early hour, and crossed several lakes which lay in our course, as the ice enabled the men to drag their burdens on trains formed of sticks and deers' horns, with more ease than they could carry them on their backs. we were kept constantly wet by this operation, as the ice had broken near the shores of the lakes, but this was little regarded as the day was unusually warm: the temperature at two p.m. being at - / °. at marten lake we joined the canoe party, and encamped with them. we had the mortification of learning from our hunters that the meat they had put _en cache_ here, had been destroyed by the wolverenes, and we had in consequence, to furnish the supper from our scanty stock of dried meat. the wind changed from s.e. to n.e. in the evening, and the weather became very cold, the thermometer being at ° at nine p.m. the few dwarf birches we could collect afforded fire insufficient to keep us warm, and we retired under the covering of our blankets as soon as the supper was despatched. the n.e. breeze rendered the night so extremely cold, that we procured but little sleep, having neither fire nor shelter; for though we carried our tents, we had been forced to leave the tent-poles which we could not now replace; we therefore gladly recommenced the journey at five in the morning, and travelled through the remaining part of the lake on the ice. its surface being quite smooth, the canoes were dragged along expeditiously by the dogs, and the rest of the party had to walk very quick to keep pace with them, which occasioned many severe falls. by the time we had reached the end of the lake, the wind had increased to a perfect gale, and the atmosphere was so cold that we could not proceed further with the canoes without the risk of breaking the bark, and seriously injuring them: we therefore crossed winter river in them, and put up in a well-sheltered place on a ridge of sand hills; but as the stock of provision was scanty, we determined on proceeding as quick as possible, and leaving the canoe-party under the charge of mr. wentzel. we parted from them in the afternoon, and first directed our course towards a range of hills, where we expected to find antonio fontano, who had separated from us in the morning. in crossing towards these hills i fell through the ice into the lake, with my bundle on my shoulders, but was soon extricated without any injury; and mr. back, who left us to go in search of the straggler, met with a similar accident in the evening. we put up on a ridge of sand hills, where we found some pines, and made a large fire to apprize mr. back and fontano of our position. st. germain having killed a deer in the afternoon, we received an acceptable supply of meat. the night was stormy and very cold. at five the next morning, our men were sent in different directions after our absent companions; but as the weather was foggy, we despaired of finding them, unless they should chance to hear the muskets our people were desired to fire. they returned, however, at ten, bringing intelligence of them. i went immediately with hepburn to join mr. back, and directed mr. hood to proceed with the canadians, and halt with them at the spot where the hunters had killed a deer. though mr. back was much fatigued he set off with me immediately, and in the evening we rejoined our friends on the borders of the big lake. the indians informed us that fontano only remained a few hours with them, and then continued his journey. we had to oppose a violent gale and frequent snow-storms through the day, which unseasonable weather caused the temperature to descend below the freezing point this evening. the situation of our encampment being bleak, and our fuel stunted green willows, we passed a very cold and uncomfortable night. _june _.--though the breeze was moderate this morning, the air was piercingly keen. when on the point of starting, we perceived mr. wentzel's party coming, and awaited his arrival to learn whether the canoes had received any injury during the severe weather of yesterday. finding they had not, we proceeded to get upon the ice on the lake, which could not be effected without walking up to the waist in water, for some distance from its borders. we had not the command of our feet in this situation, and the men fell often; poor junius broke through the ice with his heavy burden on his back, but fortunately was not hurt. this lake is extensive, and large arms branch from its main course in different directions. at these parts we crossed the projecting points of land, and on each occasion had to wade as before, which so wearied every one, that we rejoiced when we reached its north side and encamped, though our resting-place was a bare rock. we had the happiness of finding fontano at this place. the poor fellow had passed the three preceding days without tasting food, and was exhausted by anxiety and hunger. his sufferings were considered to have been a sufficient punishment for his imprudent conduct in separating from us, and i only admonished him to be more cautious in future. having received information that the hunters had killed a deer, we sent three men to fetch the meat, which was distributed between our party and the canoe-men who had been encamped near to us. the thermometer at three p.m. was °, at nine °. we commenced the following day by crossing a lake about four miles in length, and then passed over a succession of rugged hills for nearly the same distance. the men being anxious to reach some pine-trees, which they had seen on their former journey, walked a quick pace, though they were suffering from swelled legs and rheumatic pains; we could not, however, attain the desired point, and therefore encamped on the declivity of a hill, which sheltered us from the wind; and used the rein-deer moss for fuel, which afforded us more warmth than we expected. several patches of snow were yet remaining on the surrounding hills. the thermometer varied to-day between ° and °. on the th of june we began our march by crossing a small lake, not without much risk, as the surface of the ice was covered with water to the depth of two feet, and there were many holes into which we slipped, in spite of our efforts to avoid them. a few of the men, being fearful of attempting the traverse with their heavy loads, walked round the eastern end of the lake. the parties met on the sandy ridge, which separates the streams that fall into winter lake from those that flow to the northward; and here we killed three deer. near the base of this ridge we crossed a small but rapid stream, in which there is a remarkable cascade of about fifty feet. some indians joined us here, and gave information respecting the situation of dr. richardson's tent, which our hunters considered was sufficient for our guidance, and therefore proceeded as quickly as they could. we marched a few miles farther in the evening, and encamped among some pines; but the comfort of a good fire did not compensate for the torment we suffered from the host of musquitoes at this spot. the temperature was °. we set off next morning at a very early hour. the men took the course of point lake, that they might use their sledges, but the officers pursued the nearest route by land to dr. richardson's tent, which we reached at eleven a.m. it was on the western side of an arm of the lake and near the part through which the copper-mine river runs. our men arrived soon after us, and in the evening mr. wentzel and his party, with the canoes in excellent condition. they were much jaded by their fatiguing journey and several were lame from swellings of the lower extremities. the ice on the lake was still six or seven feet thick, and there was no appearance of its decay except near the edges; and as it was evident that, by remaining here until it should be removed, we might lose every prospect of success in our undertaking, i determined on dragging our stores along its surface, until we should come to a part of the river where we could embark; and directions were given this evening for each man to prepare a train for the conveyance of his portion of the stores. i may remark here, as a proof of the strong effect of radiation from the earth in melting the ice, that the largest holes in the ice were always formed at the base of the high and steep cliffs, which abound on the borders of this lake. we found akaitcho and the hunters encamped here, but their families, and the rest of the tribe, had gone off two days before to the beth-see-to, a large lake to the northward, where they intended passing the summer. long-legs and keskarrah had departed, to desire the hook to collect as much meat as he could against our arrival at his lodge. we were extremely distressed to learn from dr. richardson, that akaitcho and his party had expended all the ammunition they had received at fort enterprise, without having contributed any supply of provision. the doctor had, however, through the assistance of two hunters he kept with him, prepared two hundred pounds of dried meat, which was now our sole dependance for the journey. on the following morning i represented to akaitcho that we had been greatly disappointed by his conduct, which was so opposite to the promise of exertion he had made, on quitting fort enterprise. he offered many excuses, but finding they were not satisfactory, admitted that the greater part of the ammunition had been given to those who accompanied the women to the beth-see-to, and promised to behave better in future. i then told him, that i intended in future to give them ammunition only in proportion to the meat which was brought in, and that we should commence upon that plan, by supplying him with fifteen balls, and each of the hunters with ten. the number of our hunters was now reduced to five, as two of the most active declined going any further, their father, who thought himself dying, having solicited them to remain and close his eyes. these five were furnished with ammunition, and sent forward to hunt on the south border of the lake, with directions to place any meat they might procure near the edge of the lake, and set up marks to guide us to the spots. akaitcho, his brother, the guide, and three other men, remained to accompany us. we were much surprised to perceive an extraordinary difference in climate in so short an advance to the northward as fifty miles. the snow here was lying in large patches on the hills. the dwarf-birch and willows were only just beginning to open their buds, which had burst forth at fort enterprise many days before our departure. vegetation seemed to be three weeks or a month later here than at that place. we had heavy showers of rain through the night of the d, which melted the snow, and visibly wasted the ice. on the d, the men were busily employed in making their trains, and in pounding the meat for pemmican. the situation of the encampment was ascertained, latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., and the variation ° ' " e. the arrangements being completed, we purposed commencing our journey next morning, but the weather was too stormy to venture upon the lake with the canoes. in the afternoon a heavy fall of snow took place, succeeded by sleet and rain. the north-east gale continued, but the thermometer rose to °. _june _.--the wind having abated in the night, we prepared for starting at an early hour. the three canoes were mounted on sledges, and nine men were appointed to conduct them, having the assistance of two dogs to each canoe. the stores and provisions were distributed equally among the rest of our men, except a few small articles which the indians carried. the provision consisted of only two bags of pemmican, two of pounded meat, five of suet, and two small bundles of dried provision, together with fresh meat sufficient for our supper at night. it was gratifying to witness the readiness with which the men prepared for and commenced a journey, which threatened to be so very laborious, as each of them had to drag upwards of one hundred and eighty pounds on his sledge. our course led down the main channel of the lake, which varied in breadth from half a mile to three miles; but we proceeded at a slow pace, as the snow, which fell last night, and still lay on the ice, very much impeded the sledges. many extensive arms branched off on the north side of this channel, and it was bounded on the south by a chain of lofty islands. the hills on both sides rose to six or seven hundred feet, and high steep cliffs were numerous. clusters of pines were occasionally seen in the valleys. we put up, at eight p.m., in a spot which afforded us but a few twigs for fuel. the party was much fatigued, and several of the men were affected by an inflammation on the inside of the thigh attended with hardness and swelling. the distance made to-day was six miles. we started at ten next morning. the day was extremely hot, and the men were soon jaded; their lameness increased very much, and some not previously affected began to complain. the dogs too shewed symptoms of great weakness, and one of them stretched himself obstinately on the ice, and was obliged to be released from the harness. we were, therefore, compelled to encamp at an early hour, having come only four miles. the sufferings of the people in this early stage of our journey were truly discouraging to them, and very distressing to us, whose situation was comparatively easy. i, therefore, determined on leaving the third canoe, which had been principally carried to provide against any accident to the others. we should thus gain three men, to lighten the loads of those who were most lame, and an additional dog for each of the other canoes. it was accordingly properly secured on a stage erected for the purpose near the encampment. dried meat was issued for supper, but in the course of the evening the indians killed two deer, for which we immediately sent. the channel of the lake through which we had passed to-day was bounded on both sides by islands of considerable height, presenting bold and rugged scenery. we were informed by our guide, that a large body of the lake lies to the northward of a long island which we passed. another deer was killed next morning, but as the men breakfasted off it before they started, the additional weight was not materially felt. the burdens of the men being considerably lightened by the arrangements of last evening, the party walked at the rate of one mile and three quarters an hour until the afternoon, when our pace was slackened, as the ice was more rough, and our lame companions felt their sores very galling. at noon we passed a deep bay on the south side, which is said to receive a river. throughout the day's march the hills on each side of the lake bore a strong resemblance, in height and form, to those about fort enterprise. we encamped on the north main shore, among some spruce trees, having walked eight miles and a half. three or four fish were caught with lines through holes, which the water had worn in the ice. we perceived a light westerly current at these places. it rained heavily during the night, and this was succeeded by a dense fog on the morning of the th. being short of provisions we commenced our journey, though the points of land were not discernible beyond a short distance. the surface of the ice, being honeycombed by the recent rains, presented innumerable sharp points, which tore our shoes and lacerated the feet at every step. the poor dogs, too, marked their path with their blood. in the evening the atmosphere became clear, and, at five p.m., we reached the rapid by which point lake communicates with red-rock lake. this rapid is only one hundred yards wide, and we were much disappointed at finding the copper-mine river such an inconsiderable stream. the canoes descended the rapid, but the cargoes were carried across the peninsula, and placed again on the sledges, as the next lake was still frozen. we passed an extensive arm, branching to the eastward, and encamped just below it, on the western bank, among spruce pines, having walked six miles of direct distance. the rolled stones on the beach are principally red clay slate, hence its indian appellation, which we have retained. we continued our journey at the usual hour next morning. at noon the variation was observed to be ° east. our attention was afterwards directed to some pine branches, scattered on the ice, which proved to be marks placed by our hunters, to guide us to the spot where they had deposited the carcasses of two small deer. this supply was very seasonable, and the men cheerfully dragged the additional weight. akaitcho, judging from the appearance of the meat, thought it had been placed here three days ago, and that the hunters were considerably in advance. we put up at six p.m., near the end of the lake, having come twelve miles and three quarters, and found the channel open by which it is connected with the rock-nest lake. a river was pointed out, bearing south from our encampment, which is said to rise near great marten lake. red-rock lake is in general narrow, its shelving banks are well clothed with wood, and even the hills, which attain an elevation of four hundred or five hundred feet, are ornamented half way up, with stunted pines. on june , the men having gummed the canoes, embarked with their burdens to descend the river; but we accompanied the indians about five miles across a neck of land, when we also embarked. the river was about two hundred yards wide, and its course being uninterrupted, we cherished a sanguine hope of now getting on more speedily, until we perceived that the waters of rock-nest lake were still bound by ice, and that recourse must again be had to the sledges. the ice was much decayed, and the party were exposed to great risk of breaking through in making the traverse. in one part we had to cross an open channel in the canoes, and in another were compelled to quit the lake, and make a portage along the land. when the party had got upon the ice again, our guide evinced much uncertainty as to the route. he first directed us towards the west end of the lake; but when we had nearly gained that point, he discovered a remarkable rock to the north-east, named by the indians the rock-nest, and then recollected that the river ran at its base. our course was immediately changed to that direction, but the traverse we had then to make was more dangerous than the former one. the ice cracked under us at every step, and the party were obliged to separate widely to prevent accidents. we landed at the first point we could approach, but having found an open channel close to the shore, were obliged to ferry the goods across on pieces of ice. the fresh meat being expended we had to make another inroad on our pounded meat. the evening was very warm, and the musquitoes numerous. a large fire was made to apprize the hunters of our advance. the scenery of rock-nest lake is picturesque, its shores are rather low, except at the rock's nest, and two or three eminences on the eastern side. the only wood is the pine, which is twenty or thirty feet high, and about one foot in diameter. our distance to-day was six miles. _july _.--our guide directed us to proceed towards a deep bay on the north side of the lake, where he supposed we should find the river. in consequence of the bad state of the ice, we employed all the different modes of travelling we had previously followed in attaining this place; and, in crossing a point of land, had the misfortune to lose one of the dogs, which set off in pursuit of some rein-deer. arriving at the bay, we only found a stream that fell into it from the north-east, and looked in vain for the copper-mine river. this circumstance confused the guide, and he confessed that he was now doubtful of the proper route; we, therefore, halted, and despatched him, with two men, to look for the river from the top of the high hills near the rock-nest. during this delay a slight injury was repaired, which one of the canoes had received. we were here amused by the sight of a wolf chasing two rein-deer on the ice. the pursuer being alarmed at the sight of our men, gave up the chase when near to the hindmost, much to our regret, for we were calculating upon the chance of sharing in his capture. at four p.m. our men returned, with the agreeable information that they had seen the river flowing at the base of the rock-nest. the canoes and stores were immediately placed on the ice, and dragged thither; we then embarked, but soon had to cut through a barrier of drift ice that blocked up the way. we afterwards descended two strong rapids, and encamped near the discharge of a small stream which flows from an adjoining lake. the copper-mine river, at this point, is about two hundred yards wide, and ten feet deep, and flows very rapidly over a rocky bottom. the scenery of its banks is picturesque, the hills shelve to the water-side, and are well covered with wood, and the surface of the rocks is richly ornamented with lichens. the indians say that the same kind of country prevails as far as mackenzie's river in this parallel; but that the land to the eastward is perfectly barren. akaitcho and one of the indians killed two deer, which were immediately sent for. two of the hunters arrived in the night, and we learned that their companions, instead of being in advance, as we supposed, were staying at the place where we first found the river open. they had only seen our fires last evening, and had sent to examine who we were. the circumstance of having passed them was very vexatious, as they had three deer _en cache_, at their encampment. however, an indian was sent to desire those who remained to join us, and bring the meat. we embarked at nine a.m. on july nd, and descended a succession of strong rapids for three miles. we were carried along with extraordinary rapidity, shooting over large stones, upon which a single stroke would have been destructive to the canoes; and we were also in danger of breaking them, from the want of the long poles which lie along their bottoms and equalize their cargoes, as they plunged very much, and on one occasion the first canoe was almost filled with the waves. but there was no receding after we had once launched into the stream, and our safety depended on the skill and dexterity of the bowmen and steersmen. the banks of the river here are rocky, and the scenery beautiful; consisting of gentle elevations and dales wooded to the edge of the stream, and flanked on both sides at the distance of three or four miles by a range of round-backed barren hills, upwards of six hundred feet high. at the foot of the rapids the high lands recede to a greater distance, and the river flows with a more gentle current, in a wider channel, through a level and open country consisting of alluvial sand. in one place the passage was blocked up by drift ice, still deeply covered with snow. a channel for the canoes was made for some distance with the hatchets and poles; but on reaching the more compact part, we were under the necessity of transporting the canoes and cargoes across it; an operation of much hazard, as the snow concealed the numerous holes which the water had made in the ice. this expansion of the river being mistaken by the guide for a lake, which he spoke of as the last on our route to the sea, we supposed that we should have no more ice to cross, and therefore encamped after passing through it, to fit the canoes properly for the voyage, and to provide poles, which are not only necessary to strengthen them when placed in the bottom, but essentially requisite for the safe management of them in dangerous rapids. the guide began afterwards to doubt whether the lake he meant was not further on, and he was sent with two men to examine into the fact, who returned in the evening with the information of its being below us, but that there was an open channel through it. this day was very sultry, and several plants appeared in flower. the men were employed in repairing their canoes to a late hour, and commenced very early next morning, as we were desirous of availing ourselves of every part of this favourable weather. the hunters arrived in the course of the night. it appeared that the dog which escaped from us two days ago came into the vicinity of their encampment, howling piteously; seeing him without his harness, they came to the hasty conclusion that our whole party had perished in a rapid; and throwing away part of their baggage, and leaving the meat behind them, they set off with the utmost haste to join long-legs. our messenger met them in their flight, but too far advanced to admit of their returning for the meat. akaitcho scolded them heartily for their thoughtlessness in leaving the meat, which we so much wanted. they expressed their regret, and being ashamed of their panic, proposed to remedy the evil as much as possible by going forward, without stopping, until they came to a favourable spot for hunting, which they expected to do about thirty or forty miles below our present encampment. akaitcho accompanied them, but previous to setting off he renewed his charge that we should be on our guard against the bears, which was occasioned by the hunters having fired at one this morning as they were descending a rapid in their canoe. as their small canoes would only carry five persons, two of the hunters had to walk in turns along the banks. in our rambles round the encampment, we witnessed with pleasure the progress which vegetation had made within the few last warm days; most of the trees had put forth their leaves, and several flowers ornamented the moss-covered ground; many of the smaller summer birds were observed in the woods, and a variety of ducks, gulls, and plovers, sported on the banks of the river. it is about three hundred yards wide at this part, is deep and flows over a bed of alluvial sand. we caught some trout of considerable size with our lines, and a few white fish in the nets, which maintained us, with a little assistance from the pemmican. the repair of our canoes was completed this evening. before embarking i issued an order that no rapid should in future be descended until the bowman had examined it, and decided upon its being safe to run. wherever the least danger was to be apprehended, or the crew had to disembark for the purpose of lightening the canoe, the ammunition, guns and instruments, were always to be put out and carried along the bank, that we might be provided with the means of subsisting ourselves, in case of any accident befalling the canoes. the situation of our encampment was ascertained to be ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., and the variation ° ' " e. at four in the morning of july th we embarked and descended a succession of very agitated rapids, but took the precaution of landing the articles mentioned yesterday, wherever there appeared any hazard; notwithstanding all our precautions the leading canoe struck with great force against a stone, and the bark was split, but this injury was easily repaired, and we regretted only the loss of time. at eleven we came to an expansion of the river where the current ran with less force, and an accumulation of drift ice had, in consequence, barred the channel; over this the canoes and cargoes were carried. the ice in many places adhered to the banks, and projected in wide ledges several feet thick over the stream, which had hollowed them out beneath. on one occasion as the people were embarking from one of these ledges, it suddenly gave way, and three men were precipitated into the water, but were rescued without further damage than a sound ducking, and the canoe fortunately (and narrowly) escaped being crushed. perceiving one of the indians sitting on the east bank of the river, we landed, and having learned from him that akaitcho and the hunters had gone in pursuit of a herd of musk oxen, we encamped, having come twenty-four miles and a half. in the afternoon they brought us the agreeable intelligence of having killed eight cows, of which four were full grown. all the party were immediately despatched to bring in this seasonable supply. a young cow, irritated by the firing of the hunters, ran down to the river, and passed close to me when walking at a short distance from the tents. i fired and wounded it, when the animal instantly turned, and ran at me, but i avoided its fury by jumping aside and getting upon an elevated piece of ground. in the mean time some people came from the tents, and it took to flight. the musk oxen, like the buffalo, herd together in bands, and generally frequent the barren grounds during the summer months, keeping near the rivers, but retire to the woods in winter. they seem to be less watchful than most other wild animals, and when grazing are not difficult to approach, provided the hunters go against the wind; when two or three men get so near a herd as to fire at them from different points, these animals instead of separating or running away, huddle closer together, and several are generally killed; but if the wound is not mortal they become enraged and dart in the most furious manner at the hunters, who must be very dextrous to evade them. they can defend themselves by their powerful horns against the wolves and bears, which, as the indians say, they not unfrequently kill. the musk oxen feed on the same substances with the rein-deer, and the prints of the feet of these two animals are so much alike, that it requires the eye of an experienced hunter to distinguish them. the largest killed by us did not exceed in weight three hundred pounds. the flesh has a musky disagreeable flavour, particularly when the animal is lean, which unfortunately for us was the case with all that we now killed. during this day's march the river varied in breadth from one hundred to two hundred feet, and except in two open spaces, a very strong current marked a deep descent the whole way. it flows over a bed of gravel, of which also its immediate banks are composed. near to our encampment it is bounded by cliffs of fine sand from one hundred to two hundred feet high. sandy plains extend on a level with the summit of these cliffs, and at the distance of six or seven miles are terminated by ranges of hills eight hundred or one thousand feet high. the grass on these plains affords excellent pasturage for the musk oxen, and they generally abound here. the hunters added two more to our stock in the course of the night. as we had now more meat than the party could consume fresh, we delayed our voyage next day to dry it. the hunters were supplied with more ammunition, and sent forward; but akaitcho, his brother, and another indian, remained with us. it may here be proper to mention, that the officers had treated akaitcho more distantly since our departure from point lake, to mark their opinion of his misconduct. the diligence in hunting, however, which he had evinced at this place, induced us to receive him more familiarly when he came to the tent this evening. during our conversation he endeavoured to excite suspicions in our minds against the hook, by saying, "i am aware that you consider me the worst man of my nation; but i know the hook to be a great rogue, and, i think he will disappoint you." on the morning of the th we embarked, and descended a series of rapids, having twice unloaded the canoes where the water was shallow. after passing the mouth of the fairy[ ] lake river the rapids ceased. the main stream was then about three hundred yards wide, and generally deep, though, in one part, the channel was interrupted by several sandy banks, and low alluvial islands covered with willows. it flows between banks of sand thinly wooded, and as we advanced the barren hills approached the water's edge. [ ] this is an indian name. the northern indian fairies are six inches high, lead a life similar to the indians, and are excellent hunters. those who have had the good fortune to fall in with their tiny encampments have been kindly treated, and regaled on venison. we did not learn with certainty whether the existence of these delightful creatures is known from indian tradition, or whether the indians owe their knowledge of them to their intercourse with the traders, but think the former probable. at ten we rejoined our hunters, who had killed a deer, and halted to breakfast. we sent them forward; one of them, who was walking along the shore afterwards, fired upon two brown bears, and wounded one of them, which instantly turned and pursued him. his companions in the canoes put ashore to his assistance, but did not succeed in killing the bears, which fled upon the reinforcement coming up. during the delay thus occasioned we overtook them, and they continued with us the rest of the day. we encamped at the foot of a lofty range of mountains, which appear to be from twelve to fifteen hundred feet high; they are in general round backed, but the outline is not even, being interrupted by craggy conical eminences. this is the first ridge of hills we have seen in this country, that deserves the appellation of a mountain range; it is probably a continuation of the stony mountains crossed by hearne. many plants appeared in full flower near the tents, and dr. richardson gathered some high up on the hills. the distance we made to-day was fifty miles. there was a hoar frost in the night, and the temperature, at four next morning, was °: embarking at that hour, we glided quickly down the stream, and by seven arrived at the hook's encampment, which was placed on the summit of a lofty sand cliff, whose base was washed by the river. this chief had with him only three hunters, and a few old men and their families, the rest of his band having remained at their snares in bear lake. his brother, long-legs, and our guide, keskarrah, who had joined him three days before, had communicated to him our want of provision, and we were happy to find that, departing from the general practice of indian chiefs, he entered at once upon the business, without making a long speech. as an introductory mark of our regard, i decorated him with a medal similar to those which had been given to the other leaders. the hook began by stating, "that he was aware of our being destitute of provision, and of the great need we had of an ample stock, to enable us to execute our undertaking; and his regret, that the unusual scarcity of animals this season, together with the circumstance of his having only just received a supply of ammunition from fort providence, had prevented him from collecting the quantity of meat he had wished to do for our use. the amount, indeed," he said, "is very small, but i will cheerfully give you what i have: we are too much indebted to the white people, to allow them to want food on our lands, whilst we have any to give them. our families can live on fish until we can procure more meat, but the season is too short to allow of your delaying, to gain subsistence in that manner." he immediately desired, aloud, that the women should bring all the meat they had to us; and we soon collected sufficient to make three bags and a half of pemmican, besides some dried meat and tongues. we were truly delighted by this prompt and cheerful behaviour, and would gladly have rewarded the kindness of himself and his companions by some substantial present, but we were limited by the scantiness of our store to a small donation of fifteen charges of ammunition to each of the chiefs. in return for the provision they accepted notes on the north-west company, to be paid at fort providence; and to these was subjoined an order for a few articles of clothing, as an additional present. i then endeavoured to prevail upon the hook to remain in this vicinity with his hunters until the autumn, and to make deposits of provision in different parts of the course to the sea, as a resource for our party, in the event of our being compelled to return by this route. he required time, however, to consider this matter, and promised to give me an answer next day. i was rejoiced to find him then prepared to meet my wish, and the following plan was agreed upon:--as the animals abound, at all times, on the borders of bear lake, he promised to remain on the east side of it until the month of november, at that spot which is nearest to the copper-mine river, from whence there is a communication by a chain of lakes and portages. there the principal deposit of provision was to be made; but during the summer the hunters were to be employed in putting up supplies of dried meat at convenient distances, not only along the communication from this river, but also upon its banks, as far down as the copper mountain. they were also to place particular marks to guide our course to their lodges. we contracted to pay them liberally, whether we returned by this way or not; if we did, they were to accompany us to fort providence to receive the reward; and, at any rate, i promised to send the necessary documents by mr. wentzel, from the sea-coast, to ensure them an ample remuneration. with this arrangement they were perfectly satisfied, and we could not be less so, knowing they had every motive for fulfilling their promises, as the place they had chosen to remain at is their usual hunting-ground. the uncommon anxiety these chiefs expressed for our safety, appeared to us likely to prompt them to every care and attention, and i record their expressions with gratitude. after representing the numerous hardships we should have to encounter in the strongest manner, though in language similar to what we had often heard from our friend akaitcho, they earnestly entreated we would be constantly on our guard against the treachery of the esquimaux; and no less forcibly desired we would not proceed far along the coast, as they dreaded the consequences of our being exposed to a tempestuous sea in canoes, and having to endure the cold of the autumn on a shore destitute of fuel. the hook, having been an invalid for several years, rejoiced at the opportunity of consulting dr. richardson, who immediately gave him advice, and supplied him with medicine. the pounded meat and fat were converted into pemmican, preparatory to our voyage. the result of our observations at the hook's encampment was, latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., variation of the compass ° ' " e. we embarked at eleven to proceed on our journey. akaitcho and his brother, the guide, being in the first canoe, and old keskarrah in the other. we wished to dispense with the further attendance of two guides, and made a proposition that either of them might remain here, but neither would relinquish the honour of escorting the expedition to the sea. one of our hunters, however, was less eager for this distinction, and preferred remaining with green stockings, keskarrah's fascinating daughter. the other four, with the little singer, accompanied us, two of them conducting their small canoes in turns, and the rest walking along the beach. the river flows over a bed of sand, and winds in an uninterrupted channel of from three quarters to a mile broad, between two ranges of hills, which are pretty even in their outline, and round backed, but having rather steep acclivities. the immediate borders of the stream consist either of high banks of sand, or steep gravel cliffs; and sometimes, where the hills recede to a little distance, the intervening space is occupied by high sandy ridges. at three p.m., after passing along the foot of a high range of hills, we arrived at the portage leading to the bear lake, to which we have previously alluded. its position is very remarkable, being at the most westerly part of the copper-mine river, and at the point where it resumes a northern course, and forces a passage through the lofty ridge of mountains, to which it has run parallel for the last thirty miles. as the indians travel from hence, with their families, in three days to the point where they have proposed staying for us, the distance, i think, cannot exceed forty miles; and admitting the course to be due west, which is the direction the guide pointed, it would place the eastern part of bear lake in - / ° w. longitude. beyond this spot the river is diminished in breadth and a succession of rapids are formed; but as the water was deep, we passed through them without discharging any part of the cargoes. it still runs between high ranges of mountains, though its actual boundaries are banks of mud mixed with clay, which are clothed with stunted pines. we picked up a deer which the hunters had shot, and killed another from the canoe; and also received an addition to our stock of provision of seven young geese, which the hunters had beaten down with their sticks. about six p.m. we perceived a mark on the shore, which on examination was found to have been recently put up by some indians: and, on proceeding further, we discerned stronger proofs of their vicinity; we, therefore, encamped, and made a large fire as a signal, which they answered in a similar way. mr. wentzel was immediately sent, in expectation of getting provision from them. on his return, we learned that the party consisted of three old copper indians, with their families who had supported themselves with the bow and arrow since last autumn, not having visited fort providence for more than a year; and so successful had they been, that they were enabled to supply us with upwards of seventy pounds of dried meat, and six moose skins fit for making shoes, which were the more valuable as we were apprehensive of being barefooted before the journey could be completed. the evening was sultry, and the musquitoes appeared in great numbers. the distance made to-day was twenty-five miles. on the following morning we went down to these indians, and delivered to them notes on the north-west company, for the meat and skins they had furnished; and we had then the mortification of learning, that not having people to carry a considerable quantity of pounded meat, which they had intended for us, they had left it upon the bear lake portage. they promised, however to get it conveyed to the banks of this river before we could return, and we rewarded them with a present of knives and files. after re-embarking we continued to descend the river, which was now contracted between lofty banks to about one hundred and twenty yards wide; the current was very strong. at eleven we came to a rapid which had been the theme of discourse with the indians for many days, and which they had described to us as impassable in canoes. the river here descends for three quarters of a mile, in a deep, but narrow and crooked, channel, which it has cut through the foot of a hill of five hundred or six hundred feet high. it is confined between perpendicular cliffs, resembling stone walls, varying in height from eighty to one hundred and fifty feet, on which lies a mass of fine sand. the body of the river pent within this narrow chasm, dashed furiously round the projecting rocky columns, and discharged itself at the northern extremity in a sheet of foam. the canoes, after being lightened of part of their cargoes, ran through this defile without sustaining any injury. accurate sketches of this interesting scene were taken by messrs. back and hood. soon after passing this rapid, we perceived the hunters running up the east side of the river, to prevent us from disturbing a herd of musk oxen, which they had observed grazing on the opposite bank; we put them across and they succeeded in killing six, upon which we encamped for the purpose of drying the meat. the country below the rocky defile rapid consists of sandy plains; broken by small conical eminences also of sand; and bounded to the westward by a continuation of the mountain chain, which we had crossed at the bear lake portage; and to the eastward and northward, at the distance of twelve miles, by the copper mountains, which mr. hearne visited. the plains are crowned by several clumps of moderately large spruces about thirty feet high. this evening the indians made a large fire, as a signal to the hook's party that we had passed the _terrific_ rapid in safety. the position of our encampment was ascertained to be, latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., variation of the compass ° ' " e., dip of the needle ° ' ". some thunder showers retarded the drying of the meat, and our embarkation was delayed till next day. the hunters were sent forward to hunt at the copper mountains, under the superintendence of adam, the interpreter, who received strict injunctions not to permit them to make any large fires, lest they should alarm straggling parties of the esquimaux. the musquitoes were now very numerous and annoying, but we consoled ourselves with the hope that their season would be short. on the th we started at three a.m., and as the guide had represented the river below our encampment to be full of shoals, some of the men were directed to walk along the shore, but they were assailed so violently by the musquitoes, as to be compelled to embark very soon; and we afterwards passed over the shallow parts by the aid of the poles, without experiencing much interruption. the current ran very rapidly, having been augmented by the waters of the mouse river and several small streams. we rejoined our hunters at the foot of the copper mountains, and found they had killed three musk oxen. this circumstance determined us on encamping to dry the meat, as there was wood at the spot. we availed ourselves of this delay to visit the copper mountains in search of specimens of the ore, agreeably to my instructions{ }; and a party of twenty-one persons, consisting of the officers, some of the voyagers, and all the indians, set{ } off on that excursion. we travelled for nine hours over a considerable space of ground, but found only a few small pieces of native copper. the range we ascended was on the west side of the river, extending w.n.w. and e.s.e. the mountains varied in height from twelve to fifteen hundred feet. the uniformity of the mountains is interrupted by narrow valleys traversed by small streams. the best specimens of metal we procured were among the stones in these valleys, and it was in such situations, that our guides desired us to search most carefully. it would appear, that when the indians see any sparry substance projecting above the surface, they dig there; but they have no other rule to direct them, and have never found the metal in its original repository. our guides reported that they had found copper in large pieces in every part of this range, for two days' walk to the north-west, and that the esquimaux come hither to search for it. the annual visits which the copper indians were accustomed to make to these mountains, when most of their weapons and utensils were made of copper, have been discontinued since they have been enabled to obtain a supply of ice chisels and other instruments of iron by the establishment of trading posts near their hunting grounds. that none of those who accompanied us had visited them for many years was evident, from their ignorance of the spots most abundant in metal. the impracticability of navigating the river upwards from the sea, and the want of wood for forming an establishment, would prove insuperable objections to rendering the collection of copper at this part worthy of mercantile speculation. we had the opportunity of surveying the country from several elevated positions. two or three small lakes only were visible, still partly frozen; and much snow remained on the mountains. the trees were reduced to a scanty fringe on the borders of the river, and every side was beset by naked mountains. the day was unusually warm, and, therefore, favourable for drying the meat. our whole stock of provision, calculated for preservation, was sufficient for fourteen days, without any diminution of the ordinary allowance of three pounds to each man per day. the situation of our tents was ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w. _july{ } _.--the indians knowing the course of the river below this point to be only a succession of rapids, declined taking their canoes any further; but as i conceived one of them would be required, should we be compelled to walk along the coast, two of our men were appointed to conduct it. as we were now entering the confines of the esquimaux country, our guides recommended us to be cautious in lighting fires, lest we should discover ourselves, adding that the same reason would lead them to travel as much as possible in the valleys, and to avoid crossing the tops of the hills. we embarked at six a.m., taking with us only old keskarrah. the other indians walked along the banks of the river. throughout this day's voyage the current was very strong, running four or five miles an hour; but the navigation was tolerable, and we had to lighten the canoes only once, in a contracted part of the river where the waves were very high. the river is in many places confined between perpendicular walls of rock to one hundred and fifty yards in width, and there the rapids were most agitated. large masses of ice twelve or fourteen feet thick, were still adhering to many parts of the bank, indicating the tardy departure of winter from this inhospitable land, but the earth around them was rich with vegetation. in the evening two musk-oxen being seen on the beach, were pursued and killed by our men. whilst we were waiting to embark the meat, the indians rejoined us, and reported they had been attacked by a bear, which sprung upon them whilst they were conversing together. his attack was so sudden that they had not time to level their guns properly, and they all missed except akaitcho, who, less confused than the rest, took deliberate aim, and shot the animal dead. they do not eat the flesh of the bear, but knowing that we had no such prejudice, they brought us some of the choice pieces, which upon trial we found to be excellent meat. the indians having informed us that we were now within twelve miles of the rapid where the esquimaux have invariably been found, we pitched our tents on the beach, under the shelter of a high hill whose precipitous side is washed by the river, intending to send forward some persons to determine the situation of their present abode. some vestiges of an old esquimaux encampment were observed near the tents, and the stumps of the trees bore marks of the stone hatchets they use. a strict watch was appointed, consisting of an officer, four canadians, and an indian, and directions were given for the rest of the party to sleep with their arms by their side. that as little delay as possible might be experienced in opening a communication with the esquimaux, we immediately commenced arrangements for sending forward persons to discover whether there were any in our vicinity. akaitcho and the guides proposed that two of the hunters should be despatched on this service, who had extremely quick sight, and were accustomed to act as scouts, an office which requires equal caution and circumspection. a strong objection, however, lay against this plan, in the probability of their being discovered by a straggling hunter, which would be destructive to every hope of accommodation. it was therefore determined to send augustus and junius, who were very desirous to undertake the service. these adventurous men proposed to go armed only with pistols concealed in their dress, and furnished with beads, looking-glasses, and other articles, that they might conciliate their countrymen by presents. we could not divest our minds of the apprehension, that it might be a service of much hazard, if the esquimaux were as hostile to strangers as the copper indians have invariably represented them to be; and we felt great reluctance in exposing our two little interpreters, who had rendered themselves dear to the whole party, to the most distant chance of receiving injury; but this course of proceeding appeared in their opinion and our own to offer the only chance of gaining an interview. though not insensible to the danger, they cheerfully prepared for their mission, and clothed themselves in esquimaux dresses, which had been made for the purpose at fort enterprise. augustus was desired to make his presents, and to tell the esquimaux that the white men had come to make peace between them and all their enemies, and also to discover a passage by which every article of which they stood in need might be brought in large ships. he was not to mention that we were accompanied by the indians, but to endeavour to prevail on some of the esquimaux to return with him. he was directed to come back immediately if there were no lodges at the rapid. the indians were not suffered to move out of our sight, but in the evening we permitted two of them to cross the river in pursuit of a musk-ox, which they killed on the beach, and returned immediately. the officers, prompted by an anxious solicitude for augustus and junius, crawled up frequently to the summit of the mountain to watch their return. the view, however, was not extensive, being bounded at the distance of eight miles by a range of hills similar to the copper mountains, but not so lofty. the night came without bringing any intelligence of our messengers, and our fears for their safety increased with the length of their absence. as every one had been interested in the welfare of these men through their vivacity and good{ } nature, and the assistance they had cheerfully rendered in bearing their portion of whatever labour might be going on, their detention formed the subject of all our conversation, and numerous conjectures were hazarded as to the cause. dr. richardson, having the first watch, had gone to the summit of the hill and remained seated, contemplating the river that washed the precipice under his feet, long after dusk had hid distant objects from his view. his thoughts were, perhaps, far distant from the surrounding scenery, when he was roused by an indistinct noise behind him, and on looking round, perceived that nine white wolves had ranged themselves in form of a crescent, and were advancing, apparently with the intention of driving him into the river. on his rising up they halted, and when he advanced they made way for his passage down to the tents. he had his gun in his hand, but forbore to fire, lest there should be esquimaux in the neighbourhood. during mr. wentzel's middle watch, the wolves appeared repeatedly on the summit of the hill, and at one time they succeeded in driving a deer over the precipice. the animal was stunned by the fall, but recovering itself, swam across the stream, and escaped up the river. i may remark here, that at midnight it was tolerably dark in the valley of the river at this time, but that an object on the eminence above could be distinctly seen against the sky. the following observations were taken at this encampment, latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., variation ° ' " e. thermometer ° at three p.m. sultry weather. augustus and junius not having returned next morning, we were more alarmed respecting them, and determined on proceeding to find out the cause of their detention, but it was eleven a.m. before we could prevail upon the indians to remain behind, which we wished them to do lest the esquimaux might be suspicious of our intentions, if they were seen in our suite. we promised to send for them when we had paved the way for their reception; but akaitcho, ever ready to augur misfortune, expressed his belief that our messengers had been killed, and that the esquimaux, warned of our approach, were lying in wait for us, and "although," said he, "your party may be sufficiently strong to repulse any hostile attack, my band is too weak to offer effectual resistance when separated from you; and therefore, we are determined to go on with you, or to return to our lands." after much argument, however, he yielded and agreed to stay behind, provided mr. wentzel would remain with him. this gentleman was accordingly left with a canadian attendant, and they promised not to pass a range of hills then in view to the northward, unless we sent notice to them. the river during the whole of this day's voyage flowed between alternate cliffs of loose sand{ } intermixed with gravel, and red sand-stone rocks, and was every where shallow and rapid. as its course was very crooked, much time was spent in examining the different rapids previous to running them, but the canoes descended, except at a single place, without any difficulty. most of the officers and half the men marched along the land to lighten the canoes, and reconnoitre the country, each person being armed with a gun and a dagger. arriving at a range of mountains which had terminated our view yesterday, we ascended it with much eagerness, expecting to see the rapid that mr. hearne visited near its base, and to gain a view of the sea; but our disappointment was proportionably great, when we beheld beyond, a plain similar to that we had just left, terminated by another range of trap hills, between whose tops the summits of some distant blue mountains appeared. our reliance on the information of the guides, which had been for some time shaken was now quite at an end, and we feared that the sea was still far distant. the flat country here is covered with grass, and is devoid of the large stones, so frequent in the barren grounds, but the ranges of trap hills which seem to intersect it at regular distances are quite barren. a few decayed stunted pines were standing on the borders of the river. in the evening we had the gratification of meeting junius, who was hastening back to inform us that they had found four esquimaux tents at the fall which we recognised to be the one described by mr. hearne. the inmates were asleep at the time of their arrival, but rose soon afterwards, and then augustus presented himself, and had some conversation across the river. he told them the white people had come, who would make them very useful presents. the information of our arrival, seemed to alarm them very much, but as the noise of the rapid prevented them from hearing distinctly, one of them approached him in his canoe, and received the rest of the message. he would not, however, land on his side of the river, but returned to the tents without receiving the present. his language differed in some respects from augustus's, but they understood each other tolerably well. augustus trusting for a supply of provision to the esquimaux, had neglected to carry any with him, and this was the main cause of junius's return. we now encamped, having come fourteen miles. after a few hours' rest, junius set off again to rejoin his companion, being accompanied by hepburn, who was directed to remain about two miles above the fall, to arrest the canoes on their passage, lest we should too suddenly surprise the esquimaux. about ten p.m. we were mortified by the appearance of the indians with mr. wentzel, who had in vain endeavoured to restrain them from following us. the only reason assigned by akaitcho for this conduct was, that he wished for a reassurance of my promise to establish peace between his nation and the esquimaux. i took this occasion of again enforcing the necessity of their remaining behind, until we had obtained the confidence and good-will of their enemies. after supper dr. richardson ascended a lofty hill about three miles from the encampment, and obtained the first view of the sea; it appeared to be covered with ice. a large promontory, which i named cape hearne, bore n.e., and its lofty mountains proved to be the blue land we had seen in the forenoon, and which had led us to believe the sea was still far distant. he saw the sun set a few minutes before midnight from the same elevated situation. it did not rise during the half hour he remained there, but before he reached the encampment its rays gilded the tops of the hills. the night was warm, and we were much annoyed by the musquitoes. _july{ } _.--we this morning experienced as much difficulty as before in prevailing upon the indians to remain behind, and they did not consent until i had declared that they should lose the reward which had been promised, if they proceeded any farther, before we had prepared the esquimaux to receive them. we left a canadian with them, and proceeded, not without apprehension that they would follow us, and derange our whole plan by their obstinacy. two of the officers and a party of the men walked on the shore, to lighten the canoes. the river, in this part, flows between high and stony cliffs, reddish slate clay rocks, and shelving banks of white clay, and is full of shoals and dangerous rapids. one of these was termed escape rapid, both the canoes having narrowly escaped foundering in its high waves. we had entered the rapid before we were aware, and the steepness of the cliffs preventing us from landing, we were indebted to the swiftness of our descent for preservation. two waves made a complete breach over the canoes; a third would in all probability have filled and overset them, which must have proved fatal to every one in them. the powder fortunately escaped the water, which was soon discharged when we reached the bottom of the rapid. at noon we perceived hepburn lying on the left bank of the river, and landed immediately to receive his information. as he represented the water to be shoal the whole way to the rapid (below which the esquimaux were,) the shore party were directed to continue their march to a sandy bay at the head of the fall, and there await the arrival of the canoes. the land in the neighbourhood of the rapid, is of the most singular form: large irregular sand-hills bounding both banks, apparently so unconnected that they resemble icebergs; the country around them consisting of high round green hills. the river becomes wide in this part, and full of shoals, but we had no difficulty in finding a channel through them. on regaining the shore party, we regretted to find that some of the men had incautiously appeared on the tops of the hills, just at the time augustus was conversing with one of the esquimaux, who had again approached in his canoe, and was almost persuaded to land. the unfortunate appearance of so many people at this instant, revived his fears, and he crossed over to the eastern bank of the river, and fled, with the whole of his party. we learned from augustus that this party, consisting of four men and as many women, had manifested a friendly disposition. two of the former were very tall. the man who first came to speak to him, inquired the number of canoes that we had with us, expressed himself to be not displeased at our arrival, and desired him to caution us not to attempt running the rapid, but to make the portage on the west side of the river. notwithstanding this appearance of confidence and satisfaction, it seems they did not consider their situation free from danger, as they retreated the first night, to an island somewhat farther down the river, and in the morning they returned and threw down their lodges, as if to give notice to any of their nation that might arrive, that there was an enemy in the neighbourhood. from seeing all their property strewed about, and ten of their dogs left, we entertained the hope that these poor people would return after their first alarm had subsided; and therefore i determined on remaining until the next day, in the expectation of seeing them, as i considered the opening of an early communication a matter of the greatest importance in our state of absolute ignorance respecting the sea-coast. the canoes and cargoes were carried across the portage, and we encamped on the north side of it. we sent augustus and junius across the river to look for the runaways, but their search was fruitless. they put a few pieces of iron and trinkets in their canoes, which were lying on the beach. we also sent some men to put up the stages of fish, and secure them as much as possible from the attacks of the dogs. under the covering of their tents were observed some stone kettles and hatchets, a few fish spears made of copper, two small bits of iron, a quantity of skins, and some dried salmon, which was covered with maggots, and half putrid. the entrails of the fish were spread out to dry. a great many skins of small birds were hung up to a stage, and even two mice were preserved in the same way. thus it would appear that the necessities of these poor people induce them to preserve every article than can be possibly used as food. several human skulls which bore the marks of violence, and many bones were strewed about the ground near the encampment, and as the spot exactly answers the description given by mr. hearne, of the place where the chipewyans who accompanied him perpetrated the dreadful massacre on the esquimaux, we had no doubt of this being the place, notwithstanding the difference in its position as to latitude and longitude given by him, and ascertained by our observation. we have, therefore, preserved the appellation of bloody fall, which he bestowed upon it. its situation by our observations is, in latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., variation ° ' " e. this rapid is a sort of shelving cascade, about three hundred yards in length, having a descent of from ten to fifteen feet. it is bounded on each side by high walls of red sand-stone upon which rests a series of lofty green hills. on its north side, close to the east bank, is the low rocky island which the esquimaux had deserted. the surrounding scenery was accurately delineated in a sketch taken by mr. hood. we caught forty excellent salmon and white fish in a single net below the rapid. we had not seen any trees during this day's journey; our fuel consisted of small willows and pieces of dried wood that were picked up near the encampment. the ground is well clothed with grass, and nourishes most of the shrubs and berry-bearing plants that we have seen north of fort enterprise; and the country altogether has a richer appearance than the barren lands of the copper indians. we had a distinct view of the sea from the summit of a hill behind the tents; it appeared choked with ice and full of islands. on the morning of the th three men were sent up the river to search for dried wood to make floats for the nets. adam, the interpreter, was also despatched with a canadian, to inform akaitcho of the flight of the esquimaux. we were preparing to go down to the sea in one of the canoes, leaving mr. back to await the return of the men who were absent; but just as the crew were putting the canoe in the water, adam returned in the utmost consternation, and informed us that a party of esquimaux were pursuing the men whom we had sent to collect floats. the orders for embarking were instantly countermanded, and we went with a part of our men to their rescue. we soon met our people returning at a slow pace, and learned that they had come unawares upon the esquimaux party, which consisted of six men, with their women and children, who were travelling towards the rapid with a considerable number of dogs carrying their baggage. the women hid themselves on the first alarm, but the men advanced, and stopping at some distance from our men, began to dance in a circle, tossing up their hands in the air, and accompanying their motions with much shouting, to signify, i conceive, their desire of peace. our men saluted them by pulling off their hats, and making bows, but neither party was willing to approach the other; and, at length, the esquimaux retired to the hill, from whence they had descended when first seen. we proceeded in the hope of gaining an interview with them, but lest our appearance in a body should alarm them, we advanced in a long line, at the head of which was augustus. we were led to their baggage, which they had deserted, by the howling of the dogs; and on the summit of the hill we found, lying behind a stone, an old man who was too infirm to effect his escape with the rest. he was much terrified when augustus advanced, and probably expected immediate death; but that the fatal blow might not be unrevenged, he seized his spear, and made a thrust with it at his supposed enemy. augustus, however, easily repressed the feeble effort, and soon calmed his fears by presenting him with some pieces of iron, and assuring him of his friendly intentions. dr. richardson and i then joined them, and, after receiving our presents, the old man was quite composed, and became communicative. his dialect differed from that used by augustus, but they understood each other tolerably well. it appeared that his party consisted of eight men and their families, who were returning from a hunting excursion with dried meat. after being told who we were, he said, that he had heard of white people from different parties of his nation which resided on the sea-coast to the eastward; and to our inquiries respecting the provision and fuel we might expect to get on our voyage, he informed us that the rein-deer frequent the coast during summer, the fish are plentiful at the mouths of the rivers, the seals are abundant, but there are no sea-horses nor whales, although he remembered one of the latter, which had been killed by some distant tribe, having been driven on shore on his part of the coast by a gale of wind. that musk oxen were to be found a little distance up the rivers, and that we should get drift wood along the shore. he had no knowledge of the coast to the eastward beyond the next river, which he called nappa-arktok-towock, or tree river. the old man, contrary to the indian practice, asked each of our names; and, in reply to a similar question on our part, said his name was terregannoeuck, or the white fox; and that his tribe denominated themselves nagge-ook-tormoeoot, or deer-horn esquimaux. they usually frequent the bloody fall during this and the following moons, for the purpose of salting salmon, and then retire to a river which flows into the sea, a short way to the westward, (since denominated richardson's river,) and pass the winter in snow-houses. after this conversation terregannoeuck proposed going down to his baggage, and we then perceived, he was too infirm to walk without the assistance of sticks. augustus, therefore, offered him his arm, which he readily accepted, and, on reaching his store, he distributed pieces of dried meat to each person, which, though highly tainted, were immediately eaten; this being an universal token among the indians of peaceable intention. we then informed him of our desire to procure as much meat as we possibly could, and he told us that he had a large quantity concealed in the neighbourhood, which he would cause to be carried to us when his people returned. i now communicated to him that we were accompanied by some copper indians, who were very desirous to make peace with his nation, and that they had requested me to prevail upon the esquimaux to receive them in a friendly manner; to which he replied, he should rejoice to see an end put to the hostility that existed between the nations, and therefore would most gladly welcome our companions. having despatched adam to inform akaitcho of this circumstance, we left terregannoeuck, in the hope that his party would rejoin him; but as we had doubts whether the young men would venture upon coming to our tents, on the old man's bare representation, we sent augustus and junius back in the evening, to remain with him until they came, that they might fully detail our intentions. the countenance of terregannoeuck was oval, with a sufficiently prominent nose, and had nothing very different from a european face, except in the smallness of his{ } eyes, and, perhaps, in the narrowness of his forehead. his complexion was very fresh and red, and he had a longer beard than i had seen on any of the aboriginal inhabitants of america. it was between two and three inches long, and perfectly white. his face was not tattooed. his dress consisted of a shirt, or jacket with a hood, wide breeches, reaching only to the knee, and tight leggins sewed to the shoes, all of deer skins. the soles of the shoes were made of seal-skin, and stuffed with feathers instead of socks. he was bent with age, but appeared to be about five feet ten inches high. his hands and feet were small in proportion to his height. whenever terregannoeuck received a present, he placed each article first on his right shoulder, then on his left; and when he wished to express still higher satisfaction, he rubbed it over his head. he held hatchets, and other iron instruments, in the highest esteem. on seeing his countenance in a glass for the first time, he exclaimed, "i shall never kill deer more," and immediately put the mirror down. the tribe to which he belongs repair to the sea in spring, and kill seals; as the season advances they hunt deer and musk oxen at some distance from the coast. their weapon is the bow and arrow, and they get sufficiently nigh the deer, either by crawling, or by leading these animals by ranges of turf towards a spot where the archer can conceal himself. their bows are formed of three pieces of fir, the centre piece alone bent, the other two lying in the same straight line with the bowstring; the pieces are neatly tied together with sinew. their canoes are similar to those we saw in hudson's straits, but smaller. they get fish constantly in the rivers, and in the sea as soon as the ice breaks up. this tribe do not make use of nets, but are tolerably successful with the hook and line. their cooking utensils are made of pot-stone, and they form very neat dishes of fir, the sides being made of thin deal, bent into an oval form, secured at the ends by sewing, and fitted so nicely to the bottom as to be perfectly water-tight. they have also large spoons made of the horns of the musk oxen. akaitcho and the indians arrived at our tents in the evening, and we learned that they had seen the esquimaux the day before, and endeavoured, without success, to open a communication with them. they exhibited no hostile intention, but were afraid to advance. akaitcho, keeping out of their sight, followed at a distance, expecting that ultimately finding themselves enclosed between our party and his, they would be compelled to come to a parley with one of us. akaitcho had seen terregannoeuck soon after our departure; he was much terrified, and thrust his spear at him as he had done at augustus; but was soon reconciled after the demonstrations of kindness the indians made, in cutting off the buttons from their dress to present to him. _july _.--we waited all this forenoon in momentary expectation of the return of augustus and junius, but as they did not appear at two p.m., i sent mr. hood with a party of men, to inquire into the cause of their detention, and to bring the meat which terregannoeuck had promised us. he returned at midnight with the information, that none of the esquimaux had yet ventured to come near terregannoeuck except his aged wife, who had concealed herself amongst the rocks at our first interview; and she told him the rest of the party had gone to a river, a short distance to the westward, where there was another party of esquimaux fishing. augustus and junius had erected the tent, and done every thing in their power to make the old man comfortable in their absence. terregannoeuck being unable to walk to the place where the meat was concealed, readily pointed the spot out to mr. hood, who went thither; but after experiencing much difficulty in getting at the column of rock on which it was deposited, he found it too putrid for our use. the features of terregannoeuck's wife were remarkable for roundness and flatness; her face was much tattooed{ }, and her{ } dress differed little from the old man's. in the afternoon a party of nine esquimaux appeared on the east bank of the river, about a mile below our encampment, carrying their canoes and baggage on their backs; but they turned and fled as soon as they perceived our tents. the appearance of so many different bands of esquimaux terrified the indians so much, that they determined on leaving us the next day, lest they should be surrounded and their retreat cut off. i endeavoured, by the offer of any remuneration they would choose, to prevail upon one or two of the hunters to proceed, but in vain; and i had much difficulty even in obtaining their promise to wait at the copper mountains for mr. wentzel and the four men, whom i intended to discharge at the sea. the fears which our interpreters, st. germain and adam, entertained respecting the voyage, were now greatly increased, and both of them came this evening to request their discharge, urging that their services could be no longer requisite, as the indians were going from us. st. germain even said that he had understood he was only engaged to accompany us as long as the indians did, and persisted in this falsehood until his agreement to go with us throughout the voyage had been twice read to him. as these were the only two of the party on whose skill in hunting we could rely, i was unable to listen for a moment to their desire of quitting us, and lest they should leave us by stealth, their motions were strictly watched. this was not an unnecessary precaution, as i was informed that they had actually laid a plan for eloping; but the rest of the men knowing that their own safety would have been compromised had they succeeded, kept a watchful eye over them. we knew that the dread of the esquimaux would prevent these men from leaving us as soon as the indians were at a distance, and we trusted to their becoming reconciled to the journey when once the novelty of a sea voyage had worn off. _july _.--as the indians persevered in their determination of setting out this morning, i reminded them, through mr. wentzel and st. germain, of the necessity of our having the deposit of provision made at fort enterprise, and received a renewed assurance of their attending to that point. they were also desired to put as much meat as they could _en cache_ on the banks of the copper-mine river on their return. we then furnished them with what ammunition we could spare, and they took their departure, promising to wait three days for mr. wentzel at the copper mountains. we afterwards learned that their fears did not permit them to do so, and that mr. wentzel did not rejoin them until they were a day's march to the southward of the mountains. we embarked at five a.m. and proceeded towards the sea, which is about nine miles beyond the bloody fall. after passing a few rapids, the river became wider, and more navigable for canoes, flowing between banks of alluvial sand. we encamped at ten on the western bank at its junction with the sea. the river is here about a mile wide, but very shallow, being barred nearly across by sand banks, which run out from the main land on each side to a low alluvial island that lies in the centre, and forms two channels; of these the westernmost only is navigable even for canoes, the other being obstructed by a stony bar. the islands to seaward are high and numerous, and fill the horizon in many points of the compass; the only open space, seen from an eminence near the encampment, being from n.be. to n.e.bn. towards the east the land was like a chain of islands, the ice apparently surrounding them in a compact body, leaving a channel between its edge and the main of about three miles. the water in this channel was of a clear green colour, and decidedly salt. mr. hearne could have tasted it only at the mouth of the river, when he pronounced it merely brackish. a rise and fall of four inches in the water was observed. the shore is strewed with a considerable quantity of drift timber, principally of the _populus balsamifera_, but none of it of great size. we also picked up some decayed wood far out of the reach of the water. a few stunted willows were growing near the encampment. some ducks, gulls, and partridges were seen this day. as i had to make up despatches for england to be sent by mr. wentzel, the nets were set in the interim, and we were rejoiced to find that they produced sufficient fish for the party. those caught were, the copper-mine river salmon, white fish, and two species of pleuronectes. we felt a considerable change of temperature on reaching the sea-coast, produced by the winds changing from the southward to the n.w. our canadian voyagers complained much of the cold, but they were amused with their first view of the sea, and particularly with the sight of the seals that were swimming about near the entrance of the river, but these sensations gave place to despondency before the evening had elapsed. they were terrified at the idea of a voyage through an icy sea in bark canoes. they speculated on the length of the journey, the roughness of the waves, the uncertainty of provisions, the exposure to cold where we could expect no fuel, and the prospect of having to traverse the barren grounds to get to some establishment. the two interpreters expressed their apprehensions with the least disguise, and again urgently applied to be discharged; but only one of the canadians made a similar request. judging that the constant occupation of their time as soon as we were enabled to commence the voyage would prevent them from conjuring up so many causes of fear, and that familiarity with the scenes on the coast, would in a short time enable them to give scope to their natural cheerfulness, the officers endeavoured to ridicule their fears, and happily succeeded for the present. the manner in which our faithful hepburn viewed the element to which he had been so long accustomed, contributed not a little to make them ashamed of their fears. on the morning of the th, dr. richardson, accompanied by augustus, paid another visit to terregannoeuck, to see if he could obtain any additional information respecting the country to the eastward; but he was disappointed at finding that his affrighted family had not yet rejoined him, and the old man could add nothing to his former communication. the doctor remarked that terregannoeuck had a great dislike to mentioning the name of the copper-mine river, and evaded the question with much dexterity as often as it was put to him; but that he willingly told the name of a river to the eastward, and also of his tribe. he attempted to persuade augustus to remain with him, and offered him one of his daughters for a wife. these esquimaux strike fire with two stones, catching the sparks in the down of the catkins of a willow. the despatches being finished were delivered this evening to mr. wentzel, who parted from us at eight p.m. with parent, gagnier, dumas, and forcier, canadians, whom i had discharged for the purpose of reducing our expenditure of provision as much as possible. the remainder of the party, including officers, amounted to twenty persons. i made mr. wentzel acquainted with the probable course of our future proceedings, and mentioned to him that if we were far distant from this river, when the season or other circumstances rendered it necessary to put a stop to our advance, we should, in all probability be unable to return to it, and should have to travel across the barren grounds towards some established post: in which case i told him that we should certainly go first to fort enterprise, expecting that he would cause the indians to place a supply of dried provision there, as soon as possible after their arrival in its vicinity. my instructions to him were, that he should proceed to point lake, transport the canoe that was left there to fort enterprise, where he was to embark the instruments and books, and carry them to slave lake, and to forward the box containing the journals, &c., with the present despatches, by the next winter packet to england. but before he quitted fort enterprise, he was to be assured of the intention of the indians to lay up the provision we required, and if they should be in want of ammunition for that purpose to procure it if possible from fort providence, or the other forts in slave lake, and send it immediately to them by the hunters who accompanied him thither. i also requested him to ascertain from akaitcho and the other leading indians, where their different parties would be hunting in the months of september and october, and to leave this information in a letter at fort enterprise, for our guidance in finding them, as we should require their assistance. mr. wentzel was furnished with a list of the stores that had been promised to akaitcho and his party as a remuneration for their services, as well as with an official request to the north-west company that these goods might be paid to them on their next visit to fort providence, which they expected to make in the latter part of november. i desired him to mention this circumstance to the indians as an encouragement to exertion in our behalf, and to promise them an additional reward for the supply of provision they should collect at fort enterprise. if mr. wentzel met the hook, or any of his party, he was instructed to assure them that he was provided with the necessary documents to get them payment for any meat they should put _en cache_ for our use; and to acquaint them, that we fully relied on their fulfilling every part of the agreement they had made with us. whenever the indians, whom he was to join at the copper-mountains, killed any animals on their way to fort enterprise, he was requested to put _en cache_ whatever meat could be spared, placing conspicuous marks to guide us to them; and i particularly begged he would employ them in hunting in our service, immediately after his arrival at the house.{ } when mr. wentzel's party had been supplied with ammunition, our remaining stock consisted of one thousand balls, and rather more than the requisite proportion of powder. a bag of small shot was missing, and we afterwards discovered that the canadians had secreted and distributed it among themselves, in order that when provision should become scarce, they might privately procure ducks and geese, and avoid the necessity of sharing them with the officers. the situation of our encampment was ascertained to be, latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., the variation of the compass ° ' " e., and dip of the needle ° ' ". it will be perceived, that the position of the mouth of the river, given by our observations, differs widely from that assigned by mr. hearne; but the accuracy of his description, conjoined with indian information, assured us that we were at the very part he visited. i therefore named the most conspicuous cape we then saw "cape hearne," as a just tribute to the memory of that persevering traveller. i distinguished another cape by the name of mackenzie, in honour of sir alexander mackenzie, the only other european[ ] who had before reached the northern ocean. i called the river which falls into the sea, to the westward of the copper-mine, richardson, as a testimony of sincere regard for my friend and companion dr. richardson; and named the islands which were in view from our encampment, "couper's isles," in honour of a friend of his. the sun set this night at thirty minutes after eleven, apparent time. [ ] captain parry's success was at this time unknown to us. the travelling distance from fort enterprise to the north of the copper-mine river, is about three hundred and thirty-four miles. the canoes and baggage were dragged over snow and ice for one hundred and seventeen miles of this distance. chapter xi. navigation of the polar sea, in two canoes, as far as cape turnagain, to the eastward, a distance exceeding five hundred and fifty miles--observations on the probability of a north-west passage. . july . we intended to have embarked early this morning, and to have launched upon an element more congenial with our habits than the fresh-water navigations, with their numerous difficulties and impediments which we had hitherto encountered, but which was altogether new to our canadian voyagers. we were detained, however, by a strong north-east gale, which continued the whole day, with constant thunder showers; the more provoking as our nets procured but few fish, and we had to draw upon our store of dried meat; which, with other provision for the journey, amounted only to fifteen days' consumption. indeed, we should have preferred going dinnerless to bed rather than encroach on our small stock, had we not been desirous of satisfying the appetites, and cheering the spirits of our canadian companions at the commencement of our voyage. these thoughtless people would, at any time incur the hazard of absolute starvation, at a future period, for the present gratification of their appetites; to indulge which they do not hesitate, as we more than once experienced, at helping themselves secretly; it being,{ } in their opinion, no disgrace to be detected in pilfering food. our only luxury now was a little salt, which had long been our substitute both for bread and vegetables. since our departure from point lake we had boiled the indian tea plant, _ledum palustre_, which produced a beverage in smell much resembling rhubarb; notwithstanding which we found it refreshing, and were gratified to see this plant flourishing abundantly on the sea-shore, though of dwarfish growth. _july _.--the wind, which had blown strong through the night became moderate in the morning, but a dense fog prevented us from embarking until noon, when we commenced our voyage on the hyperborean sea. soon afterwards we landed on an island where the esquimaux had erected a stage of drift timber, and stored up many of their fishing implements and winter sledges, together with a great many dressed seal, musk-ox, and deer skins. their spears headed with bone, and many small articles of the same material, were worked with extreme neatness, as well as their wooden dishes, and cooking utensils of stone; and several articles, very elegantly formed of bone, were evidently intended for some game, but augustus was unacquainted with their use. we took from this deposit four seal-skins to repair our shoes, and left in exchange a copper-kettle, some awls and beads. we paddled all day along the coast to the eastward, on the inside of a crowded range of islands, and saw very little ice; the "blink" of it, however, was visible to the northward, and one small iceberg was seen at a distance. a tide was distinguishable among the islands by the foam floating on the water, but we could not ascertain its direction. in the afternoon st. germain killed on an island a fat deer, which was a great acquisition to us; it was the first we had seen for some months in good condition. having encamped on the main shore, after a run of thirty-seven miles, we set up a pole to ascertain the rise and fall of the water, which was repeated at every halting-place, and hepburn was ordered to attend to the result. we found the coast well covered with vegetation, of moderate height, even in its outline, and easy of approach. the islands are rocky and barren, presenting high cliffs of a columnar structure. i have named the westernmost group of those we passed "berens' isles," in honour of the governor of the hudson's bay company; and the easternmost{ }, "sir graham moore's islands." at the spot where we landed some muscle-shells and a single piece of sea-weed lay on the beach; this was the only spot on the coast where we saw shells. we were rejoiced to find the beach strewed with abundance of small drift wood, none of it recent. it may be remarked that the copper-mine river does not bring down any drift-wood; nor does any other known stream except mackenzie's river; hence, from its appearance on this part of the coast an easterly current may be inferred. this evening we were all in high glee at the progress we had made; the disappearance of the ice, and the continuance of the land in an eastern direction, and our future prospects, formed an enlivening subject of conversation. the thermometer varied during the day between ° and °. the fishing nets were set, but produced nothing. on the nd we embarked at four a.m., and having the benefit of a light breeze continued our voyage along the coast under sail, until eleven, when we halted to breakfast, and to obtain the latitude. the coast up to this point presented the same general appearance as yesterday, namely, a gravelly or sandy beach, skirted by green plains; but as we proceeded, the shore became exceedingly rocky and sterile; and, at last, projecting considerably to the northward, it formed a high and steep promontory. some ice had drifted down upon this cape, which, we feared, might check our progress; but, as the evening was fine, we ventured upon pushing the canoes through the small channels formed among it. after pursuing this kind of navigation, with some danger and more anxiety, we landed and encamped on a smooth rocky point; whence we perceived, with much satisfaction, that the ice consisted only of detached pieces, which would be removed by the first breeze. we sounded in seventeen fathoms, close to the shore, this day. the least depth ascertained by the lead, since our departure from the river, was six fathoms; and any ship might pass safely between the islands and the main. the water is of a light green colour, but not very clear; and much less salt than that of the atlantic, judging from our recollection of its taste. in the course of the day we saw geese and ducks with their young, and two deer; and experienced very great variations of temperature, from the light breezes blowing alternately from the ice and the land. the name of "lawford's islands" was bestowed on a group we passed in the course of the day, as a mark of my respect for vice-admiral lawford, under whose auspices i first entered the naval service. a fresh breeze blowing through the night had driven the ice from the land, and opened a channel of a mile in width; we, therefore, embarked at nine a.m. to pursue our journey along the coast, but at the distance of nine miles were obliged to seek shelter in port epworth, the wind having become adverse, and too strong to admit of our proceeding. the tree river of the esquimaux, which discharges its waters into this bay, appears to be narrow, and much interrupted by rapids. the fishing-nets were set, but obtained only one white fish and a few bull-heads. this part of the coast is the most sterile and inhospitable that can be imagined. one trap-cliff succeeds another with tiresome uniformity, and their _debris_ cover the narrow valleys that intervene, to the exclusion of every kind of herbage. from the summit of these cliffs the ice appeared in every direction. we obtained the following observations during our stay; latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., variation ° ' " e. the wind abating, at eight p.m. we re-embarked, and soon afterwards discovered, on an island, a rein-deer, which the interpreters fortunately killed. resuming our voyage we were much impeded by the ice, and, at length, being unable to force a passage through a close stream that had collected round a cape, we put ashore at four a.m. on the th, several stone fox-traps and other traces of the esquimaux were seen near the encampment. the horizontal refraction varied so much this morning, that the upper limb of the sun twice appeared at the horizon before it finally rose. for the last two days the water rose and fell about nine inches. the tides, however, seemed to be very irregular, and we could not determine the direction of the ebb or flood. a current setting to the eastward was running about two miles an hour during our stay. the ice having removed a short distance from the shore, by eleven a.m. we embarked, and with some difficulty effected a passage; then making a traverse across gray's bay[ ], we paddled up under the eastern shore against a strong wind. the interpreters landed here, and went in pursuit of a deer, but had no success. this part of the coast is indented by deep bays, which are separated by peninsulas formed like wedges, sloping many miles into the sea, and joined by low land to the main: so that often mistaking them for islands, we were led by a circuitous route round the bays. cliffs were numerous on the islands, which were all of the trap formation. [ ] named after mr. gray, principal of the belfast academy.{ } an island which lies across the mouth of this bay bears the name of our english sailor hepburn. at seven, a thunder-storm coming on, we encamped at the mouth of a river about eighty yards wide and set four nets. this stream, which received the name of wentzel, after our late companion, discharges a considerable body of water. its banks are sandy and clothed with herbage. the esquimaux had recently piled up some drift timber here. a few ducks, ravens, and snow birds were seen to-day. the distance made was thirty-one miles. _july _.--we had constant rain with thunder during the night. the nets furnished only three salmon-trout. we attributed the want of greater success to the entrance of some seals into the mouth of the river. embarking at six a.m. we paddled against a cold breeze, until the spreading of a thick fog caused us to land. the rocks here consisted of a beautiful mixture of red and gray granite, traversed from north to south by veins of red felspar, which were crossed in various directions by smaller veins filled with the same substance. at noon the wind coming from a favourable quarter tempted us to proceed, although the fog was unabated. we kept as close as we could to the main shore, but having to cross some bays, it became a matter of doubt whether we had not left the main, and were running along an island. just as we were endeavouring to double a bold cape, the fog partially cleared away, and allowed us an imperfect view of a chain of islands on the outside, and of much heavy ice which was pressing down upon us. the coast near us was so steep and rugged that no landing of the cargoes could be effected, and we were preserved only by some men jumping on the rocks, and thrusting the ice off with poles. there was no alternative but to continue along this dreary shore, seeking a channel between the different masses of ice which had accumulated at the various points. in this operation both the canoes were in imminent danger of being crushed by the ice, which was now tossed about by the waves that the gale had excited. we effected a passage, however, and keeping close to the shore, landed at the entrance of detention harbour, at nine p.m., having come twenty-eight miles. an old esquimaux encampment was traced on this spot; and an ice chisel, a copper knife, and a small iron knife were found under the turf. i named this cape after mr. barrow of the admiralty, to whose exertions are mainly owing the discoveries recently made in arctic geography. an opening on its eastern side received the appellation of inman harbour, after my friend the professor at the royal naval college, portsmouth; and to a group of islands to seaward of it, we gave the name of jameson, in honour of the distinguished professor of mineralogy at edinburgh. we had much wind and rain during the night; and by the morning of the th a great deal of ice had drifted into the inlet. we embarked at four and attempted to force a passage, when the first canoe got enclosed, and remained for some time in a very perilous situation: the pieces of ice, crowded together by the action of the current and wind, pressing strongly against its feeble sides. a partial opening, however, occurring, we landed without having sustained any serious injury. two men were then sent round the bay, and it was ascertained that instead of having entered a narrow passage between an island and the main, we were at the mouth of a harbour, having an island at its entrance; and that it was necessary to return by the way we came, and get round a point to the northward. this was, however, impracticable, the channel being blocked up by drift ice; and we had no prospect of release except by a change of wind. this detention was extremely vexatious, as we were losing a fair wind, and expending our provision. in the afternoon the weather cleared up, and several men went hunting, but were unsuccessful. during the day the ice floated backwards and forwards in the harbour, moved by currents, not regular enough to deserve the name of tide, and which appeared to be governed by the wind. we perceived great diminution by melting in the pieces near us. that none of this ice survived the summer is evident, from the rapidity of its decay; and because no ice of last year's formation was hanging on the rocks. whether any body of it exists at a distance from the shore, we could not determine. the land around cape barrow, and to detention harbour, consists of steep craggy mountains of granite, rising so abruptly from the water's edge, as to admit few landing-places even for a canoe. the higher parts attain an elevation of fourteen or fifteen hundred feet; and the whole is entirely destitute of vegetation. on the morning of the th, the ice remaining stationary at the entrance, we went to the bottom of the harbour, and carried the canoes and cargoes about a mile and a half across the point of land that forms the east side of it; but the ice was not more favourable there for our advancement than at the place we had left. it consisted of small pieces closely packed together by the wind, extending along the shore, but leaving a clear passage beyond the chain of islands with which the whole of this coast is girt. indeed, when we left the harbour we had little hope of finding a passage; and the principal object in moving was, to employ the men, in order to prevent their reflecting upon and discussing the dangers of our situation, which we knew they were too apt to do when leisure permitted. our observations place the entrance of detention harbour in latitude ° ' ", longitude ° ' " w., variation ° ' " e. it is a secure anchorage, being sheltered from the wind in every direction; the bottom is sandy. _july _.--as the ice continued in the same state, several of the men were sent out to hunt; and one of them fired no less than four times at deer, but unfortunately without success. it was satisfactory, however, to ascertain that the country was not destitute of animals. we had the mortification to discover that two of the bags of pemmican, which was our principal reliance, had become mouldy by wet. our beef too had been so badly cured, as to be scarcely eatable, through our having been compelled, from haste, to dry it by fire instead of the sun. it was not, however, the quality of our provision that gave us uneasiness, but its diminution, and the utter incapacity to obtain any addition. seals were the only animals that met our view at this place, and these we could never approach. dr. richardson discovered near the beach a small vein of galena, traversing gneiss rocks, and the people collected a quantity of it in the hope of adding to our stock of balls; but their endeavours to smelt it, were, as may be supposed, ineffectual. the drift timber on this part of the coast consists of pine and taccamahac, (_populus balsamifera_), most probably from mackenzie's, or some other river to the westward of the copper mine. it all appears to have lain long in the water, the bark being completely worn off, and the ends of the pieces rubbed perfectly smooth. there had been a sharp frost in the night, which formed a pretty thick crust of ice in a kettle of water that stood in the tents; and for several nights thin films of ice had appeared on the salt water amongst the cakes of stream ice[ ]. notwithstanding this state of temperature, we were tormented by swarms of musquitoes; we had persuaded ourselves that these pests could not sustain the cold in the vicinity of the sea, but it appears they haunt every part of this country in defiance of climate. mr. back made an excursion to a hill at seven or eight miles' distance, and from its summit he perceived the ice close to the shore as far as his view extended. [ ] this is termed _bay-ice_ by the greenland-men. on the morning of the th the party attended divine service. about noon the ice appearing less compact, we embarked to change our situation, having consumed all the fuel within our reach. the wind came off the land just as the canoes had started, and we determined on attempting to force a passage along the shore; in which we happily succeeded, after seven hours' labour and much hazard to our frail vessels. the ice lay so close that the crews disembarked on it, and effected a passage by bearing against the pieces with their poles; but in conducting the canoes through the narrow channels thus formed, the greatest care was requisite, to prevent the sharp projecting points from breaking the bark. they fortunately received no material injury, though they were split in two places. at the distance of three miles, we came to the entrance of a deep bay, whose bottom was filled by a body of ice so compact as to preclude the idea of a passage through it; whilst at the same time, the traverse across its mouth was attended with much danger, from the approach of a large field of ice, which was driving down before the wind. the dread of further detention, however, prevented us from hesitating; and we had the satisfaction of landing in an hour and a half on the opposite shore, where we halted to repair the canoes and to dine. i have named this bay after my friend mr. daniel moore of lincoln's inn; to whose zeal for science, the expedition was indebted for the use of a most valuable chronometer. its shores are picturesque; sloping hills receding from the beach, and clothed with verdure, bound its bottom and western side; and lofty cliffs of slate clay, with their intervening grassy valleys, skirt its eastern border. embarking at midnight, we pursued our voyage without interruption, passing between the stockport and marcet islands and the main, until six a.m. on july th; when, having rounded point kater, we entered arctic sound, and were again involved in a stream of ice, but after considerable delay extricated ourselves, and proceeded towards the bottom of the inlet in search of the mouth of a river, which we supposed it to receive, from the change in the colour of the water. about ten a.m. we landed, to breakfast on a small deer which st. germain had killed; and sent men in pursuit of some others in sight, but with which they did not come up. re-embarking, we passed the river without perceiving it, and entered a deep arm of the sound; which i have named baillie's cove, in honour of a relative of the lamented mr. hood. as it was too late to return, we encamped, and by walking across the country discovered the river, whose mouth being barred by low sandy islands and banks, was not perceived when we passed it. course and distance from galena point to this encampment were s.e. / s.--forty-one miles. from the accounts of black-meat{ } and boileau at fort chipewyan, we considered this river to be the anatessy; and cape barrow to be the projection which they supposed to be the n.e. termination of america. the outline of the coast, indeed, bears some resemblance to the chart they sketched; and the distance of this river from the copper mine, nearly coincides with what we estimated the anatessy to be, from their statements. in our subsequent journey, however, across the barren grounds we ascertained that this conjecture was wrong, and that the anatessy, which is known to come from rum lake, must fall into the sea to the eastward of this place. our stock of provision being now reduced to eight days' consumption, it had become a matter of the first importance to obtain a supply; and as we had learned from terregannoeuck that the esquimaux frequent the rivers at this season, i determined on seeking a communication with them here, in the hope of obtaining relief for our present wants, or even shelter for the winter if the season should prevent us from returning either to the hook's party, or fort enterprise; and i was the more induced to take this step at this time, as several deer had been seen to-day, and the river appeared good for fishing: which led me to hope we might support the party during our stay, if not add to our stock by our own exertions in hunting and fishing. augustus, junius, and hepburn, were therefore furnished with the necessary presents, and desired to go along the bank of the river as far as they could, on the following day, in search of the natives, to obtain provision and leather, as well as information respecting the coast. they started at four a.m., and at the same time our hunters were sent off in search of deer: and the rest of the party proceeded in the canoes to the first cascade in the river, at the foot of which we encamped, and set four nets. this cascade, produced by a ridge of rocks crossing the stream, is about three or four feet in height, and about two hundred and fifty yards wide. its position by our observations in latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w., variation ° ' ", dip ° ' ". i have named this river hood, as a small tribute to the memory of our lamented friend and companion. it is from three to four hundred yards wide below the cascade, but in many places very shallow. the banks, bottom, and adjacent hills, are formed of a mixture of sand and clay. the ground was overspread with small willows and the dwarf birch, both too diminutive for fuel; and the stream brought down no drift wood. we were mortified to find the nets only procured one salmon and five white fish, and that we had to make another inroad upon our dried meat. _august _.--at two this morning the hunters returned with two small deer and a brown bear. augustus and junius arrived at the same time, having traced the river twelve miles further up, without discovering any vestige of inhabitants. we had now an opportunity of gratifying our curiosity respecting the bear so much dreaded by the indians, and of whose strength and ferocity we had heard such terrible accounts. it proved to be a lean male of a yellowish brown colour, and not longer than a common black bear. it made a feeble attempt to defend itself, and was easily despatched. the flesh was brought to the tent, but our fastidious voyagers supposing, from its leanness, that the animal had been sickly, declined eating it; the officers, however, being less scrupulous, boiled the paws, and found them excellent. we embarked at ten a.m., and proceeding down the river, took on board another deer that had been killed by crédit last evening. we then ran along the eastern shore of arctic sound, distinguished by the name of banks' peninsula, in honour of the late right honourable sir joseph banks, president of the royal society; and rounding point wollaston at its eastern extremity, opened another extensive sheet of water; and the remainder of the afternoon was spent in endeavouring to ascertain, from the tops of the hills, whether it was another bay, or merely a passage enclosed by a chain of islands. appearances rather favouring the latter opinion, we determined on proceeding through it to the southward. during the delay four more deer were killed, all young and lean. it appeared that the coast is pretty well frequented by rein-deer at this season; but it was rather singular, that hitherto we had killed none (excepting the first) but young ones of last season, which were all too lean to have been eaten by any but persons who had no choice. we paddled along the western shore with the intention of encamping, but were prevented by the want of drift wood on the beach. this induced us to make a traverse to an island, where we put up at midnight, having found a small bay, whose shores furnished us with a little fire-wood. a heavy gale came on from the westward, attended with constant rain, and one of the squalls overthrew our tents. the course and distance made this day were north-east sixteen miles and a half. i may here mention, that arctic sound appeared the most convenient, and perhaps the best place for ships to anchor that we had seen along the coast; at this season especially, when they might increase their stock of provision, if provided with good marksmen. deer are numerous in its vicinity, musk-oxen also may be found up hood's river, and the fine sandy bottom of the bays promises favourably for fishing with the seine. the hills on the western side are even in their outline and slope gradually to the water's edge. the rocks give place to an alluvial sandy soil, towards the bottom of the sound; but on banks' peninsula rocky eminences again prevail, which are rugged and uneven, but intersected by valleys, at this time green; along their base is a fine sandy beach. from point wollaston to our encampment the coast is skirted with trap cliffs, which have often a columnar form, and are very difficult of access. these cliffs lie in ranges parallel to the shore, and the deer that we killed were feeding in small marshy grassy plats that lie in the valleys between them. being detained by the continuance of the gale, on the d of august some men were sent out to hunt, and the officers visited the tops of the highest hills, to ascertain the best channels to be pursued. the wind abating, at ten p.m., we embarked and paddled round the southern end of the island, and continued our course to the south-east. much doubt at this time prevailed as to the land on the right being the main shore, or merely a chain of islands. the latter opinion was strengthened by the broken appearance of the land, and the extensive view we had up brown's channel, (named after my friend mr. robert brown,) the mouth of which we passed, and were in some apprehension of being led away from the main shore; and, perhaps, after passing through a group of islands, of coming to a traverse greater than we durst venture upon in canoes: on the other hand, the continuous appearance of the land on the north side of the channel, and its tending to the southward excited the fear that we were entering a deep inlet. in this state of doubt we landed often, and endeavoured, from the summits of the highest hills adjoining the shore, to ascertain the true nature of the coast, but in vain, and we continued paddling through the channel all night against a fresh breeze, which, at half-past four, increased to a violent gale, and compelled us to land. the gale diminished a short time after noon on the d, and permitted us to re-embark and continue our voyage until four p.m., when it returned with its former violence, and finally obliged us to encamp, having come twenty-four miles on a south-east three-quarter south course. from the want of drift wood to make a fire we had fasted all day, and were under the necessity, in the evening, of serving out pemmican, which was done with much reluctance, especially as we had some fresh deers' meat remaining. the inlet, when viewed from a high hill adjoining to our encampment, exhibited so many arms, that the course we ought to pursue was more uncertain than ever. it was absolutely necessary, however, to see the end of it before we could determine that it was not a strait. starting at three a.m., on the th, we paddled the whole day through channels, from two to five or six miles wide, all tending to the southward. in the course of the day's voyage we ascertained, that the land which we had seen on our right since yesterday morning, consisted of several large islands, which have been distinguished by the names of goulburn, elliott, and young; but the land on our left preserved its unbroken appearance, and when we encamped, we were still uncertain whether it was the eastern side of a deep sound or merely a large island. it differed remarkably from the main shore, being very rugged, rocky, and sterile, whereas the outline of the main on the opposite side was even, and its hills covered with a comparatively good sward of grass, exhibiting little naked rock. there was no drift timber, but the shores near the encampment were strewed with small pieces of willow, which indicated our vicinity to the mouth of a river. this fuel enabled us to make a hearty supper from a small deer killed this evening. the shallows we passed this day were covered with shoals of _capelin_, the angmaggoeük of the esquimaux. it was known to augustus, who informed us that it frequents the coast of hudson's bay, and is delicate eating. the course and distance made was, south by east-half-east, thirty-three miles. after paddling twelve miles in the morning of the th, we had the mortification to find the inlet terminated by a river; the size of which we could not ascertain, as the entrance was blocked by shoals. its mouth lies in latitude ° ' n., longitude ° ' w. i have named this stream back, as a mark of my friendship for my associate[ ]. we were somewhat consoled for the loss of time in exploring this inlet, by the success of junius in killing a musk-ox, the first we had seen on the coast; and afterwards by the acquisition of the flesh of a bear, that was shot as we were returning up the eastern side in the evening. the latter proved to be a female, in very excellent condition; and our canadian voyagers, whose appetite for fat meat is insatiable, were delighted. [ ] from subsequent conversation with the copper indians, we were inclined to suppose this may be the thlueetessy{ }, described by black-meat, mentioned in a former part of the narrative. we encamped on the shores of a sandy bay, and set the nets; and finding a quantity of dried willows on the beach, we were enabled to cook the bear's flesh, which was superior to any meat we tasted on the coast. the water fell two feet at this place during the night. our nets produced a great variety of fish, namely, a salmon-trout, some round fish, tittameg, bleak, star-fish, several herrings, and a flat fish resembling plaice, but covered on the back with horny excrescences. on the th we were detained in the encampment by stormy weather until five p.m., when we embarked and paddled along the northern shore of the inlet; the weather still continuing foggy, but the wind moderate. observing on the beach a she bear with three young ones, we landed a party to attack them: but being approached without due caution, they took the alarm and scaled a precipitous rocky hill, with a rapidity that baffled all pursuit. at eight o'clock, the fog changing into rain, we encamped. many seals were seen this day, but as they kept in deep water we did not fire at them. on august th the atmosphere was charged with fog and rain all the day, but as the wind was moderate we pursued our journey; our situation, however, was very unpleasant, being quite wet and without room to stretch a limb, much less to obtain warmth by exercise. we passed a cove which i have named after my friend mr. w. h. tinney; and proceeded along the coast until five p.m., when we put up on a rocky point nearly opposite to our encampment on the d, having come twenty-three miles on a north-north-west course. we were detained on the th by a northerly gale, which blew violently throughout the day, attended by fog and rain. some of the men went out to hunt, but they saw no other animal than a white wolf, which could not be approached. the fresh meat being expended, a little pemmican was served out this evening. the gale abated on the morning of the th; and the sea, which it had raised, having greatly subsided, we embarked at seven a.m., and after paddling three or four miles, opened sir j. a. gordon's bay, into which we penetrated thirteen miles, and then discovered from the summit of a hill that it would be vain to proceed in this direction, in search of a passage out of the inlet. our breakfast diminished our provision to two bags of pemmican, and a single meal of dried meat. the men began to apprehend absolute want of food, and we had to listen to their gloomy forebodings of the deer entirely quitting the coast in a few days. as we were embarking, however, a large bear was discovered on the opposite shore, which we had the good fortune to kill; and the sight of this fat meat relieved their fears for the present. dr. richardson found in the stomach of this animal the remains of a seal, several marmots (_arctomys richardsonii_), a large quantity of the liquorice root of mackenzie (_hedysarum_) which is common on these shores, and some berries. there was also intermixed with these substances a small quantity of grass. we got again into the main inlet, and paddled along its eastern shore until forty minutes after eight a.m. when we encamped in a small cove. we found a single log of drift wood; it was pine, and sufficiently large to enable us to cook a portion of the bear, which had a slight fishy taste, but was deemed very palatable. _august _.--we followed up the east border of the inlet about twenty-four miles, and at length emerged into the open sea; a body of islands to the westward concealing the channel by which we had entered. here our progress was arrested by returning bad weather. we killed a bear and its young cub of this year, on the beach near our encampment. we heartily congratulated ourselves at having arrived at the eastern entrance of this inlet, which had cost us nine invaluable days in exploring. it contains several secure harbours, especially near the mouth of back's river, where there is a sandy bottom in forty fathoms. on the d and th of august we observed a fall of more than two feet in the water during the night. there are various irregular and partial currents in the inlet, which may be attributed to the wind. i have distinguished it by the name of bathurst's inlet, after the noble secretary of state, under whose orders i had the honour to act. it runs about seventy-six miles south-east from cape everitt, but in coasting its shores we went about one hundred and seventy-four geographical miles. it is remarkable that none of the indians with whom we had spoken mentioned this inlet; and we subsequently learned, that in their journeys, they strike across from the mouth of one river to the mouth of another, without tracing the intermediate line of coast. _august _.--embarking at five a.m. we rounded point everitt, and then encountered a strong breeze and heavy swell, which by causing the canoes to pitch very much, greatly impeded our progress. some deer being seen grazing in a valley near the beach, we landed and sent st. germain and adam in pursuit of them, who soon killed three which were very small and lean. their appearance, however, quite revived the spirits of our men, who had suspected that the deer had retired to the woods. it would appear, from our not having seen any in passing along the shores of bathurst's inlet, that at this season they confine themselves to the sea-coast and the islands. the magpie-berries (_arbutus alpina_) were found quite ripe at this place, and very abundant on the acclivities of the hills. we also descended the highest hill and gained a view of a distant chain of islands, extending as far as the eye could reach, and perceived a few patches of ice still lingering round to some of them; but in every other part the sea was quite open. resuming our voyage after noon, we proceeded along the coast, which is fringed by islands; and at five p.m., entered another bay, where we were for some time involved in our late difficulties by the intricacy of the passages; but we cleared them in the afternoon, and encamped near the northern entrance of the bay, at a spot which had recently been visited by a small party of esquimaux, as the remains of some eggs containing young, were lying beside some half-burnt fire-wood. there were also several piles of stones put up by them. i have named this bay after my friend, captain david buchan, of the royal navy. it appears to be a safe anchorage, well sheltered from the wind and sea, by islands; the bottom is sandy, the shores high, and composed of red sand-stone. two deer were seen on its beach, but could not be approached. the distance we made to-day was eighteen miles and three quarters. embarking at four on the morning of the th, we proceeded against a fresh piercing north-east wind, which raised the waves to a height that quite terrified our people, accustomed only to the navigation of rivers and lakes. we were obliged, however, to persevere in our advance, feeling as we did, that the short season for our operations was hastening away; but after rounding cape croker the wind became so strong that we could proceed no further. the distance we had made was only six miles on a north-east by east course. the shore on which we encamped is formed of the debris of red sand-stone, and is destitute of vegetation. the beach furnished no drift wood, and we dispensed with our usual meal rather than expend our pemmican. several deer were seen, but the hunters could not approach them; they killed two swans. we observed the latitude ° ' ", where we had halted to breakfast this morning. _august _.--though the wind was not much diminished, we were urged, by the want of fire-wood, to venture upon proceeding. we paddled close to the shore for some miles, and then ran before the breeze with reefed sails, scarcely two feet in depth. both the canoes received much water, and one of them struck twice on sunken rocks. at the end of eighteen miles we halted to breakfast in a bay, which i have named after vice-admiral sir william johnstone hope, one of the lords of the admiralty. we found here a considerable quantity of small willows, such as are brought down by the rivers we had hitherto seen; and hence we judged, that a river discharges itself into the bottom of this bay. a paddle was also found, which augustus, on examination, declared to be made after the fashion of the white goose esquimaux, a tribe with whom his countrymen had had some trading communication, as has been mentioned in a former part of the narrative. this morning we passed the embouchure of a pretty large stream, and saw the vestiges of an esquimaux encampment, not above a month old. having obtained the latitude ° ' " n., we recommenced our voyage under sail, taking the precaution to embark all the pieces of willow we could collect, as we had found the drift-wood become more scarce as we advanced. our course was directed to a distant point, which we supposed to be a cape, and the land stretching to the westward of it to be islands; but we soon found ourselves in an extensive bay, from which no outlet could be perceived but the one by which we had entered. on examination, however, from the top of a hill, we perceived a winding shallow passage running to the north-west, which we followed for a short time, and then encamped having come twenty-three miles north by east half east. some articles left by the esquimaux attracted our attention; we found a winter sledge raised upon four stones, with some snow-shovels, and a small piece of whalebone. an ice-chisel, a knife and some beads were left at this pile. the shores of this bay, which i have named after sir george warrender, are low and clayey, and the country for many miles is level, and much intersected with water; but we had not leisure to ascertain whether they were branches of the bay or fresh-water lakes. some white geese were seen this evening, and some young gray ones were caught on the beach being unable to fly. we fired at two rein-deer, but without success. on august th we paddled the whole day along the northern shores of the sound, returning towards its mouth. the land which we were now tracing is generally so flat, that it could not be descried from the canoes at the distance of four miles, and is invisible from the opposite side of the sound, otherwise a short traverse might have saved us some days. the few eminences that are on this side were mistaken for islands when seen from the opposite shore; they are for the most part cliffs of basalt, and are not above one hundred feet high; the subjacent strata are of white sand-stone. the rocks are mostly confined to the capes and shores, the soil inland being flat, clayey, and barren. most of the headlands shewed traces of visits from the esquimaux, but none of them recent. many ducks were seen, belonging to a species termed by the voyagers from their cry, "caccawees." we also saw some gray geese and swans. the only seal we procured during our voyage, was killed this day; it happened to be blind, and our men imagining it to be in bad health would not taste the flesh; we, however, were less nice. we encamped at the end of twenty-four miles' march, on the north-west side of a bay, to which i have given the name of my friend capt. parry, now employed in the interesting research for a north-west passage. drift wood had become very scarce, and we found none near the encampment; a fire, however, was not required, as we served out pemmican for supper, and the evening was unusually warm. on the following morning the breeze was fresh and the waves rather high. in paddling along the west side of parry's bay, we saw several deer, but owing to the openness of the country, the hunters could not approach them. they killed, however, two swans that were moulting, several cranes and many gray geese. we procured also some caccawees, which were then moulting, and assembled in immense flocks. in the evening, having rounded point beechy, and passed hurd's islands, we were exposed to much inconvenience and danger from a heavy rolling sea; the canoes receiving many severe blows, and shipping a good deal of water, which induced us to encamp at five p.m. opposite to cape croker, which we had passed on the morning of the th; the channel which lay between our situation and it, being about seven miles wide. we had now reached the northern point of entrance into this sound, which i have named in honour of lord viscount melville, the first lord of the admiralty. it is thirty miles wide from east to west, and twenty from north to south; and in coasting it we had sailed eighty-seven and a quarter geographical miles. shortly after the tents were pitched, mr. back reported from the steersmen that both canoes had sustained material injury during this day's voyage. i found on examination that fifteen timbers of the first canoe were broken, some of them in two places, and that the second canoe was so loose in the frame that its timbers could not be bound in the usual secure manner, and consequently there was danger of its bark separating from the gunwales if exposed to a heavy sea. distressing as were these circumstances, they gave me less pain than the discovery that our people, who had hitherto displayed in following us through dangers and difficulties no less novel than appalling to them, a courage beyond our expectation, now felt serious apprehensions for their safety, which so possessed their minds that they were not restrained even by the presence of their officers from expressing them. their fears, we imagined, had been principally excited by the interpreters, st. germain and adam, who from the outset had foreboded every calamity; and we now strongly suspected that their recent want of success in hunting had proceeded from an intentional relaxation in their efforts to kill deer in order that{ } the want of provision might compel us to put a period to our voyage. i must now mention that many concurrent circumstances had caused me, during the few last days, to meditate on the approach of this painful necessity. the strong breezes we had encountered for some days, led me to fear that the season was breaking up, and severe weather would soon ensue, which we could not sustain in a country destitute of fuel. our stock of provision was now reduced to a quantity of pemmican only sufficient for three days' consumption, and the prospect of increasing it was not encouraging, for though rein-deer were seen, they could not be easily approached on the level shores we were now coasting, besides it was to be apprehended they would soon migrate to the south. it was evident that the time spent in exploring the arctic and melville sounds, and bathurst's inlet, had precluded the hope of reaching repulse bay, which at the outset of the voyage we had fondly cherished; and it was equally obvious that as our distance from any of the trading establishments would increase as we proceeded, the hazardous traverse across the barren grounds, which we should have to make, if compelled to abandon the canoes upon any part of the coast, would become greater. i this evening communicated to the officers my sentiments on these points, as well as respecting our return, and was happy to find that their opinions coincided with my own. we were all convinced of the necessity of putting a speedy termination to our advance, as our hope of meeting the esquimaux and procuring provision from them, could now scarcely be retained; but yet we were desirous of proceeding, until the land should be seen trending again to the eastward; that we might be satisfied of its separation from what we had conceived, in passing from cape barrow to bathurst's inlet, to be a great chain of islands. as it was needful, however, at all events, to set a limit to our voyage, i announced my determination of returning after four days' examination, unless, indeed, we should previously meet the esquimaux, and be enabled to make some arrangement for passing the winter with them. this communication was joyfully received by the men, and we hoped that the industry of our hunters being once more excited, we should be able to add to our stock of provision. it may here be remarked that we observed the first regular return of the tides in warrender's and parry's bays; but their set could not be ascertained. the rise of water did not amount to more than two feet. course to-day south one quarter east--nine miles and a quarter. _august _.--some rain fell in the night, but the morning was unusually fine. we set forward at five a.m., and the men paddled cheerfully along the coast for ten miles, when a dense fog caused us to land on slate-clay point. here we found more traces of the esquimaux, and the skull of a man placed between two rocks. the fog dispersed at noon, and we discerned a group of islands to the northward, which i have named after vice admiral sir george cockburn, one of the lords of the admiralty. re-embarking, we rounded the point and entered walker's bay, (so called after my friend admiral walker,) where, as in other instances, the low beach which lay between several high trap cliffs, could not be distinguished until we had coasted down the east side nearly to the bottom of the bay. when the continuity of the land was perceived, we crossed to the western shore, and on landing, discovered a channel leading through a group of islands. having passed through this channel, we ran under sail by the porden islands, across riley's bay, and rounding a cape which now bears the name of my lamented friend captain flinders, had the pleasure to find the coast trending north-north-east, with the sea in the offing unusually clear of islands; a circumstance which afforded matter of wonder to our canadians, who had not previously had an uninterrupted view of the ocean. our course was continued along the coast until eight p.m. when a change in the wind and a threatening thunder squall induced us to encamp; but the water was so shallow, that we found some difficulty in approaching the shore. large pieces of drift-wood gave us assurance that we had finally escaped from the bays. our tents were scarcely pitched before we were assailed by a heavy squall and rain, which was succeeded by a violent gale from west-north-west, which thrice overset the tents during the night. the wind blew with equal violence on the following day, and the sea rolled furiously upon the beach. the canadians had now an opportunity of witnessing the effect of a storm upon the sea; and the sight increased their desire of quitting it. our hunters were sent out, and saw many deer, but the flatness of the country defeated their attempts to approach them; they brought, however, a few unfledged geese. as there was no appearance of increasing our stock of provision, the allowance was limited to a handful of pemmican, and a small portion of portable soup to each man per day. the thermometer this afternoon stood to °. the following observations were obtained: latitude ° ' " n., longitude ° ' " w.; but ° ' " w. was used in the construction of the chart, as the chronometers were found, on our return to hood's river, to have altered their rates; variation ° ' " e., and dip of the needle ° ' ". on august th the stormy weather and sea continuing, there was no prospect of our being able to embark. dr. richardson, mr. back, and i, therefore, set out on foot to discover whether the land within a day's march, inclined more to the east. we went from ten to twelve miles along the coast, which continued flat, and kept the same direction as the encampment. the most distant land we saw had the same bearing north-north-east, and appeared like two islands, which we estimated to be six or seven miles off; the shore on their side seemingly tended more to the east, so that is it probable point turnagain, for so this spot was named, forms the pitch of a low flat cape. augustus killed a deer in the afternoon, but the men were not able to find it. the hunters found the burrows of a number of white foxes, and hepburn killed one of these animals, which proved excellent eating, equal to the young geese, with which it was boiled, and far superior to the lean deer we had upon the coast. large flocks of geese passed over the tents, flying to the southward. the lowest temperature to-day was °. though it will appear from the chart, that the position of point turnagain is only six degrees and a half to the east of the mouth of the copper-mine river; we sailed, in tracing the deeply-indented coast, five hundred and fifty-five geographic miles, which is little less than the direct distance between the copper-mine river and repulse bay; supposing the latter to be in the longitude assigned to it by middleton. when the many perplexing incidents which occurred during the survey of the coast are considered, in connexion with the shortness of the period during which operations of the kind can be carried on, and the distance we had to travel before we could gain a place of shelter for the winter, i trust it will be judged that we prosecuted the enterprise as far as was prudent, and abandoned it only under a well-founded conviction that a further advance would endanger the lives of the whole party, and prevent the knowledge of what had been done from reaching england. the active assistance i received from the officers, in contending with the fears of the men, demands my warmest gratitude. our researches, as far as they have gone, favour the opinion of those who contend for the practicability of a north-west passage. the general line of coast probably runs east and west, nearly in the latitude assigned to mackenzie's river, the sound into which kotzebue entered, and repulse bay; and i think there is little doubt of a continued sea, in or about that line of direction. the existence of whales too, on this part of the coast, evidenced by the whalebone we found in esquimaux cove, may be considered as an argument for an open sea; and a connexion with hudson's bay is rendered more probable from the same kind of fish abounding on the coasts we visited, and on those to the north of churchill river. i allude more particularly to the capelin or salmo arcticus, which we found in large shoals in bathurst's inlet, and which not only abounds, as augustus told us, in the bays in his country, but swarms in the greenland firths[ ]. the portion of the sea over which we passed is navigable for vessels of any size; the ice we met, particularly after quitting detention harbour, would not have arrested a strong boat. the chain of islands affords shelter from all heavy seas, and there are good harbours at convenient distances. i entertain, indeed, sanguine hopes that the skill and exertions of my friend captain parry will soon render this question no longer problematical. his task is doubtless an arduous one, and, if ultimately successful, may occupy two and perhaps three seasons; but confiding as i do, from personal knowledge, in his perseverance and talent for surmounting difficulties, the strength of his ships, and the abundance of provisions with which they are stored, i have very little apprehension of his safety. as i understand his object was to keep the coast of america close on board, he will find in the spring of the year, before the breaking up of the ice can permit him to pursue his voyage, herds of deer flocking in abundance to all parts of the coast, which may be procured without difficulty; and, even later in the season, additions to his stock of provision may be obtained on many parts of the coast, should circumstances give him leisure to send out hunting parties. with the trawl or seine nets also, he may almost every where get abundance of fish even without retarding his progress. under these circumstances i do not conceive that he runs any hazard of wanting provisions, should his voyage be prolonged even beyond the latest period of time which is calculated upon. drift timber may be gathered at many places in considerable quantities, and there is a fair prospect of his opening a communication with the esquimaux, who come down to the coast to kill seals in the spring, previous to the ice breaking up; and from whom, if he succeeds in conciliating their good-will, he may obtain provision, and much useful assistance. [ ] arctic zoology, vol. ii, p. . if he makes for copper-mine river, as he probably will do, he will not find it in the longitude as laid down on the charts; but he will probably find, what would be more interesting to him, a post, which we erected on the th august at the mouth of hood's river, which is nearly, as will appear hereafter, in that longitude, with a flag upon it, and a letter at the foot of it, which may convey to him some useful information. it is possible, however, that he may keep outside of the range of islands which skirt this part of the coast. chapter xii. journey across the barren grounds--difficulty and delay in crossing copper-mine river--melancholy and fatal results thereof--extreme misery of the whole party--murder of mr. hood--death of several of the canadians--desolate state of fort enterprise--distress suffered at that place--dr. richardson's narrative--mr. back's narrative--conclusion. . august . my original intention, whenever the season should compel us to relinquish the survey, had been to return by the copper-mine river, and in pursuance of my arrangement with the hook to travel to slave lake through the line of woods extending thither by the great bear and marten lakes, but our scanty stock of provision and the length of the voyage rendered it necessary to make for a nearer place. we had already found that the country, between cape barrow and the copper-mine river, would not supply our wants, and this it seemed probable would now be still more the case; besides, at this advanced season, we expected the frequent recurrence of gales, which would cause great detention, if not danger in proceeding along that very rocky part of the coast. i determined, therefore, to make at once for arctic sound, where we had found the animals more numerous than at any other place; and entering hood's river, to advance up that stream as far as it was navigable, and then to construct small canoes out of the materials of the larger ones, which could be carried in crossing the barren grounds to fort enterprise. _august _.--we were almost beaten out of our comfortless abodes by rain during the night, and this morning the gale continued without diminution. the thermometer fell to °. two men were sent with junius to search for the deer which augustus had killed. junius returned in the evening, bringing part of the meat, but owing to the thickness of the weather, his companions parted from him and did not make their appearance. divine service was read. on the th we were presented with the most chilling prospect, the small pools of water being frozen over, the ground covered with snow, and the thermometer at the freezing point at mid-day. flights of geese were passing to the southward. the wind, however, was more moderate, having changed to the eastward. considerable anxiety prevailing respecting belanger and michel, the two men who strayed from junius yesterday, the rest were sent out to look for them. the search was successful, and they all returned in the evening. the stragglers were much fatigued, and had suffered severely from the cold, one of them having his thighs frozen, and what under our present circumstances was most grievous, they had thrown away all the meat. the wind during the night returned to the north-west quarter, blew more violently than ever, and raised a very turbulent sea. the next day did not improve our condition, the snow remained on the ground, and the small pools were frozen. our hunters were sent out, but they returned after a fatiguing day's march without having seen any animals. we made a scanty meal off a handful of pemmican, after which only half a bag remained. the wind abated after midnight, and the surf diminished rapidly, which caused us to be on the alert at a very early hour on the d, but we had to wait until six a.m. for the return of augustus, who had continued out all night on an unsuccessful pursuit of deer. it appears that he had walked a few miles farther along the coast, than the party had done on the th, and from a sketch he drew on the sand, we were confirmed in our former opinion that the shore inclined more to the eastward beyond point turnagain. he also drew a river of considerable size, that discharges its waters into walker's bay; on the banks of which stream he saw a piece of wood, such as the esquimaux use in producing fire, and other marks so fresh that he supposed they had recently visited the spot. we therefore left several iron materials for them; and embarking without delay, prepared to retrace our steps[ ]. our men, cheered by the prospect of returning, shewed the utmost alacrity; and, paddling with unusual vigour, carried us across riley's and walker's bays, a distance of twenty miles, before noon, when we landed on slate-clay{ } point, as the wind had freshened too much to permit us to continue the voyage. the whole party went to hunt, but returned without success in the evening, drenched with the heavy rain which commenced soon after they had set out. several deer were seen, but could not be approached in this naked country; and as our stock of pemmican did not admit of serving out two meals, we went dinnerless to bed. [ ] it is a curious coincidence that our expedition left point turnagain on august d,--on the same day that captain parry sailed out of repulse bay. the parties were then distant from each other miles. soon after our departure this day, a sealed tin-case, sufficiently buoyant to float, was thrown overboard, containing a short account of our proceedings, and the position of the most conspicuous points. the wind blew off the land, the water was smooth, and as the sea is in this part more free from islands than in any other, there was every probability of its being driven off the shore into the current; which as i have before mentioned, we suppose, from the circumstance of mackenzie's river being the only known stream that brings down the wood we have found along the shores, to set to the eastward. _august _.--a severe frost caused us to pass a comfortless night. at two p.m. we set sail, and the men voluntarily launched out to make a traverse of fifteen miles across melville sound, before a strong wind and heavy sea. the privation of food, under which our voyagers were then labouring, absorbed every other terror; otherwise the most powerful persuasion could not have induced them to attempt such a traverse. it was with the utmost difficulty that the canoes were kept from turning their broadsides to the waves, though we sometimes steered with all the paddles. one of them narrowly escaped being overset by this accident, which occurred in a mid-channel, where the waves were so high that the masthead of our canoe was often hid from the other, though it was sailing within hail. the traverse, however, was made; we were then near a high rocky lee shore, on which a heavy surf was beating. the wind being on the beam, the canoes drifted fast to leeward; and, on rounding a point, the recoil of the sea from the rocks was so great that they were with difficulty kept from foundering. we looked in vain for a sheltered bay to land in; but, at length, being unable to weather another point, we were obliged to put ashore on the open beach, which fortunately was sandy at this spot. the debarkation was effected fortunately, without further injury than splitting the head of the second canoe, which was easily repaired. our encampment being near the spot where we killed the deer on the th, almost the whole party went out to hunt, but returned in the evening without having seen any game. the berries, however, were ripe and plentiful, and, with the addition of some country tea, furnished a supper. there were some showers in the afternoon, and the weather was cold, the thermometer being °, but the evening and night were calm and fine. it may be remarked that the musquitoes disappeared when the late gales commenced. _august _.--embarking at three a.m., we stretched across the eastern entrance of bathurst's inlet, and arrived at an island, which i have named after the right hon. colonel barry, of newton barry. some deer being seen on the beach, the hunters went in pursuit of them, and succeeded in killing three females, which enabled us to save our last remaining meal of pemmican. they saw also some fresh tracks of musk-oxen on the banks of a small stream which flowed into a lake in the centre of the island. these animals must have crossed a channel, at least, three miles wide, to reach the nearest of these islands. some specimens of variegated pebbles and jasper were found here imbedded in the amygdaloidal rock. re-embarking at two p.m., and continuing through what was supposed to be a channel between two islands, we found our passage barred by a gravelly isthmus of only ten yards in width; the canoes and cargoes were carried across it, and we passed into bathurst's inlet through another similar channel, bounded on both sides by steep rocky hills. the wind then changing from s.e. to n.w. brought heavy rain, and we encamped at seven p.m., having advanced eighteen miles. _august _.--starting this morning with a fresh breeze in our favour, we soon reached that part of barry's island where the canoes were detained on the d and d of this month, and contrary to what we then experienced, the deer were now plentiful. the hunters killed two, and relieved us from all apprehension of immediate want of food. from their assembling at this time in such numbers on the islands nearest to the coast, we conjectured that they were about to retire to the main shore. those we saw were generally females with their young, and all of them very lean. the wind continued in the same direction until we had rounded point wollaston, and then changed to a quarter, which enabled us to steer for hood's river, which we ascended as high as the first rapid and encamped. here terminated our voyage on the arctic sea, during which we had gone over six hundred and fifty geographical miles. our canadian voyagers could not restrain their joy at having turned their backs on the sea, and passed the evening in talking over their past adventures with much humour and no little exaggeration. the consideration that the most painful, and certainly the most hazardous part of the journey was yet to come, did not depress their spirits at all. it is due to their character to mention that they displayed much courage in encountering the dangers of the sea, magnified to them by their novelty. the shores between cape barrow and cape flinders, including the extensive branches of arctic and melville sounds, and bathurst's inlet, may be comprehended in one great gulf, which i have distinguished by the appellation of george iv.'s coronation gulf, in honour of his most gracious majesty, the latter name being added to mark the time of its discovery. the archipelago of islands which fringe the coast from copper-mine river to point turnagain, i have named in honour of his royal highness the duke of york. it may be deserving of notice that the extremes in temperature of the sea water during our voyage were ° and °, but its general temperature was between ° and °. throughout our return from point turnagain we observed that the sea had risen several feet above marks left at our former encampments. this may, perhaps, be attributed to the north-west gales. _august _.--previous to our departure this morning an assortment of iron materials, beads, looking-glasses, and other articles were put up in a conspicuous situation for the esquimaux, and the english union was planted on the loftiest sand-hill, where it might be seen by any ships passing in the offing. here also, was deposited in a tin box, a letter containing an outline of our proceedings, the latitude and longitude of the principal places, and the course we intended to pursue towards slave lake. embarking at eight a.m. we proceeded up the river which is full of sandy shoals, but sufficiently deep for canoes in the channels. it is from one hundred to two hundred yards wide, and is bounded by high and steep banks of clay. we encamped at a cascade of eighteen or twenty feet high, which is produced by a ridge of rock crossing the river, and the nets were set. a mile below this cascade hood's river is joined by a stream half its own size, which i have called james' branch. bear and deer tracks had been numerous on the banks of the river when we were here before, but not a single recent one was to be seen at this time. crédit, however, killed a small deer at some distance inland, which, with the addition of berries, furnished a delightful repast this evening. the weather was remarkably fine, and the temperature so mild, that the musquitoes again made their appearance, but not in any great numbers. our distance made to-day was not more than six miles. the next morning the net furnished us with ten white fish and trout. having made a further deposit of iron work for the esquimaux we pursued our voyage up the river, but the shoals and rapids in this part were so frequent, that we walked along the banks the whole day, and the crews laboured hard in carrying the canoes thus lightened over the shoals or dragging them up the rapids, yet our journey in a direct line was only about seven miles. in the evening we encamped at the lower end of a narrow chasm through which the river flows for upwards of a mile. the walls of this chasm are upwards of two hundred feet high, quite perpendicular, and in some places only a few yards apart. the river precipitates itself into it over a rock, forming two magnificent and picturesque falls close to each other. the upper fall is about sixty feet high, and the lower one at least one hundred; but perhaps considerably more, for the narrowness of the chasm into which it fell prevented us from seeing its bottom, and we could merely discern the top of the spray far beneath our feet. the lower fall is divided into two, by an insulated column of rock which rises about forty feet above it. the whole descent of the river at this place probably exceeds two hundred and fifty feet. the rock is very fine felspathose sand-stone{ }. it has a smooth surface and a light red colour. i have named these magnificent cascades "wilberforce falls," as a tribute of my respect for that distinguished philanthropist{ } and christian. messrs. back and hood took beautiful sketches of this majestic scene. the river being surveyed from the summit of a hill, above these falls, appeared so rapid and shallow, that it seemed useless to attempt proceeding any farther in the large canoes. i therefore determined on constructing out of their materials two smaller ones of sufficient size to contain three persons, for the purpose of crossing any river that might obstruct our progress. this operation was accordingly commenced, and by the st both the canoes being finished, we prepared for our departure on the following day. the leather which had been preserved for making shoes was equally divided among the men, two pairs of flannel socks were given to each person, and such articles of warm clothing as remained, were issued to those who most required them. they were also furnished with one of the officers' tents. this being done, i communicated to the men my intention of proceeding in as direct a course as possible to the part of point lake, opposite our spring encampment, which was only distant one hundred and forty-nine miles in a straight line. they received the communication cheerfully, considered the journey to be short, and left me in high spirits, to arrange their own packages. the stores, books, _&c._, which were not absolutely necessary to be carried, were then put up in boxes to be left _en cache_ here, in order that the men's burdens might be as light as possible. the next morning was warm, and very fine. every one was on the alert at an early hour, being anxious to commence the journey. our luggage consisted of ammunition, nets, hatchets, ice chisels, astronomical instruments, clothing, blankets, three kettles, and the two canoes, which were each carried by one man. the officers carried such a portion of their own things as their strength would permit; the weight carried by each man was about ninety pounds, and with this we advanced at the rate of about a mile an hour, including rests. in the evening the hunters killed a lean cow, out of a large drove of musk-oxen; but the men were too much laden to carry more than a small portion of its flesh. the alluvial soil, which towards the mouth of the river spreads into plains, covered with grass and willows, was now giving place to a more barren and hilly country; so that we could but just collect sufficient brushwood{ } to cook our suppers. the part of the river we skirted this day was shallow, and flowed over a bed of sand; its width about one hundred and twenty yards. about midnight our tent was blown down by a squall, and we were completely drenched with rain before it could be re-pitched. on the morning of the st of september a fall of snow took place; the canoes became a cause of delay, from the difficulty of carrying them in a high wind, and they sustained much damage through the falls of those who had charge of them. the face of the country was broken by hills of moderate elevation, but the ground was plentifully strewed with small stones, which, to men bearing heavy burdens, and whose feet were protected only by soft moose skin shoes, occasioned great pain. at the end of eleven miles we encamped, and sent for a musk-ox and a deer, which st. germain and augustus had killed. the day was extremely cold, the thermometer varying between ° and °. in the afternoon a heavy fall of snow took place, on the wind changing from north-west to south-west. we found no wood at the encampment, but made a fire of moss to cook the supper, and crept under our blankets for warmth. at sunrise the thermometer was at °, and the wind fresh from north-west; but the weather became mild in the course of the forenoon, and the snow disappeared from the gravel. the afternoon was remarkably fine, and the thermometer rose to °. one of the hunters killed a musk-ox. the hills in this part are lower, and more round-backed than those we passed yesterday, exhibiting but little naked rock; they were covered with lichens. having ascertained from the summit of the highest hill near the tents, that the river continued to preserve a west course; and fearing that by pursuing it further we might lose much time, and unnecessarily walk over a great deal of ground, i determined on quitting its banks the next day, and making as directly as we could for point lake. we accordingly followed the river on the d, only to the place where the musk-ox had been killed last evening, and after the meat was procured, crossed the river in our two canoes lashed together. we now emerged from the valley of the river, and entered a level, but very barren, country, varied only by small lakes and marshes, the ground being covered with small stones. many old tracks of rein-deer were seen in the clayey soil, and some more recent traces of the musk-ox. we encamped on the borders of wright's river, which flows to the eastward; the direct distance walked to-day being ten miles and three-quarters. the next morning was very fine, and, as the day advanced, the weather became quite warm. we set out at six a.m., and, having forded the river, walked over a perfectly level country, interspersed with small lakes, which communicated with each other, by streams running in various directions. no berry-bearing plants were found in this part, the surface of the earth being thinly covered in the moister places with a few grasses, and on the drier spots with lichens. having walked twelve miles and a half, we encamped at seven p.m., and distributed our last piece of pemmican, and a little arrow-root for supper, which afforded but a scanty meal. this evening was warm, but dark clouds overspread the sky. our men now began to find their burdens very oppressive, and were much fatigued by this day's march, but did not complain. one of them was lame from an inflammation in the knee. heavy rain commenced at midnight, and continued without intermission until five in the morning, when it was succeeded by snow on the wind changing to north-west, which soon increased to a violent gale. as we had nothing to eat, and were destitute of the means of making a fire, we remained in our beds all the day; but the covering of our blankets was insufficient to prevent us from feeling the severity of the frost, and suffering inconvenience from the drifting of the snow into our tents. there was no abatement of the storm next day; our tents were completely frozen, and the snow had drifted around them to a depth of three feet, and even in the inside there was a covering of several inches on our blankets. our suffering from cold, in a comfortless canvass tent in such weather, with the temperature at °, and without fire, will easily be imagined; it was, however, less than that which we felt from hunger. the morning of the th cleared up a little, but the wind was still strong, and the weather extremely cold. from the unusual continuance of the storm, we feared the winter had set in with all its rigour, and that by longer delay we should only be exposed to an accumulation of difficulties; we therefore prepared for our journey, although we were in a very unfit condition for starting, being weak from fasting, and our garments stiffened by the frost. we had no means of making a fire to thaw them, the moss, at all times difficult to kindle, being now covered with ice and snow. a considerable time was consumed in packing up the frozen tents and bed clothes, the wind blowing so strong that no one could keep his hands long out of his mittens. just as we were about to commence our march, i was seized with a fainting fit, in consequence of exhaustion and sudden exposure to the wind; but after eating a morsel of portable soup, i recovered so far as to be able to move on. i was unwilling at first to take this morsel of soup, which was diminishing the small and only remaining meal for the party; but several of the men urged me to it, with much kindness. the ground was covered a foot deep with snow, the margins of the lakes were incrusted with ice, and the swamps over which we had to pass were entirely frozen; but the ice not being sufficiently strong to bear us, we frequently plunged knee-deep in water. those who carried the canoes were repeatedly blown down by the violence of the wind, and they often fell, from making an insecure step on a slippery stone; on one of these occasions, the largest canoe was so much broken as to be rendered utterly unserviceable. this we felt was a serious disaster, as the remaining canoe having through mistake been made too small, it was doubtful whether it would be sufficient to carry us across a river. indeed we had found it necessary in crossing hood's river, to lash the two canoes together. as there was some suspicion that benoit, who carried the canoe, had broken it intentionally, he having on a former occasion been overheard by some of the men to say, that he would do so when he got it in charge, we closely examined him on the point; he roundly denied having used the expressions attributed to him, and insisted that it was broken by his falling accidentally; and as he brought men to attest the latter fact, who saw him tumble, we did not press the matter further. i may here remark that our people had murmured a good deal at having to carry two canoes, though they were informed of the necessity of taking both, in case it should be deemed advisable to divide the party; which it had been thought probable we should be obliged to do if animals proved scarce, in order to give the whole the better chance of procuring subsistence, and also for the purpose of sending forward some of the best walkers to search for indians, and to get them to meet us with supplies of provision. the power of doing this was now at an end. as the accident could not be remedied, we turned it to the best account, by making a fire of the bark and timbers of the broken vessel, and cooked the remainder of our portable soup and arrow-root. this was a scanty meal after three days' fasting, but it served to allay the pangs of hunger, and enabled us to proceed at a quicker pace than before. the depth of the snow caused us to march in indian file, that is in each other's steps; the voyagers taking it in turn to lead the party. a distant object was pointed out to this man in the direction we wished to take, and mr. hood followed immediately behind him, to renew the bearings, and keep him from deviating more than could be helped from the mark. it may be here observed, that we proceeded in this manner throughout our route across the barren grounds. in the afternoon we got into a more hilly country, where the ground was strewed with large stones. the surface of these was covered with lichens of the genus _gyrophora_, which the canadians term _tripe de roche_. a considerable quantity was gathered, and with half a partridge each, (which we shot in the course of the day,) furnished a slender supper, which we cooked with a few willows, dug up from beneath the snow. we passed a comfortless night in our damp clothes, but took the precaution of sleeping upon our socks and shoes to prevent them from freezing. this plan was afterwards adopted throughout the journey. at half past five in the morning we proceeded; and after walking about two miles, came to cracroft's river, flowing to the westward, with a very rapid current over a rocky channel. we had much difficulty in crossing this, the canoe being useless, not only from the bottom of the channel being obstructed by large stones, but also from its requiring gumming, an operation which, owing to the want of wood and the frost, we were unable to perform. however, after following the course of the river some distance we effected a passage by means of a range of large rocks that crossed a rapid. as the current was strong, and many of the rocks were covered with water to the depth of two or three feet, the men were exposed to much danger in carrying their heavy burdens across, and several of them actually slipped into the stream, but were immediately rescued by the others. junius went farther up the river in search of a better crossing-place and did not rejoin us this day. as several of the party were drenched from head to foot, and we were all wet to the middle, our clothes became stiff with the frost, and we walked with much pain for the remainder of the day. the march was continued to a late hour from our anxiety to rejoin the hunters who had gone before, but we were obliged to encamp at the end of ten miles and a quarter, without seeing them. our only meal to-day consisted of a partridge each (which the hunters shot,) mixed with _tripe de roche_. this repast, although scanty for men with appetites such as our daily fatigue created, proved a cheerful one, and was received with thankfulness. most of the men had to sleep in the open air, in consequence of the absence of crédit, who carried their tent; but we fortunately found an unusual quantity of roots to make a fire, which prevented their suffering much from the cold, though the thermometer was at °. we started at six on the th, and at the end of two miles regained our hunters, who were halting on the borders of a lake amidst a clump of stunted willows. this lake stretched to the westward as far as we could see, and its waters were discharged by a rapid stream one hundred and fifty yards wide. being entirely ignorant where we might be led by pursuing the course of the lake, and dreading the idea of going a mile unnecessarily out of the way, we determined on crossing the river if possible; and the canoe was gummed for the purpose, the willows furnishing us with fire. but we had to await the return of junius before we could make the traverse. in the mean time we gathered a little _tripe de roche_, and breakfasted upon it and a few partridges that were killed in the morning. st. germain and adam were sent upon some recent tracks of deer. junius arrived in the afternoon and informed us that he had seen a large herd of musk-oxen on the banks of cracroft's river, and had wounded one of them, but it escaped. he brought about four pounds of meat, the remains of a deer that had been devoured by the wolves. the poor fellow was much fatigued, having walked throughout the night, but as the weather was particularly favourable for our crossing the river, we could not allow him to rest. after he had taken some refreshment we proceeded to the river. the canoe being put into the water was found extremely ticklish, but it was managed with much dexterity by st. germain, adam, and peltier, who ferried over one passenger at a time, causing him to lie flat in its bottom, by no means a pleasant position, owing to its leakiness, but there was no alternative. the transport of the whole party was effected by five o'clock and we walked about two miles further and encamped, having come five miles and three quarters on a south-west course. two young alpine hares were shot by st. germain, which, with the small piece of meat brought in by junius, furnished the supper of the whole party. there was no _tripe de roche_ here. the country had now become decidedly hilly, and was covered with snow. the lake preserved its western direction, as far as i could see from the summit of the highest mountain near the encampment. we subsequently learned from the copper indians, that the part at which we had crossed the river was the _congecatha-wha-chaga_ of hearne, of which i had little idea at the time, not only from the difference of latitude, but also from its being so much further east of the mouth of the copper-mine river, than his track is laid down; he only making one degree and three quarters' difference of longitude, and we, upwards of four. had i been aware of the fact, several days' harassing march, and a disastrous accident would have been prevented by keeping on the western side of the lake, instead of crossing the river. we were informed also, that this river is the anatessy or river of strangers, and is supposed to fall into bathurst's inlet; but although the indians have visited its mouth, their description was not sufficient to identify it with any of the rivers whose mouths we had seen. it probably discharges itself in that part of the coast which was hid from our view by goulbourn's or elliott's islands. _september _.--we had a cold north wind, and the atmosphere was foggy. the thermometer ° at five a.m. in the course of our march this morning, we passed many small lakes; and the ground becoming higher and more hilly as we receded from the river, was covered to a much greater depth with snow. this rendered walking not only extremely laborious, but also hazardous in the highest degree; for the sides of the hills, as is usual throughout the barren grounds, abounding in accumulations of large angular stones, it often happened that the men fell into the interstices with their loads on their backs, being deceived by the smooth appearance of the drifted snow. if any one had broken a limb here, his fate would have been melancholy indeed; we could neither have remained with him, nor carried him on. we halted at ten to gather _tripe de roche_, but it was so frozen, that we were quite benumbed with cold before a sufficiency could be collected even for a scanty meal. on proceeding our men were somewhat cheered, by observing on the sandy summit of a hill, from whence the snow had been blown, the summer track of a man; and afterwards by seeing several deer tracks on the snow. about noon the weather cleared up a little, and to our great joy, we saw a herd of musk-oxen grazing in a valley below us. the party instantly halted, and the best hunters were sent out; they approached the animals with the utmost caution, no less than two hours being consumed before they got within gun-shot. in the mean time we beheld their proceedings with extreme anxiety, and many secret prayers were, doubtless, offered up for their success. at length they opened their fire, and we had the satisfaction of seeing one of the largest cows fall; another was wounded, but escaped. this success infused spirit into our starving party. to skin and cut up the animal was the work of a few minutes. the contents of its stomach were devoured upon the spot, and the raw intestines, which were next attacked, were pronounced by the most delicate amongst us to be excellent. a few willows, whose tops were seen peeping through the snow in the bottom of the valley, were quickly grubbed, the tents pitched, and supper cooked, and devoured with avidity. this was the sixth day since we had had a good meal; the _tripe de roche_, even where we got enough, only serving to allay the pangs of hunger for a short time. after supper, two of the hunters went in pursuit of the herd, but could not get near them. i do not think that we witnessed through the course of our journey a more striking proof of the wise dispensation of the almighty, and of the weakness of our own judgment than on this day. we had considered the dense fog which prevailed throughout the morning, as almost the greatest inconvenience that could have befallen us, since it rendered the air extremely cold, and prevented us from distinguishing any distant object towards which our course could be directed. yet this very darkness enabled the party to get to the top of the hill which bounded the valley wherein the musk-oxen were grazing, without being perceived. had the herd discovered us and taken alarm, our hunters in their present state of debility would in all probability have failed in approaching them. we were detained all the next day by a strong southerly wind, and were much incommoded in the tents by the drift snow. the temperature was °. the average for the last ten days about °. we restricted ourselves to one meal this day, as we were at rest, and there was only meat remaining sufficient for the morrow. the gale had not diminished on the th, and, as we were fearful of its continuance for some time, we determined on going forward; our only doubt regarded the preservation of the canoe, but the men promised to pay particular attention to it, and the most careful persons were appointed to take it in charge. the snow was two feet deep and the ground much broken, which rendered the march extremely painful. the whole party complained more of faintness and weakness than they had ever done before; their strength seemed to have been impaired by the recent supply of animal food. in the afternoon the wind abated, and the snow ceased; cheered with the change, we proceeded forward at a quicker pace, and encamped at six p.m., having come eleven miles. our supper consumed the last of our meat. we set out on the th, in thick hazy weather, and, after an hour's march, had the extreme mortification to find ourselves on the borders of a large lake; neither of its extremities could be seen, and as the portion which lay to the east seemed the widest, we coasted along to the westward portion in search of a crossing-place. this lake being bounded by steep and lofty hills, our march was very fatiguing. those sides which were exposed to the sun, were free from snow, and we found upon them some excellent berries. we encamped at six p.m., having come only six miles and a half. crédit was then missing, and he did not return during the night. we supped off a single partridge and some _tripe de roche_; this unpalatable weed was now quite nauseous to the whole party, and in several it produced bowel complaints. mr. hood was the greatest sufferer from this cause. this evening we were extremely distressed, at discovering that our improvident companions, since we left hood's river had thrown away three of the fishing-nets, and burnt the floats; they knew we had brought them to procure subsistence for the party, when the animals should fail, and we could scarcely believe the fact of their having wilfully deprived themselves of this resource, especially when we considered that most of them had passed the greater part of their servitude in situations where the nets alone had supplied them with food. being thus deprived of our principal resource, that of fishing, and the men evidently getting weaker every day, it became necessary to lighten their burdens of every thing except ammunition, clothing, and the instruments that were required to find our way. i, therefore, issued directions to deposit at this encampment the dipping needle, azimuth compass, magnet, a large thermometer, and a few books we had carried, having torn out of these, such parts as we should require to work the observations for latitude and longitude. i also promised, as an excitement to the efforts in hunting, my gun to st. germain, and an ample compensation to adam, or any of the other men who should kill any animals. mr. hood, on this occasion, lent his gun to michel, the iroquois, who was very eager in the chase, and often successful. _september _.--this morning the officers being assembled round a small fire, perrault presented each of us with a small piece of meat which he had saved from his allowance. it was received with great thankfulness, and such an act of self-denial and kindness, being totally unexpected in a canadian voyager, filled our eyes with tears. in directing our course to a river issuing from the lake, we met crédit, who communicated the joyful intelligence of his having killed two deer in the morning. we instantly halted, and having shared the deer that was nearest to us, prepared breakfast. after which, the other deer was sent for, and we went down to the river, which was about three hundred yards wide, and flowed with great velocity through a broken rocky channel. having searched for a part where the current was most smooth, the canoe was placed in the water at the head of a rapid, and st. germain, solomon belanger, and i, embarked in order to cross. we went from the shore very well, but in mid-channel the canoe became difficult to manage under our burden as the breeze was fresh. the current drove us to the edge of the rapid, when belanger unluckily applied his paddle to avert the apparent danger of being forced down it, and lost his balance. the canoe was overset in consequence in the middle of the rapid. we fortunately kept hold of it, until we touched a rock where the water did not reach higher than our waists; here we kept our footing, notwithstanding the strength of the current, until the water was emptied out of the canoe. belanger then held the canoe steady whilst st. germain placed me in it, and afterwards embarked himself in a very dextrous manner. it was impossible, however, to embark belanger, as the canoe would have been hurried down the rapid, the moment he should have raised his foot from the rock on which he stood. we were, therefore, compelled to leave him in his perilous situation. we had not gone twenty yards before the canoe, striking on a sunken rock, went down. the place being shallow, we were again enabled to empty it, and the third attempt brought us to the shore. in the mean time belanger was suffering extremely, immersed to his middle in the centre of a rapid, the temperature of which was very little above the freezing point, and the upper part of his body covered with wet clothes, exposed in a temperature not much above zero, to a strong breeze. he called piteously for relief, and st. germain on his return endeavoured to embark him, but in vain. the canoe was hurried down the rapid, and when he landed he was rendered by the cold incapable of further exertion, and adam attempted to embark belanger, but found it impossible. an attempt was next made to carry out to him a line, made of the slings of the men's loads. this also failed, the current acting so strongly upon it, as to prevent the canoe from steering, and it was finally broken and carried down the stream. at length, when belanger's strength seemed almost exhausted, the canoe reached him with a small cord belonging to one of the nets, and he was dragged perfectly senseless through the rapid. by the direction of dr. richardson, he was instantly stripped, and being rolled up in blankets, two men undressed themselves and went to bed with him: but it was some hours before he recovered his warmth and sensations. as soon as belanger was placed in his bed, the officers sent over my blankets, and a person to make a fire. augustus brought the canoe over, and in returning he was obliged to descend both the rapids, before he could get across the stream; which hazardous service he performed with the greatest coolness and judgment. it is impossible to describe my sensations as i witnessed the various unsuccessful attempts to relieve belanger. the distance prevented my seeing distinctly what was going on, and i continued pacing up and down upon the rock on which i landed, regardless of the coldness of my drenched and stiffening garments. the canoe, in every attempt to reach him, was hurried down the rapid, and was lost to view amongst the rocky islets, with a rapidity that seemed to threaten certain destruction; once, indeed, i fancied that i saw it overwhelmed in the waves. such an event would have been fatal to the whole party. separated as i was from my companions, without gun, ammunition, hatchet, or the means of making a fire, and in wet clothes, my doom would have been speedily sealed. my companions too, driven to the necessity of coasting the lake, must have sunk under the fatigue of rounding its innumerable arms and bays, which, as we have learned from the indians, are very extensive. by the goodness of providence, however, we were spared at that time, and some of us have been permitted to offer up our thanksgivings, in a civilized land, for the signal deliverances we then and afterwards experienced. by this accident i had the misfortune to lose my portfolio{ }, containing my journal from fort enterprise, together with all the astronomical and meteorological observations made during the descent of the copper-mine river, and along the sea-coast, (except those for the dip and variation.) i was in the habit of carrying it strapped across my shoulders, but had taken it off on entering the canoe, to reduce the upper weight. the results of most of the observations for latitude and longitude, had been registered in the sketch books, so that we preserved the requisites for the construction of the chart. the meteorological observations, not having been copied, were lost. my companions, dr. richardson, mr. back, and mr. hood, had been so careful in noting every occurrence in their journals, that the loss of mine could fortunately be well supplied. these friends immediately offered me their documents, and every assistance in drawing up another narrative, of which kindness i availed myself at the earliest opportunity afterwards. _september _.--the rest of the party were brought across this morning, and we were delighted to find belanger so much recovered as to be able to proceed, but we could not set out until noon, as the men had to prepare substitutes for the slings which were lost yesterday. soon after leaving the encampment we discerned a herd of deer, and after a long chase a fine male was killed by perrault, several others were wounded but they escaped. after this we passed round the north end of a branch of the lake, and ascended the willingham mountains, keeping near the border of the lake. these hills were steep, craggy, and covered with snow. we encamped at seven and enjoyed a substantial meal. the party were in good spirits this evening at the recollection of having crossed the rapid, and being in possession of provision for the next day. besides we had taken the precaution of bringing away the skin of the deer to eat when the meat should fail. the temperature at six p.m. was °. we started at seven next morning and marched until ten, when the appearance of a few willows peeping through the snow induced us to halt and breakfast. recommencing the journey at noon, we passed over a more rugged country, where the hills were separated by deep ravines, whose steep sides were equally difficult to descend and to ascend, and the toil and suffering we experienced were greatly increased. the party was quite fatigued, when we encamped, having come ten miles and three quarters. we observed many summer deer roads, and some recent tracks. some marks that had been put up by the indians were also noticed. we have since learned that this is a regular deer pass, and on that account, annually frequented by the copper indians. the lake is called by them contwoy-to, or rum lake; in consequence of mr. hearne having here given the indians who accompanied him some of that liquor. fish is not found here. we walked next day over a more level country, but it was strewed with large stones. these galled our feet a good deal; we contrived, however, to wade through the snow at a tolerably quick pace until five p.m., having proceeded twelve miles and a half. we had made to-day our proper course, south by east, which we could not venture upon doing before, for fear of falling again upon some branch of the contwoy-to. some deer were seen in the morning, but the hunters failed of killing any, and in the afternoon we fell into the track of a large herd, which had passed the day before, but did not overtake them. in consequence of this want of success we had no breakfast, and but a scanty supper; but we allayed the pangs of hunger, by eating pieces of singed hide. a little _tripe de roche_[ ] was also obtained. these would have satisfied us in ordinary times, but we were now almost exhausted by slender fare and travel, and our appetites had become ravenous. we looked, however, with humble confidence to the great author and giver of all good, for a continuance of the support which had hitherto been always supplied to us at our greatest need. the thermometer varied to-day between ° and °. the wind blew fresh from the south. [ ] the different kinds of _gyrophora_, are termed indiscriminately by the voyagers, _tripe de roche_. on the th the atmosphere was hazy, but the day was more pleasant for walking than usual. the country was level and gravelly, and the snow very deep. we went for a short time along a deeply-beaten road made by the rein-deer, which turned suddenly off to the south-west, a direction so wide of our course that we could not venture upon following it. all the small lakes were frozen, and we marched across those which lay in our track. we supped off the _tripe de roche_ which had been gathered during our halts in the course of the march. thermometer at six p.m. °. showers of snow fell without intermission through the night, but they ceased in the morning, and we set out at the usual hour. the men were very faint from hunger, and marched with difficulty, having to oppose a fresh breeze, and to wade through snow two feet deep. we gained, however, ten miles by four o'clock, and then encamped. the canoe was unfortunately broken by the fall of the person who had it in charge. no _tripe de roche_ was seen to-day, but in clearing the snow to pitch the tents we found a quantity of iceland moss, which was boiled for supper. this weed, not having been soaked, proved so bitter, that few of the party could eat more than a few spoonfuls. our blankets did not suffice this evening to keep us in tolerable warmth; the slightest breeze seeming to pierce through our debilitated frames. the reader will, probably, be desirous to know how we passed our time in such a comfortless situation: the first operation after encamping was to thaw our frozen shoes, if a sufficient fire could be made, and dry ones were put on; each person then wrote his notes of the daily occurrences, and evening prayers were read; as soon as supper was prepared it was eaten, generally in the dark, and we went to bed, and kept up a cheerful conversation until our blankets were thawed by the heat of our bodies, and we had gathered sufficient warmth to enable us to fall asleep. on many nights we had not even the luxury of going to bed in dry clothes, for when the fire was insufficient to dry our shoes, we durst not venture to pull them off, lest they should freeze so hard as to be unfit to put on in the morning, and, therefore, inconvenient to carry. on the th we got into a hilly country, and the marching became much more laborious, even the stoutest experienced great difficulty in climbing the craggy eminences. mr. hood was particularly weak, and was obliged to relinquish his station of second in the line, which dr. richardson now took, to direct the leading man in keeping the appointed course. i was also unable to keep pace with the men, who put forth their utmost speed, encouraged by the hope, which our reckoning had led us to form, of seeing point lake in the evening, but we were obliged to encamp without gaining a view of it. we had not seen either deer or their tracks through the day, and this circumstance, joined to the disappointment of not discovering the lake, rendered our voyagers very desponding, and the meagre supper of _tripe de roche_ was little calculated to elevate their spirits. they now threatened to throw away their bundles, and quit us, which rash act they would probably have committed, if they had known what track to pursue. _september _.--we set out at seven this morning in dark foggy weather, and changed our course two points to the westward. the party were very feeble, and the men much dispirited; we made slow progress, having to march over a hilly and very rugged country. just before noon the sun beamed through the haze for the first time for six days, and we obtained an observation in latitude ° ' " n., which was six miles to the southward of that part of point lake to which our course was directed. by this observation we discovered that we had kept to the eastward of the proper course, which may be attributed partly to the difficulty of preserving a straight line through an unknown country, unassisted by celestial observations, and in such thick weather, that our view was often limited to a few hundred yards; but chiefly to our total ignorance of the amount of the variation of the compass. we altered the course immediately to west-south-west, and fired guns to apprize the hunters who were out of our view, and ignorant of our having done so. after walking about two miles we waited to collect the stragglers. two partridges were killed, and these with some _tripe de roche_, furnished our supper. notwithstanding a full explanation was given to the men of the reasons for altering the course, and they were assured that the observation had enabled us to discover our exact distance from fort enterprise, they could not divest themselves of the idea of our having lost our way, and a gloom was spread over every countenance. at this encampment dr. richardson was obliged to deposit his specimens of plants and minerals, collected on the sea-coast, being unable to carry them any farther. the way made to-day was five miles and a quarter. _september _.--after walking about two miles this morning, we came upon the borders of an extensive lake, whose extremities could not be discerned in consequence of the density of the atmosphere; but as its shores seemed to approach nearer to each other to the southward than to the northward, we determined on tracing it in that direction. we were grieved at finding the lake expand very much beyond the contracted part we had first seen, and incline to the eastward of south. as, however, it was considered more than probable, from the direction and size of the body of water we were now tracing, that it was a branch of point lake; and as, in any case, we knew that by passing round its south end, we must shortly come to the copper-mine river, our course was continued in that direction. the appearance of some dwarf pines and willows, larger than usual, induced us to suppose the river was near. we encamped early, having come eight miles. our supper consisted of _tripe de roche_ and half a partridge each. our progress next day was extremely slow, from the difficulty of managing the canoe in passing over the hills, as the breeze was fresh. peltier who had it in charge, having received several severe falls, became impatient, and insisted on leaving his burden, as it had already been much injured by the accidents of this day; and no arguments we could use were sufficient to prevail on him to continue carrying it. vaillant was, therefore, directed to take it, and we proceeded forward. having found that he got on very well, and was walking even faster than mr. hood could follow, in his present debilitated state, i pushed forward to stop the rest of the party, who had got out of sight during the delay which the discussion respecting the canoe had occasioned. i accidentally passed the body of the men, and followed the tracks of two persons who had separated from the rest, until two p.m., when not seeing any person, i retraced my steps, and on my way met dr. richardson, who had also missed the party whilst he was employed gathering _tripe de roche_, and we went back together in search of them. we found they had halted among some willows, where they had picked up some pieces of skin, and a few bones of deer that had been devoured by the wolves last spring. they had rendered the bones friable by burning, and eaten them as well as the skin; and several of them had added their old shoes to the repast. peltier and vaillant were with them, having left the canoe, which, they said, was so completely broken by another fall, as to be rendered incapable of repair, and entirely useless. the anguish this intelligence occasioned may be conceived, but it is beyond my power to describe it. impressed, however, with the necessity of taking it forward, even in the state these men represented it to be, we urgently desired them to fetch it; but they declined going, and the strength of the officers was inadequate to the task. to their infatuated obstinacy on this occasion, a great portion of the melancholy circumstances which attended our subsequent progress may, perhaps, be attributed. the men now seemed to have lost all hope of being preserved; and all the arguments we could use failed in stimulating them to the least exertion. after consuming the remains of the bones and horns of the deer we resumed our march, and in the evening, reached a contracted part of the lake, which, perceiving it to be shallow, we forded, and encamped on the opposite side. heavy rain began soon afterwards, and continued all night. on the following morning the rain had so wasted the snow, that the tracks of mr. back and his companions, who had gone before with the hunters, were traced with difficulty; and the frequent showers during the day almost obliterated them. the men became furious at the apprehension of being deserted by the hunters, and some of the strongest throwing down their bundles, prepared to set out after them, intending to leave the more weak to follow as they could. the entreaties and threats of the officers, however, prevented their executing this mad scheme; but not before solomon belanger was despatched with orders for mr. back to halt until we should join him. soon afterwards a thick fog came on, but we continued our march and overtook mr. back, who had been detained in consequence of his companions having followed some recent tracks of deer. after halting an hour, during which we refreshed ourselves with eating our old shoes, and a few scraps of leather, we set forward in the hope of ascertaining whether an adjoining piece of water was the copper-mine river or not, but were soon compelled to return and encamp, for fear of a separation of the party, as we could not see each other at ten yards' distance. the fog diminishing towards evening, augustus was sent to examine the water, but having lost his way he did not reach the tents before midnight, when he brought the information of its being a lake. we supped upon, _tripe de roche_, and enjoyed a comfortable fire, having found some pines, seven or eight feet high, in a valley near the encampment. the bounty of providence was most seasonably manifested to us next morning, in our killing five small deer out of a herd, which came in sight as we were on the point of starting. this unexpected supply re-animated the drooping spirits of our men, and filled every heart with gratitude. the voyagers instantly petitioned for a day's rest which we were most reluctant to grant, being aware of the importance of every moment at this critical period of our journey. but they so earnestly and strongly pleaded their recent sufferings, and their conviction, that the quiet enjoyment of two substantial meals, after eight days' famine, would enable them to proceed next day more vigorously, that we could not resist their entreaties. the flesh, the skins, and even the contents of the stomachs of the deer were equally distributed among the party by mr. hood, who had volunteered, on the departure of mr. wentzel, to perform the duty of issuing the provision. this invidious task he had all along performed with great impartiality, but seldom without producing some grumbling amongst the canadians; and, on the present occasion, the hunters were displeased that the heads and some other parts, had not been added to their portions. it is proper to remark, that mr. hood always took the smallest portion for his own mess, but this weighed little with these men, as long as their own appetites remained unsatisfied. we all suffered much inconvenience from eating animal food after our long abstinence, but particularly those men who indulged themselves beyond moderation. the canadians, with their usual thoughtlessness, had consumed above a third of their portions of meat that evening. we set out early on the th, and after walking about three miles along the lake, came to the river which we at once recognised, from its size, to be the copper-mine. it flowed to the northward, and after winding about five miles, terminated in point lake. its current was swift, and there were two rapids in this part of its course, which in a canoe we could have crossed with ease and safety. these rapids, as well as every other part of the river, were carefully examined in search of a ford; but finding none, the expedients occurred, of attempting to cross on a raft made of the willows which were growing there, or in a vessel framed with willows, and covered with the canvass of the tents; but both these schemes were abandoned, through the obstinacy of the interpreters and the most experienced voyagers, who declared that they would prove inadequate to the conveyance of the party, and that much time would be lost in the attempt. the men, in fact, did not believe that this was the copper-mine river, and so little confidence had they in our reckoning, and so much had they bewildered themselves on the march that some of them asserted it was hood's river, and others that it was the bethe-tessy. (a river which rises from a lake to the northward of rum lake, and holds a course to the sea parallel with that of the copper-mine.) in short, their despondency had returned, and they all despaired of seeing fort enterprise again. however, the steady assurances of the officers that we were actually on the banks of the copper-mine river, and that the distance to fort enterprise did not exceed forty miles, made some impression upon them, which was increased upon our finding some bear-berry plants (_arbutus uva ursi_,) which are reported by the indians not to grow to the eastward of that river. they then deplored their folly and impatience in breaking the canoe, being all of opinion, that had it not been so completely demolished on the d, it might have been repaired sufficiently to take the party over. we again closely interrogated peltier and vaillant as to its state, with the intention of sending for it; but they persisted in the declaration, that it was in a totally unserviceable condition. st. germain being again called upon to endeavour to construct a canoe frame with willows, stated that he was unable to make one sufficiently large. it became necessary, therefore, to search for pines of sufficient size to form a raft; and being aware that such trees grow on the borders of point lake, we considered it best to trace its shores in search of them; we, therefore, resumed our march, carefully looking, but in vain, for a fordable part, and encamped at the east end of point lake. as there was little danger of our losing the path of our hunters whilst we coasted the shores of this lake, i determined on again sending mr. back forward, with the interpreters to hunt. i had in view, in this arrangement, the further object of enabling mr. back to get across the lake with two of these men, to convey the earliest possible account of our situation to the indians. accordingly i instructed him to halt at the first pines he should come to, and then prepare a raft; and if his hunters had killed animals, so that the party could be supported whilst we were making our raft, he was to cross immediately with st. germain and beauparlant, and send the indians to us as quickly as possible with supplies of meat. we had this evening the pain of discovering that two of our men had stolen part of the officers' provision, which had been allotted to us with strict impartiality. this conduct was the more reprehensible, as it was plain that we were suffering, even in a greater degree than themselves, from the effects of famine, owing to our being of a less robust habit, and less accustomed to privations. we had no means of punishing this crime, but by the threat that they should forfeit their wages, which had now ceased to operate. mr. back and his companions set out at six in the morning, and we started at seven. as the snow had entirely disappeared, and there were no means of distinguishing the footsteps of stragglers, i gave strict orders, previously to setting out, for all the party to keep together: and especially i desired the two esquimaux not to leave us, they having often strayed in search of the remains of animals. our people, however, through despondency, had become careless and disobedient, and had ceased to dread punishment, or hope for reward. much time was lost in halting and firing guns to collect them, but the labour of walking was so much lightened by the disappearance of the snow, that we advanced seven or eight miles along the lake before noon, exclusive of the loss of distance in rounding its numerous bays. at length we came to an arm, running away to the north-east, and apparently connected with the lake which we had coasted on the nd, rd, and th, of the month. the idea of again rounding such an extensive piece of water and of travelling over so barren a country was dreadful, and we feared that other arms, equally large, might obstruct our path, and that the strength of the party would entirely fail, long before we could reach the only part where we were certain of finding wood, distant in a direct line twenty-five miles. while we halted to consider of this subject, and to collect the party, the carcase of a deer was discovered in the cleft of a rock into which it had fallen in the spring. it was putrid, but little less acceptable to us on that account, in our present circumstances; and a fire being kindled, a large portion was devoured on the spot, affording us an unexpected breakfast, for in order to husband our small remaining portion of meat, we had agreed to make only one scanty meal a day. the men, cheered by this unlooked-for supply, became sanguine in the hope of being able to cross the stream on a raft of willows, although they had before declared such a project impracticable, and they unanimously entreated us to return back to the rapid, a request which accorded with our own opinion, and was therefore acceded to. crédit and junius, however, were missing, and it was also necessary to send notice of our intention to mr. back and his party. augustus being promised a reward, undertook the task, and we agreed to wait for him at the rapid. it was supposed he could not fail meeting with the two stragglers on his way to or from mr. back, as it was likely they would keep on the borders of the lake. he accordingly set out after mr. back, whilst we returned about a mile towards the rapid, and encamped in a deep valley amongst some large willows. we supped on the remains of the putrid deer, and the men having gone to the spot where it was found, scraped together the contents of its intestines which were scattered on the rock, and added them to their meal. we also enjoyed the luxury to-day of eating a large quantity of excellent blue-berries and cran-berries (_vaccinium uliginosum_ and _v. vitis idæa_) which were laid bare by the melting of the snow, but nothing could allay our inordinate appetites. in the night we heard the report of crédit's gun in answer to our signal muskets, and he rejoined us in the morning, but we got no intelligence of junius. we set out about an hour after day-break{ }, and encamped at two p.m. between the rapids, where the river was about one hundred and thirty yards wide, being its narrowest part. eight deer were seen by michel and crédit, who loitered behind the rest of the party, but they could not approach them. a great many shots were fired by those in the rear at partridges, but they missed, or at least did not choose to add what they killed to the common stock. we subsequently learned that the hunters often secreted the partridges they shot, and ate them unknown to the officers. some _tripe de roche_ was collected, which we boiled for supper, with the moiety of the remainder of our deer's meat. the men commenced cutting the willows for the construction of the raft. as an excitement to exertion, i promised a reward of three hundred livres to the first person who should convey a line across the river, by which the raft could be managed in transporting the party. _september _.--strong south-east winds with fog in the morning, more moderate in the evening. temperature of the rapid °. the men began at an early hour to bind the willows in fagots for the construction of the raft, and it was finished by seven; but as the willows were green, it proved to be very little buoyant, and was unable to support more than one man at a time. even on this, however, we hoped the whole party might be transported, by hauling it from one side to the other, provided a line could be carried to the other bank. several attempts were made by belanger and benoit, the strongest men of the party, to convey the raft across the stream, but they failed for want of oars. a pole constructed by tying the tent poles together, was too short to reach the bottom at a short distance from the shore; and a paddle which had been carried from the sea-coast by dr. richardson, did not possess sufficient power to move the raft in opposition to a strong breeze, which blew from the other side. all the men suffered extremely from the coldness of the water, in which they were necessarily immersed up to the waists, in their endeavours to aid belanger and benoit; and having witnessed repeated failures, they began to consider the scheme as hopeless. at this time dr. richardson, prompted by a desire of relieving his suffering companions, proposed to swim across the stream with a line, and to haul the raft over. he launched into the stream with the line round his middle, but when he had got a short distance from the bank, his arms became benumbed with cold, and he lost the power of moving them; still he persevered, and, turning on his back, had nearly gained the opposite bank, when his legs also became powerless, and to our infinite alarm we beheld him sink. we instantly hauled upon the line and he came again on the surface, and was gradually drawn ashore in an almost lifeless state. being rolled up in blankets, he was placed before a good fire of willows, and fortunately was just able to speak sufficiently to give some slight directions respecting the manner of treating him. he recovered strength gradually, and through the blessing of god was enabled in the course of a few hours to converse, and by the evening was sufficiently recovered to remove into the tent. we then regretted to learn, that the skin of his whole left side was deprived of feeling, in consequence of exposure to too great heat. he did not perfectly recover the sensation of that side until the following summer. i cannot describe what every one felt at beholding the skeleton which the doctor's debilitated frame exhibited. when he stripped, the canadians simultaneously exclaimed, "ah! que nous sommes maigres!" i shall best explain his state and that of the party, by the following extract from his journal: "it may be worthy of remark that i should have had little hesitation in any former period of my life, at plunging into water even below ° fahrenheit; but at this time i was reduced almost to skin and bone, and, like the rest of the party, suffered from degrees of cold that would have been disregarded in health and vigour. during the whole of our march we experienced that no quantity of clothing could keep us warm whilst we fasted, but on those occasions on which we were enabled to go to bed with full stomachs, we passed the night in a warm and comfortable manner." in following the detail of our friend's narrow escape, i have omitted to mention, that when he was about to step into the water, he put his foot on a dagger, which cut him to the bone; but this misfortune could not stop him from attempting the execution of his generous undertaking. in the evening augustus came in. he had walked a day and a half beyond the place from whence we turned back, but had neither seen junius nor mr. back. of the former he had seen no traces, but he had followed the tracks of mr. back's party for a considerable distance, until the hardness of the ground rendered them imperceptible. junius was well equipped with ammunition, blankets, knives, a kettle, and other necessaries; and it was the opinion of augustus that when he found he could not rejoin the party, he would endeavour to gain the woods on the west end of point lake, and follow the river until he fell in with the esquimaux, who frequent its mouth. the indians too with whom we have since conversed upon this subject, are confident that he would be able to subsist himself during the winter. crédit, on his hunting excursion to-day, found a cap, which our people recognised to belong to one of the hunters who had left us in the spring. this circumstance produced the conviction of our being on the banks of the copper-mine river, which all the assertions of the officers had hitherto failed in effecting with some of the party; and it had the happy consequence of reviving their spirits considerably. we consumed the last of our deer's meat this evening at supper. next morning the men went out in search of dry willows, and collected eight large fagots, with which they formed a more buoyant raft than the former, but the wind being still adverse and strong, they delayed attempting to cross until a more favourable opportunity. pleased, however, with the appearance of this raft, they collected some _tripe de roche_, and made a cheerful supper. dr. richardson was gaining strength, but his leg was much swelled and very painful. an observation for latitude placed the encampment in ° ' " n., the longitude being ° ' " w., deduced from the last observation. on the morning of the st of october, the wind was strong, and the weather as unfavourable as before for crossing on the raft. we were rejoiced to see mr. back and his party in the afternoon. they had traced the lake about fifteen miles farther than we did, and found it undoubtedly connected, as we had supposed, with the lake we fell in with on the nd of september; and dreading, as we had done, the idea of coasting its barren shores, they returned to make an attempt at crossing here. st. germain now proposed to make a canoe of the fragments of painted canvass in which we wrapped our bedding. this scheme appearing practicable, a party was sent to our encampment of the th and th last, to collect pitch amongst{ } the small pines that grew there, to pay over the seams of the canoe. in the afternoon we had a heavy fall of snow, which continued all night. a small quantity of _tripe de roche_ was gathered; and crédit, who had been hunting, brought in the antlers and back bone of a deer which had been killed in the summer. the wolves and birds of prey had picked them clean, but there still remained a quantity of the spinal marrow which they had not been able to extract. this, although putrid, was esteemed a valuable prize, and the spine being divided into portions, was distributed equally. after eating the marrow, which was so acrid as to excoriate the lips, we rendered the bones friable by burning, and ate them also. on the following morning the ground was covered with snow to the depth of a foot and a half, and the weather was very stormy. these circumstances rendered the men again extremely despondent; a settled gloom hung over their countenances, and they refused to pick _tripe de roche_, choosing rather to go entirely without eating, than to make any exertion. the party which went for gum returned early in the morning without having found any; but st. germain said he could still make the canoe with the willows, covered with canvass, and removed with adam to a clump of willows for that purpose. mr. back accompanied them to stimulate his exertion, as we feared the lowness of his spirits would cause him to be slow in his operations. augustus went to fish at the rapid, but a large trout having carried away his bait, we had nothing to replace it. the snow-storm continued all the night, and during the forenoon of the d. having persuaded the people to gather some _tripe de roche_, i partook of a meal with them; and afterwards set out with the intention of going to st. germain to hasten his operations, but though he was only three quarters of a mile distant, i spent three hours in a vain attempt to reach him, my strength being unequal to the labour of wading through the deep snow; and i returned quite exhausted, and much shaken by the numerous falls i had got. my associates were all in the same debilitated state, and poor hood was reduced to a perfect shadow, from the severe bowel complaints which the _tripe de roche_ never failed to give him. back was so feeble as to require the support of a stick in walking; and dr. richardson had lameness superadded to weakness. the voyagers were somewhat stronger than ourselves, but more indisposed to exertion, on account of their despondency. the sensation of hunger was no longer felt by any of us, yet we were scarcely able to converse upon any other subject than the pleasures of eating. we were much indebted to hepburn at this crisis. the officers were unable from weakness to gather _tripe de roche_ themselves, and samandrè, who had acted as our cook on the journey from the coast, sharing in the despair of the rest of the canadians, refused to make the slightest exertion. hepburn, on the contrary, animated by a firm reliance on the beneficence of the supreme being, tempered with resignation to his will, was indefatigable in his exertions to serve us, and daily collected all the _tripe de roche_ that was used in the officers' mess. mr. hood could not partake of this miserable fare, and a partridge which had been reserved for him was, i lament to say, this day stolen by one of the men. _october _.--the canoe being finished, it was brought to the encampment, and the whole party being assembled in anxious expectation on the beach, st. germain embarked, and amidst our prayers for his success, succeeded in reaching the opposite shore. the canoe was then drawn back again, and another person transported, and in this manner by drawing it backwards and forwards, we were all conveyed over without any serious accident. by these frequent traverses the canoe was materially injured; and latterly it filled each time with water before reaching the shore, so that all our garments and bedding were wet, and there was not a sufficiency of willows upon the side on which we now were, to make a fire to dry them. that no time might be lost in procuring relief, i immediately despatched mr. back with st. germain, solomon belanger, and beauparlant, to search for the indians, directing him to go to fort enterprise, where we expected they would be, or where, at least, a note from mr. wentzel would be found to direct us in our search for them. if st. germain should kill any animals on his way, a portion of the meat was to be put up securely for us, and conspicuous marks placed over it. it is impossible to imagine a more gratifying change than was produced in our voyagers after we were all safely landed on the southern banks of the river. their spirits immediately revived, each of them shook the officers cordially by the hand, and declared they now considered the worst of their difficulties over, as they did not doubt of reaching fort enterprise in a few days, even in their feeble condition. we had, indeed, every reason to be grateful, and our joy would have been complete had it not been mingled with sincere regret at the separation of our poor esquimaux, the faithful junius. the want of _tripe de roche_ caused us to go supperless to bed. showers of snow fell frequently during the night. the breeze was light next morning, the weather cold and clear. we were all on foot by day-break, but from the frozen state of our tents and bed-clothes, it was long before the bundles could be made, and as usual, the men lingered over a small fire they had kindled, so that it was eight o'clock before we started. our advance, from the depth of the snow, was slow, and about noon, coming to a spot where there was some _tripe de roche_, we stopped to collect it, and breakfasted. mr. hood, who was now very feeble, and dr. richardson, who attached himself to him, walked together at a gentle pace in the rear of the party. i kept with the foremost men, to cause them to halt occasionally, until the stragglers came up. resuming our march after breakfast, we followed the track of mr. back's party, and encamped early, as all of us were much fatigued, particularly crédit, who having to-day carried the men's tent, it being his turn so to do, was so exhausted, that when he reached the encampment he was unable to stand. the _tripe de roche_ disagreed with this man and with vaillant, in consequence of which, they were the first whose strength totally failed. we had a small quantity of this weed in the evening, and the rest of our supper was made up of scraps of roasted leather. the distance walked to-day was six miles. as crédit was very weak in the morning, his load was reduced to little more than his personal luggage, consisting of his blanket, shoes, and gun. previous to setting out, the whole party ate the remains of their old shoes, and whatever scraps of leather they had, to strengthen their stomachs for the fatigue of the day's journey. we left the encampment at nine, and pursued our route over a range of black hills. the wind having increased to a strong gale in the course of the morning, became piercingly cold, and the drift rendered it difficult for those in the rear to follow the track over the heights; whilst in the valleys, where it was sufficiently marked, from the depth of the snow, the labour of walking was proportionably great. those in advance made, as usual, frequent halts, yet being unable from the severity of the weather to remain long still, they were obliged to move on before the rear could come up, and the party, of course, straggled very much. about noon samandrè coming up, informed us that crédit and vaillant could advance no further. some willows being discovered in a valley near us, i proposed to halt the party there, whilst dr. richardson went back to visit them. i hoped too, that when the sufferers received the information of a fire being kindled at so short a distance they would be cheered, and use their utmost efforts to reach it, but this proved a vain hope. the doctor found vaillant about a mile and a half in the rear, much exhausted with cold and fatigue. having encouraged him to advance to the fire, after repeated solicitations he made the attempt, but fell down amongst the deep snow at every step. leaving him in this situation, the doctor went about half a mile farther back, to the spot where crédit was said to have halted, and the track being nearly obliterated by the snow drift, it became unsafe for him to go further. returning he passed vaillant, who having moved only a few yards in his absence, had fallen down, was unable to rise, and could scarcely answer his questions. being unable to afford him any effectual assistance, he hastened on to inform us of his situation. when j. b. belanger had heard the melancholy account, he went immediately to aid vaillant, and bring up his burden. respecting crédit, we were informed by samandrè, that he had stopped a short distance behind vaillant, but that his intention was to return to the encampment of the preceding evening. when belanger came back with vaillant's load, he informed us that he had found him lying on his back, benumbed with cold, and incapable of being roused. the stoutest men of the party were now earnestly entreated to bring him to the fire, but they declared themselves unequal to the task; and, on the contrary, urged me to allow them to throw down their loads, and proceed to fort enterprise with the utmost speed. a compliance with their desire would have caused the loss of the whole party, for the men were totally ignorant of the course to be pursued, and none of the officers, who could have directed the march, were sufficiently strong to keep up at the pace they would then walk; besides, even supposing them to have found their way, the strongest men would certainly have deserted the weak. something, however, was absolutely necessary to be done, to relieve them as much as possible from their burdens, and the officers consulted on the subject. mr. hood and dr. richardson proposed to remain behind, with a single attendant, at the first place where sufficient wood and _tripe de roche_ should be found for ten days' consumption; and that i should proceed as expeditiously as possible with the men to the house, and thence send them immediate relief. they strongly urged that this arrangement would contribute to the safety of the rest of the party, by relieving them from the burden of a tent, and several other articles; and that they might afford aid to crédit, if he should unexpectedly come up. i was distressed beyond description at the thought of leaving them in such a dangerous situation, and for a long time combated their proposal; but they strenuously urged, that this step afforded the only chance of safety for the party, and i reluctantly acceded to it. the ammunition, of which we had a small barrel, was also to be left with them, and it was hoped that this deposit would be a strong inducement for the indians to venture across the barren grounds to their aid. we communicated this resolution to the men, who were cheered at the slightest prospect of alleviation to their present miseries, and promised with great appearance of earnestness to return to those officers, upon the first supply of food. the party then moved on; vaillant's blanket and other necessaries were left in the track, at the request of the canadians, without any hope, however, of his being able to reach them. after marching till dusk without seeing a favourable place for encamping, night compelled us to take shelter under the lee of a hill, amongst some willows, with which, after many attempts, we at length made a fire. it was not sufficient, however, to warm the whole party, much less to thaw our shoes; and the weather not permitting the gathering of _tripe de roche_, we had nothing to cook. the painful retrospection of the melancholy events of the day banished sleep, and we shuddered as we contemplated the dreadful effects of this bitterly cold night on our two companions, if still living. some faint hopes were entertained of crédit's surviving the storm, as he was provided with a good blanket, and had leather to eat. the weather was mild next morning. we left the encampment at nine, and a little before noon came to a pretty extensive thicket of small willows, near which there appeared a supply of _tripe de roche_ on the face of the rocks. at this place dr. richardson and mr. hood determined to remain, with john hepburn, who volunteered to stop with them. the tent was securely pitched, a few willows collected, and the ammunition and all other articles were deposited, except each man's clothing, one tent, a sufficiency of ammunition for the journey, and the officers' journals. i had only one blanket, which was carried for me, and two pair of shoes. the offer was now made for any of the men, who felt themselves too weak to proceed, to remain with the officers, but none of them accepted it. michel alone felt some inclination to do so. after we had united in thanksgiving and prayers to almighty god, i separated from my companions, deeply afflicted that a train of melancholy circumstances should have demanded of me the severe trial of parting, in such a condition, from friends who had become endeared to me by their constant kindness and co-operation, and a participation of numerous sufferings. this trial i could not have been induced to undergo, but for the reasons they had so strongly urged the day before, to which my own judgment assented, and for the sanguine hope i felt of either finding a supply of provision at fort enterprise, or meeting the indians in the immediate vicinity of that place, according to my arrangements with mr. wentzel and akaitcho. previously to our starting, peltier and benoit repeated their promises, to return to them with provision, if any should be found at the house, or to guide the indians to them, if any were met. greatly as mr. hood was exhausted, and indeed, incapable as he must have proved, of encountering the fatigue of our very next day's journey, so that i felt his resolution to be prudent, i was sensible that his determination to remain, was chiefly prompted by the disinterested and generous wish to remove impediments to the progress of the rest. dr. richardson and hepburn, who were both in a state of strength to keep pace with the men, besides this motive which they shared with him, were influenced in their resolution to remain, the former by the desire which had distinguished his character, throughout the expedition, of devoting himself to the succour of the weak, and the latter by the zealous attachment he had ever shown towards his officers. we set out without waiting to take any of the _tripe de roche_, and walking at a tolerable pace, in an hour arrived at a fine group of pines, about a mile and a quarter from the tent. we sincerely regretted not having seen these before we separated from our companions, as they would have been better supplied with fuel here, and there appeared to be more _tripe de roche_ than where we had left them. descending afterwards into a more level country, we found the snow very deep, and the labour of wading through it so fatigued the whole party, that we were compelled to encamp, after a march of four miles and a half. belanger and michel were left far behind, and when they arrived at the encampment appeared quite exhausted. the former, bursting into tears, declared his inability to proceed, and begged me to let him go back next morning to the tent, and shortly afterwards michel made the same request. i was in hopes they might recover a little strength by the night's rest, and therefore deferred giving any permission _until_ morning. the sudden failure in the strength of these men cast a gloom over the rest, which i tried in vain to remove, by repeated assurances that the distance to fort enterprise was short, and that we should, in all probability, reach it in four days. not being able to find any _tripe de roche_, we drank an infusion of the labrador tea plant, (_ledum palustre_), and ate a few morsels of burnt leather for supper. we were unable to raise the tent, and found its weight too great to carry it on; we, therefore, cut it up, and took a part of the canvass for a cover. the night was bitterly cold, and though we lay as close to each other as possible, having no shelter, we could not keep ourselves sufficiently warm to sleep. a strong gale came on after midnight, which increased the severity of the weather. in the morning belanger and michel renewed their request to be permitted to go back to the tent, assuring me they were still weaker than on the preceding evening, and less capable of going forward; and they urged, that the stopping at a place where there was a supply of _tripe de roche_ was their only chance of preserving life; under these circumstances, i could not do otherwise than yield to their desire. i wrote a note to dr. richardson and mr. hood, informing them of the pines we had passed, and recommending their removing thither. having found that michel was carrying a considerable quantity of ammunition, i desired him to divide it among my party, leaving him only ten balls and a little shot, to kill any animals he might meet on his way to the tent. this man was very particular in his inquiries respecting the direction of the house, and the course we meant to pursue; he also said, that if he should be able, he would go and search for vaillant, and crédit; and he requested my permission to take vaillant's blanket, if he should find it, to which i agreed, and mentioned it in my notes to the officers. scarcely were these arrangements finished, before perrault and fontano were seized with a fit of dizziness, and betrayed other symptoms of extreme debility. some tea was quickly prepared for them, and after drinking it, and eating a few morsels of burnt leather, they recovered, and expressed their desire to go forward; but the other men, alarmed at what they had just witnessed, became doubtful of their own strength, and, giving way to absolute dejection, declared their inability to move. i now earnestly pressed upon them the necessity of continuing our journey, as the only means of saving their own lives, as well as those of our friends at the tent; and, after much entreaty, got them to set out at ten a.m.: belanger and michel were left at the encampment, and proposed to start shortly afterwards. by the time we had gone about two hundred yards, perrault became again dizzy, and desired us to halt, which we did, until he, recovering, offered to march on. ten minutes more had hardly elapsed before he again desired us to stop, and, bursting into tears, declared he was totally exhausted, and unable to accompany us further. as the encampment was not more than a quarter of a mile distant, we recommended that he should return to it, and rejoin belanger and michel, whom we knew to be still there, from perceiving the smoke of a fresh fire; and because they had not made any preparation for starting when we quitted them. he readily acquiesced in the proposition, and having taken a friendly leave of each of us, and enjoined us to make all the haste we could in sending relief, he turned back, keeping his gun and ammunition. we watched him until he was nearly at the fire, and then proceeded. during these detentions, augustus becoming impatient of the delay had walked on, and we lost sight of him. the labour we experienced in wading through the deep snow induced us to cross a moderate sized lake, which lay in our track, but we found this operation far more harassing. as the surface of the ice was perfectly smooth, we slipt at almost every step, and were frequently blown down by the wind with such force as to shake our whole frames. poor fontano was completely exhausted by the labour of this traverse, and we made a halt until his strength was recruited, by which time the party was benumbed with cold. proceeding again, he got on tolerably well for a little time; but being again seized with faintness and dizziness, he fell often, and at length exclaimed that he could go no further. we immediately stopped, and endeavoured to encourage him to persevere, until we should find some willows to encamp; he insisted, however, that he could not march any longer through this deep snow; and said, that if he should even reach our encampment this evening, he must be left there, provided _tripe de roche_ could not be procured to recruit his strength. the poor man was overwhelmed with grief, and seemed desirous to remain at that spot. we were about two miles from the place where the other men had been left, and as the track to it was beaten, we proposed to him to return thither, as we thought it probable he would find the men still there; at any rate, he would be able to get fuel to keep him warm during the night; and, on the next day, he could follow their track to the officers' tent; and, should the path be covered by the snow, the pines we had passed yesterday would guide him, as they were yet in view. i cannot describe my anguish on the occasion of separating from another companion under circumstances so distressing. there was, however, no alternative. the extreme debility of the rest of the party put the carrying him quite out of the question, as he himself admitted; and it was evident that the frequent delays he must occasion if he accompanied us, and did not gain strength, would endanger the lives of the whole. by returning he had the prospect of getting to the tent where _tripe de roche_ could be obtained, which agreed with him better than with any other of the party, and which he was always very assiduous in gathering. after some hesitation he determined on going back, and set out, having bid each of us farewell in the tenderest manner. we watched him with inexpressible anxiety for some time, and were rejoiced to find, though he got on slowly, that he kept on his legs better than before. antonio fontano was an italian, and had served many years in de meuron's regiment. he had spoken to me that very morning, and after his first attack of dizziness, about his father; and had begged, that should he survive, i would take him with me to england, and put him in the way of reaching home. the party was now reduced to five persons, adam, peltier, benoit, samandrè, and myself. continuing the journey, we came, after an hour's walk, to some willows, and encamped under the shelter of a rock, having walked in the whole four miles and a half. we made an attempt to gather some _tripe de roche_, but could not, owing to the severity of the weather. our supper, therefore, consisted of tea and a few morsels of leather. augustus did not make his appearance, but we felt no alarm at his absence, supposing he would go to the tent if he missed our track. having fire, we procured a little sleep. next morning the breeze was light and the weather mild, which enabled us to collect some _tripe de roche_, and to enjoy the only meal we had had for four days. we derived great benefit from it, and walked with considerably more ease than yesterday. without the strength it supplied, we should certainly have been unable to oppose the strong breeze we met in the afternoon. after walking about five miles, we came upon the borders of marten lake, and were rejoiced to find it frozen, so that we could continue our course straight for fort enterprise. we encamped at the first rapid in winter river amidst willows and alders; but these were so frozen, and the snow fell so thick, that the men had great difficulty in making a fire. this proving insufficient to warm us, or even thaw our shoes, and having no food to prepare, we crept under our blankets. the arrival in a well-known part raised the spirits of the men to a high pitch, and we kept up a cheerful conversation until sleep overpowered us. the night was very stormy, and the morning scarcely less so; but, being desirous to reach the house this day, we commenced our journey very early. we were gratified by the sight of a large herd of rein-deer on the side of the hill near the track, but our only hunter, adam, was too feeble to pursue them. our shoes and garments were stiffened by the frost, and we walked in great pain until we arrived at some stunted pines, at which we halted, made a good fire, and procured the refreshment of tea. the weather becoming fine in the afternoon, we continued our journey, passed the dog-rib rock, and encamped among a clump of pines of considerable growth, about a mile further on. here we enjoyed the comfort of a large fire for the first time since our departure from the sea-coast; but this gratification was purchased at the expense of many severe falls in crossing a stony valley, to get to these trees. there was no _tripe de roche_, and we drank tea and ate some of our shoes for supper. next morning after taking the usual repast of tea, we proceeded to the house. musing on what we were likely to find there, our minds were agitated between hope and fear, and, contrary to the custom we had kept up, of supporting our spirits by conversation, we went silently forward. at length we reached fort enterprise, and to our infinite disappointment and grief found it a perfectly desolate habitation. there was no deposit of provision, no trace of the indians, no letter from mr. wentzel to point out where the indians might be found. it would be impossible to describe our sensations after entering this miserable abode, and discovering how we had been neglected: the whole party shed tears, not so much for our own fate, as for that of our friends in the rear, whose lives depended entirely on our sending immediate relief from this place. i found a note, however, from mr. back, stating that he had reached the house two days before and was going in search of the indians, at a part where st. germain deemed it probable they might be found. if he was unsuccessful, he purposed walking to fort providence, and sending succour from thence: but he doubted whether either he or his party could perform the journey to that place in their present debilitated state. it was evident that any supply that could be sent from fort providence would be long in reaching us, neither could it be sufficient to enable us to afford any assistance to our companions behind, and that the only relief for them must be procured from the indians. i resolved therefore, on going also in search of them: but my companions were absolutely incapable of proceeding, and i thought by halting two or three days they might gather a little strength, whilst the delay would afford us the chance of learning whether mr. back had seen the indians. we now looked round for the means of subsistence, and were gratified to find several deer-skins, which had been thrown away during our former residence. the bones were gathered from the heap of ashes; these with the skins, and the addition of _tripe de roche_, we considered would support us tolerably well for a time. as to the house, the parchment being torn from the windows, the apartment we selected for our abode was exposed to all the rigour of the season. we endeavoured to exclude the wind as much as possible, by placing loose boards against the apertures. the temperature was now between ° and ° below zero. we procured fuel by pulling up the flooring of the other rooms, and water for cooking, by melting the snow. whilst we were seated round the fire, singeing the deer-skin for supper, we were rejoiced by the unexpected entrance of augustus. he had followed quite a different course from ours, and the circumstance of his having found his way through a part of the country he had never been in before, must be considered a remarkable proof of sagacity. the unusual earliness of this winter became manifest to us from the state of things at this spot. last year at the same season, and still later there had been very little snow on the ground, and we were surrounded by vast herds of rein-deer; now there were but few recent tracks of these animals, and the snow was upwards of two feet deep. winter river was then open, now it was frozen two feet thick. when i arose the following morning, my body and limbs were so swollen that i was unable to walk more than a few yards. adam was in a still worse condition, being absolutely incapable of rising without assistance. my other companions happily experienced this inconvenience in a less degree, and went to collect bones, and some _tripe de roche_ which supplied us with two meals. the bones were quite acrid, and the soup extracted from them excoriated the mouth if taken alone, but it was somewhat milder when boiled with _tripe de roche_, and we even thought the mixture palatable, with the addition of salt, of which a cask had been fortunately left here in the spring. augustus to-day set two fishing lines below the rapid. on his way thither he saw two deer, but had not strength to follow them. on the th the wind blew violently from south-east, and the snow drifted so much that the party were confined to the house. in the afternoon of the following day belanger arrived with a note from mr. back, stating that he had seen no trace of the indians, and desiring further instructions as to the course he should pursue. belanger's situation, however, required our first care, as he came in almost speechless, and covered with ice, having fallen into a rapid, and, for the third time since we left the coast, narrowly escaped drowning. he did not recover sufficiently to answer our questions, until we had rubbed him for some time, changed his dress, and given him some warm soup. my companions nursed him with the greatest kindness, and the desire of restoring him to health, seemed to absorb all regard for their own situation. i witnessed with peculiar pleasure this conduct, so different from that which they had recently pursued, when every tender feeling was suspended by the desire of self-preservation. they now no longer betrayed impatience or despondency, but were composed and cheerful, and had entirely given up the practice of swearing, to which the canadian voyagers are so lamentably addicted. our conversation naturally turned upon the prospect of getting relief, and upon the means which were best adapted for obtaining it. the absence of all traces of indians on winter river, convinced me that they were at this time on the way to fort providence, and that by proceeding towards that post we should overtake them, as they move slowly when they have their families with them. this route also offered us the prospect of killing deer, in the vicinity of rein-deer{ } lake, in which neighbourhood, our men in their journey to and fro last winter, had always found them abundant. upon these grounds i determined on taking the route to fort providence as soon as possible, and wrote to mr. back, desiring him to join me at rein-deer lake, and detailing the occurrences since we parted, that our friends might receive relief, in case of any accident happening to me. belanger did not recover sufficient strength to leave us before the th. his answers as to the exact part of round-rock lake in which he had left mr. back, were very unsatisfactory; and we could only collect that it was at a considerable distance, and that he was still going on with the intention of halting at the place where akaitcho was encamped last summer, about thirty miles off. this distance appeared so great, that i told belanger it was very unsafe for him to attempt it alone, and that he would be several days in accomplishing it. he stated, however, that as the track was beaten, he should experience little fatigue, and seemed so confident, that i suffered him to depart with a supply of singed hide. next day i received information which explained why he was so unwilling to acquaint us with the situation of mr. back's party. he dreaded that i should resolve upon joining it, when our numbers would be so great as to consume at once every thing st. germain might kill, if by accident he should be successful in hunting. he even endeavoured to entice away our other hunter, adam, and proposed to him to carry off the only kettle we had, and without which we could not have subsisted two days. adam's inability to move, however, precluded him from agreeing to the proposal, but he could assign no reason for not acquainting me with it previous to belanger's departure. i was at first inclined to consider the whole matter as a fiction of adam's, but he persisted in his story without wavering; and belanger, when we met again, confessed that every part of it was true. it is painful to have to record a fact so derogatory to human nature, but i have deemed it proper to mention it, to shew the difficulties we had to contend with, and the effect which distress had in warping the feelings and understanding of the most diligent and obedient of our party; for such belanger had been always esteemed up to this time. in making arrangements for our departure, adam disclosed to me, for the first time, that he was affected with oedematous swellings in some parts of the body, to such a degree as to preclude the slightest attempt at marching; and upon my expressing my surprise at his having hitherto concealed from me the extent of his malady, among other explanations the details of the preceding story came out. it now became necessary to abandon the original intention of proceeding with the whole party towards fort providence, and peltier and samandrè having volunteered to remain with adam, i determined on setting out with benoit and augustus, intending to send them relief by the first party of indians we should meet. my clothes were so much torn, as to be quite inadequate to screen me from the wind, and peltier and samandrè fearing that i might suffer on the journey in consequence, kindly exchanged with me parts of their dress, desiring me to send them skins in return by the indians. having patched up three pair of snow shoes, and singed{ } a quantity of skin for the journey, we started on the morning of the th. previous to my departure, i packed up the journals of the officers, the charts, and some other documents, together with a letter addressed to the under-secretary of state, detailing the occurrences of the expedition up to this period, which package was given in charge to peltier and samandrè with directions that it should be brought away by the indians who might come to them. i also instructed them to send succour immediately on its arrival to our companions in the rear, which they solemnly promised to do, and i left a letter for my friends, richardson and hood, to be sent at the same time. i thought it necessary to admonish peltier, samandrè, and adam, to eat two meals every day, in order to keep up their strength, which they promised me they would do. no language that i can use could adequately describe the parting scene. i shall only say there was far more calmness and resignation to the divine will evinced by every one than could have been expected. we were all cheered by the hope that the indians would be found by the one party, and relief sent to the other. those who remained entreated us to make all the haste we could, and expressed their hope of seeing the indians in ten or twelve days. at first starting we were so feeble as scarcely to be able to move forwards, and the descent of the bank of the river through the deep snow was a severe labour. when we came upon the ice, where the snow was less deep, we got on better, but after walking six hours we had only gained four miles, and were then compelled by fatigue to encamp on the borders of round-rock lake. augustus tried for fish here, but without success, so that our fare was skin and tea. composing ourselves to rest, we lay close to each other for warmth. we found the night bitterly cold, and the wind pierced through our famished frames. the next morning was mild and pleasant for travelling, and we set out after breakfast. we had not, however, gone many yards before i had the misfortune to break my snow shoes by falling between two rocks. this accident prevented me from keeping pace with benoit and augustus, and in the attempt i became quite exhausted. feeling convinced that their being delayed on my account might prove of fatal consequence to the rest, i resolved on returning to the house, and letting them proceed alone in search of the indians. i therefore halted them only whilst i wrote a note to mr. back, stating the reason of my return, and desiring he would send meat from rein-deer lake by these men, if st. germain should kill any animals there. if benoit should miss mr. back, i directed him to proceed to fort providence, and furnished him with a letter to the gentleman in charge of it, requesting that immediate supplies might be sent to us. on my return to the house, i found samandrè very dispirited, and too weak, as he said, to render any assistance to peltier; upon whom the whole labour of getting wood and collecting the means of subsistence would have devolved. conscious, too, that his strength would have been unequal to these tasks, they had determined upon taking only one meal each day; so that i felt my going{ } back particularly fortunate, as i hoped to stimulate samandrè to exertion, and at any rate could contribute some help to peltier. i undertook the office of cooking, and insisted they should eat twice a day whenever food could be procured; but as i was too weak to pound the bones, peltier agreed to do that in addition to his more fatiguing task of getting wood. we had a violent snow storm all the next day, and this gloomy weather increased the depression of spirits under which adam and samandrè were labouring. neither of them would quit their beds, and they scarcely ceased from shedding tears all day; in vain did peltier and myself endeavour to cheer them. we had even to use much entreaty before they would take the meals we had prepared for them. our situation was indeed distressing, but in comparison with that of our friends in the rear, we thought it happy. their condition gave us unceasing solicitude, and was the principal subject of our conversation. though the weather was stormy on the th, samandrè assisted me to gather _tripe de roche_. adam, who was very ill, and could not now be prevailed upon to eat this weed, subsisted principally on bones, though he also partook of the soup. the _tripe de roche_ had hitherto afforded us our chief support, and we naturally felt great uneasiness at the prospect of being deprived of it, by its being so frozen as to render it impossible for us to gather it. we perceived our strength decline every day, and every exertion began to be irksome; when we were once seated the greatest effort was necessary in order to rise, and we had frequently to lift each other from our seats; but even in this pitiable condition we conversed cheerfully, being sanguine as to the speedy arrival of the indians. we calculated indeed that if they should be near the situation where they had remained last winter, our men would have reached them by this day. having expended all the wood which we could procure from our present dwelling, without danger of its fall, peltier began this day to pull down the partitions of the adjoining houses. though these were only distant about twenty yards, yet the increase of labour in carrying the wood fatigued him so much, that by the evening he was exhausted. on the next day his weakness was such, especially in the arms, of which he chiefly complained, that he with difficulty lifted the hatchet; still he persevered, while samandrè and i assisted him in bringing in the wood, but our united strength could only collect sufficient to replenish the fire four times in the course of the day. as the insides of our mouths had become sore from eating the bone-soup, we relinquished the use of it, and now boiled the skin, which mode of dressing we found more palatable than frying it, as we had hitherto done. on the th, peltier felt his pains more severe, and could only cut a few pieces of wood. samandrè, who was still almost as weak, relieved him a little time, and i aided them in carrying in the wood. we endeavoured to pick some _tripe de roche_, but in vain, as it was entirely frozen. in turning up the snow, in searching for bones, i found several pieces of bark, which proved a valuable acquisition, as we were almost destitute of dry wood proper for kindling the fire. we saw a herd of rein-deer sporting on the river, about half a mile from the house; they remained there a long time, but none of the party felt themselves strong enough to go after them, nor was there one of us who could have fired a gun without resting it. whilst we were seated round the fire this evening, discoursing about the anticipated relief, the conversation was suddenly interrupted by peltier's exclaiming with joy, "_ah! le monde!_" imagining that he heard the indians in the other room; immediately afterwards, to his bitter disappointment, dr. richardson and hepburn entered, each carrying his bundle. peltier, however, soon recovered himself enough to express his delight at their safe arrival, and his regret that their companions{ } were not with them. when i saw them alone my own mind was instantly filled with apprehensions respecting my friend hood, and our other companions, which were immediately confirmed by the doctor's melancholy communication, that mr. hood and michel were dead. perrault and fontano had neither reached the tent, nor been heard of by them. this intelligence produced a melancholy despondency in the minds of my party, and on that account the particulars were deferred until another opportunity. we were all shocked at beholding the emaciated countenances of the doctor and hepburn, as they strongly evidenced their extremely debilitated state. the alteration in our appearance was equally distressing to them, for since the swellings had subsided we were little more than skin and bone. the doctor particularly remarked the sepulchral tone of our voices, which he requested us to make more cheerful if possible, unconscious that his own partook of the same key. hepburn having shot a partridge, which was brought to the house, the doctor tore out the feathers, and having held it to the fire a few minutes divided it into six portions. i and my three companions ravenously devoured our shares, as it was the first morsel of flesh any of us had tasted for thirty-one days, unless, indeed the small gristly particles which we found occasionally adhering to the pounded bones may be termed flesh. our spirits were revived by this small supply, and the doctor endeavoured to raise them still higher by the prospect of hepburn's being able to kill a deer next day, as they had seen, and even fired at, several near the house. he endeavoured, too, to rouse us into some attention to the comfort of our apartment, and particularly to roll up, in the day, our blankets, which (expressly for the convenience of adam and samandrè,) we had been in the habit of leaving by the fire where we lay on them. the doctor having brought his prayer-book and testament, some prayers and psalms, and portions of scripture, appropriate to our situation, were read, and we retired to bed. next morning the doctor and hepburn went out early in search of deer; but though they saw several herds and fired some shots, they were not so fortunate as to kill any, being too weak to hold their guns steadily. the cold compelled the former to return soon, but hepburn persisted until late in the evening. my occupation was to search for skins under the snow, it being now our object immediately to get all that we would, but i had not strength to drag in more than two of those which were within twenty yards of the house until the doctor came and assisted me. we made up our stock to twenty-six, but several of them were putrid, and scarcely eatable, even by men suffering the extremity of famine. peltier and samandrè continued very weak and dispirited, and they were unable to cut fire-wood. hepburn had in consequence that laborious task to perform after he came back. the doctor having scarified the swelled parts of adam's body, a large quantity of water flowed out, and he obtained some ease, but still kept his bed. after our usual supper of singed skin and bone soup, dr. richardson acquainted me with the afflicting circumstances attending the death of mr. hood and michel, and detailed the occurrences subsequent to my departure from them, which i shall give from his journal, in his own words; but i must here be permitted to express the heart-felt sorrow with which i was overwhelmed at the loss of so many companions; especially of my friend mr. hood, to whose zealous and able co-operation i had been indebted for so much invaluable assistance during the expedition, whilst the excellent qualities of his heart engaged my warmest regard. his scientific observations, together with his maps and drawings (a small part of which only appear in this work), evince a variety of talent, which, had his life been spared, must have rendered him a distinguished ornament to his profession, and which will cause his death to be felt as a loss to the service. dr. richardson's narrative. after captain franklin had bidden us farewell we remained seated by the fire-side as long as the willows the men had cut for us before they departed, lasted. we had no _tripe de roche_ that day, but drank an infusion of the country tea-plant, which was grateful from its warmth, although it afforded no sustenance. we then retired to bed, where we remained all the next day, as the weather was stormy, and the snow-drift so heavy, as to destroy every prospect of success in our endeavours to light a fire with the green and frozen willows, which were our only fuel. through the extreme kindness and forethought of a lady, the party, previous to leaving london, had been furnished with a small collection of religious books, of which we still retained two or three of the most portable, and they proved of incalculable benefit to us. we read portions of them to each other as we lay in bed, in addition to the morning and evening service, and found that they inspired us on each perusal with so strong a sense of the omnipresence of a beneficent god, that our situation, even in these wilds, appeared no longer destitute; and we conversed, not only with calmness, but with cheerfulness, detailing with unrestrained confidence the past events of our lives, and dwelling with hope on our future prospects. had my poor friend been spared to revisit his native land, i should look back to this period with unalloyed delight. on the morning of the th, the weather, although still cold, was clear, and i went out in quest of _tripe de roche_, leaving hepburn to cut willows for a fire, and mr. hood in bed. i had no success, as yesterday's snow-drift was so frozen on the surface of the rocks that i could not collect any of the weed; but on my return to the tent, i found that michel, the iroquois, had come with a note from mr. franklin, which stated, that this man and jean baptiste belanger being unable to proceed, were about to return to us, and that a mile beyond our present encampment there was a clump of pine-trees, to which he recommended us to remove the tent. michel informed us that he quitted mr. franklin's party yesterday morning, but, that having missed his way, he had passed the night on the snow a mile or two to the northward of us. belanger, he said, being impatient, left the fire about two hours earlier, and, as he had not arrived, he supposed must have gone astray. it will be seen in the sequel, that we had more than sufficient reason to doubt the truth of this story. michel now produced a hare and a partridge which he had killed in the morning. this unexpected supply of provision was received by us with a deep sense of gratitude to the almighty for his goodness, and we looked upon michel as the instrument he had chosen to preserve all our lives. he complained of cold, and mr. hood offered to share his buffalo robe with him at night: i gave him one of two shirts which i wore, whilst hepburn in the warmth of his heart, exclaimed, "how i shall love this man if i find that he does not tell lies like the others." our meals being finished, we arranged that the greatest part of the things should be carried to the pines the next day; and, after reading the evening service retired to bed full of hope. early in the morning hepburn, michel, and myself, carried the ammunition, and most of the other heavy articles to the pines. michel was our guide, and it did not occur to us at the time that his conducting us perfectly straight was incompatible with his story of having mistaken his road in coming to us. he now informed us that he had, on his way to the tent, left on the hill above the pines a gun and forty-eight balls, which perrault had given to him when with the rest of mr. franklin's party, he took leave of him. it will be seen, on a reference to mr. franklin's journal, that perrault carried his gun and ammunition with him when they parted from michel and belanger. after we had made a fire, and drank a little of the country tea, hepburn and i returned to the tent, where we arrived in the evening, much exhausted with our journey. michel preferred sleeping where he was, and requested us to leave him the hatchet, which we did, after he had promised to come early in the morning to assist us in carrying the tent and bedding. mr. hood remained in bed all day. seeing nothing of belanger to-day, we gave him up for lost. on the th, after waiting until late in the morning for michel, who did not come, hepburn and i loaded ourselves with the bedding, and, accompanied by mr. hood, set out for the pines. mr. hood was much affected with dimness of sight, giddiness, and other symptoms of extreme debility, which caused us to move very slowly, and to make frequent halts. on arriving at the pines, we were much alarmed to find that michel was absent. we feared that he had lost his way in coming to us in the morning, although it was not easy to conjecture how that could have happened, as our footsteps of yesterday were very distinct. hepburn went back for the tent, and returned with it after dusk, completely worn out with the fatigue of the day. michel too arrived at the same time, and relieved our anxiety on his account. he reported that he had been in chase of some deer which passed near his sleeping-place in the morning, and although he did not come up with them, yet that he found a wolf which had been killed by the stroke of a deer's horn, and had brought a part of it. we implicitly believed this story then, but afterwards became convinced from circumstances, the detail of which may be spared, that it must have been a portion of the body of belanger or perrault. a question of moment here presents itself; namely, whether he actually murdered these men, or either of them, or whether he found the bodies in the snow. captain franklin, who is the best able to judge of this matter, from knowing their situation when he parted from them, suggested the former idea, and that both belanger and perrault had been sacrificed. when perrault turned back, captain franklin watched him until he reached a small group of willows, which was immediately adjoining to the fire, and concealed it from view, and at this time the smoke of fresh fuel was distinctly visible. captain franklin conjectures, that michel having already destroyed belanger, completed his crime by perrault's death, in order to screen himself from detection. although this opinion is founded only on circumstances, and is unsupported by direct evidence, it has been judged proper to mention it, especially as the subsequent conduct of the man shewed that he was capable of committing such a deed. the circumstances are very strong. it is not easy to assign any other adequate motive for his concealing from us that perrault had turned back; while his request overnight that we should leave him the hatchet, and his cumbering himself with it when he went out in the morning, unlike a hunter who makes use only of his knife when he kills a deer, seem to indicate that he took it for the purpose of cutting up something that he knew to be frozen. these opinions, however, are the result of subsequent consideration. we passed this night in the open air. on the following morning the tent was pitched; michel went out early, refused my offer to accompany him, and remained out the whole day. he would not sleep in the tent at night, but chose to lie at the fire-side. on the th there was a heavy gale of wind, and we passed the day by the fire. next day, about two p.m., the gale abating, michel set out as he said to hunt, but returned unexpectedly in a very short time. this conduct surprised us, and his contradictory and evasory answers to our questions excited some suspicions, but they did not turn towards the truth. _october th_.--in the course of this day michel expressed much regret that he had stayed behind mr. franklin's party, and declared that he would set out for the house at once if he knew the way. we endeavoured to sooth him, and to raise his hopes of the indians speedily coming to our relief, but without success. he refused to assist us in cutting wood, but about noon, after much solicitation, he set out to hunt. hepburn gathered a kettleful of _tripe de roche_, but froze his fingers. both hepburn and i fatigued ourselves much to-day in pursuing a flock of partridges from one part to another of the group of willows, in which the hut was situated, but we were too weak to be able to approach them with sufficient caution. in the evening michel returned, having met with no success. next day he refused either to hunt or cut wood, spoke in a very surly manner, and threatened to leave us. under these circumstances, mr. hood and i deemed it better to promise if he would hunt diligently for four days, that then we would give hepburn a letter for mr. franklin, a compass, inform him what course to pursue, and let them proceed together to the fort. the non-arrival of the indians to our relief, now led us to fear that some accident had happened to mr. franklin, and we placed no confidence in the exertions of the canadians that accompanied him, but we had the fullest confidence in hepburn's returning the moment he could obtain assistance. on the th i went to conduct michel to where vaillant's blanket was left, and after walking about three miles, pointed out the hills to him at a distance, and returned to the hut, having gathered a bagful of _tripe de roche_ on the way. it was easier to gather this weed on a march than at the tent, for the exercise of walking produced a glow of heat, which enabled us to withstand for a time the cold to which we were exposed in scraping the frozen surface of the rocks. on the contrary, when we left the fire, to collect it in the neighbourhood of the hut, we became chilled at once, and were obliged to return very quickly. michel proposed to remain out all night, and to hunt next day on his way back. he returned in the afternoon of the th, having found the blanket, together with a bag containing two pistols, and some other things which had been left beside it. we had some _tripe de roche_ in the evening, but mr. hood from the constant griping it produced, was unable to eat more than one or two spoonfuls. he was now so weak as to be scarcely able to sit up at the fire-side, and complained that the least breeze of wind seemed to blow through his frame. he also suffered much from cold during the night. we lay close to each other, but the heat of the body was no longer sufficient to thaw the frozen rime formed by our breaths on the blankets that covered him. at this period we avoided as much as possible conversing upon the hopelessness of our situation, and generally endeavoured to lead the conversation towards our future prospects in life. the fact is, that with the decay of our strength, our minds decayed, and we were no longer able to bear the contemplation of the horrors that surrounded us. each of us, if i may be allowed to judge from my own case, excused himself from so doing by a desire of not shocking the feelings of the others, for we were sensible of one another's weakness of intellect though blind to our own. yet we were calm and resigned to our fate, not a murmur escaped us, and we were punctual and fervent in our addresses to the supreme being. on the th michel refused to hunt, or even to assist in carrying a log of wood to the fire, which was too heavy for hepburn's strength and mine. mr. hood endeavoured to point out to him the necessity and duty of exertion, and the cruelty of his quitting us without leaving something for our support; but the discourse, far from producing any beneficial effect, seemed only to excite his anger, and amongst other expressions, he made use of the following remarkable one: "it is no use hunting,{ } there are no animals, you had better kill and eat me." at length, however, he went out, but returned very soon, with a report that he had seen three deer, which he was unable to follow from having wet his foot in a small stream of water thinly covered with ice, and being consequently obliged to come to the fire. the day was rather mild, and hepburn and i gathered a large kettleful of _tripe de roche_; michel slept in the tent this night. _sunday, october _.--in the morning we again urged michel to go a hunting that he might if possible leave us some provision, to-morrow being the day appointed for his quitting us; but he shewed great unwillingness to go out, and lingered about the fire, under the pretence of cleaning his gun. after we had read the morning service i went about noon to gather some _tripe de roche_, leaving mr. hood sitting before the tent at the fire-side arguing with michel; hepburn was employed cutting down a tree at a short distance from the tent, being desirous of accumulating a quantity of fire-wood{ } before he left us. a short time after i went out, i heard the report of a gun, and about ten minutes afterwards hepburn called to me in a voice of great alarm, to come directly. when i arrived i found poor hood lying lifeless at the fire-side, a ball having apparently entered his forehead. i was at first horror-struck with the idea, that in a fit of despondency he had hurried himself into the presence of his almighty judge, by an act of his own hand; but the conduct of michel soon gave rise to other thoughts, and excited suspicions which were confirmed, when upon examining the body, i discovered that the shot had entered the back part of the head, and passed out at the forehead, and that the muzzle of the gun had been applied so close as to set fire to the night-cap behind. the gun, which was of the longest kind supplied to the indians, could not have been placed in a position to inflict such a wound, except by a second person. upon inquiring of michel how it happened, he replied, that mr. hood had sent him into the tent for the short gun, and that during his absence the long gun had gone off, he did not know whether by accident or not. he held the short gun in his hand at the time he was speaking to me. hepburn afterwards informed me that previous to the report of the gun mr. hood and michel were speaking to each other in an elevated angry tone; that mr. hood being seated at the fire-side, was hid from him by intervening willows, but that on hearing the report he looked up and saw michel rising up from before the tent-door, or just behind where mr. hood was seated, and then going into the tent. thinking that the gun had been discharged for the purpose of cleaning it, he did not go to the fire at first; and when michel called to him that mr. hood was dead, a considerable time had elapsed. although i dared not openly to evince any suspicion that i thought michel guilty of the deed, yet he repeatedly protested that he was incapable of committing such an act, kept constantly on his guard, and carefully avoided leaving hepburn and me together. he was evidently afraid of permitting us to converse in private, and whenever hepburn spoke, he inquired if he accused him of the murder. it is to be remarked, that he understood english very imperfectly, yet sufficiently to render it unsafe for us to speak on the subject in his presence. we removed the body into a clump of willows behind the tent, and, returning to the fire, read the funeral service in addition to the evening prayers. the loss of a young officer, of such distinguished and varied talents and application, may be felt and duly appreciated by the eminent characters under whose command he had served; but the calmness with which he contemplated the probable termination of a life of uncommon promise; and the patience and fortitude with which he sustained, i may venture to say, unparalleled bodily sufferings, can only be known to the companions of his distresses. owing to the effect that the _tripe de roche_ invariably had, when he ventured to taste it, he undoubtedly suffered more than any of the survivors of the party. _bickersteth's scripture help_ was lying open beside the body, as if it had fallen from his hand, and it is probable, that he was reading it at the instant of his death. we passed the night in the tent together without rest, every one being on his guard. next day, having determined on going to the fort, we began to patch and prepare our clothes for the journey. we singed the hair off a part of the buffalo robe that belonged to mr. hood, and boiled and ate it. michel tried to persuade me to go to the woods on the copper-mine river, and hunt for deer instead of going to the fort. in the afternoon a flock of partridges coming near the tent, he killed several which he shared with us. thick snowy weather and a head wind prevented us from starting the following day, but on the morning of the d we set out, carrying with us the remainder of the singed robe. hepburn and michel had each a gun, and i carried a small pistol which hepburn had loaded for me. in the course of the march michel alarmed us much by his gestures and conduct, was constantly muttering to himself, expressed an unwillingness to go the fort, and tried to persuade me to go to the southward to the woods, where he said he could maintain himself all the winter by killing deer. in consequence of this behaviour, and the expression of his countenance, i requested him to leave us, and to go to the southward by himself. this proposal increased his ill-nature, he threw out some obscure hints of freeing himself from all restraint on the morrow{ }; and i overheard him muttering threats against hepburn, whom he openly accused of having told stories against him. he also, for the first time, assumed such a tone of superiority in addressing me, as evinced that he considered us to be completely in his power, and he gave vent to several expressions of hatred towards the white people, or as he termed us in the idiom of the voyagers, the french, some of whom, he said, had killed and eaten his uncle and two of his relations. in short, taking every circumstance of his conduct into consideration, i came to the conclusion that he would attempt to destroy us on the first opportunity that offered, and that he had hitherto abstained from doing so from his ignorance of his way to the fort, but that he would never suffer us to go thither in company with him. in the course of the day he had several times remarked that we were pursuing the same course that mr. franklin was doing when he left him, and that by keeping towards the setting sun he could find his way himself. hepburn and i were not in a condition to resist even an open attack, nor could we by any device escape from him. our united strength was far inferior to his, and, beside his gun, he was armed with two pistols, an indian bayonet and a knife. in the afternoon, coming to a rock on which there was some _tripe de roche_, he halted, and said he would gather it whilst we went on, and that he would soon overtake us. hepburn and i were now left together for the first time since mr. hood's death, and he acquainted me with several material circumstances which he had observed of michel's behaviour, and which confirmed me in the opinion that there was no safety for us except in his death, and he offered to be the instrument of it. i determined, however, as i was thoroughly convinced of the necessity of such a dreadful act, to take the whole responsibility upon myself; and immediately upon michel's coming up, i put an end to his life by shooting him through the head with a pistol. had my own life alone been threatened, i would not have purchased it by such a measure; but i considered myself as intrusted also with the protection of hepburn's, a man, who, by his humane attentions and devotedness, had so endeared himself to me, that i felt more anxiety for his safety than for my own. michel had gathered no _tripe de roche_, and it was evident to us that he had halted for the purpose of putting his gun in order, with the intention of attacking us, perhaps, whilst we were in the act of encamping. i have dwelt in the preceding part of the narrative upon many circumstances of michel's conduct, not for the purpose of aggravating his crime, but to put the reader in possession of the reasons that influenced me in depriving a fellow-creature of life. up to the period of his return to the tent, his conduct had been good and respectful to the officers, and in a conversation between captain franklin, mr. hood, and myself, at obstruction rapid, it had been proposed to give him a reward upon our arrival at a post. his principles, however, unsupported by a belief in the divine truths of christianity, were unable to withstand the pressure of severe distress. his countrymen, the iroquois, are generally christians, but he was totally uninstructed and ignorant of the duties inculcated by christianity; and from his long residence in the indian country, seems to have imbibed, or retained the rules of conduct which the southern indians prescribe to themselves. on the two following days we had mild but thick snowy weather, and as the view was too limited to enable us to preserve a straight course, we remained encamped amongst a few willows and dwarf pines, about five miles from the tent. we found a species of _cornicularia_, a kind of lichen, that was good to eat when moistened and toasted over the fire; and we had a good many pieces of singed buffalo hide remaining. on the th, the weather being clear and extremely cold, we resumed our march which was very painful from the depth of the snow, particularly on the margins of the small lakes that lay in our route. we frequently sunk under the load of our blankets, and were obliged to assist each other in getting up. after walking about three miles and a half, however, we were cheered by the sight of a large herd of rein-deer, and hepburn went in pursuit of them; but his hand being unsteady through weakness he missed. he was so exhausted by this fruitless attempt that we were obliged to encamp upon the spot, although it was a very unfavourable one. next day, we had fine and clear, but cold, weather. we set out early, and, in crossing a hill, found a considerable quantity of _tripe de roche_. about noon we fell upon little marten lake, having walked about two miles. the sight of a place that we knew, inspired us with fresh vigour, and there being comparatively little snow on the ice, we advanced at a pace to which we had lately been unaccustomed. in the afternoon we crossed a recent track of a wolverene, which, from a parallel mark in the snow, appeared to have been dragging something. hepburn traced it, and upon the borders of the lake found the spine of a deer, that it had dropped. it was clean picked, and at least one season old; but we extracted the spinal marrow from it, which, even in its frozen state, was so acrid as to excoriate the lips. we encamped within sight of the dog-rib rock, and from the coldness of the night and the want of fuel, rested very ill. on the th we rose at day-break, but from the want of the small fire, that we usually made in the mornings to warm our fingers, a very long time was spent in making up our bundles. this task fell to hepburn's share, as i suffered so much from the cold as to be unable to take my hands out of my mittens. we kept a straight course for the dog-rib rock, but, owing to the depth of the snow in the valleys we had to cross, did not reach it until late in the afternoon. we would have encamped, but did not like to pass a second night without fire; and though scarcely able to drag our limbs after us, we pushed on to a clump of pines, about a mile to the southward of the rock, and arrived at them in the dusk of the evening. during the last few hundred yards of our march, our track lay over some large stones, amongst which i fell down upwards of twenty times, and became at length so exhausted that i was unable to stand. if hepburn had not exerted himself far beyond his strength, and speedily made the encampment and kindled a fire, i must have perished on the spot. this night we had plenty of dry wood. on the th we had clear and fine weather. we set out at sunrise, and hurried on in our anxiety to reach the house, but our progress was much impeded by the great depth of the snow in the valleys. although every spot of ground over which we travelled to-day, had been repeatedly trodden by us, yet we got bewildered in a small lake. we took it for marten lake, which was three times its size, and fancied that we saw the rapids and the grounds about the fort, although they were still far distant. our disappointment when this illusion was dispelled, by our reaching the end of the lake, so operated on our feeble minds as to exhaust our strength, and we decided upon encamping; but upon ascending a small eminence to look for a clump of wood, we caught a glimpse of the big stone, a well-known rock upon the summit of a hill opposite to the fort, and determined upon proceeding. in the evening we saw several large herds of rein-deer, but hepburn, who used to be{ } considered a good marksman, was now unable to hold the gun straight, and although he got near them all his efforts proved fruitless. in passing through a small clump of pines we saw a flock of partridges, and he succeeded in killing one after firing several shots. we came in sight of the fort at dusk, and it is impossible to describe our sensations, when on attaining the eminence that overlooks it, we beheld the smoke issuing from one of the chimneys. from not having met with any footsteps in the snow, as we drew nigh our once cheerful residence, we had been agitated by many melancholy forebodings. upon entering the now desolate building, we had the satisfaction of embracing captain franklin, but no words can convey an idea of the filth and wretchedness that met our eyes on looking around. our own misery had stolen upon us by degrees, and we were accustomed to the contemplation of each others emaciated figures, but the ghastly countenances, dilated eye-balls, and sepulchral voices of captain franklin and those with him were more than we could at first bear. _conclusion of dr. richardson's narrative._ * * * * * the morning of the st was very cold, the wind being strong from the north. hepburn went again in quest of deer, and the doctor endeavoured to kill some partridges: both were unsuccessful. a large herd of deer passed close to the house, the doctor fired once at them, but was unable to pursue them. adam was easier this day, and left his bed. peltier and samandrè{ } were much weaker, and could not assist in the labours of the day. both complained of soreness in the throat, and samandrè suffered much from cramps in his fingers. the doctor and hepburn began this day to cut the wood, and also brought it to the house. being too weak to aid in these laborious tasks, i was employed in searching for bones, and cooking, and attending to our more weakly companions. in the evening peltier, complaining much of cold, requested of me a portion of a blanket to repair his shirt and drawers. the mending of these articles occupied him and samandrè until past one a.m., and their spirits were so much revived by the employment, that they conversed even cheerfully the whole time. adam sat up with them. the doctor, hepburn, and myself, went to bed. we were afterwards agreeably surprised to see peltier and samandrè carry three or four logs of wood across the room to replenish the fire, which induced us to hope they still possessed more strength than we had supposed. _november _.--this day was fine and mild. hepburn went hunting, but was as usual unsuccessful. as his strength was rapidly declining, we advised him to desist from the pursuit of deer; and only to go out for a short time, and endeavour to kill a few partridges for peltier and samandrè. the doctor obtained a little _tripe de roche_, but peltier could not eat any of it, and samandrè only a few spoonfuls, owing to the soreness of their throats. in the afternoon peltier was so much exhausted, that he sat up with difficulty, and looked piteously; at length he slided from his stool upon his bed, as we supposed to sleep, and in this composed state he remained upwards of two hours, without our apprehending any danger. we were then alarmed by hearing a rattling in his throat, and on the doctor's examining him, he was found to be speechless. he died in the course of the night. samandrè sat up the greater part of the day, and even assisted in pounding some bones; but on witnessing the melancholy state of peltier, he became very low, and began to complain of cold and stiffness of the joints. being unable to keep up a sufficient fire to warm him, we laid him down and covered him with several blankets. he did not, however, appear to get better, and i deeply lament to add he also died before daylight. we removed the bodies of the deceased into the opposite part of the house, but our united strength was inadequate to the task of interring them, or even carrying them down to the river. it may be worthy of remark that poor peltier, from the time of benoit's departure, had fixed on the first of november as the time when he should cease to expect any relief from the indians, and had repeatedly said that if they did not arrive by that day, he should not survive. peltier had endeared himself to each of us by his cheerfulness, his unceasing activity, and affectionate care and attentions, ever since our arrival at this place. he had nursed adam with the tenderest solicitude the whole time. poor samandrè was willing to have taken his share in the labours of the party, had he not been wholly incapacitated by his weakness and low spirits. the severe shock occasioned by the sudden dissolution of our two companions rendered us very melancholy. adam became low and despondent, a change which we lamented the more, as we had perceived he had been gaining strength and spirits for the two preceding days. i was particularly distressed by the thought that the labour of collecting wood must now devolve upon dr. richardson and hepburn, and that my debility would disable me from affording them any material assistance; indeed both of them most kindly urged me not to make the attempt. they were occupied the whole of the next day in tearing down the logs of which the store-house was built, but the mud plastered between them was so hard frozen that the labour of separation exceeded their strength, and they were completely exhausted by bringing in wood sufficient for less than twelve hours' consumption. i found it necessary in their absence, to remain constantly near adam, and to converse with him, in order to prevent his reflecting on our condition, and to keep up his spirits as far as possible. i also lay by his side at night. on the d the weather was very cold, though the atmosphere was cloudy. this morning hepburn was affected with swelling in his limbs, his strength as well as that of the doctor, was rapidly declining; they continued, however, to be full of hope. their utmost exertions could only supply wood, to renew the fire thrice, and on making it up the last time we went to bed. adam was in rather better spirits, but he could not bear to be left alone. our stock of bones was exhausted by a small quantity of soup we made this evening. the toil of separating the hair from the skins, which in fact were our chief support, had now become so wearisome as to prevent us from eating as much as we should otherwise have done. _november _.--calm and comparatively mild weather. the doctor and hepburn, exclusive of their usual occupation, gathered some _tripe de roche_. i went a few yards from the house in search of bones, and returned quite fatigued, having found but three. the doctor again made incisions in adam's leg, which discharged a considerable quantity of water, and gave him great relief. we read prayers and a portion of the new testament in the morning and evening, as had been our practice since dr. richardson's arrival; and i may remark that the performance of these duties always afforded us the greatest consolation, serving to re-animate our hope in the mercy of the omnipotent, who alone could save and deliver us. on the th the breezes were light, with dark cloudy weather, and some snow. the doctor and hepburn were getting much weaker, and the limbs of the latter were now greatly swelled. they came into the house frequently in the course of the day to rest themselves, and when once seated, were unable to rise without the help of one another, or of a stick. adam was for the most part in the same low state as yesterday, but sometimes he surprised us by getting up and walking with an appearance of increased strength. his looks were now wild and ghastly, and his conversation was often incoherent. the next day was fine, but very cold. the swellings in adam's limbs having subsided, he was free from pain, and arose this morning in much better spirits, and spoke of cleaning his gun ready for shooting partridges, or any animals that might appear near the house, but his tone entirely changed before the day was half over; he became again dejected, and could scarcely be prevailed upon to eat. the doctor and hepburn were almost exhausted. the cutting of one log of wood occupied the latter half an hour; and the other took as much time to drag it into the house, though the distance did not exceed thirty yards. i endeavoured to help the doctor, but my assistance was very trifling. yet it was evident that, in a day or two, if their strength should continue to decline at the same rate, i should be the strongest of the party. i may here remark that owing to our loss of flesh, the hardness of the floor, from which we{ } were only protected by a blanket, produced soreness over the body, and especially those parts on which the weight rested in lying, yet to turn ourselves for relief was a matter of toil and difficulty. however, during this period, and indeed all along after the acute pains of hunger, which lasted but three or four days, had subsided, we generally enjoyed the comfort of a few hours' sleep. the dreams which for the most part, but not always accompanied it, were usually (though not invariably,) of a pleasant character, being very often about the enjoyments of feasting. in the day-time we fell into the practice of conversing on common and light subjects, although we sometimes discussed with seriousness and earnestness topics connected with religion. we generally avoided speaking directly of our present sufferings, or even of the prospect of relief. i observed, that in proportion as our strength decayed, our minds exhibited symptoms of weakness, evinced by a kind of unreasonable pettishness with each other. each of us thought the other weaker in intellect than himself, and more in need of advice and assistance. so trifling a circumstance as a change of place, recommended by one as being warmer and more comfortable, and refused by the other from a dread of motion, frequently called forth fretful expressions which were no sooner uttered than atoned for, to be repeated perhaps in the course of a few minutes. the same thing often occurred when we endeavoured to assist each other in carrying wood to the fire; none of us were willing to receive assistance, although the task was disproportioned to our strength. on one of these occasions, hepburn was so convinced of this waywardness that he exclaimed, "dear me, if we are spared to return to england, i wonder if we shall recover our understandings." _november _.--adam had passed a restless night, being disquieted by gloomy apprehensions of approaching death, which we tried in vain to dispel. he was so low in the morning as to be scarcely able to speak. i remained in bed by his side to cheer him as much as possible. the doctor and hepburn went to cut wood. they had hardly begun their labour, when they were amazed at hearing the report of a musket. they could scarcely believe that there was really any one near, until they heard a shout, and immediately espied three indians close to the house. adam and i heard the latter noise, and i was fearful that a part of the house had fallen upon one of my companions, a disaster which had in fact been thought not unlikely. my alarm was only momentary, dr. richardson came in to communicate the joyful intelligence that relief had arrived. he and myself immediately addressed thanksgivings to the throne of mercy for this deliverance, but poor adam was in so low a state that he could scarcely comprehend the information. when the indians entered, he attempted to rise but sank down again. but for this seasonable interposition of providence, his existence must have terminated in a few hours, and that of the rest probably in not many days. the indians had left akaitcho's encampment on the th november, having been sent by mr. back with all possible expedition, after he had arrived at their tents. they brought but a small supply of provision that they might travel quickly. it consisted of dried deer's meat, some fat, and a few tongues. dr. richardson, hepburn, and i eagerly devoured the food, which they imprudently presented to us, in too great abundance, and in consequence we suffered dreadfully from indigestion, and had no rest the whole night. adam being unable to feed himself, was more judiciously treated by them, and suffered less; his spirits revived hourly. the circumstance of our eating more food than was proper in our present condition, was another striking proof of the debility of our minds. we were perfectly aware of the danger, and dr. richardson repeatedly cautioned us to be moderate; but he was himself unable to practise the caution he so judiciously recommended. boudel-kell, the youngest of the indians, after resting about an hour, returned to akaitcho with the intelligence of our situation, and he conveyed a note from me to mr. back, requesting another supply of meat as soon as possible. the two others, "crooked-foot and the rat," remained to take care of us, until we should be able to move forward. the note received by the indians from mr. back, communicated a tale of distress, with regard to himself and his party, as painful as that which we had suffered; as will be seen hereafter, by his own narrative. _november _.--the indians this morning requested us to remove to an encampment on the banks of the river, as they were unwilling to remain in the house where the bodies of our deceased companions were lying exposed to view. we agreed, but the day proved too stormy, and dr. richardson and hepburn having dragged the bodies to a short distance, and covered them with snow, the objections of the indians to remain in the house were dissipated, and they began to clear our room of the accumulation of dirt, and fragments of pounded bones. the improved state of our apartment, and the large and cheerful fires they kept up, produced in us a sensation of comfort to which we had long been strangers. in the evening they brought in a pile of dried wood, which was lying on the river-side, and towards which we had often cast a wishful eye, being unable to drag it up the bank. the indians set about every thing with an activity that amazed us. indeed, contrasted with our emaciated figures and extreme debility, their frames appeared to us gigantic, and their strength supernatural. these kind creatures next turned their attention to our personal appearance, and prevailed upon us to shave and wash ourselves. the beards of the doctor and hepburn had been untouched since they left the sea-coast, and were become of a hideous length, and peculiarly offensive to the indians. the doctor and i suffered extremely from distention, and therefore ate sparingly[ ]. hepburn was getting better, and adam recovered his strength with amazing rapidity. [ ] the first alvine discharges after we received food, were, as hearne remarks on a similar occasion, attended with excessive pain. previous to the arrival of the indians the urinary secretion was extremely abundant, and we were obliged to rise from bed in consequence upwards of ten times in a night. this was an extreme annoyance in our reduced state. it may, perhaps, be attributed to the quantity of the country tea that we drank. _november _.--this morning was pleasantly fine. crooked-foot caught four large trout in winter lake, which were very much prized, especially by the doctor and myself, who had taken a dislike to meat, in consequence of our sufferings from repletion, which rendered us almost incapable of moving. adam and hepburn in a good measure escaped this pain. though the night was stormy, and our apartment freely admitted the wind, we felt no inconvenience, the indians were so very careful in covering us up, and in keeping a good fire; and our plentiful cheer gave such power of resisting the cold, that we could scarcely believe otherwise than that the season had become milder. on the th, the weather was stormy, with constant snow. the indians became desponding at the non-arrival of the supply, and would neither go to hunt nor fish. they frequently expressed their fears of some misfortune having befallen boudel-kell; and, in the evening, went off suddenly, without apprizing us of their intention, having first given to each of us a handful of pounded meat, which they had reserved. their departure, at first, gave rise to a suspicion of their having deserted us, not meaning to return, especially as the explanations of adam, who appeared to be in their secret, were very unsatisfactory. at length, by interrogations, we got from him the information, that they designed to march night and day, until they should reach akaitcho's encampment, whence they would send us aid. as we had combated{ } their fears about boudel-kell, they, perhaps, apprehended that we should oppose their determination, and therefore concealed it. we were now left a second time without food, and with appetites recovered, and strongly excited{ } by recent indulgence. on the following day the doctor and hepburn resumed their former occupation of collecting wood, and i was able to assist a little in bringing it into the house. adam, whose expectation of the arrival of the indians had been raised by the fineness of the weather, became, towards night, very desponding, and refused to eat the singed skin. the night was stormy, and there was a heavy fall of snow. the next day he became still more dejected. about eleven, hepburn, who had gone out for the wood, came in with the intelligence that a party appeared upon the river. the room was instantly swept, and in compliance with the prejudices of the indians, every scrap of skin was carefully removed out of sight: for these simple people imagine, that burning deer-skin renders them unsuccessful in hunting. the party proved to be crooked-foot, thooee-yorre, and the fop, with the wives of the two latter dragging provisions. they were accompanied by benoit, one of our own men. we were rejoiced to learn, by a note from mr. back, dated november , that he and his companions had so recruited their strength that they were preparing to proceed to fort providence. adam recovered his spirits on the arrival of the indians and even walked about the room with an appearance of strength and activity that surprised us all. as it was of consequence to get amongst the rein-deer before our present supply should fail we made preparations for quitting fort enterprise the next day; and, accordingly, at an early hour, on the th, having united in thanksgiving and prayer, the whole party left the house after breakfast. our feelings on quitting the fort where we had formerly enjoyed much comfort if not happiness, and, latterly, experienced a degree of misery scarcely to be paralleled, may be more easily conceived than described. the indians treated us with the utmost tenderness, gave us their snow-shoes, and walked without themselves, keeping by our sides, that they might lift us when we fell. we descended winter river, and, about noon, crossed the head of round-rock lake, distant about three miles from the house, where we were obliged to halt, as dr. richardson was unable to proceed. the swellings in his limbs rendered him by much the weakest of the party. the indians prepared our encampment, cooked for us, and fed us as if we had been children; evincing humanity that would have done honour to the most civilized people. the night was mild, and fatigue made us sleep soundly. from this period to the th of november, we gradually improved, through their kindness and attention; and on that day arrived in safety at the abode of our chief and companion akaitcho. we were received by the party assembled in the leader's tent, with looks of compassion, and profound silence, which lasted about a quarter of an hour, and by which they meant to express their condolence for our sufferings. the conversation did not begin until we had tasted food. the chief, akaitcho, shewed us the most friendly hospitality, and all sorts of personal attention, even to cooking for us with his own hands, an office which he never performs for himself. annoethai-yazzeh and humpy, the chief's two brothers, and several of our hunters, with their families, were encamped here, together with a number of old men and women. in the course of the day we were visited by every person of the band, not merely from curiosity, but a desire to evince their tender sympathy in our late distress. we learned that mr. back, with st. germain and belanger, had gone to fort providence; and that, previous to his departure he had left a letter in a _cache_ of pounded meat, which we had missed two days ago. as we supposed that this letter might acquaint us with his intentions more fully than we could gather from the indians, through our imperfect knowledge of their language, augustus, the esquimaux, whom we found here in perfect health, and an indian lad, were despatched to bring it. we found several of the indian families in great affliction, for the loss of three of their relatives who had been drowned in the august preceding, by the upsetting of a canoe near fort enterprise. they bewailed the melancholy accident every morning and evening, by repeating the names of the persons in a loud singing tone, which was frequently interrupted by bursts of tears. one woman was so affected by the loss of her only son, that she seemed deprived of reason, and wandered about the tents the whole day, crying and singing out his name. on the st of december we removed with the indians to the southward. on the th we again set off after the indians about noon, and soon overtook them, as they had halted, to drag from the water, and cut up and share a moose-deer, that had been drowned in a rapid part of the river, partially covered with ice. these operations detained us a long time, which was the more disagreeable, as the weather was extremely unpleasant from cold low fogs. we were all much fatigued at the hour of encampment, which was after dark, though the day's journey did not exceed four miles. at every halt the elderly men of the tribe made holes in the ice and put in their lines. one of them shared the produce of his fishery with us this evening. in the afternoon of the th, belanger, and another canadian, arrived from fort providence, sent by mr. weeks with two trains of dogs, some spirits and tobacco for the indians, a change of dress for ourselves, and a little tea and sugar. they also brought letters for us from england, and from mr. back, and mr. wentzel. by the former we received the gratifying intelligence of the successful termination of captain parry's voyage; and were informed of the promotion of myself and mr. back, and of poor hood, our grief for whose loss was renewed by this intelligence. the letter from mr. back stated, that the rival companies in the fur trade had united; but that, owing to some cause which had not been explained to him, the goods intended as rewards to akaitcho and his band, which we had demanded in the spring from the north-west company, were not sent. there were, however some stores lying for us at moose-deer island, which had been ordered for the equipment of our voyagers; and mr. back had gone across to that establishment, to make a selection of the articles we could spare for a temporary present to the indians. the disappointment at the non-arrival of the goods was seriously felt by us, as we had looked forward with pleasure to the time when we should be enabled to recompense our kind indian friends, for their tender sympathy in our distresses, and the assistance they had so cheerfully and promptly rendered. i now regretted to find, that mr. wentzel and his party, in their return from the sea, had suffered severely on their march along the copper-mine river, having on one occasion, as he mentioned, had no food but _tripe de roche_ for eleven days. all the indians flocked to our encampment to learn the news, and to receive the articles brought for them. having got some spirits and tobacco, they withdrew to the tent of the chief, and passed the greater part of the night in singing. we had now the indescribable gratification of changing our linen, which had been worn ever since our departure from the sea-coast. _december _.--after a long conference with akaitcho, we took leave of him and his kind companions, and set out with two sledges heavily laden with provision and bedding, drawn by the dogs, and conducted by belanger and the canadian sent by mr. weeks. hepburn and augustus jointly dragged a smaller sledge, laden principally with their own bedding. adam and benoit were left to follow with the indians. we encamped on the grassy-lake portage, having walked about nine miles, principally on the yellow knife river. it was open at the rapids, and in these places we had to ascend its banks, and walk through the woods for some distance, which was very fatiguing, especially to dr. richardson, whose feet were severely galled in consequence of some defect in his snow-shoes. on the th, however, we arrived at the fort, which was still under the charge of mr. weeks. he welcomed us in the most kind manner, immediately gave us changes of dress, and did every thing in his power to make us comfortable. our sensations on being once more in a comfortable dwelling, after the series of hardships and miseries we had experienced, may be imagined. our first act was again to return our grateful praises to the almighty for the manifold instances of his mercy towards us. having found here some articles which mr. back had sent across from moose-deer island, i determined on awaiting the arrival of akaitcho and his party, in order to present these to them, and to assure them of the promised reward, as soon as it could possibly be procured. in the afternoon of the th, akaitcho, with his whole band came to the fort. he smoked his customary pipe, and made an address to mr. weeks in the hall previous to his coming into the room in which dr. richardson and i were. we discovered at the commencement of his speech to us, that he had been informed that our expected supplies had not come. he spoke of this circumstance as a disappointment, indeed, sufficiently severe to himself, to whom his band looked up for the protection of their interests, but without attaching any blame to us. "the world goes badly," he said, "all are poor; you are poor, the traders appear to be poor, i and my party, are poor likewise; and since the goods have not come in, we cannot have them. i do not regret having supplied you with provisions, for a copper indian can never permit white men to suffer from want of food on his lands, without flying to their aid. i trust, however, that we shall, as you say, receive what is due next autumn; and at all events," he added, in a tone of good-humour, "it is the first time that the white people have been indebted to the copper indians." we assured him the supplies should certainly be sent to him by the autumn, if not before. he then cheerfully received the small present we made to himself; and, although, we could give a few things only to those who had been most active in our service, the others, who, perhaps, thought themselves equally deserving, did not murmur at being left out in the distribution. akaitcho afterwards expressed a strong desire, that we should represent the character of his nation in a favourable light to our countrymen. "i know," he said, "you write down every occurrence in your books; but probably you have only noticed the bad things we have said and done, and have omitted the good." in the course of the desultory conversation which ensued, he said, that he had been always told by us, to consider the traders in the same light as ourselves; and that, for his part, he looked upon both as equally respectable. this assurance, made in the presence of mr. weeks, was particularly gratifying to us, as it completely disproved the defence that had been set up, respecting the injurious reports circulated against us amongst the indians in the spring; namely, that they were in retaliation for our endeavours to lower the traders in the eyes of the indians. i take this opportunity of stating my opinion, that mr. weeks, in spreading these reports, was actuated by a mistaken idea that he was serving the interest of his employers. on the present occasion, we felt indebted to him for the sympathy he displayed for our distresses, and the kindness with which he administered to our personal wants. after this conference, such indians as were indebted to the company were paid for the provision they had given us, by deducting a corresponding sum from their debts; in the same way we gave a reward of sixteen skins of beaver to each of the persons who had come to our relief at fort enterprise. as the debts of akaitcho and his hunters had been effaced at the time of his engagement with us, we placed a sum equal to the amount of provision they had recently supplied, to their credit on the company's books. these things being, through the moderation of the indians, adjusted with an unexpected facility, we gave them a keg of mixed liquors, (five parts water,) and distributed among them several fathoms of tobacco, and they retired to their tents to spend the night in merriment. adam, our interpreter, being desirous of uniting himself with the copper indians, applied to me for his discharge, which i granted, and gave him a bill on the hudson's bay company for the amount of his wages. these arrangements being completed, we prepared to cross the lake. mr. weeks provided dr. richardson and i with a cariole each, and we set out at eleven a.m., on the th, for moose-deer island. our party consisted of belanger, who had charge of a sledge laden with the bedding, and drawn by two dogs, our two cariole men, benoit, and augustus. previous to our departure, we had another conference with akaitcho, who, as well as the rest of his party, bade us farewell, with a warmth of manner rare among the indians. the badness of belanger's dogs, and the roughness of the ice, impeded our progress very much, and obliged us to encamp early. we had a good fire made of the drift wood, which lines the shores of this lake in great quantities. the next day was very cold. we began the journey at nine a.m., and encamped at the big cape, having made another short march, in consequence of the roughness of the ice. on the th, we encamped on the most southerly of the rein-deer islands. this night was very stormy, but the wind abating in the morning, we proceeded, and by sunset reached the fishing-huts of the company at stony point. here we found mr. andrews, a clerk of the hudson's bay company, who regaled us with a supper of excellent white fish, for which this part of slave lake is particularly celebrated. two men with sledges arrived soon afterwards, sent by mr. mcvicar, who expected us about this time. we set off in the morning before day break, with several companions, and arrived at moose-deer island about one p.m. here we were received with the utmost hospitality by mr. mcvicar, the chief trader of the hudson's bay company in this district, as well as by his assistant mr. mcauley. we had also the happiness of joining our friend, mr. back; our feelings on this occasion can be well imagined, and we were deeply impressed with gratitude to him for his exertions in sending the supply of food to fort enterprise, to which, under divine providence, we felt the preservation of our lives to be owing. he gave us an affecting detail of the proceedings of his party since our separation; the substance of which i shall convey to the reader, by the following extracts from his journal. mr. back's narrative. . october . captain franklin having directed me to proceed with st. germain, belanger, and beauparlant, to fort enterprise, in the hope of obtaining relief for the party, i took leave of my companions, and set out on my journey, through a very swampy country, which with the cloudy state of the weather and a keen north-east wind, accompanied by frequent snow showers, retarded us so much, that we scarcely got more than four miles before we halted for the night, and made a meal of _tripe de roche_ and some old leather. on the th we set out early, amidst extremely deep snow, sinking frequently in it up to the thighs, a labour in our enfeebled and almost worn out state, that nothing but the cheering hopes of reaching the house and affording relief to our friends, could have enabled us to support. as we advanced we found to our mortification, that the _tripe de roche_, hitherto our sole dependence, began to be scarce, so that we could only collect sufficient to make half a kettleful, which, with the addition of a partridge each, that st. germain had killed, yielded a tolerable meal; during this day i felt very weak and sore in the joints, particularly between the shoulders. at eight we encamped among a small clump of willows. on the th we set out at an early hour, pursuing our route over a range of hills at the foot of one of which we saw several large pines, and a great quantity of willows; a sight that encouraged us to quicken our pace, as we were now certain we could not be far from the woods. indeed we were making considerable progress, when belanger unfortunately broke through the ice, and sank up to the hips. the weather being cold, he was in danger of freezing, but some brushwood on the borders of the lake enabled us to make a fire to dry him. at the same time we took the opportunity of refreshing ourselves with a kettle of swamp tea. my increasing debility had for some time obliged me to use a stick for the purpose of extending my arms; the pain in my shoulders being so acute, that i could not bear them to remain in the usual position for two minutes together. we halted at five among some small brushwood, and made a sorry meal of an old pair of leather trowsers, and some swamp tea. the night was cold with a hard frost, and though two persons slept together, yet we could not by any means keep ourselves warm, but remained trembling the whole time. the following morning we crossed several lakes, occasionally seeing the recent tracks of deer, and at noon we fell upon marten lake; it happened to be at the exact spot where we had been the last year with the canoes, yet though i immediately recognised the place, the men would not believe it to be the same; at length, by pointing out several marks, and relating circumstances connected with them, they recovered their memory, and a simultaneous expression of "mon dieu, nous sommes sauvés{ }," broke from the whole. contrary to our expectations the lake was frozen sufficiently to bear us, so that we were excused from making the tours of the different bays. this circumstance seemed to impart fresh vigour to us, and we walked as fast as the extreme smoothness of the ice would permit, intending to reach the slave rock that night; but an unforeseen and almost fatal accident prevented the prosecution of our plan: belanger (who seemed the victim of misfortune) again broke through the ice, in a deep part near the head of the rapid, but was timely saved by our fastening our worsted belts together, and pulling him out. by urging him forwards as quick as his icy garments would admit, to prevent his freezing, we reached a few pines, and kindled a fire; but it was late before he even felt warm, though he was so near the flame as to burn his hair twice; and to add to our distress, (since we could not pursue them,) three wolves crossed the lake close to us. the night of the th was extremely stormy, and about ten the following morning, on attempting to go on, we found it totally impossible, being too feeble to oppose the wind and drift, which frequently blew us over, and on attempting to cross a small lake that lay in our way, drove us faster backwards, than with every effort, we could get forwards; we therefore encamped under the shelter of a small clump of pines, secure from the south-west storm that was raging around us. in the evening, there being no _tripe de roche_, we were compelled to satisfy, or rather allay the cravings of hunger, by eating a gun cover and a pair of old shoes; at this time i had scarcely strength to get on my legs. the wind did not in the least abate during the night, but in the morning of the th it changed to north-east and became moderate. we took advantage of this circumstance, and rising with great difficulty, set out; though had it not been for the hope of reaching the house, i am certain, from the excessive faintness which almost overpowered me, that i must have remained where i was. we passed the slave rock, and making frequent halts, arrived within a short distance of fort enterprise; but as we perceived neither any marks of indians, nor even of animals, the men began absolutely to despair: on a nearer approach, however, the tracks of large herds of deer, which had only passed a few hours, tended a little to revive their spirits, and shortly after we crossed the ruinous threshold of the long-sought spot; but what was our surprise, what our sensations, at beholding every thing in the most desolate and neglected state; the doors and windows of that room in which we expected to find provision, had been thrown down and the wild animals of the woods had resorted there as to a place of shelter and retreat. mr. wentzel had taken away the trunks and papers, but had left no note to guide us to the indians. this was to us the most grievous disappointment: without the assistance of the indians, bereft of every resource, we felt ourselves reduced to the most miserable state, which was rendered still worse, from the recollection that our friends in the rear were as miserable as{ } ourselves. for the moment, however, hunger prevailed, and each began to gnaw the scraps of putrid and frozen meat that were lying about, without waiting to prepare them. a fire, however, was made, and the neck and bones of a deer, found in the house, were boiled and devoured. i determined to remain a day here to repose; then to go in search of the indians, and in the event of missing them, to proceed to the first trading establishment, which was distant about one hundred and thirty miles, and from thence to send succour to my companions. this indeed i should have done immediately, as the most certain manner of executing my purpose, had there been any probability of the river and lakes being frozen to the southward, or had we possessed sufficient strength to have clambered over the rocks and mountains which impeded the direct way; but as we were aware of our inability to do so, i listened to st. germain's proposal, which was, to follow the deer into the woods, (so long as they did not lead us out of our route to the indians,) and if possible to collect sufficient food to carry us to fort providence. we now set about making mittens and snow shoes, whilst belanger searched under the snow, and collected a mass of old bones, which when burned and used with a little salt we found palatable enough, and made a tolerable meal.{ } at night st. germain returned, having seen plenty of tracks, but no animals; the day was cloudy, with fresh breezes, and the river was frozen at the borders. on the th we prepared for our journey, having first collected a few old skins of deer, to serve us as food; and written a note to be left for our commander, to apprize him of our intentions. we pursued the course of the river to the lower lake, when st. germain fell in, which obliged us to encamp directly to prevent his being frozen; indeed we were all glad to rest, for in our meagre and reduced state it was impossible to resist the weather, which at any other time would have been thought fine; my toes were frozen, and although wrapped up in a blanket i could not keep my hands warm. the th was excessively cold with fresh breezes. our meal at night consisted of scraps of old deer skins and swamp tea, and the men complained greatly of their increasing debility. the following morning i sent st. germain to hunt, intending to go some distance down the lake, but the weather becoming exceedingly thick with snow storms, we were prevented from moving. he returned without success, not having seen any animals. we had nothing to eat. in the morning of the th the part of the lake before us was quite frozen. there was so much uncertainty in st. germain's answers as to the chance of any indians being in the direction we were then going, (although he had previously said that the leader had told him he should be there) and he gave me so much dissatisfaction in his hunting excursions, that i was induced to send a note to the commander, whom i supposed to be by this time at fort enterprise, to inform him of our situation; not that i imagined for a moment he could amend it, but that by all returning to the fort we might, perhaps, have better success in hunting; with this view i despatched belanger, much against his inclination, and told him to return as quickly as possible to a place about four miles further on, where we intended to fish, and to await his arrival. the men were so weak this day, that i could get neither of them to move from the encampment; and it was only necessity that compelled them to cut wood for fuel, in performing which operation beauparlant's face became so dreadfully swelled that he could scarcely see; i myself lost my temper on the most trivial circumstances, and was become very peevish; the day was fine but cold, with a freezing north-east wind. we had nothing to eat. _october _.--the night was calm and clear, but it was not before two in the afternoon that we set out; and the one was so weak, and the other so full of complaints, that we did not get more than three-quarters of a mile from our last encampment, before we were obliged to put up; but in this distance we were fortunate enough to kill a partridge, the bones of which were eaten, and the remainder reserved for baits to fish with. we, however, collected sufficient _tripe de roche_ to make a meal: and i anxiously awaited belanger's return, to know what course to take. i was now so much reduced, that my shoulders were as if they would fall from my body, my legs seemed unable to support me, and in the disposition in which i then found myself, had it not been for the remembrance of my friends behind, who relied on me for relief, as well as the persons of whom i had charge, i certainly should have preferred remaining where i was, to the miserable pain of attempting to move. _october _.--we waited until two in the afternoon for belanger; but not seeing any thing of him on the lake, we set out, purposing to encamp at the narrows, the place which was said to be so good for fishing, and where, according to st. germain's account, the indians never failed to catch plenty; its distance at most could not be more than two miles. we had not proceeded far before beauparlant began to complain of increasing weakness; but this was so usual with us that no particular notice was taken of it, for in fact there was little difference, all being alike feeble: among other things, he said whilst we were resting, that he should never get beyond the next encampment, for his strength had quite failed him. i endeavoured to encourage him by explaining the mercy of the supreme being, who ever beholds with an eye of pity those that seek his aid. this passed as common discourse, when he inquired where we were to put up; st. germain pointed to a small clump of pines near us, the only place indeed that offered for fuel. "well," replied the poor man, "take your axe mr. back, and i will follow at my leisure, i shall join you by the time the encampment is made." this is a usual practice of the country, and st. germain and myself went on towards the spot; it was five o'clock and not very cold, but rather milder than we had experienced it for some time, when on leaving the ice, we saw a number of crows perched on the top of some high pines near us. st. germain immediately said there must be some dead animal thereabouts, and proceeded to search, when we saw several heads of deer half buried in the snow and ice, without eyes or tongues: the previous severity of the weather having obliged the wolves and other animals to abandon them. an expression of "oh merciful god! we are saved," broke from us both; and with feelings more easily imagined than described, we shook hands, not knowing what to say for joy. it was twilight, and a fog was rapidly darkening the surface of the lake, when st. germain commenced making the encampment; the task was too laborious for me to render him any assistance, and had we not thus providentially found provision, i feel convinced that the next twenty-four hours would have terminated my existence. but this good fortune in some measure renovated me for the moment, and putting out my whole strength i contrived to collect a few heads, and with incredible difficulty carried them singly about thirty paces to the fire. darkness stole on us apace, and i became extremely anxious about beauparlant; several guns were fired, to each of which he answered. we then called out, and again heard his responses though faintly, when i told st. germain to go and look for him, as i had not strength myself, being quite exhausted. he said, that he had already placed a pine branch on the ice, and he could then scarcely find his way back, but if he went now he should certainly be lost. in this situation i could only hope that as beauparlant had my blanket, and every thing requisite to light a fire, he might have encamped at a little distance from us. _october _.--the night was cold and clear, but we could not sleep at all, from the pains of having eaten. we suffered the most excruciating torments, though i in particular did not eat a quarter of what would have satisfied me; it might have been from using a quantity of raw or frozen sinews of the legs of deer, which neither of us could avoid doing, so great was our hunger. in the morning, being much agitated for the safety of beauparlant, i desired st. germain to go in search of him, and to return with him as quick as possible, when i would have something prepared for them to eat. it was, however, late when he arrived, with a small bundle which beauparlant was accustomed to carry, and with tears in his eyes, told me that he had found our poor companion dead. dead! i could not believe him. "it is so, sir," said st. germain; "after hallooing and calling his name to no purpose, i went towards our last encampment, about three quarters of a mile, and found him stretched upon his back on a sand bank frozen to death, his limbs all extended and swelled enormously, and as hard as the ice that was near him; his bundle was behind him, as if it had rolled away when he fell, and the blanket which he wore around his neck and shoulders thrown on one side. seeing that there was no longer life in him, i threw your covering over him, and placed his snow-shoes on the top of it." i had not even thought of so serious an occurrence in our little party, and for a short time was obliged to give vent to my grief. left with one person and both of us weak, no appearance of belanger, a likelihood that great calamity had taken place amongst our other companions, still upwards of seventeen days' march from the nearest establishment, and myself unable to carry a burden; all these things pressed heavy on me; and how to get to the indians or to the fort i did not know; but that i might not depress st. germain's spirits, i suppressed the feelings to which these thoughts gave rise, and made some arrangements for the journey to fort providence. _october _.--while we were this day occupied in scraping together the remains of some deer's meat, we observed belanger coming round a point apparently scarcely moving. i went to meet him, and made immediate inquiries about my friends. five, with the captain, he said, were at the house, the rest were left near the river, unable to proceed; but he was too weak to relate the whole. he was conducted to the encampment, and paid every attention to, and by degrees we heard the remainder of his tragic tale, at which the interpreter could not avoid crying. he then gave me a letter from my friend the commander, which indeed was truly afflicting. the simple story of belanger i could hear, but when i read it in another language, mingled with the pious resignation of a good man, i could not sustain it any longer. the poor man was much affected at the death of our lamented companion, but his appetite prevailed over every other feeling; and, had i permitted it, he would have done himself an injury; for after two hours' eating, principally skin and sinews, he complained of hunger. the day was cloudy, with snow and fresh breezes from the north-east by east. the last evening, as well as this morning, the th, i mentioned my wishes to the men, that we should proceed towards rein-deer lake, but this proposal met with a direct refusal. belanger stated his inability to move, and st. germain used similar language; adding, for the first time, that he did not know the route, and that it was of no use to go in the direction i mentioned, which was the one agreed upon between the commander and myself. i then insisted that we should go by the known route, and join the commander, but they would not hear of it; they would remain where they were until they had regained their strength; they said{ } i wanted to expose them again to death (_faire perir_). in vain did i use every argument to the contrary, for they were equally heedless to all. thus situated i was compelled to remain; and from this time to the th we employed ourselves in looking about for the remnants of the deer and pieces of skin, which even the wolves had left; and by pounding the bones, we were enabled to make a sort of soup, which strengthened us greatly, though each still complained of weakness. it was not without the greatest difficulty that i could restrain the men from eating every scrap they found, though they were well aware of the necessity there was of being economical in our present situation, and to save whatever they could for our journey; yet they could not resist the temptation, and whenever my back was turned they seldom failed to snatch at the nearest piece to them, whether cooked or raw. we had set fishing-lines, but without any success; and we often saw large herds of deer crossing the lake at full speed, and wolves pursuing them. the night of the th was cold with hard frost. early the next morning i sent the men to cover the body of our departed companion beauparlant with the trunks and branches of trees, which they did; and shortly after their return i opened his bundle, and found it contained two papers of vermilion, several strings of beads, some fire-steels, flints, awls, fish-hooks, rings, linen, and the glass of an artificial horizon. my two men began to recover a little as well as myself, though i was by far the weakest of the three; the soles of my feet were cracked all over, and the other parts were as hard as horn, from constant walking. i again urged the necessity of advancing to join the commander's party, but they said, they were not sufficiently strong. on the th we discovered the remains of a deer, on which we feasted. the night was unusually cold, and ice formed in a pint-pot within two feet of the fire. the coruscations of the aurora were beautifully brilliant; they served to shew us eight wolves, which we had some trouble to frighten away from our collection of deer's bones; and, between their howling and the constant cracking of the ice, we did not get much rest. having collected with great care, and by self-denial, two small packets of dried meat or sinews, sufficient (for men who knew what it was to fast) to last for eight days, at the rate of one indifferent meal per day, we prepared to set out on the th. i calculated that we should be about fourteen days in reaching fort providence; and allowing that we neither killed deer nor found indians, we could but be unprovided with food six days, and this we heeded not whilst the prospect of obtaining full relief was before us. accordingly we set out against a keen north-east wind, in order to gain the known route to fort providence. we saw a number of wolves and some crows on the middle of the lake, and supposing such an assembly was not met idly, we made for them and came in for a share of a deer which they had killed a short time before, and thus added a couple of meals to our stock. by four p.m. we gained the head of the lake, or the direct road to fort providence, and some dry wood being at hand, we encamped; by accident it was the same place where the commander's party had slept on the th, the day on which i supposed they had left fort enterprise; but the encampment was so small, that we feared great mortality had taken place amongst them; and i am sorry to say the stubborn resolution of my men, not to go to the house, prevented me from determining this most anxious point, so that i now almost dreaded passing their encampments, lest i should see some of our unfortunate friends dead at each spot. our fire was hardly kindled when a fine herd of deer passed close to us. st. germain pursued them a short distance, but with his usual want of success, so that we made a meal off the muscles and sinews we had dried, though they were so tough that we could scarcely{ } cut them. my hands were benumbed throughout the march, and we were all stiff and fatigued. the marching of two days weakened us all very much, and the more so on account of our exertion to follow the tracks of our commander's party; but we lost them, and concluded that they were not before us. though the weather was not cold, i was frozen in the face and was so reduced and affected by these constant calamities, as well in mind as in body, that i found much difficulty in proceeding even with the advantages i had enjoyed. _november _.--we set out before day, though, in fact, we were all much fitter to remain, from the excessive pain which we suffered in our joints, and proceeded till one p.m., without halting, when belanger, who was before, stopped, and cried out, "footsteps of indians." it is needless to mention the joy that brightened the countenances of each at this unlooked-for sight; we knew relief must be at hand, and considered our sufferings at an end. st. germain inspected the tracks, and said that three persons had passed the day before; and that he knew the remainder must be advancing to the southward, as was customary with these indians, when they sent to the trading establishment on the first ice. on this information we encamped, and being too weak to walk myself, i sent st. germain to follow the tracks, with instructions to the chief of the indians to provide immediate assistance for such of our friends as might be at fort enterprise, as well as for ourselves, and to lose no time in returning to me. i was now so exhausted, that had we not seen the tracks this day, i must have remained at the next encampment, until the men could have sent aid from fort providence. we had finished our small portion of sinews, and were preparing for rest, when an indian boy made his appearance with meat. st. germain had arrived before sunset at the tents of akaitcho, whom he found at the spot where he had wintered last year; but imagine my surprise when he gave me a note from the commander, and said that benoit and augustus, two of the men, had just joined them. the note was so confused, by the pencil marks being partly rubbed out, that i could not decipher it clearly; but it informed me, that he had attempted to come with the two men, but finding his strength inadequate to the task, he relinquished his design, and returned to fort enterprise, to await relief with the others. there was another note for the gentleman in charge of fort providence, desiring him to send meat, blankets, shoes, and tobacco. akaitcho wished me to join him on the ensuing day, at a place which the boy knew, where they were going to fish; and i was the more anxious to do so, on account of my companions: but particularly that i might hear a full relation of what had happened, and of the commander's true situation, which i suspected to be much worse than he had described. in the afternoon i joined the indians, and repeated to akaitcho what st. germain had told him; he seemed much affected, and said, he would have sent relief directly, though i had not been there; indeed, his conduct was generous and humane. the next morning, at an early hour, three indians, with loaded sledges of meat, skins, shoes, and a blanket, set out for fort enterprise; one of them was to return directly with an answer from captain franklin, to whom i wrote; but in the event of his death, he was to bring away all the papers he could find; and he promised to travel with such haste, as to be able to return to us on the fourth day. i was now somewhat more at ease, having done all in my power to succour my unfortunate companions; but was very anxious for the return of the messenger. the indians brought me meat in small quantities, though sufficient for our daily consumption; and, as we had a little ammunition, many were paid on the spot for what they gave. on the th i had the satisfaction of seeing the indian arrive from fort enterprise. at first he said they were all dead, but shortly after he gave me a note, which was from the commander, and then i learned all the fatal particulars which had befallen them. i now proposed that the chief should immediately send three sledges, loaded with meat, to fort enterprise, should make a _cache_ of provision at our present encampment, and also, that he should here await the arrival of the commander. by noon two large trains, laden with meat, were sent off for fort enterprise. the next day we proceeded on our journey, and arrived at fort providence on the st of november. _conclusion of mr. back's narrative._ * * * * * i have little now to add to the melancholy detail into which i felt it proper to enter; but i cannot omit to state, that the unremitting care and attentions of our kind friends, mr. mcvicar and mr. mcauley, united with our improved diet, to promote to the restoration of our health; so that, by the end of february, the swellings of our limbs, which had returned upon us, entirely subsided, and we were able to walk to any part of the island. our appetites gradually moderated, and we nearly regained our ordinary state of body before the spring. hepburn alone suffered from a severe attack of rheumatism, which confined him to his bed for some weeks. the usual symptoms of spring having appeared, on the th of may we prepared to embark for fort chipewyan. fortunately, on the following morning, a canoe arrived from that place with the whole of the stores which we required for the payment of akaitcho and the hunters. it was extremely gratifying to us to be thus enabled, previous to our departure, to make arrangements respecting the requital of our late indian companions; and the more so, as we had recently discovered that akaitcho, and the whole of his tribe, in consequence of the death of the leader's mother, and the wife of our old guide keskarrah, had broken and destroyed every useful article belonging to them, and were in the greatest distress. it was an additional pleasure to find our stock of ammunition more than sufficient to pay them what was due, and that we could make a considerable present of this most essential article to every individual that had been attached to the expedition. we quitted moose-deer island at five p.m., on the th, accompanied by mr. mcvicar, and mr. mcauley, and nearly all the voyagers at the establishment, having resided there about five months, not a day of which had passed without our having cause of gratitude, for the kind and unvaried attentions of mr. mcvicar and mr. mcauley. these gentlemen accompanied us as far as fort chipewyan, where we arrived on the d of june; here we met mr. wentzel, and the four men, who had been sent with him from the mouth of the copper-mine river; and i think it due to that gentleman, to give his own explanation of the unfortunate circumstances which prevented him from fulfilling my instructions, respecting the provisions to have been left for us at fort enterprise[ ]. [ ] "after you sent me back from the mouth of the copper-mine river, and i had overtaken the leader, guides, and hunters, on the fifth day, leaving the sea-coast, as well as our journey up the river, they always expressed the same desire of fulfilling their promises, although somewhat dissatisfied at being exposed to privation while on our return, from a scarcity of animals; for, as i have already stated in my first communication from moose-deer island, we had been eleven days with no other food but _tripe de roche_. in the course of this time an indian, with his wife and child, who were travelling in company with us, were left in the rear, and are since supposed to have perished through want, as no intelligence had been received of them at fort providence in december last. on the seventh day after i had joined the leader, &c. &c., and journeying on together, all the indians, excepting petit pied and bald-head, left me to seek their families, and crossed point lake at the crow's nest, where humpy had promised to meet his brother ekehcho[ a] with the families, but did not fulfil, nor did any of my party of indians know where to find them; for we had frequently made fires to apprize them of our approach, yet none appeared in return as answers. this disappointment, as might be expected, served to increase the ill-humour of the leader and party, the brooding of which (agreeably to indian custom) was liberally discharged on me, in bitter reproach for having led them from their families, and exposed them to dangers and hardships, which but for my influence, they said, they might have spared themselves. nevertheless, they still continued to profess the sincerest desire of meeting your wishes in making _caches_ of provisions, and remaining until a late season on the road that leads from fort enterprise to fort providence, through which the expedition-men had travelled so often the year before--remarking, however, at the same time, that they had not the least hopes of ever seeing one person return from the expedition. these alarming fears i never could persuade them to dismiss from their minds; they always sneered at what they called 'my credulity.'--'if,' said the gros pied[ b], 'the great chief (meaning captain franklin), or any of his party, should pass at my tents, he or they shall be welcome to all my provisions, or any thing else that i may have.' and i am sincerely happy to understand, by your communication, that in this he had kept his word--in sending you with such promptitude and liberality the assistance your truly dreadful situation required. but the party of indians, on whom i had placed the utmost confidence and dependance, was humpy and the white capot guide, with their sons, and several of the discharged hunters from the expedition. this party was well-disposed, and readily promised to collect provisions for the possible return of the expedition, provided they could get a supply of ammunition from fort providence; for when i came up with them they were actually starving, and converting old axes into ball, having no other substitute--this was unlucky. yet they were well inclined, and i expected to find means at fort providence to send them a supply, in which i was, however, disappointed, for i found that establishment quite destitute of necessaries; and then, shortly after i had left them, they had the misfortune of losing three of their hunters, who were drowned in marten lake: this accident was, of all others, the most fatal that could have happened--a truth which no one, who has the least knowledge of the indian character, will deny; and as they were nearly connected by relationship to the leader, humpy, and white capot guide, the three leading men of this part of the copper indian tribe, it had the effect of unhinging (if i may use the expression) the minds of all these families, and finally destroying all the fond hopes i had so sanguinely conceived of their assisting the expedition, should it come back by the anna-dessé river, of which they were not certain. [ a] akaitcho the leader. [ b] also akaitcho. "as to my not leaving a letter at fort enterprise, it was because, by some mischance, you had forgot to give me paper when we parted[ c]. [ c] i certainly offered mr. wentzel some paper when he quitted us, but he declined it, having then a note-book; and mr. back gave him a pencil. "i, however, wrote this news on a plank, in pencil, and placed it in the top of your former bedstead, where i left it. since it has not been found there, some indians must have gone to the house after my departure, and destroyed it. these details, sir, i have been induced to enter into (rather unexpectedly) in justification of myself, and hope it will be satisfactory." in a subsequent conversation he stated to me, that the two indians, who were actually with him at fort enterprise, whilst he remained there altering his canoe, were prevented from hunting; one by an accidental lameness, the other by the fear of meeting alone some of the dog-rib indians. we were here furnished with a canoe by mr. smith, and a bowman, to act as our guide; and having left fort chipewyan on the th, we arrived, on the th of july, at norway house. finding at this place, that canoes were about to go down to montreal, i gave all our canadian voyagers their discharges, and sent them by those vessels, furnishing them with orders on the agent of the hudson's bay company, for the amount of their wages. we carried augustus down to york factory, where we arrived on the th of july, and were received with every mark of attention and kindness by mr. simpson, the governor, mr. mctavish, and, indeed, by all the officers of the united companies. and thus terminated our long, fatiguing, and disastrous travels in north america, having journeyed by water and by land (including our navigation of the polar sea,) five thousand five hundred and fifty miles. the end. [illustration: route from york factory] [illustration: route from isle à la crosse] [illustration: route from slave lake] * * * * * london: printed by william clowes, northumberland-court. * * * * * transcriber's corrections and comments: . original had "throngh"; corrected to "through". . assume - ° ' means - . °, but possibly this could also be - - / ° . original had "phenemenon"; corrected to "phenomenon". . the context of soap making indicates that "ley" is most likely a misprint for "lye". . original had "holyday"; corrected to "holiday" (as in nd edition). . original list order was "m., l."; changed to "l., m." for consistency. . original list order was "s., r."; changed to "r., s." for consistency. . original had "storehouse"; changed to "store-house" to be consistent with other occurrences in the text. . original had "an"; corrected to "at". . original had "mcaulay"; changed to "mcauley" to be consisten with other occurrences in the text. . added comma missing after "tobacco" in original. . original had "determine"; corrected to "determined". . original had "considerally"; corrected to "considerably" (as in nd edition). . original had comma after "him"; corrected to period. . original had period after "impossible"; corrected to comma. . added "a" missing before "medal" in original. . assume "akaiyazzeh" is the same as "akaiyazza" in chapter viii. . original had "instructions"; corrected to "instructions". . original had "et"; corrected to "set". . original had "june", which doesn't fit into the sequence; corrected to "july". . original had "good-nature" at line break; corrected to "good nature". . original had "looses and"; corrected to "loose sand". . original had "june", which doesn't fit into the sequence; corrected to "july". . original had "this"; corrected to "his". . original had "tattoed"; corrected to "tattooed". . original had "her and"; corrected to "her". . added period missing after "house" in original. . added comma missing after "being" in original. . original had "easernmost"; corrected to "easternmost". . added period missing after "academy" in original. . original had "blackmeat"; changed to "black-meat" to be consistent with other occurrences in this text and in the first volume. . alternative spellings for "thlueetessy" in the first volume are "thlouee-tessy" and "thloueea-tessy". . original had "tha"; corrected to "that". . original had "slate-clay"; changed to "slate-clay" to be consistent with occurrence in chapter xi. . original had "sandstone"; changed to "sand-stone" to be consistent with other occurrences in the text. . original had "philanthrophist"; corrected to "philanthropist". . original had "brush-wood"; changed to "brushwood" to be consistent with other occurrences in the text. . original had "port-folio"; changed to "portfolio" to be consistent with spelling in footnote in chapter x. . original had "daybreak"; changed to "day-break" to be consistent with other occurrences in the text. . original had "amongt"; corrected to "amongst". . original had "rein-deer"; changed to "rein-deer" to be consistent with other occurrences in the text. . original had "signed"; corrected to "singed". . original had "goiug"; corrected to "going". . original had superfluous comma after "companions"; deleted. . added comma missing in original after "hunting". . original had "firewood"; changed to "fire-wood" to be consistent with other occurrences in the text. . original had "morrrow"; corrected to "morrow". . added word "be" missing in phrase "used to considered" in original. . original had "semandrè"; corrected this and all further instances to "samandrè" to be consistent with the spelling used earlier in this text and in the first volume. . original had "w"; corrected to "we". . original had "combatted"; corrected to "combated" (as in nd edition and elsewhere in the text). . original had "exited"; corrected to "excited". . original had "sauvès"; corrected to "sauvés". . superfluous "as" in original; deleted. . added period missing after "meal" in original. . original had superfluous comma after "said"; deleted. . original had "scacrely"; corrected to "scarcely". note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) transcriber's note: spelling, punctuation and capitalization are as in the original. this includes the writer's various spellings of her own name. ordinals such as " st", " d", " th" were consistently written in superscript. they are shown here as unmarked text. other superscript abbreviations are shown with caret as m^rs, hon^d. the printed book included a facsimile image of a typical diary page. a transcription of this passage appears immediately before the diary proper. diary of anna green winslow a boston school girl of edited by alice morse earle [illustration: anna green winslow] [publisher's device: tout bien ou rien] boston and new york houghton, mifflin and company the riverside press, cambridge copyright, , by alice morse earle. all rights reserved. third edition. the riverside press, cambridge, mass., u.s.a. electrotyped and printed by h. o. houghton & co. this book _is dedicated_ _to_ _the kinsfolk of_ _anna green winslow_ _foreword._ _in the year , a bright little girl ten years of age, anna green winslow, was sent from her far away home in nova scotia to boston, the birthplace of her parents, to be "finished" at boston schools by boston teachers. she wrote, with evident eagerness and loving care, for the edification of her parents and her own practice in penmanship, this interesting and quaint diary, which forms a most sprightly record, not only of the life of a young girl at that time, but of the prim and narrow round of daily occurrences in provincial boston. it thus assumes a positive value as an historical picture of the domestic life of that day; a value of which the little girl who wrote it, or her kinsfolk who affectionately preserved it to our own day, never could have dreamed. to many new england families it is specially interesting as a complete rendering, a perfect presentment, of the childish life of their great grandmothers, her companions._ _it is an even chance which ruling thought in the clever little writer, a love of religion or a love of dress, shows most plainly its influence on this diary. on the whole, i think that youthful vanity, albeit of a very natural and innocent sort, is more pervasive of the pages. and it is fortunate that this is the case; for, from the frankly frivolous though far from self-conscious entries we gain a very exact notion, a very valuable picture, of the dress of a young girl at that day. we know all the details of her toilet, from the "pompedore" shoes and the shifts (which she had never worn till she lived in boston), to the absurd and top-heavy head-decoration of "black feathers, my past comb & all my past garnet marquasett and jet pins, together with my silver plume." if this fantastic assemblage of ornament were set upon the "heddus roll," so graphically described, it is easy to understand the denunciations of the time upon women's headgear. in no contemporary record or account, no matter who the writer, can be found such a vivacious and witty description of the modish hairdressing of that day as in the pages of this diary._ _but there are many entries in the journal of this vain little puritan devotee to show an almost equal attention to religion; records of sermons which she had heard, and of religious conversations in which she had taken a self-possessed part; and her frequent use of biblical expressions and comparisons shows that she also remembered fully what she read. her ambitious theological sermon-notes were evidently somewhat curtailed by the sensible advice of the aunt with whom she resided, who thereby checked also the consequent injudicious praise of her pastor, the old south minister. for anna and her kinsfolk were of the congregation of the old south church; and this diary is in effect a record of the life of old south church attendants. many were what anna terms "sisters of the old south," and nine tenths of the names of her companions and friends may be found on the baptismal and membership records of that church._ _anna was an industrious little wight, active in all housewifely labors and domestic accomplishments, and attentive to her lessons. she could make "pyes," and fine network; she could knit lace, and spin linen thread and woolen yarn; she could make purses, and embroider pocket-books, and weave watch strings, and piece patchwork. she learned "dansing, or danceing i should say," from one master turner; she attended a sewing school, to become a neat and deft little sempstress, and above all, she attended a writing school to learn that most indispensable and most appreciated of eighteenth century accomplishments--fine writing. her handwriting, of which a fac-simile is here shown, was far better than that of most girls of twelve to-day; with truth and justice could anna say, "aunt says i can write pretily." her orthography was quite equal to that of grown persons of her time, and her english as good as that of mercy warren, her older contemporary writer._ _and let me speak also of the condition of her diary. it covers seventy-two pages of paper about eight inches long by six and a half inches wide. the writing is uniform in size, every letter is perfectly formed; it is as legible as print, and in the entire diary but three blots can be seen, and these are very small. a few pages were ruled by the writer, the others are unruled. the old paper, though heavy and good, is yellow with age, and the water marks c.f.r. and the crown stand out distinctly. the sheets are sewed in a little book, on which a marbled paper cover has been placed, probably by a later hand than anna's. altogether it is a remarkably creditable production for a girl of twelve._ _it is well also to compare her constant diligence and industry displayed to us through her records of a day's work--and at another time, of a week's work--with that of any girl of her age in a corresponding station of life nowadays. we learn that physical pain or disability were no excuse for slothfulness; anna was not always well--had heavy colds, and was feverish; but well or ill was always employed. even with painful local afflictions such as a "whitloe," she still was industrious, "improving it to perfect myself in learning to spin flax." she read much--the bible constantly--and also found amusement in reading "a variety of composures."_ _she was a friendly little soul, eager to be loved; resenting deeply that her aunt storer let "either one of her chaises, her chariot or babyhutt," pass the door every day, without sending for her; going cheerfully tea-drinking from house to house of her friends; delighting even in the catechising and the sober thursday lecture. she had few amusements and holidays compared with the manifold pleasures that children have nowadays, though she had one holiday which the revolution struck from our calendar--the king's coronation day. she saw the artillery company drill, and she visited brides and babies and old folks, and attended some funerals. when she was twelve years old she "came out"--became a "miss in her teens"--and went to a succession of prim little routs or parties, which she called "constitutions." to these decorous assemblies girls only were invited,--no rough boston boys. she has left to us more than one clear, perfect picture of these formal little routs in the great low-raftered chamber, softly alight with candles on mantel-tree and in sconces; with lucinda, the black maid, "shrilly piping;" and rows of demure little girls of boston brahmin blood, in high rolls and feathers, discreetly partaking of hot and cold punch, and soberly walking and curtsying through the minuet; fantastic in costume, but proper and seemly in demeanor, models of correct deportment as were their elegant mammas._ _but anna was not solemn; she was always happy, and often merry--full of life and wit. she jested about getting a "fresh seasoning with globe salt," and wrote some labored jokes and some unconscious ones home to her mother. she was subject to "egregious fits of laughterre," and fully proved the statement, "aunt says i am a whimsical child." she was not beautiful. her miniature is now owned by miss elizabeth c. trott of niagara falls, the great grand-daughter of general john winslow, and a copy is shown in the frontispiece. it displays a gentle, winning little face, delicate in outline, as is also the figure, and showing some hint also of delicacy of constitution. it may be imagination to think that it is plainly the face of one who could never live to be old--a face typical of youth._ _let us glance at the stock from whence sprung this tender and engaging little blossom. when the weary pilgrims landed at cape cod before they made their memorable landing at plymouth, a sprightly young girl jumped on shore, and was the first english woman to set foot on the soil of new england. her name was mary chilton. she married john winslow, the brother of governor edward winslow. anna green winslow was mary chilton's direct descendant in the sixth generation._ _anna's grandfather, john winslow the fourth, was born in boston. his son joshua wrote thus in the winslow family bible: "jno winslow my honor'd father was born ye dec. at o'c. in the morning on the lords day, , and was baptized by mr. willard the next day & dyed att sea octo. , aged years." a curious attitude was assumed by certain puritan ministers, of reluctance and even decided objection and refusal to baptize children who were unlucky enough to be born on the lord's day; but samuel willard, the pastor of the "south church" evidently did not concur in that extraordinary notion, for on the day following "jno's" birth--on new year's day--he was baptized. he was married on september , , to sarah pierce, and in their ten years of married life they had three children._ _joshua winslow, anna's father, was the second child. he was born january , , and was baptized at the old south. he was "published" with his cousin anna green on december , , and married to her four weeks later, january , . an old piece of embroidered tapestry herein shown gives a good portrayal of a boston wedding-party at that date; the costumes, coach, and cut of the horses' mane and tail are very curious and interesting to note. mrs. winslow's mother was anna pierce (sister of sarah), and her father was joseph green, the fourth generation from percival green, whose descendants have been enumerated by dr. samuel abbott green, the president of the massachusetts historical society, in his book entitled "account of percival and ellen green and some of their descendants."_ _mrs. joshua winslow was the oldest of twelve green children, hence the vast array of uncles and aunts and cousins in little anna's diary._ _joseph green, anna's maternal grandfather, was born december , , and was baptised on the same day. he died july , . he was a wealthy man for his time, being able to pay governor belcher £ , for a tract of land on hanover street. his firm name was green & walker. a fine portrait of him by copley still exists._ _thus anna came of good stock in all lines of descent. the pierces were of the new hampshire provincial gentry, to which the wentworths and langdons also belonged._ _before joshua winslow was married, when he was but eighteen years of age, he began his soldierly career. he was a lieutenant in captain light's company in the regiment of colonel moore at the taking of louisburg in . he was then appointed commissary-general of the british forces in nova scotia, and an account-book of his daily movements there still exists. upon his return to new england he went to live at marshfield, massachusetts, in the house afterwards occupied by daniel webster. but troublous times were now approaching for the faithful servants of the king. strange notions of liberty filled the heads of many massachusetts men and women; and soon the revolution became more than a dream. joshua winslow in that crisis, with many of his marshfield friends and neighbors, sided with his king._ _he was in marshfield certainly in june, , for i have a letter before me written to him there by mrs. deming at that date. one clause of this letter is so amusing that i cannot resist quoting it. we must remember that it was written in connecticut, whence mrs. deming had fled in fright and dismay at the siege of boston; and that she had lost her home and all her possessions. she writes in answer to her brother's urgent invitation to return to marshfield._ _"we have no household stuff. neither could i live in the terror of constant alarms and the din of war. besides i know not how to look you in the face, unless i could restore to you your family expositer, which together with my henry on the bible & harveys meditations which are your daughter's (the gift of her grandmother) i pack'd in a trunk that exactly held them, some days before i made my escape, and did my utmost to git to you, but which i am told are still in boston. it is not, nor ever will be in my power to make you satisfaction for this error--i should not have coveted to keep 'em so long--i am heartily sorry now that i had more than one book at a time; in that case i might have thot to have bro't it away with me, tho' i forgot my own bible & almost every other necessary. but who can tell whether you may not git your valuable books. i should feel comparatively easy if you had these your valuable property."_ _her painful solicitude over the loss of a borrowed book is indeed refreshing, as well as her surprising covetousness of the family expositor and harvey's meditations. and i wish to add to the posthumous rehabilitation of the damaged credit of this conscientious aunt, that anna's book--harvey's meditations--was recovered and restored to the owner, and was lost at sea in by another winslow._ _joshua winslow, when exiled, went to england, and thence to quebec, where he retained throughout his life his office as royal paymaster. he was separated many years from his wife and daughter, and doubtless anna died while her father was far from her; for in a letter dated quebec, december , , and written to his wife, he says,_ _"the visiting season is come on, a great practice here about christmas and the new year; on the return of which i congratulate my dearest anna and friends with you, it being the fifth and i hope the last i shall be obliged to see the return of in a separation from each other while we may continue upon the same globe."_ _she shortly after joined him in quebec. his letters show careful preparations for her comfort on the voyage. they then were childless; anna's brothers, george scott and john henry, died in early youth. it is interesting to note that joshua winslow was the first of the winslows to give his children more than one baptismal name._ _joshua winslow was a man of much dignity and of handsome person, if we can trust the copley portrait and miniature of him which still exist. the portrait is owned by mr. james f. trott of niagara falls, new york, the miniature by mrs. j. f. lindsey of yorkville, south carolina, both grandchildren of general john winslow. his letters display much intelligence. his spelling is unusually correct; his penmanship elegant--as was that of all the winslows; his forms of expression scholarly and careful. he sometimes could joke a little, as when he began his letters to his wife anna thus-- . n. a.--though it is possible that the "obstructions to a free correspondence, and the circumspection we are obliged to practice in our converse with each other" arising from his exiled condition, may have made him thus use a rebus in the address of his letter._ _he died in quebec in . his wife returned to new england and died in medford in . her funeral was at general john winslow's house on purchase street, fort hill, boston; she was buried in the winslow tomb in king's chapel burial ground._ _we know little of the last years of anna green winslow's life. a journal written by her mother in during their life in marshfield is now owned by miss sarah thomas of marshfield, mass. it is filled chiefly with pious sermon notes and religious thoughts, and sad and anxious reflections over absent loved ones, one of whom (in the sentimental fashion of the times) she calls "my myron"--her husband._ _through this journal we see "nanny green's" simple and monotonous daily life; her little tea-drinkings; her spinning and reeling and knitting; her frequent catechisings, her country walks. we find her mother's testimony to the "appearance of reason that is in my children and for the readiness with which they seem to learn what is taught them." and though she repeatedly thanks god for living in a warm house, she notes that "my bason of water froze on the hearth with as good a fire as we could make in the chimney." this rigor of climate and discomfort of residence, and anna's evident delicacy shown through the records of her fainting, account for her failing health. the last definite glimpse which we have of our gentle little nanny is in the shape of a letter written to her by "aunt deming." it is dated boston, april , , and is so characteristic of the day and so amusing also that i quote it in full._ _dear neice_, _i receivd your favor of th instant by nephew jack, who with the col. his trav'ling companion, perform'd an easy journey from you to us, and arriv'd before sunset. i thank you for the beads, the wire, and the beugles, i fancy i shall never execute the plan of the head dress to which you allude--if i should, some of your largest corn stalks, dril'd of the pith and painted might be more proportionable. i rejoice that your cloths came off so much better than my fears--a troublesome journey, i expected you would have; and very much did i fear for your bones. i was always unhappy in anticipating trouble--it is my constitution, i believe--and when matters have been better than my fears--i have never been so dutifully thankful as my bountiful benefactor had a right to expect. this, also, i believe, is the constitution of all my fellow race._ _mr. deming had a letter from your papa yesterday; he mention'd your mama & you as indispos'd & flavia as sick in bed. i'm at too great a distance to render you the least service, and were i near, too much out of health to--some part of the time--even speak to you. i am seiz'd with exceeding weakness at the very seat of life, and to a greater degree than i ever before knew. could i ride, it might help me, but that is an exercise my income will not permit. i walk out whenever i can. the day will surely come, when i must quit this frail tabernacle, and it may be soon--i certainly know, i am not of importance eno' in this world, for any one to wish my stay--rather am i, and so i consider myself as a cumberground. however i shall abide my appointed time & i desire to be found waiting for my change._ _our family are well--had i time and spirits i could acquaint you of an expedition two sisters made to dorchester, a walk begun at sunrise last thursday morning--dress'd in their dammasks, padusoy, gauze, ribbins, flapets, flowers, new white hats, white shades, and black leather shoes, (pudingtons make) and finished journey, & garments, orniments, and all quite finish'd on saturday, before noon, (mud over shoes) never did i behold such destruction in so short a space--bottom of padusoy coat fring'd quite round, besides places worn entire to floss, & besides frays, dammask, from shoulders to bottom, not lightly soil'd, but as if every part had rub'd tables and chairs that had long been us'd to wax mingl'd with grease. i could have cry'd, for i really pitied 'em--nothing left fit to be seen--they had leave to go, but it never entered any ones tho'ts but their own to be dressd in all (even to loading) of their best--their all, as you know. what signifies it to worry ones selves about beings that are, and will be, just so? i can, and do pity and advise, but i shall git no credit by such like. the eldest talks much of learning dancing, musick (the spinet & guitar), embroidry, dresden, the french tongue &c &c. the younger with an air of her own, advis'd the elder when she first mention'd french, to learn first to read english, and was answered "law, so i can well eno' a'ready." you've heard her do what she calls reading, i believe. poor creature! well! we have a time of it!_ _if any one at marshfield speaks of me remember me to them. nobody knows i'm writing, each being gone their different ways, & all from home except the little one who is above stairs. farewell my dear, i've wrote eno' i find for this siting._ _yr affect_ _sarah deming._ _it does not need great acuteness to read between the lines of this letter an affectionate desire to amuse a delicate girl whom the writer loved. the tradition in the winslow family is that anna green winslow died of consumption at marshfield in the fall of . there is no town or church record of her death, no known grave or headstone to mark her last resting-place. and to us she is not dead, but lives and speaks--always a loving, endearing little child; not so passionate and gifted and rare a creature as that star among children--marjorie fleming--but a natural and homely little flower of new england life; fated never to grow old or feeble or dull or sad, but to live forever and laugh in the glamour of eternal happy youth through the few pages of her time-stained diary._ _alice morse earle._ _brooklyn heights, september, ._ list of illustrations. page anna green winslow. from miniature now owned by miss elizabeth c. trott, niagara falls, n.y. _frontispiece._ facsimile of writing of anna green winslow. from original diary wedding party in boston in . from tapestry now owned by american antiquarian society general joshua winslow. from miniature painted by copley, , and now owned by mrs. john f. lindsey, yorkville, s.c. ebenezer storer. from portrait painted by copley, now owned by mrs. lewis c. popham, scarsdale, n.y. hannah green storer. from portrait painted by copley, now owned by mrs. lewis c. popham, scarsdale, n.y. cut-paper picture. cut by mrs. sarah winslow deming, now owned by james f. trott, esq., niagara falls, n.y. [transcriber's note: in this transcription of anna green winslow's handwriting, line breaks follow the original. the postscript ("n.b.") is in smaller writing, almost surrounding the signature.] [handwriting:] i hope aunt wont let me wear the black hatt with the red dominie--for the people will ask me what i have got to sell as i go along street if i do. or, how the folk at newgui nie do? dear mamma, you dont know the fation here--i beg to look like other folk. you dont kno what a stir would be made in sudbury street were i to make my appearance there in my red domi nie & black hatt. but the old cloak & bonnett together will make me a decent bonnet for common ocation (i like that) aunt says, its a pitty some of the ribbin you sent wont do for the bonnet--i must now close up this journal. with duty, love & compli ments as due, perticularly to my dear little brother, (i long to see him) & m.^rs law, i will write to her soon i am, hon.^d papa & mama, y.^r ever dutiful daughter anna green winslow. n.b. my aunt deming dont approve of my english. & has not the fear that you will think her concernd in the diction diary of anna green winslow. - . . . . . . lady, by which means i had a bit of the wedding cake. i guess i shall have but little time for journalising till after thanksgiving. my aunt deming[ ] says i shall make one pye myself at least. i hope somebody beside myself will like to eat a bit of my boston pye thou' my papa and you did not (i remember) chuse to partake of my cumberland[ ] performance. i think i have been writing my own praises this morning. poor job was forced to praise himself when no _man_ would do him that justice. i am not as he was. i have made two shirts for unkle since i finish'd mamma's shifts. nov^r th, .--mr. beacons[ ] text yesterday was psalm cxlix. . for the lord taketh pleasure in his people; he will beautify the meek with salvation. his doctrine was something like this, viz: that the salvation of gods people mainly consists in holiness. the name _jesus_ signifies _a savior_. jesus saves his people _from their sins_. he renews them in the spirit of their minds--writes his law in their hearts. mr. beacon ask'd a question. what is beauty--or, wherein does true beauty consist? he answer'd, in holiness--and said a great deal about it that i can't remember, & as aunt says she hant leisure now to help me any further--so i may just tell you a little that i remember without her assistance, and that i repeated to her yesterday at tea--he said he would lastly address himself to the young people: my dear young friends, you are pleased with beauty, & like to be tho't beautifull--but let me tell ye, you'l never be truly beautifull till you are like the king's daughter, all glorious within, all the orniments you can put on while your souls are unholy make you the more like white sepulchres garnish'd without, but full of deformyty within. you think me very unpolite no doubt to address you in this manner, but i must go a little further and tell you, how cource soever it may sound to your delicacy, that while you are without holiness, your beauty is deformity--you are all over black & defil'd, ugly and loathsome to all holy beings, the wrath of th' great god lie's upon you, & if you die in this condition, you will be turn'd into hell, with ugly devils, to eternity. nov. th.--we are very glad to see mr. gannett, because of him "we hear of your affairs & how you do"--as the apostle paul once wrote. my unkle & aunt however, say they are sorry he is to be absent, so long as this whole winter, i _think_. i long now to have you come up--i want to see papa, mama, & brother, all most, for i cannot make any distinction which most--i should like to see harry too. mr. gannett tells me he keeps a journal--i do want to see that--especially as mr. gannett has given me some specimens, as i may say of his "i and aunt &c." i am glad miss jane is with you, i will write to her soon--last monday i went with my aunt to visit mrs. beacon. i was exceedingly pleased with the visit, & so i _ought_ to be, my aunt says, for there was much notice taken of me, particylarly by mr. beacon. i think i like him better every time i see him. i suppose he takes the kinder notice of me, because last thursday evening he was here, & when i was out of the room, aunt told him that i minded his preaching & could repeat what he said--i might have told you that notwithstanding the stir about the proclamatien, we had an agreable thanksgiven. mr. hunt's[ ] text was psa. xcvii. . the lord reigneth,--let the earth rejoice. mr. beacon's text p m psa. xxiv. . the earth is the lord's & the fulness thereof. my unkle & aunt winslow[ ] of boston, their son & daughter, master daniel mason (aunt winslows nephew from newport, rhode island) & miss soley[ ] spent the evening with us. we young folk had a room with a fire in it to ourselves. mr beacon gave us his company for one hour. i spent fryday with my friends in sudbury street. i saw mrs. whitwell[ ] very well yesterday, she was very glad of your letter. nov. th.--i have your favor hon^d mamma, by mr. gannett, & heartily thank you for the broad cloath, bags, ribbin & hat. the cloath & bags are both at work upon, & my aunt has bought a beautifull ermin trimming for my cloak. ac stands for abigail church. pf for polly frazior. i have presented one piece of ribbin to my aunt as you directed. she gives her love to you, & thanks you for it. i intend to send nancy mackky a pair of lace mittens, & the fag end of harry's watch string. i hope carolus (as papa us'd to call him) will think his daughter very smart with them. i am glad hon^d madam, that you think my writing is better than it us'd to be--you see it is mended just here. i dont know what you mean by _terrible margins vaze_. i will endeavor to make my letters even for the future. has mary brought me any lozong mamma? i want to know whether i may give my old black quilt to mrs kuhn, for aunt sais, it is never worth while to take the pains to mend it again. papa has wrote me a longer letter this time than you have mad^m. november the th.--my aunt deming gives her love to you and says it is this morning years since she had the pleasure of congratulating papa and you on the birth of your scribling daughter. she hopes if i live years longer that i shall write and do everything better than can be expected in the _past_ . i should be obliged to you, you will dismiss me for company. th nov.--my company yesterday were miss polly deming,[ ] miss polly glover,[ ] miss peggy draper, miss bessy winslow,[ ] miss nancy glover,[ ] miss sally winslow[ ] miss polly atwood, miss han^h soley. miss attwood as well as miss winslow are of this family. and miss n. glover did me honor by her presence, for she is older than cousin sally and of her acquaintance. we made four couple at country dansing; danceing i mean. in the evening young mr. waters[ ] hearing of my assembly, put his flute in his pocket and played several minuets and other tunes, to which we danced mighty cleverly. but lucinda[ ] was our principal piper. miss church and miss chaloner would have been here if sickness,--and the miss sheafs,[ ] if the death of their father had not prevented. the black hatt i gratefully receive as your present, but if captain jarvise had arrived here with it about the time he sail'd from this place for cumberland it would have been of more service to me, for i have been oblig'd to borrow. i wore miss griswold's[ ] bonnet on my journey to portsmouth, & my cousin sallys hatt ever since i came home, & now i am to leave off my black ribbins tomorrow, & am to put on my red cloak & black hatt--i hope aunt wont let me wear the black hatt with the red dominie--for the people will ask me what i have got to sell as i go along street if i do, or, how the folk at new guinie do? dear mamma, you dont know the fation here--i beg to look like other folk. you dont know what a stir would be made in sudbury street, were i to make my appearance there in my red dominie & black hatt. but the old cloak & bonnett together will make me a decent bonnett for common ocation (i like that) aunt says, its a pitty some of the ribbins you sent wont do for the bonnet.--i must now close up this journal. with duty, love, & compliments as due, perticularly to my dear little brother (i long to see him) & mrs. law, i will write to her soon. i am hon^d papa & mama, yr ever dutiful daughter anne green winslow. n.b. my aunt deming dont approve of my english & has not the fear that you will think her concernd in the diction. dec^br. th.--yesterday i was prevented dining at unkle joshua's[ ] by a snow storm which lasted till o'clock today, i spent some part of yesterday afternoon and evening at mr. glovers. when i came home, the snow being so deep i was bro't home in arms. my aunt got mr. soley's charlstown to fetch me. the snow is up to the peoples wast in some places in the street. dec th.--the weather and walking have been very winter like since the above hotch-potch, pothooks & trammels. i went to mrs. whitwell's last wednessday--you taught me to spell the day of the week, but my aunt says that it should be spelt wednesday. my aunt also says, that till i come out of an egregious fit of laughterre that is apt to sieze me & the violence of which i am at this present under, neither english sense, nor anything rational may be expected of me. i ment to say, that, i went to mrs. whitwell's to see mad^m storers[ ] funeral, the walking was very bad except on the sides of the street which was the reason i did not make a part of the procession. i should have dined with mrs. whitwell on thursday if a grand storm had not prevented, as she invited me. i saw miss caty vans[ ] at lecture last evening. i had a visit this morning from mrs dixon of horton & miss polly huston. mrs dixon is dissipointed at not finding her sister here. dec^r th.--elder whitwell told my aunt, that this winter began as did the winter of . how that was i dont remember but this i know, that to-day is by far the coldest we have had since i have been in new england. (n.b. all run that are abroad.) last sabbath being rainy i went to & from meeting in mr. soley's chaise. i dined at unkle winslow's, the walking being so bad i rode there & back to meeting. every drop that fell froze, so that from yesterday morning to this time the appearance has been similar to the discription i sent you last winter. the walking is so slippery & the air so cold, that aunt chuses to have me for her scoller these two days. and as tomorrow will be a holiday, so the pope and his associates have ordained,[ ] my aunt thinks not to trouble mrs smith with me this week. i began a shift at home yesterday for myself, it is pretty forward. last saturday was seven-night my aunt suky[ ] was delivered of a pretty little son, who was baptiz'd by dr. cooper[ ] the next day by the name of charles. i knew nothing of it till noonday, when i went there a visiting. last thursday i din'd & spent the afternoon at unkle joshua's i should have gone to lecture with my aunt & heard our mr hunt preach, but she would not wait till i came from writing school. miss atwood, the last of our boarders, went off the same day. miss griswold & miss meriam, having departed some time agone, i forget whether i mention'd the recept of nancy's present. i am oblig'd to her for it. the dolphin is still whole. and like to remain so. dec^r th.--this day, the extremity of the cold is somewhat abated. i keept christmas at home this year, & did a very good day's work, aunt says so. how notable i have been this week i shall tell you by & by. i spent the most part of tuesday evening with my favorite, miss soley, & as she is confined by a cold & the weather still so severe that i cannot git farther, i am to visit her again before i sleep, & consult with her (or rather she with me) upon a perticular matter, which you shall know in its place. how _strangely industrious_ i have been this week, i will inform you with my own hand--at present, i am so dilligent, that i am oblig'd to use the hand & pen of my old friend, who being _near by_ is better than a brother _far off_. i dont forgit dear little john henry so pray mamma, dont mistake me. dec^r th.--last evening a little after o'clock i finished my shift. i spent the evening at mr. soley's. i began my shift at o'clock last monday, have read my bible every day this week & wrote every day save one. dec^r th.--i return'd to my sewing school after a weeks absence, i have also paid my compliments to master holbrook.[ ] yesterday between meetings my aunt was call'd to mrs. water's[ ] & about in the evening dr. lloyd[ ] brought little master to town (n.b. as a memorandum for myself. my aunt stuck a white sattan pincushin[ ] for mrs waters.[ ] on one side, is a planthorn with flowers, on the reverse, just under the border are, on one side stuck these words, josiah waters, then follows on the end, dec^r , on the next side & end are the words, welcome little stranger.) unkle has just come in & bro't one from me. i mean, unkle is just come in with a letter from papa in his hand (& none for me) by way of newbury. i am glad to hear that all was well the nov^r ult. i am told my papa has not mention'd me in this letter. out of sight, out of mind. my aunt gives her love to papa, & says that she will make the necessary enquieries for my brother and send you via. halifax what directions and wormseed she can collect. st jan^y .--i wish my papa, mama, brother john henry, & cousin avery & all the rest of my acquaintance at cumberland, fortlaurence, barronsfield, greenland, amherst &c. a happy new year, i have bestow'd no new year's gift,[ ] as yet. but have received one very handsome one, viz. the history of joseph andrews abreviated. in nice guilt and flowers covers. this afternoon being a holiday i am going to pay my compliments in sudbury street. jan^y th --i was dress'd in my yellow coat, my black bib & apron, my pompedore[ ] shoes, the cap my aunt storer[ ] sometime since presented me with (blue ribbins on it) & a very handsome loket in the shape of a hart she gave me--the past pin my hon^d papa presented me with in my cap, my new cloak & bonnet on, my pompedore gloves, &c, &c. and i would tell you, that _for the first time, they all lik'd my dress very much_. my cloak & bonnett are really very handsome, & so they had need be. for they cost an amasing sight of money, not quite £ [ ] tho' aunt suky said, that she suppos'd aunt deming would be frighted out of her wits at the money it cost. i have got _one_ covering, by the cost, that is genteel, & i like it much myself. on thursday i attended my aunt to lecture & heard dr chauncey[ ] preach a third sermon from acts ii. . they continued stedfastly--in breaking of bread. i din'd & spent the afternoon at mr. whitwell's. miss caty vans was one of our company. dr. pemberton[ ] & dr cooper had on gowns, in the form of the episcopal cassock we hear, the doct^s design to distinguish themselves from the inferior clergy by these strange habits [at a time too when the good people of n.e. are threaten'd with & dreading the comeing of an episcopal bishop][ ] n.b. i dont know whether one sleeve would make a full trimm'd negligee[ ] as the fashion is at present, tho' i cant say but it might make one of the frugal sort, with but scant triming. unkle says, they all have popes in their bellys. contrary to i. peter v. . . aunt says, when she saw dr p. roll up the pulpit stairs, the figure of parson trulliber, recorded by mr fielding occur'd to her mind & she was really sorry a congregational divine, should, by any instance whatever, give her so unpleasing an idea. jan^y th.--i have attended my schools every day this week except wednesday afternoon. when i made a setting up visit to aunt suky, & was dress'd just as i was to go to the ball. it cost me a pistoreen[ ] to nurse eaton for tow cakes, which i took care to eat before i paid for them.[ ] i heard mr thacher preach our lecture last evening heb. . . i remember a great deal of the sermon, but a'nt time to put it down. it is one year last sep^r since he was ordain'd & he will be years of age next may if he lives so long. i forgot that the weather want fit for me to go to school last thursday. i work'd at home. jan^y th.--i told you the th ult that i was going to a constitation with miss soley. i have now the pleasure to give you the result, viz. a very genteel well regulated assembly which we had at mr soley's last evening, miss soley being mistress of the ceremony. mrs soley desired me to assist miss hannah in making out a list of guests which i did some time since, i wrote all the invitation cards. there was a large company assembled in a handsome, large, upper room in the new end of the house. we had two fiddles, & i had the honor to open the diversion of the evening in a minuet with miss soley.--here follows a list of the company as we form'd for country dancing. miss soley & miss anna greene winslow miss calif miss scott miss williams miss mccarthy miss codman miss winslow miss ives miss coffin miss scolley[ ] miss bella coffin[ ] miss waldow miss quinsy[ ] miss glover miss draper miss hubbard miss cregur (usually pronounced kicker) & two miss sheafs were invited but were sick or sorry & beg'd to be excus'd. there was a little miss russell & the little ones of the family present who could not dance. as spectators, there were mr & mrs deming, mr. & mrs sweetser mr & mrs soley, mr & miss cary, mrs draper, miss oriac, miss hannah--our treat was nuts, rasins, cakes, wine, punch,[ ] hot & cold, all in great plenty. we had a very agreeable evening from to o'clock. for variety we woo'd a widow, hunted the whistle, threaded the needle, & while the company was collecting, we diverted ourselves with playing of pawns, no rudeness mamma i assure you. aunt deming desires you would _perticulary observe_, that the elderly part of the company were _spectators only_, they mix'd not in either of the above describ'd scenes. i was dress'd in my yellow coat, black bib & apron, black feathers on my head, my past comb, & all my past[ ] garnet marquesett[ ] & jet pins, together with my silver plume--my loket, rings, black collar round my neck, black mitts & or yards of blue ribbin, (black & blue is high tast) striped tucker and ruffels (not my best) & my silk shoes compleated my dress. jan^y th.--yesterday i had an invitation to celebrate miss caty's birth-day with her. she gave it me the night before. miss is years old. the best dancer in mr turners[ ] school, she has been his scoller these years. my aunt thought it proper (as our family had a invitation) that i should attend a neighbor's funeral yesterday p.m. i went directly from it to miss caty's rout & arriv'd ex . . . . . . boston january . hon^'d mamma, my hon^'d papa has never signified to me his approbation of my journals, from whence i infer, that he either never reads them, or does not give himself the trouble to remember any of their contents, tho' some part has been address'd to him, so, for the future, i shall trouble only you with this part of my scribble--last thursday i din'd at unkle storer's & spent the afternoon in that neighborhood. i met with some adventures in my way viz. as i was going, i was overtaken by a lady who was quite a stranger to me. she accosted me with "how do you do miss?" i answer'd her, but told her i had not the pleasure of knowing her. she then ask'd "what is your name miss? i believe you think 'tis a very strange questian to ask, but have a mind to know." nanny green--she interrupted me with "not mrs. winslow of cumberland's daughter." yes madam i am. when did you hear from your mamma? how do's she do? when shall you write to her? when you do, tell her that you was overtaken in the street by her old friend mrs login, give my love to her & tell her she must come up soon & live on jamaca plain. we have got a nice meeting-house, & a charming minister, & all so cleaver. she told me she had ask'd unkle harry to bring me to see her, & he said he would. her minister is mr gordon. i have heard him preach several times at the o. south. in the course of my peregrination, as aunt calls it, i happen'd in to a house where d---- was attending the lady of the family. how long she was at his opperation, i know not. i saw him twist & tug & pick & cut off whole locks of grey hair at a slice (the lady telling him she would have no hair to dress next time) for the space of a hour & a half, when i left them, he seeming not to be near done. this lady is not a grandmother tho' she is both old enough & grey enough to be one. jan^y --i spent yesterday with aunt storer, except a little while i was at aunt sukey's with mrs barrett dress'd in a white brocade, & cousin betsey dress'd in a red lutestring, both adorn'd with past, perls marquesett &c. they were after tea escorted by mr. newton & mr barrett to ye assembly at concert hall. this is a snowy day, & i am prevented going to school. [illustration: wedding party in boston in ] feb. th.--my honored mamma will be so good as to excuse my useing the pen of my old friend just here, because i am disabled by a whitloe on my fourth finger & something like one on my middle finger, from using my own pen; but altho' my right hand is in bondage, my left is free; & my aunt says, it will be a nice oppertunity if i do but improve it, to perfect myself in learning to spin flax. i am pleased with the proposal & am at this present, exerting myself for this purpose. i hope, when two, or at most three months are past, to give you occular demonstration of my proficiency in _this art_, as well as several others. my fingers are not the only part of me that has suffer'd with sores within this fortnight, for i have had an ugly great boil upon my right hip & about a dozen small ones--i am at present swath'd hip & thigh, as samson smote the philistines, but my soreness is near over. my aunt thought it highly proper to give me some cooling physick, so last tuesday i took - oz globe salt (a disagreeable potion) & kept chamber. since which, there has been no new erruption, & a great alteration for the better in those i had before. i have read my bible to my aunt this morning (as is the daily custom) & sometimes i read other books to her. so you may perceive, i _have the use of my tongue_ & i tell her it is a good thing to have the use of my tongue. unkle ned[ ] called here just now--all well--by the way he is come to live in boston again, & till he can be better accomodated, is at housekeeping where mad^m storer lately lived, he is looking for a less house. i tell my aunt i feel a disposician to be a good girl, & she pleases herself that she shall have much comfort of me to-day, which as cousin sally is ironing we expect to have to ourselves. feb. th.--this day i paid my respects to master holbrook, after a week's absence, my finger is still in limbo as you may see by the writeing. i have not paid my compliments to madam smith,[ ] for, altho' i can drive the goos quill a bit, i cannot so well manage the needle. so i will lay my hand to the distaff, as the virtuous woman did of old--yesterday was very bad weather, neither aunt, nor niece at publick worship. feb. th.--yesterday afternoon i spent at unkle joshuas. aunt green gave me a plaister for my fingure that has near cur'd it, but i have a new boil, which is under poultice, & tomorrow i am to undergo another seasoning with globe salt. the following lines aunt deming found in grandmama sargent's[ ] pocket-book & gives me leave to copy 'em here.-- dim eyes, deaf ears, cold stomach shew, my dissolution is in view the shuttle's thrown, my race is run, my sun is set, my work is done; my span is out, my tale is told, my flower's decay'd, & stock grows old, the dream is past, the shadows fled, my soul now longs for christ my head, i've lived to seventy six or nigh, god calls at last, & now i'll die.[ ] my honor'd grandma departed this vale of tears - before o'clock wednesday morning august , . aged years, months & ten days. feb. th.--everybody says that this is a bitter cold day, but i know nothing about it but hearsay for i am in aunt's chamber (which is very warm always) with a nice fire, a stove, sitting in aunt's easy chair, with a tall three leav'd screen at my back, & i am very comfortable. i took my second (& i hope last) potion of globe salts this morning. i went to see aunt storer yesterday afternoon, & by the way unkle storer is so ill that he keeps chamber. as i went down i call'd at mrs whitwell's & must tell you mr & mrs whitwell are both ill. mrs. whitwell with the rheumatism. i saw mad^m harris, mrs mason and miss polly vans[ ] there, they all give their love to you--last evening i went to catechizing with aunt. our ministers have agreed during the long evenings to discourse upon the questions or some of 'em in the assembly's shorter catechism, taking 'em in their order at the house of mrs rogers in school street, every wednesday evening. mr. hunt began with the first question and shew'd what it is to glorify god. mr bacon then took the second, what rule &c. which he has spent three evenings upon, & now finished. mr hunt having taken his turn to show what the scriptures principly teach, & what is god. i remember he said that there was nothing properly done without a rule, & he said that the rule god had given us to glorify him by was the bible. how miraculously (said he) has god preserv'd this blessed book. it was once in the reign of a heathen emperor condemn'd to be burnt, at which time it was death to have a bible & conceal it, but god's providence was wonderful in preserving it when so much human policy had been exerted to bury it in oblivion--but for all that, here we have it as pure & uncorrupted as ever--many books of human composure have had much pains taken to preserve 'em, notwithstanding they are buried in oblivion. he considered who was the author of the bible, he prov'd that god was the author, for no _good_ man could be the author, because such a one would not be guilty of imposition, & an evil man could not unless we suppose a house divided against itself. he said a great deal more to prove the bible is certainly the word of god from the matter it contains &c, but the best evidence of the truth of divine revelation, every true believer has in his own heart. this he said, the natural man had no idea of. i did not understand all he said about the external and internal evidence, but this i can say, that i understand him better than any body else that i hear preach. aunt has been down stairs all the time i have been recolecting & writeing this. therefore, all this of own head, of consequence. valentine day.[ ]--my cousin sally reeled off a knot skane of yarn today. my valentine was an old country plow-joger. the yarn was of my spinning. aunt says it will do for filling. aunt also says niece is a whimsical child. feb. .--since wednesday evening, i have not been abroad since yesterday afternoon. i went to meeting & back in mr. soley's chaise. mr. hunt preached. he said that human nature is as opposite to god as darkness to light. that our sin is only bounded by the narrowness of our capacity. his text was isa. xli. . . the mountains &c. he said were unbelief, pride, covetousness, enmity, &c. &c. &c. this morning i took a walk for aunt as far as mr. soley's. i called at mrs whitwell's & found the good man & lady both better than when i saw them last. on my return i found mr. hunt on a visit to aunt. after the usual salutations & when did you hear from your papa &c. i ask'd him if the blessing pronounced by the minister before the congregation is dismissed, is not a part of the publick worship? "yes." "why then, do you sir, say, let us conclude the publick worship by singing?" "because singing is the last act in which the whole congregation is unanimously to join. the minister in gods name blesses his i.e. gods people agreeable to the practice of the apostles, who generally close the epistles with a benediction in the name of the trinity, to which, amen is subjoined, which, tho' pronounc'd by the minister, is, or ought to be the sentiment & prayer of the whole assembly, the meaning whereof is, so be it." feb. th.--another ten knot skane of my yarn was reel'd off today. aunt says it is very good. my boils & whitloes are growing well apace, so that i can knit a little in the evening. transcribed from the boston evening post: sep. , . under the head of london news, you may find that last thursday was married at worcester the widow biddle of wellsburn in the county of warwick, to her grandson john biddle of the same place, aged twenty three years. it is very remarkable. the widdow had one son & one daughter; grandchildren & great grandchildren; her present husband has one daughter, who was her great granddaughter but is now become her daughter; her other great grandchildren are become her cousins; her grandchildren her brothers & sisters; her son & daughter her father & mother. i think! tis the most extraordinary account i ever read in a news-paper. it will serve to puzzel harry dering with. [transcriber's note: "i think! tis" may be a typographical error for "i think 'tis".] monday feb. th--bitter cold. i am just come from writing school. last wednesday p.m. while i was at school aunt storer called in to see aunt deming in her way to mr inches's. she walk'd all that long way. thursday last i din'd & spent the afternoon with aunt sukey. i attended both my schools in the morning of that day. i cal'd at unkle joshua's as i went along, as i generally do, when i go in town, it being all in my way. saterday i din'd at unkle storer's, drank tea at cousin barrel's, was entertain'd in the afternoon with scating. unkle henry was there. yesterday by the help of neighbor soley's chaise, i was at meeting all day, tho' it snow'd in the afternoon. i might have say'd i was at unkle winslow's last thursday eve^g & when i inform you that my needle work at school, & knitting at home, went on _as usual_, i think i have laid before you a pretty full account of the last week. you see how i improve in my writing, but i drive on as fast as i can. feb. , thursday.--this day jack frost bites very hard, so hard aunt won't let me go to any school. i have this morning made part of a coppy with the very pen i have now in my hand, writting this with. yesterday was so cold there was a very thick vapor upon the water, but i attended my schools all day. my unkle says yesterday was degrees colder than any day we have had before this winter. and my aunt says she believes this day is degrees colder than it was yesterday; & moreover, that she would not put a dog out of doors. the sun gives forth his rays through a vapor like that which was upon the water yesterday. but aunt bids me give her love to pappa & all the family & tell them that she should be glad of their company in her warm parlour, indeed there is not one room in this house but is very warm when there is a good fire in them. as there is in this at present. yesterday i got leave (by my aunt's desire) to go from school at o'clock to see my unkle ned who has had the misfortune to break his leg. i call'd in to warm myself at unkle joshua's. aunt hannah told me i had better not go any further for she could tell me all about him, so i say'd as it is so cold i believe aunt won't be angry so i will stay, i therefore took off my things, aunt gave me leave to call at unkle joshua's & was very glad i went no further. aunt hannah told me he was as well as could be expected for one that has a broken bone. he was coming from watertown in a chaise the horse fell down on the hill, this side mr brindley's. he was afraid if he fell out, the wheel would run over him, he therefore gave a start & fell out & broke his leg, the horse strugled to get up, but could not. unkle ned was affraid if he did get up the chaise wheels would run over him, so he went on his two hands and his other foot drawing his lame leg after him & got behind the chaise, (so he was safe) & there lay in the snow for some time, nobody being near. at last genteelmen came, they tho't the horse was dead when they first saw him at a distance, but hearing somebody hollow, went up to it. by this time there was a countraman come along, the person that hollow'd was unkle ned. they got a slay and put him in it with some hay and a blanket, wrapt him up well as they could & brought him to deacon smith's in town. now papa & mamma, this hill is in brookline. and now again, i have been better inform'd for the hill is in roxbury & poor unkle ned was alone in the chaise. both bones of his leg are broke, but they did not come thro' the skin, which is a happy circumstance. it is his right leg that is broke. my grandmamma sent miss deming, miss winslow & i one eight^th of a dollar a piece for a new years gift. my aunt deming & miss deming had letters from grandmamma. she was pretty well, she wrote aunt that mrs marting was brought to bed with a son joshua about a month since, & is with her son very well. grandmamma was very well last week. i have made the purchase i told you of a few pages agone, that is, last thursday i purchas'd with my aunt deming's leave, a very beautiful white feather hat, that is, the out side, which is a bit of white hollond with the feathers sew'd on in a most curious manner white & unsullyed as the falling snow, this hat i have long been saving my money to procure for which i have let your kind allowance, papa, lay in my aunt's hands till this hat which i spoke for was brought home. as i am (as we say) a daughter of liberty[ ] i chuse to wear as much of our own manufactory as pocible. but my aunt says, i have wrote this account very badly. i will go on to save my money for a chip & a lineing &c. papa i rec'd your letter dated jan. , for which i thank you, sir, & thank you greatly for the money i received therewith. i am very glad to hear that brother john papa & mamma & cousin are well. i'll answer your letter papa and yours mamma and cousin harry's too. i am very glad mamma your eyes are better. i hope by the time i have the pleasure of hearing from cumberland again your eyes will be so well that you will favor me with one from you. feb. d.--since about the middle of december, ult. we have had till this week, a series of cold and stormy weather--every snow storm (of which we have had abundance) except the first, ended with rain, by which means the snow was so hardened that strong gales at nw soon turned it, & all above ground to ice, which this day seven-night was from one to three, four & they say, in some places, five feet thick, in the streets of this town. last saturday morning we had a snow storm come on, which continued till four o'clock p.m. when it turned to rain, since which we have had a warm air, with many showers of rain, one this morning a little before day attended with thunder. the streets have been very wet, the water running like rivers all this week, so that i could not possibly go to school, neither have i yet got the bandage off my fingure. since i have been writing now, the wind suddenly sprung up at nw and blew with violence so that we may get to meeting to-morrow, perhaps on dry ground. unkle ned was here just now & has fairly or unfairly carried off aunt's cut paper pictures,[ ] tho' she told him she had given them to papa some years ago. it has been a very sickly time here, not one person that i know of but has been under heavy colds--(all laid up at unkle storer's) in general got abroad again. aunt suky had not been down stairs since her lying in, when i last saw her, but i hear she is got down. she has had a broken breast. i have spun knots of linning yarn, and (partly) new footed a pair of stockings for lucinda, read a part of the pilgrim's progress, coppied part of my text journal (that if i live a few years longer, i may be able to understand it, for aunt sais, that to her, the contents as i first mark'd them, were an impenetrable secret) play'd some, tuck'd a great deal (aunt deming says it is very true) laugh'd enough, & i tell aunt it is all human _nature_, if not human reason. and now, i wish my honored mamma a very good night. saturday noon feb. d--dear pappa, do's the winter continue as pleasant at cumberland as when you wrote to me last? we had but very little winter here, till february came in, but we have little else since. the cold still continues tho' not so extreme as it was last thursday. i have attended my schools all this week except one day, and am going as soon as i have din'd to see how unkle ned does. i was thinking, sir, to lay up a piece of money you sent me, but as you sent it to me to lay out i have a mind to buy a chip & linning for my feather hatt. but my aunt says she will think of it. my aunt says if i behave myself very well indeed, not else, she will give me a garland of flowers to orniment it, tho' she has layd aside the biziness of flower making.[ ] [illustration: general joshua winslow] feb. th.--this is a very stormy day of snow, hail & rain, so that i cannot get to master holbrook's, therefore i will here copy something i lately transcribed on a loose paper from dr. owen's sermon on hab. iii, , , , , , , , , . "i have heard that a full wind behind the ship drives her not so fast forward, as a side wind, that seems almost as much against her as with her; & the reason they say is, because a full wind fills but some of her sails. wednesday.--very cold, but this morning i was at sewing and writing school, this afternoon all sewing, for master holbrook does not in the winter keep school of afternoons. unkle henrys feet are so much better that he wears shoos now. monday noon feb. th. i have been to writing school this morning and sewing. the day being very pleasant, very little wind stirring. jemima called to see me last evening. she lives at master jimmy lovel's.[ ] dear mamma, i suppose that you would be glad to hear that betty smith who has given you so much trouble, is well & behaves herself well & i should be glad if i could write you so. but the truth is, no sooner was the th regiment encamp'd upon the common but miss betty took herself among them (as the irish say) & there she stay'd with bill pinchion & awhile. the next news of her was, that she was got into gaol for stealing: from whence she was taken to the publick whipping post.[ ] the next adventure was to the castle, after the soldier's were remov'd there, for the murder of the th march last.[ ] when they turn'd her away from there, she came up to town again, and soon got into the workhouse for new misdemeanours, she soon ran away from there and sit up her old trade of pilfering again, for which she was put a second time into gaol, there she still remains. about two months agone (as well as i can remember) she & a number of her wretched companions set the gaol on fire, in order to get out, but the fire was timely discovered & extinguished, & there, as i said she still remains till this day, in order to be tried for her crimes. i heard somebody say that as she has some connections with the army no doubt but she would be cleared, and perhaps, have a pension into the bargain. mr. henry says the way of sin is down hill, when persons get into that way they are not easily stopped. feb. .--this day being too stormy for me to go to any school, and nothing as yet having happen'd that is worth your notice, my aunt gives me leave to communicate to you something that much pleas'd her when she heard of it, & which i hope will please you my papa and mamma. i believe i may have inform'd you that since i have been in boston, dr. byles[ ] has pretty frequently preached & sometimes administer'd the sacrament, when our candidates have preached to the o.s. church, because they are not tho't qualified to administer gospel ordinance, till they be settled pastours. about two months ago a brother of the church sent dr byles a card which contain'd after the usual introduction, the following words, mr w---- dont set up for an expositor of scripture, yet ventures to send dr. byles a short comment on cor. ix. . which he thinks agreeable to the genuine import of the text, & hopes the dr will not disapprove it. the comment was a dozen pounds of chocolate &c.--to which the d^r return'd the following very pretty answer. d^r byles returns respects to mr w & most heartily thanks him for his judicious practical familie expositor, which is in tast. my aunt deming gives her love to you mamma, and bids me tell you, as a matter you will be very glad to know, that d^r byles & his lady & family, have enjoy'd a good share of health & perfect harmony for several years past. mr beacon is come home. my unkle neddy is very comfortable, has very little pain, & know fever with his broken bone. my unkle harry[ ] was here yesterday & is very well. poor mrs inches is dangerously ill of a fever. we have not heard how she does today. march th.--poor mrs inches is dead. gone from a world of trouble, as she has left this to her poor mother. aunt says she heartyly pities mrs jackson. mr nat. bethune died this morning, mrs inches last night. we had the greatest fall of snow yesterday we have had this winter. yet cousin sally, miss polly, & i rode to & from meeting in mr soley's chaise both forenoon & afternoon, & with a stove[ ] was very comfortable there. if brother john is as well and hearty as cousin frank, he is a clever boy. unkle neddy continues very comfortable. i saw him last saturday. i have just now been writing four lines in my book almost as well as the copy. but all the intreaties in the world will not prevail upon me to do always as well as i can, which is not the least trouble to me, tho' its a great grief to aunt deming. and she says by writing so frightfully above. march .--i think the appearance this morning is as winterish as any i can remember, earth, houses, trees, all covered with snow, which began to fall yesterday morning & continued falling all last night. the sun now shines very bright, the n.w. wind blows very fresh. mr gannett din'd here yesterday, from him, my unkle, aunt & cousin sally, i had an account of yesterday's publick performances,[ ] & exhibitions, but aunt says i need not write about 'em because, no doubt there will be printed accounts. i should have been glad if i could have seen & heard for myselfe. my face is better, but i have got a heavy cold yet. march th.--after being confined a week, i rode yesterday afternoon to & from meeting in mr soley's chaise. i got no cold and am pretty well today. this has been a very snowy day today. any body that sees this may see that i have wrote nonsense but aunt says, i have been a very good girl to day about my work however--i think this day's work may be called a piece meal for in the first place i sew'd on the bosom of unkle's shirt, mended two pair of gloves, mended for the wash two handkerchiefs, (one cambrick) sewed on half a border of a lawn apron of aunts, read part of the xxi^st chapter of exodous, & a story in the mother's gift. now, hon^d mamma, i must tell you of something that happened to me to-day, that has not happen'd before this great while, viz my unkle & aunt both told me, i was a very good girl. mr gannett gave us the favour of his company a little while this morning (our head). i have been writing all the above gibberish while aunt has been looking after her family--now she is out of the room--now she is in--& takes up my pen in _my_ absence to observe, i am a little simpleton for informing my mamma, that it is _a great while_ since i was prais'd because she will conclude that it is _a great while_ since i deserv'd to be prais'd. i will henceforth try to observe their praise & yours too. i mean deserve. it's now tea time--as soon as that is over, i shall spend the rest of the evening in reading to my aunt. it is near candle lighting. march , o'clock p.m.--i have finish'd my stent of sewing work for this day & wrote a billet to miss caty vans, a copy of which i shall write on the next page. to-morrow if the weather is fit i am to visit. i have again been told i was a good girl. my billet to miss vans was in the following words. miss green gives her compliments to miss vans, and informs her that her aunt deming quite misunderstood the matter about the queen's night-cap.[ ] mrs. deming thou't that it was a black skull cap linn'd with red that miss vans ment which she thou't would not be becoming to miss green's light complexion. miss green now takes the liberty to send the materials for the cap miss vans was so kind as to say she would make for her, which, when done, she engages to take special care of for miss vans' sake. mrs. deming joins her compliments with miss green's--they both wish for the pleasure of a visit from miss vans. miss soley is just come in to visit me & 'tis near dark. march .--boast not thyself of tomorrow; for thou knowest not what a day may bring forth. thus king solomon, inspired by the holy ghost, cautions, pro. xxvii. . my aunt says, this is a most necessary lesson to be learn'd & laid up in the heart. i am quite of her mind. i have met with a disappointment to day, & aunt says, i may look for them every day--we live in a changing world--in scripture call'd a vale of tears. uncle said yesterday that there had not been so much snow on the ground this winter as there was then--it has been vastly added to since then, & is now feet deep in some places round this house; it is above the fence in the coart & thick snow began to fall and condtinu'd till about o'clock p.m. (it is about - past o'clock) since which there has been a steady rain--so no visiting as i hoped this day, & this is the disappointment i mentioned on t'other page. last saturday i sent my cousin betsy storer a billet of which the following is a copy. miss green gives her love to miss storer & informs her that she is very _sensible_ of the effects of a bad cold, not only in the pain she has had in her throat, neck and face, which have been much swell'd & which she is not quite clear of, but that she has also been by the same depriv'd of the pleasure of seeing miss storer & her other friends in sudbury street. she begs, her duty, love & compliments, may be presented as due & that she may be inform'd if they be in health. to this i have receiv'd no answer. i suppose she don't think i am worth an answer. but i have finished my stent, and wrote all under this date, & now i have just daylight eno' to add, my love and duty to dear friends at _cumberland_. [illustration: ebenezer storer] march .--mr. stephen march, at whose house i was treated so kindly last fall, departed this life last week, after languishing several months under a complication of disorders--we have not had perticulars, therefore cannot inform you, whether he engag'd the king of terrors with christian fortitude, or otherwise. "stoop down my thoughts, that use to rise, converse a while with death; think how a gasping mortal lies, and pants away his breath." last thursday i din'd with unkle storer, & family at aunt sukey's--all well except charles storer who was not so ill but what, _that_ i mean, he din'd with us. aunt suky's charles is a pretty little boy & grows nicely. we were diverted in the afternoon with an account of a queer feast that had been made that day in a certain court of this town for the entertainment of a number of tories--perhaps seventeen. one contain'd three calves heads (skin off) with their appurtinencies anciently call'd pluck--their other dish (for they had but two) contain'd a number of roast fowls--half a dozen, we suppose,[a] & all roosters at this season no doubt. yesterday, soon after i came from writing school we had another snow storm begun, which continued till after i went to bed. this morning the sun shines clear (so it did yesterday morning till o'clock.) it is now bitter cold, & such a quantity of snow upon the ground, as the old people don't remember ever to have seen before at this time of the year. my aunt deming says, when she first look'd abroad this morning she felt anxious for her brother, & his family at cumberland, fearing lest they were covered up in snow. it is now - after o'clock noon. the sun has been shineing in his full strength for full hours, & the snow not melted enough anywhere in sight of this house, to cause one drop of water. [footnote a: there was six as i have since heard.] march .--yesterday, i went to see aunt polly, & finding her going out, i spent the afternoon with aunt hannah. while i was out, a snow storm overtook me. this being a fine sun shine (tho' cold) day i have been to writing school, & wrote two pieces, one i presented to aunt deming, and the other i design for my honor'd papa, i hope he will approve of it. i sent a piece of my writing to you hon'd mamma last fall, which i hope you receiv'd. when my aunt deming was a little girl my grandmamma sargent told her the following story viz. one mr. calf who had three times enjoy'd the mayorality of the city of london, had after his decease, a monoment erected to his memory with the following inscription on it. here lies buried the body of sir richard calf, thrice lord mayor of london. honor, honor, honor. a drol gentleman passing by with a bit of chalk in his hand underwrote thus-- o cruel death! more subtle than a fox that would not let this calf become an ox, that he might browze among the briers & thorns and with his brethren wear, horns. horns. horns. my aunt told me the foregoing some time since & today i ask'd her leave to insert it in my journal. my aunt gives her love to you & directs me to tell you that she tho't my piece of linnin would have made me a dozen of shifts but she could cut no more than ten out of it. there is some left, but not enough for another. nine of them are finish'd wash'd & iron'd; & the other would have been long since done if my fingers had not been sore. my cousin sally made three of them for me, but then i made two shirts & part of another for unkle to help her. i believe unless something remarkable should happen, such as a _warm day_, my mamma will consent that i dedicate a few of my next essays to papa. i think the second thing i said to aunt this morning was, that i intended to be _very good all day_. to make this out, "next unto _god_, dear parents i address myself to you in humble thankfulness, for all your care & charge on me bestow'd; the means of learning unto me allow'd, go on i pray, & let me still pursue those golden arts the vulgar never knew." yr dutifull daughter anna green winslow. the poetry i transcrib'd from my copy book. march .--thursday last i spent at home, except a quarter of an hour between sunset and dark, i stepped over the way to mr. glover's with aunt. yesterday i spent at unkle neddy's & stitched wristbands for aunt polly. by the way, i must inform you, (pray dont let papa see this) that yesterday i put on no of my new shifts, & indeed it is very comfortable. it is _long_ since i had a shift to my _back_. i dont know if i ever had till now--it seem'd so strange too, to have any linen below my waist--i am going to dine at mrs. whitwell's to day, by invitation. i spent last evening at mrs rogers. mr hunt discoursed upon the doctrine of the trinity--it was the second time that he spoke upon the subject at that place. i did not hear him the first time. his business last eve^g was to prove the divinity of the son, & holy ghost, & their equality with the father. my aunt deming says, it is a grief to her, that i don't always write as well as i can, _i can write pretily_. march .--i din'd & spent the afternoon of thursday last, at mrs whitwell's. mrs lathrop, & mrs carpenter din'd there also. the latter said she was formerly acquainted with mamma, ask'd how she did, & when i heard from her,--said, i look'd much like her. madam harris & miss p. vans were also of the company. while i was abroad the snow melted to such a degree, that my aunt was oblig'd to get mr soley's chaise to bring me home. yesterday, we had by far the gratest storm of wind & snow that there has been this winter. it began to fall yesterday morning & continued falling till after our family were in bed. (p.m.) mr. hunt call'd in to visit us just after we rose from diner; he ask'd me, whether i had heard from my papa & mamma, since i wrote 'em. he was answer'd, no sir, it would be strange if i had, because i had been writing to 'em today, & indeed so i did every day. aunt told him that _his name_ went frequently into my journals together with broken & some times whole sentences of his sermons, conversations &c. he laugh'd & call'd me newsmonger, & said i was a daily advertiser. he added, that he did not doubt but my journals afforded much entertainment & would be a future benefit &c. here is a fine compliment for me mamma. march .--yesterday at o'clock, i went to unkle winslow's, their neighbor greenleaf was their. she said she knew mamma, & that i look like her. speaking about papa & you occation'd unkle winslow to tell me that he had kiss'd you long before papa knew you. from thence we went to miss rogers's where, to a full assembly mr bacon read his d sermon on r. iv. , i can remember he said, that, before we all sinned in adam our father, christ loved us. he said the son of god always did as his father gave him commandment, & to prove this, he said, that above hundred years ago he left the bosom of the father, & came & took up his abode with men, & bore all the scourgings & buffetings which the vile jews inflicted on him, & then was hung upon the accursed tree--he died, was buried, & in three days rose again--ascended up to heaven & there took his seat at the right hand of the majesty on high from whence he will come to be the supream and impartial judge of quick & dead--and when his poor mother & her poor husband went to jerusalem to keep the passover & he went with them, he disputed among the doctors, & when his mother ask'd him about it he said "wist ye not that i must be about my father's business,"--all this he said was a part of that wrighteousness for the sake of which a sinner is justafied--aunt has been up stairs all the time i have been writeing & recollecting this--so no help from her. she is come down now & i have been reading this over to her. she sais, she is glad i remember so much, but i have not done the subject justice. she sais i have blended things somewhat improperly--an interuption by company. march .--unkle harry was here last evening & inform'd us that by a vessel from halifax which arriv'd yesterday, mr h newton, inform'd his brother mr j newton of the sudden death of their brother hibbert in your family january ult. (just five months to a day since grandmamma sargent's death.) with all the circumstances relating to it. my aunt deming gives her love to mamma & wishes her a sanctified improvement of all god's dealings with her, & that it would please him to bring her & all the family safe to boston. jarvis is put up for cumberland, we hope he will be there by or before mayday. this minute i have receiv'd my queen's night cap from miss caty vans--we like it. aunt says, that if the materials it is made of were more substantial than gauze, it might serve occationally to hold any thing mesur'd by an - peck, but it is just as it should be, & very decent, & she wishes my writing was _as_ decent. but i got into one of my frolicks, upon sight of the cap. april st.--will you be offended mamma, if i ask you, if you remember the flock of wild geese that papa call'd you to see flying over the blacksmith's shop this day three years? i hope not; i only mean to divert you. the snow is near gone in the street before us, & mud supplys the place thereof; after a week's absence, i this day attended master holbrook with some difficulty, what was last week a pond is to-day a quag, thro' which i got safe however, & if aunt[a] had known it was so bad, she sais she would not have sent me, but i neither wet my feet, nor drabled my clothes, indeed i have but one garment that i could contrive to drabble. n.b. it is april. [footnote a: miss green tells her aunt, that the word refer'd to begins with a dipthong.] april .--yesterday was the annual fast, & i was at meeting all day. mr hunt preach'd a.m. from zac. vii. , , , . he said, that if we did not mean as we said in pray's it was only a compliment put upon god, which was a high affront to his divine majesty. mr bacon, p.m. from james v. . he said, "pray's, effectual & fervent, might be, where there were no words, but there might be elegant words where there is no prayr's. the essence of pray's consists in offering up holy desires to god agreeable to his will,--it is the flowing out of gracious affections--what then are the pray'rs of an unrenewed heart that is full of enmity to god? doubtless they are an abomination to him. what then, must not unregenerate men pray? i answer, it is their duty to breathe out holy desires to god in pray's. prayer is a natural duty. hannah pour'd out her soul before the lord, yet her voice was not heard, only her lips moved. some grieve and complain that their pray's are not answered, but if _thy will be done is_, as it ought to be, in every prayer; their prayers are answer'd." the wind was high at n.e. all day yesterday, but nothing fell from the dark clouds that overspread the heavens, till o'clock last evening, when a snow began which has continued falling ever since. the bell being now ringing for o'clock p.m. & no sign of abatement. my aunt deming says, that if my memory had been equal to the memory of some of my ancestors, i might have done better justice to mr. bacon's good sermon, & that if hers had been better than mine she would have helped me. mr bacon _did_ say what is here recorded, but in other method. april .--i made a shift to walk to meeting yesterday morning. but there was so much water in the streets when i came home from meeting that i got a seat in mr waleses chaise. my aunt walk'd home & she sais thro' more difaculty than ever she did in her life before. indeed had the stream get up from our meeting house as it did down, we might have taken boat as we have talk'd some times of doing to cross the street to our oposite neighbor _soley's_ chaise. i remember some of mr hunts sermon, how much will appear in my text journal. april .--i visited yesterday p.m. with my aunt at mr waldron's. this afternoon i am going with my aunt to visit mrs salisbury who is dr sewall's granddaughter, i expect miss patty waldow will meet me there. it is but a little way & we can now thro' favour cross the street without the help of a boat. i saw miss polly vans this morning. she gives her love to you. as she always does whenever i see her. aunt deming is this minute come into the room, & from what her niece has wrote last, takes the liberty to remind you, that miss vans is a sister of the old south church, a society remarkable for love. aunt deming is sorry she has spoil'd the look of this page by her carelessness & hopes her niece will mend its appearance in what follows. she wishes my english had been better, but has not time to correct more than one word. april .--we made the visit refer'd to above. the company was old mrs salisbury,[ ] mrs hill, (mrs salisbury's sister she was miss hannah sewall & is married to young mr james hill that us'd to live in this house) miss sally hill, miss polly belcher lyde, miss caty sewall, my aunt & myself. yesterday afternoon i visited miss polly deming & took her with me to mr rogers' in the evening where mr hunt discours'd upon the th question of the catechism viz what are the decrees of god? i remember a good many of his observations, which i have got set down on a loose paper. but my aunt says that a miss of year's old cant possibly do justice to the nicest subject in divinity, & therefore had better not attempt a repetition of perticulars, that she finds lie (as may be easily concluded) somewhat confused in my young mind. she also says, that in her poor judgment, mr hunt discours'd soundly as well as ingeniously upon the subject, & very much to her instruction & satisfaction. my papa inform'd me in his last letter that he had done me the honor to read my journals & that he approv'd of some part of them, i suppose he means that he likes some parts better than other, indeed it would be wonderful, as aunt says, if a gentleman of papa's understanding & judgment cou'd be highly entertain'd with _every little_ saying or observation that came from a girl of my years & that i ought to esteem it a great favour that he notices any of my simple matter with his _approbation_. april th.--yesterday i walk'd to meeting all day, the ground very dry, & when i came home from meeting in the afternoon the dust blew so that it almost put my eyes out. what a difference in the space of a week. i was just going out to writing school, but a slight rain prevented so aunt says i must make up by writing well at home. since i have been writing the rain is turn'd to snow, which is now falling in a thick shower. i have now before me, hon^d. mamma, your favor dated january . i am glad you alter'd your mind when you at first thought not to write to me. i am glad my brother made an essay for a post script to your letter. i must get him to read it to me, when he comes up, for two reasons, the one is because i may have the pleasure of hearing his voice, the other because i don't understand his characters. i observe that he is mamma's "ducky darling." i never again shall believe that mrs huston will come up to boston till i see her here. i shall be very glad to see mrs law here & i have some hopes of it. mr gannett and the things you sent by him we safely receiv'd before i got your letter--you say "you see i am still a great housekeeper," i think more so than when i was with you. truly i answer'd mr law's letter as soon as i found opportunity therefor. i shall be very glad to see miss jenny here & i wish she could live with me. i hope you will answer this "viva vosa" as you say you intend to. pray mamma who larnt you lattan? it now rains fast, but the sun shines, & i am glad to see it, because if it continues i am going abroad with aunt this afternoon. april th.--i went a visiting yesterday to col. gridley's with my aunt. after tea miss becky gridley sung a minuet. miss polly deming & i danced to her musick, which when perform'd was approv'd of by mrs gridley, mrs deming, mrs thompson, mrs avery,[ ] miss sally hill, miss becky gridley, miss polly gridley & miss sally winslow. col^n gridley was out o' the room. col^n brought in the talk of whigs & tories & taught me the difference between them. i spent last evening at home. i should have gone a visiting to day in sudbury street, but unkle harry told me last night that they would be full of company. i had the pleasure of hearing by him, that they were all well. i believe i shall go somewhere this afternoon for i have acquaintances enough that would be very glad to see me, as well as my sudbury street friends. april th.--yesterday i din'd at mrs. whitwell's & she being going abroad, i spent the afternoon at mad^m harris's & the evening at home, unkle harry gave us his company some part of it. i am going to aunt storer's as soon as writing school is done. i shall dine with her, if she is not engaged. it is a long time since i was there, & indeed it is a long time since i have been able to get there. for tho' the walking has been pretty tolerable at the south end, it has been intolerable down in town. and indeed till yesterday, it has been such bad walking, that i could not get there on my feet. if she had wanted much to have seen me, she might have sent either one of her chaises, her chariot, or her babyhutt,[ ] one of which i see going by the door almost every day. april th.--i dined with aunt storer yesterday & spent the afternoon very agreeably at aunt suky's. aunt storer is not very well, but she drank tea with us, & went down to mr stillman's lecture in the evening. i spent the evening with unkle & aunt at mrs rogers's. mr bacon preach'd his fourth sermon from romans iv. . my cousin charles storer lent me gulliver's travels abreviated, which aunt says i may read for the sake of perfecting myself in reading a variety of composures. she sais farther that the piece was desin'd as a burlesque upon the times in which it was wrote,--& martimas scriblensis & pope dunciad were wrote with the same design & as parts of the same work, tho' wrote by three several hands. april th.--you see, mamma, i comply with your orders (or at least have done father's some time past) of writing in my journal every day tho' my matters are of little importance & i have nothing at present to communicate except that i spent yesterday afternoon & evening at mr soley's. the day was very rainy. i hope i shall at least learn to spell the word _yesterday_, it having occur'd so frequently in these pages! (the bell is ringing for good friday.) last evening aunt had a letter from unkle pierce, he informs her, that last lords day morning mrs martin was deliver'd of a daughter. she had been siezed the monday before with a violent pluritick fever, which continued when my unkle's letter was dated th instant. my aunt deming is affraid that poor mrs martin is no more. she hopes she is reconcil'd to her father--but is affraid whether that was so--she had try'd what was to be done that way on her late visits to portsmouth, & found my unkle was placably dispos'd, poor mrs martin, she could not then be brought to make any acknowledgements as she ought to have done. april th.--some time since i exchang'd a piece of patchwork, which had been wrought in my leisure intervals, with miss peggy phillips,[ ] my schoolmate, for a pair of curious lace mitts with blue flaps which i shall send, with a yard of white ribbin edg'd with green to miss nancy macky for a present. i had intended that the patchwork should have grown large enough to have cover'd a bed when that same live stock which you wrote me about some time since, should be increas'd to that portion you intend to bestow upon me, should a certain event take place. i have just now finish'd my letter to papa. i had wrote to my other correspondents at cumberland, some time ago, all which with this i wish safe to your & their hand. i have been carefull not to repeat in my journal any thing that i had wrote in a letter either to papa, you, &c. else i should have inform'd you of some of bet smith's abominations with the deserv'd punishment she is soon to meet with. but i have wrote it to papa, so need not repeat. i guess when this reaches you, you will be too much engag'd in preparing to quit your present habitation, & will have too much upon your head & hands, to pay much attention to this scrowl. but it may be an amusement to you on your voyage--therefore i send it. pray mamma, be so kind as to bring up all my journal with you. my papa has promised me, he will bring up my baby house with him. i shall send you a droll figure of a young lady,[ ] in or under, which you please, a tasty head dress. it was taken from a print that came over in one of the last ships from london. after you have sufficiently amused yourself with it i am willing . . . boston april , .--last saterday i seal'd up pages of journal for cumberland. this is a very stormy day--no going to school. i am learning to knit lace. april .--visited at uncle joshua green's. i saw three funerals from their window, poor cap^n turner's was one. april d.--i spent this evening at miss rogers as usual. mr. hunt continued his discourse upon the th question of the catechism & finish'd what he had to say upon it. april d.--this morn^g early our mr bacon set out upon a tour to maryland, he proposed to be absent weeks. he told the church that brother hunt would supply the pulpit till his return. i made a visit this afternoon with cousin sally at dr. phillip's. april th.--i drank tea at aunt suky's. aunt storer was there, she seemed to be in charming good health & spirits. my cousin charles green seems to grow a little fat pritty boy but he is very light. my aunt storer lent me of cousin charles' books to read, viz.--the puzzeling cap, the female oraters & the history of gaffer too-shoes.[ ] april th.--i learn't three stitches upon net work to-day. april th.--i din'd at aunt storer's & spent the p.m. at aunt suky's. april th.--this p.m. i am visited by miss glover, miss draper & miss soley. my aunt abroad. april th.--tomorrow, if the weather be good, i am to set out for marshfield. [illustration: mrs. ebenezer storer] may .--the morning after i wrote above, i sat out for marshfield. i had the pleasure of drinking tea with aunt thomas the same day, the family all well, but mr g who seems to be near the end of the journey of life. i visited general winslow[ ] & his son, the dr., spent days very agreeably with my friends at marshfield, & returned on saterday last in good health & gay spirits which i still enjoy. the first days i was at marshfield, the heat was extream & uncommon for the season. it ended on saterday evening with a great thunder storm. the air has been very cool ever since. my aunt deming observ'd a great deal of lightning in the south, but there was neither thunder, rain nor clouds in boston. may .--last wednesday bet smith was set upon the gallows. she behav'd with great impudence. thursday i danc'd a minuet & country dances at school, after which i drank tea with aunt storer. to day i am somewhat out of sorts, a little sick at my stomach. d.--i followed my schools every day this week, thursday i din'd at aunt storer's & spent the p.m. there. .--i was not at meeting yesterday, unkle & aunt say they had very good fish at the o.s. i have got very sore eyes. june st.--all last week till saterday was very cold & rainy. aunt deming kept me within doors, there were no schools on account of the election of councellers,[ ] & other public doings; with one eye (for t'other was bound up) i saw the governer & his train of life guard &c. ride by in state to cambridge. i form'd letters last week to suit cousin sally & aunt thomas, but my eyes were so bad aunt would not let me coppy but one of them. monday being artillery election[ ] i went to see the hall, din'd at aunt storer's, took a walk in the p.m. unkle laid down the commission he took up last year. mr handcock invited the whole company into his house in the afternoon & treated them very genteelly & generously, with cake, wine, &c. there were corn baskets of the feast (at the hall) sent to the prison & almshouse. th.--from june when i wrote last there has nothing extraordinary happen'd till today the whole regiment muster'd upon the common. mr gannett, aunt & myself went up into the common, & there saw cap^t water's, cap^t paddock's, cap^t peirce's, cap^t eliot's, cap^t barret's, cap^t gay's, cap^t may's, cap^t borington's & cap^t stimpson's company's exercise. from there, we went into king street to col marshal's[ ] where we saw all of them prettily exercise & fire. mr. gannett din'd with us. on sabbath-day evening june my hon^d papa, mamma, little brother, cousin h. d. thomas, miss jenny allen, & mrs huston arriv'd here from cumberland, all in good health, to the great joy of all their friends, myself in particular--they sail'd from cumberland the st instant, in the evening. aug. .--many avocations have prevented my keeping my journal so exactly as heretofore, by which means a pleasant visit to the peacock, my papa's & mamma's journey to marshfield &c. have been omitted. the instant mr sam^l jarvis was married to miss suky peirce, & on the th i made her a visit in company with mamma & many others. the bride was dress'd in a white satin night gound.[ ] .--yesterday i heard an account of a cat of years old, that has just recovered of the meazels. this same cat it is said had the small pox years ago! .--i spent the p.m. & eve at aunt suky's very agreeably with aunt pierce's young ladies viz. miss johnson, miss walker, miss polly & miss betsey warton, (of newport) miss betsey is just a fortnight wanting day older than i am, who i became acquainted with that p.m. papa, mamma, unkle & aunt storer, aunt pierce & mr & mrs jarvis was there. there were at supper besides a great many did not eat any. mrs jarvis sang after supper. my brother johny has got over the measels. sept. .--last evening after meeting, mrs bacon was brought to bed of a fine daughter. but was very ill. she had fits. september .--yesterday afternoon mr bacon baptiz'd his daughter by the name of elizabeth lewis. it is a pretty looking child. mrs whitwell is like to loose her henry harris. he is very ill. .--i visited with mamma at cousin rogers'. there was a good many. .--very busy all day, went into the common in the afternoon to see training. it was very prettyly perform'd. .--my papa, aunt deming, cousin rogers, & miss betsey gould set out for portsmouth. i went over to charlestown with them, after they were gone, i came back, & rode up from the ferry in mrs rogers' chaise; it drop'd me at unkle storer's gate, where i spent the day. my brother was very sick. sep^r . .--spent the days at aunt storer's, the nights at home. .--went down in the morn^g & spent the day & night there. my brother better than he was. .--sabbath day. i went to hear mr stilman[ ] all day, i like him very much. i don't wonder so many go to hear him. st.--mr. sawyer, mr parks, & mrs chatbourn, din'd at aunt storer's. i went to dancing in the afternoon. miss winslow & miss allen visited there. d.--the king's coronation day. in the evening i went with mamma to col^n marshal's in king street to see the fireworks. d.--i din'd at aunt suky's with mr & mrs hooper[ ] of marblehead. in the afternoon i went over to see miss betsy winslow. when i came back i had the pleasure to meet papa. i came home in the evening to see aunt deming. unkle winslow sup'd here. .--papa cal'd here in the morn^g. nothing else worth noticeing. .--very pleasant. unkle ned cal'd here. little henry harris was buried this afternoon. . .--nothing extraordinary yesterday & to day. .--my papa & unkle winslow spent the evening here. . .--very stormy. miss winslow & i read out the generous inconstant, & have begun sir charles grandison. . . . may .--nothing remarkable since the preceding date. whenever i have omited a school my aunt has directed me to sit it down here, so when you dont see a memorandum of that kind, you may conclude that i have paid my compliments to mess^rs holbrook & turner (to the former you see to very little purpose) & mrs smith as usual. the miss waldow's i mentioned in a former are mr. danl waldo's daughters (very pretty misses) their mamma was miss becca salisbury.[ ] after making a short visit with my aunt at mrs green's, over the way, yesterday towards evening, i took a walk with cousin sally to see the good folks in sudbury street, & found them all well. i had my heddus roll on, aunt storer said it ought to be made less, aunt deming said it ought not to be made at all. it makes my head itch, & ach, & burn like anything mamma. this famous roll is not made _wholly_ of a red _cow tail_, but is a mixture of that, & horsehair (very course) & a little human hair of yellow hue, that i suppose was taken out of the back part of an old wig. but d---- made it (our head) all carded together and twisted up. when it first came home, aunt put it on, & my new cap on it, she then took up her apron & mesur'd me, & from the roots of my hair on my forehead to the top of my notions, i mesur'd above an inch longer than i did downwards from the roots of my hair to the end of my chin. nothing renders a young person more amiable than virtue & modesty without the help of fals hair, red _cow tail_, or d---- (the barber).[ ] now all this mamma, i have just been reading over to my aunt. she is pleas'd with my whimsical description & grave (half grave) improvement, & hopes a little fals english will not spoil the whole with mamma. rome was not built in a day. st may.--monday last i was at the factory to see a piece of cloth cousin sally spun for a summer coat for unkle. after viewing the work we recollected the room we sat down in was libberty assembly hall, otherwise called factory hall, so miss gridley & i did ourselves the honour of dancing a minuet in it. on tuesday i made mrs smith my morning & p.m. visits as usual, neither mr. holbrook nor turner have any school this week, nor till tuesday next. i spent yesterday with my friends in sudbury st. cousin frank has got a fever, aunt storer took an emmetick while i was there, cousin betsy had violent pains almost all the forenoon. last tuesday miss ursula griswold, daughter of the right hon. matthew griswold esq governer of one of his majesty's provinces, was made one of our family, & i have the honor of being her chambermade. i have just been reading over what i wrote to the company present, & have got myself laughed at for my ignorance. it seems i should have said the daughter of the hon lieu^t. governor of connecticutt. mrs dixon lodg'd at capn mitchell's. she is gone to connecticutt long since. may.--i spent the afternoon at unkle joshua's. yesterday, after tea i went to see how aunt storer did. i found her well at unkle frank's. mr gerrish & wife of halifax i had the pleasure to meet there, the latter sends love to you. indeed mamma, till i receiv'd your last favour, i never heard a word about the little basket &c. which i sent to brother johny last fall. i suppose harry had so much to write about cotton, that he forgot what was of more consequence. dear mamma, what name has mr bent given his son? something like nehemiah, or jehoshaphat, i suppose, it must be an odd name (our head indeed, mamma.) aunt says she hopes it a'nt baal gad, & she also says that i am a little simpleton for making my note within the brackets above, because, when i omit to do it, mamma will think i have the help of somebody else's head but, n.b. for herself she utterly disclames having either her head or hand concern'd in this curious journal, except where the writing makes it manifest. so much for this matter. [illustration: cut-paper picture] notes. note . aunt deming was sarah, the oldest child of john winslow and sarah peirce, and therefore sister of joshua winslow, anna green winslow's father. she was born august , , died march , . she married john west, and after his death married, on february , , john deming. he was a respectable and intelligent boston citizen, but not a wealthy man. he was an ensign in the ancient and honorable artillery in , and a deacon of the old south church in , both of which offices were patents of nobility in provincial boston. they lived in central court, leading out of washington street, just south of summer street. aunt deming eked out a limited income in a manner dear to boston gentlewomen in those and in later days; she took young ladies to board while they attended boston schools. advertisements in colonial newspapers of "board and half-board for young ladies" were not rare, and many good old new england names are seen in these advertisements. aunt deming was a woman of much judgment, as is shown in the pages of this diary; of much power of graphic description, as is proved by a short journal written for her niece, sally coverly, and letters of hers which are still preserved. she died childless. note . cumberland was the home in nova scotia of anna green winslow's parents, where her father held the position of commissary to the british regiments stationed there. george green, anna's uncle, writing to joseph green, at paramaribo, on july , , said: "mr. winslow & wife still remain at cumberland, have one son & one daughter, the last now at boston for schooling, &c." so, at the date of the first entry in the diary, anna had been in boston probably about a year and a half. note . anna green winslow had doubtless heard much talk about this rev. john bacon, the new minister at the old south church, for much had been said about him in the weekly press: whether he should have an ordination dinner or not, and he did not; accounts of his ordination; and then notice of the sale of his sermons in the _boston gazette_. all mr. bacon's parishioners did not share anna's liking for him; he found himself at the old south in sorely troubled waters. he made a most unpropitious and trying entrance at best, through succeeding the beloved joseph sewall, who had preached to old south listeners for fifty-six years. he came to town a stranger. when, a month later, governor hutchinson issued his annual thanksgiving proclamation, there was placed therein an "exceptionable clause" that was very offensive to boston patriots, relating to the continuance of civil and religious liberties. it had always been the custom to have the proclamation read by the ministers in the boston churches for the two sundays previous to thanksgiving day, but the ruling governor very cannily managed to get two boston clergymen to read his proclamation the third sunday before the appointed day, when all the church members, being unsuspectingly present, had to listen to the unwelcome words. one of these clerical instruments of gubernatorial diplomacy and craft was john bacon. samuel adams wrote bitterly of him, saying, "he performed this servile task a week before the time, when the people were not aware of it." the _boston gazette_ of november commented severely on mr. bacon's action, and many of his congregation were disgusted with him, and remained after the service to talk the proclamation and their unfortunate new minister over. it might have been offered, one might think, as some excuse, that he had so recently come from maryland, and was probably unacquainted with the intenseness of massachusetts politics; and that he had also been a somewhat busy and preoccupied man during his six weeks' presence in boston, for he had been marrying a wife,--or rather a widow. in the _boston evening post_ of november , , i read this notice: "married, the rev'd john bacon to mrs. elizabeth cummings, daughter of ezekiel goldthwait, esq." he retained his pastorate, however, in spite of his early mistake, through anxious tea-party excitement and forlorn war-threatened days, till , with but scant popularity and slight happiness, with bitter differences of opinion with his people over atonement and imputation, and that ever-present stumbling-block to new england divines,--baptism under the half covenant,--till he was asked to resign. nor did he get on over smoothly with his fellow minister, john hunt. in a curious poem of the day, called "boston ministers" (which is reprinted in the _new england historical and genealogical register_ of april, ), these verses appear:-- at old south there's a jarring pair, if i am not mistaken, one may descry with half an eye that hunt is far from bacon. wise hunt can trace out means of grace as leading to conversion, but hopkins scheme is bacons theme, and strange is his assertion. it mattered little, however, that parson bacon had to leave the old south, for that was soon no longer a church, but a riding school for the british troops. mr. bacon retired, after his dismissal, to canterbury, conn., his birthplace. his friendly intimacy with mrs. deming proved of value to her, for when she left boston, in april, , at the time of the closing of the city gates, she met mr. bacon in providence. she says in her journal:-- "towards evening mr & m^rs bacon, with their daughter, came into town. m^r bacon came to see me. enquir'd into my designs, &c. i told him truely i did not know what to do. that i had thot of giting farther into the country. of trying to place sally in some family where she might earn her board, & to do something like it for lucinda, or put her out upon wages. that when i left the plain i had some faint hope i might hear from mr deming while i continued at providence, but that i had little of that hope remaining. m^r bacon advised me to go into connecticutt, the very thing i was desirous of. mr bacon sd that he would advise me for the present to go to canterbury, his native place. that he would give me a letter to his sister, who would receive me kindly & treat me tenderly, & that he would follow me there in a few days." this advice mrs. deming took, and made canterbury her temporary home. mr. bacon did not again take charge of a parish. after the revolution he became a magistrate, went to the legislature, became judge of the court of common pleas, and a member of congress. he did not wholly give up his disputatious ways, if we can judge from the books written by and to him, one of the latter being, "a droll, a deist, and a john bacon, master of arts, gently reprimanded." his wife, who was born in , and died in stockbridge in , was the daughter of ezekiel goldthwait, a tory citizen of boston, a register of deeds, and a wealthy merchant. a portrait of mrs. bacon, painted by copley, is remarkable for its brilliant eyes and beautiful hands and arms. note . rev. john hunt was born in northampton, november , . he was a harvard graduate in the class of , a classmate of caleb strong and john scollay. he was installed colleague-pastor of the old south church with john bacon in . he found it a most trying position. he was of an amiable and gentle disposition, and the poem on "boston ministers" asserted that he "most friends with sisters made." another boston rhymester called him "puny john from northampton, a meek-mouth moderate man." when the gates of boston were closed in , after the battle of lexington, he returned to northampton, and died there of consumption, december , . a full account of his life is given in _sprague's annals of the american pulpit_. see also note . note . "unkle and aunt winslow" were mr. and mrs. john winslow. he was the brother of joshua winslow, was born march, - , died september , , in boston. he was married, on march , , to elizabeth mason (born september, , died january, ). they had five children: i. gen. john winslow, born september , , married ann gardner, may , , died november , . ii. sarah, born april , , married deacon samuel coverly, of boston, on november , , died april , . see note . iii. henry, born january , , died october , . iv. elizabeth, born november , , died september , . v. elizabeth, born september , , married john holland, died november , . gen. john winslow was the favorite nephew of joshua winslow and of his wife, and largely inherited their property. he remained in boston through the siege, and preserved the communion plate of the old south church by burying it in his uncle mason's cellar. he was an ardent patriot, and it is said that his uncle joshua threatened to hang him if he caught him during the revolutionary war. the nephew answered, "no catchee--no hangee, uncle;" but did have the contrary fortune of capturing the uncle, whom he released on parole. he was the sixth signer and first treasurer of the society of the cincinnati. general winslow's daughter, mary ann winslow, born in , lived till , and from her were obtained many of the facts given in these notes. note . miss soley was hannah soley, daughter of john soley and hannah carey, who were married october , . hannah soley was born june , , and married w. g. mccarty. note . william and samuel whitwell and their families were members of the old south church, and all were friends of the winslows and demings. william whitwell was born september , , died april , . he was a prosperous merchant, an estimable and useful citizen, and church member. his first wife was rebecca keayne, his second elizabeth scott (or swett), who died may , ; his third, the widow of royal tyler. the mrs. whitwell here referred to must have been mrs. samuel whitwell, for william whitwell just at that interval was a widower. samuel whitwell was born december , o.s. , died june , . his first wife was elizabeth kelsey; his second, sarah wood; his third, mary smith. note . polly deming was a niece of john deming. note . miss polly glover was mary glover, born in boston, october , , baptized at the old south church, married to deacon james morrell, of the old south, on april , , and died april , . she was the daughter of nathaniel glover (who was born may , , in dorchester; died december, ), and his wife, anne simpson. they were married in . nathaniel glover was a graduate of harvard, and a wealthy man; partner first of thomas hancock, and then of john hancock. note . miss bessy winslow was elizabeth, anna's cousin, who was then about ten years old. see note . note . miss nancy or anne glover was mary glover's sister. see note . she was born in boston, march , , baptized in the old south church, died in roxbury, august, . she married samuel whitwell, jr., son of samuel whitwell, a prominent boston merchant. see note . note . miss sally winslow was sarah, daughter of john winslow (see note ), and was, therefore, anna's cousin. she was born april , , died april , . she married, november , , samuel coverly, deacon of the old south church. she was the sally coverly for whom mrs. deming's journal was written. several of sally coverly's letters still exist, and are models of elegant penmanship and correct spelling, and redound to the credit of her writing teacher, master holbrook. all the d's and y's and t's end with elaborately twisted little curls. a careful margin of an inch is left on every side. the letters speak so plainly of the formal honor and respect paid by all well-bred persons of the day to their elders, even though familiar kinsfolk, that i quote one, which contains much family news:-- boston, feb. th, . i thank you my dear aunt for your kind epistles of april th & nov'r th, the kind interestedness you yet continue to take in my concerns merits the warmest returns of gratitude. the particular circumstances you wish to know i shall with pleasure inform you of--mr. coverly is the youngest son of a worthy citizen late of this town but his parents are now no more. his age is thirty-five. his occupation a shopkeeper who imports his own goods. and if you should wish to know who of your acquaintance he resembles, madam, i would answer he has been taken for our minister mr eckley, by whom we were married in my aunt demings sick chamber the th of nov'r last twelve months since. he has two brothers who both reside in town. i have been remarkably favor'd the last year as to my health & we are blest likewise with a fine little daughter between & months old, very healthy, which we have named elizabeth for its grandmamas and an aunt of each side. my brother call'd today & inform'd me that m^r powell intended setting out tomorrow for quebeck & left a letter for you which i shall send with this. he is almost if not quite as big as my uncle was last time i saw him--he was well & his family, he has three sons, the youngest about eleven months old, he has buried one. in your last you mention both my uncle & yourself as not enjoying so great a share of health. i hope by this time you have each regain'd that blessing more perfectly. be pleased with him my dear aunt to accept my duty in which mr coverly joins me. my sister was very well last week & her son john who is a fine child about months old. capt. holland has purchas'd a house near fort hill which has remov'd her to a greater distance from me. she is now gone to the west-indies, she is connected in a family that are all very fond of her. we expect soon to remove. m^r coverly has taken a lease of a house for some years belonging to m^r john amory, you will please to direct your next for us in cornhill n^o , i shall have the pleasure of your friend m^rs whitwell for my next neighbor there. i had not the pleasure of seeing m^r freeman whiles here altho' i expected it, as his brother promis'd to wait on him here. in one of your kind epistles, madam, you mention'd some of your movables which you would wish me to take possession of which were at my uncle demings. the memorandum you did not send me & my uncle deming has none nor knows of any thing but a great wheel. he is now maried to the widow sebry who is very much lik'd and appears to be a gentlewoman, they were very well today. my aunt mason was to see me a few weeks since with m^rs coburn m^rs scolly & miss becky scolly from middleborough. m^rs scolly has since married her youngest daughter to m^r prentice, minister of medfield. please to give my love to cousin sally deming if she is yet with you i hope she has regain'd her usual health. i should be very glad to be inform'd how her mamma is & where & her family. be pleased to continue your indulgence, as your epistles my dear aunt will at all times be most gratefully receiv'd by y^r oblidg'd niece sarah coverly. note . josiah waters, jr., was the son of josiah and abigail dawes waters. the latter lived to be ninety-five years old. josiah sr. was a captain in the artillery company in , and josiah jr. in . the latter married, on march , , mary, daughter of william and elizabeth whitwell. see note . their child, josiah waters, tertius, born december , , lived till august , . he was a latin school boy, and in the class with josiah quincy at harvard. note . the life of this slave-girl lucinda was a fair example of the gentle form of slavery which existed till this century in our new england states. from an old paper written by a daughter of gen. john winslow, i quote her description of this girl:-- "lucinda was born in africa and purchased by m^rs deming when she was about seven years of age. she was cherished with care and affection by the family, and at mrs. demings death was 'given her freedom.' from that time she chose to make her home with 'master john' (the late gen. john winslow, of boston), a nephew of m^rs demings--at his house she died after some years. the friends of the winslow family attended her funeral; her pastor the rev d^r eckley of the old south and gen. w. walking next the hearse as chief mourners. a few articles belonging to her are preserved in the family as memorials of one who was a beloved member of the household in the olden time." lucinda figures in mrs. deming's account of her escape from besieged boston in , and was treated with as much consideration as was sally, the niece; for her mistress remained behind for a time at wrentham; rather than to allow lucinda to ride outside the coach in the rain. in a letter written by sally coverly, august , , to mrs. joshua winslow, at quebec, she says: "you enquire about lucinda, she is very much gratified by it. she has lived with my brother this ten years and is very good help in their family." note . the "miss sheafs" were nancy and mary sheaffe, youngest daughters of william sheaffe, who had recently died, leaving a family of four sons and six daughters. he had been deputy collector of customs under joseph harrison, the last royal collector of the port. he left his family penniless, and a small shop was stocked by friends for mrs sheaffe. i have often seen her advertisements in boston newspapers. mrs. sheaffe was susanna child, daughter of thomas child, an englishman, one of the founders of trinity church. she lived till . the ten children grew up to fill dignified positions in life. one son was sir roger hale sheaffe. susanna, at the age of fifteen, made a most romantic runaway match with an english officer, capt. ponsonby molesworth. margaret married john r. livingstone; she was a great beauty. lafayette, on his return to france, sent her a satin cardinal lined with ermine, and an elegant gown. helen married james lovell. (see note .) nancy, or anne sheaffe, married, in september, , john erving, jr., a nephew of governor shirley, and died young, leaving three children,--maria, frances, and major john erving. mary married benj. cutler, high sheriff of boston, and died december , , leaving no children. these sheaffes were nearly all buried in the child tomb in trinity church. note . governor matthew griswold was born march , , died april , . he married, on nov. , , his second cousin, ursula wolcott, daughter of gov. roger wolcott. a very amusing story is told of their courtship. governor griswold in early life wished to marry a young lady in durham, conn. she was in love with a physician, whom she hoped would propose to her, and in the mean time was unwilling to give up her hold upon her assured lover. at last the governor, tired of being held in an uncertainty, pressed her for a definite answer. she pleaded that she wished for more time, when he rose with dignity and answered her, "i will give you a lifetime." this experience made him extremely shy, and when thrown with his cousin ursula he made no advance towards love-making. at last when she was nineteen and he ten years older she began asking him on every occasion, "what did you say, cousin matthew?" and he would answer her quietly, "nothing." at last she asked him impatiently, "what did you say, cousin matthew?" and when he answered again "nothing," she replied sharply, "well, it's time you did,"--and _he did_. their daughter ursula, the visitor at mrs. deming's, was born april , , and was a great beauty. she married, in november , , her third cousin, lynde mccurdy, of norwich, conn. note . "unkle joshua" was joshua green, born in boston, may , , "monday / past oclock in the morn^g" and died in wendell, mass., on september , . he attended the boston latin school in , and was in the class of at harvard. he married, as did his brother and sister, a storer--hannah, daughter of ebenezer and mary edwards storer--on october , . after his marriage he lived in court street, the third house south of hanover street. his wife hannah was for many years before and after her marriage--as was her mother--the intimate friend and correspondent of abigail adams, wife of john adams. some of their letters may be found in the _account of percival and ellen green and some of their descendants_, written by hon. samuel abbott green, who is a great-grandson of joshua and hannah green. note . madam storer was mary edwards storer, the widow of ebenezer storer, a boston merchant. she was the mother of anna's uncle ebenezer storer, of her aunt hannah storer green, and of her aunt mary storer green. see notes , , . note . miss caty vans was the granddaughter of hugh vans, a merchant of boston, who became a member of the old south church in . he was born in ayr, scotland, in . he married mary pemberton, daughter of rev. ebenezer pemberton, and died in boston in . they had four sons, john, ebenezer, samuel, and william. one of the first three was the father of caty vans, who was born january , . there are frequent references to her throughout the diary, but i know nothing of her life. william vans married mary clarke, of salem, and had one son, william, and one daughter, rebecca, who married captain jonathan carnes. the vans family bible is in the library of the essex institute. note . in the cordial hatred of the puritans for christmas anna heartily joined. it was not till this century that in new england cheerful merriment and the universal exchange of gifts marked the day as a real holiday. note . "aunt sukey" was susanna green, born july , , died november , . she married, on october , , her cousin, francis green. the little child charles, of whom anna writes, proved to be a deaf-mute, and was drowned near halifax in . francis green had two deaf-mute children by a second wife, and became prominent afterwards in massachusetts for his interest in and promotion of methods in instructing the deaf. in a letter of george green's, dated boston, july , , we read: "frank green was married to sukey in october last and they live next house to mrs storers." from another, dated december , : "frank keeps a ship going between here & london, but i believe understands little of the matter, having never been bred to business wch was one great objection with my father to his courting sukey." i think he must have developed into a capable business man, for i have frequently seen his business advertisements in boston newspapers of his day. anna's mother bequeathed seven hundred and fifty dollars to francis green in her will. he was a man universally esteemed in the community. note . dr. samuel cooper was born march , ; died december , . he graduated at harvard in , and became pastor of the brattle street congregational church, of boston. he was a brilliant preacher, an ardent patriot, the intimate friend of john adams and benjamin franklin, and a very handsome man. note . master holbrook was samuel holbrook, anna's writing-master, one of a highly honored family of boston writing teachers. perhaps the best known of this family was abiah holbrook. in the _boston gazette_ of january , , i find this notice:-- "last friday morning died mr abiah holbrook in the st year of his age, master of the south writing school in this town. he was looked upon by the best judges as the greatest master of the pen we have ever had among us, of which he has left a most beautiful demonstration. he was indefatigable in his labours, successful in his instructions, an honour to the town and to crown all an ornament to the religion of jesus. his funeral is to be attended tomorrow afternoon at four oclock." the "beautiful demonstration" of his penmanship which he left behind him was a most intricate piece of what was known as "fine knotting" or "knot work." it was written in "all the known hands of great britain." this work occupied every moment of what abiah holbrook called his "spare time" for seven years. it was valued at £ . it was bequeathed to harvard college, unless his wife should need the money which could be obtained from selling it. if this were so, she was to offer it first for purchase to john hancock. abiah was a stanch patriot. samuel holbrook was a brother of abiah. he began teaching in , when about eighteen years old. a petition of abiah, dated march , - , sets forth that his school had two hundred and twenty scholars (well may his funeral notice say that he was indefatigable in his labors!), that finding it impossible to properly instruct such a great number, he had appointed his brother to teach part of them and had paid his board for seven months, else some of the scholars must have been turned off without any instruction. he therefore prayed the town to grant him assistance. think of one master for such a great school! in samuel holbrook's salary as usher of the south writing school was fifty pounds per annum. after serving as writing-master of the school in queen street, and also keeping a private school, he was chosen master of the south writing school in march, , to supply the place of his brother abiah deceased. his salary was one hundred pounds. in , and again in , he received eighty pounds in addition to his salary. he also was a patriot. he was one of the "sons of liberty" who dined at the liberty tree, dorchester, on august , ; and he was a member of captain john haskin's company in . he was a member of the old south church, and he died july , . in his later years he kept a school at west street, where afterwards was amos lawrence's garden. abiah and samuel left behind them better demonstrations of their capacity than pieces of "knot-work"--in the handwriting of their scholars. they taught what jonathan snelling described as "boston style of wri^ting," and loudly do the elegant letters and signatures of their scholars, boston patriots, clergy, and statesmen, redound to the credit of the masters holbrook. other holbrooks taught in boston. from the selectmen's minutes of that little town, we find that on november , ,-- "mr holbrook, master of the writing school in the common, and mr carter the master elect of the school in queen st having recommended mr abiah holbrook, a young man near of age, as a suitable person to be usher at mr carters school--the selectmen sent for him, and upon discoursing with the young man thought proper to appoint him usher of said school." and from the _boston gazette_, of april , , we learn that mr. joseph ward "opened an english grammar school in king st where mr joseph holbrook hath for many years kept a writing school." these entries of anna's relating to her attending master holbrook's school have an additional value in that they prove that both boys and girls attended these public writing schools,--a fact which has been disputed. note . dr. james lloyd, born march , , died march , . he began his medical practice in . he was appointed surgeon of the garrison at boston, and was a close friend of sir william howe and earl percy, who for a time lived in his house. he was an episcopalian, and one of the indignant protesters against the alteration of the liturgy at king's chapel. though a warm tory and loyalist, he was never molested by the american government. he was one of boston's most skilful and popular physicians for many years. while other city doctors got but a shilling and sixpence for their regular fee, he charged and received the exorbitant sum of half a dollar a visit; and for "bringing little master to town," in which function he was a specialist, he charged a guinea. note . a pincushion was for many years, and indeed is still, in some parts of new england, a highly conventional gift to a mother with a young babe. mrs. deming must have made many of these cushions. one of her manufacture still exists. it is about five inches long and three inches wide; one side is of white silk stuck around the edge with old-fashioned clumsy pins, with the words, "john winslow march . welcome little stranger." the other side is of gray satin with green spots, with a cluster of pins in the centre, and other pins winding around in a vine and forming a row round the edge. note . though the exchange of christmas gifts was rare in new england, a certain observance of new year's day by gifts seems to have obtained. and we find in judge sewall's diary that he was greeted on new year's morn with a levet, or blast of trumpets, under his window; and he celebrated the opening of the eighteenth century with a very poor poem of his own composition, which he caused to be recited through boston streets by the town-crier. note . the word "pompedore" or pompadour was in constant use in that day. we read of pompedore shoes, laces, capes, aprons, sacques, stockings, and head-dresses. note . aunt storer was mrs. ebenezer storer. her maiden name was elizabeth green. she was a sister of mrs. joshua winslow. she was born october , , died december , ; was married july , , to ebenezer storer, who was born january , - , died january , . he was a harvard graduate, and was for many years treasurer of that college. he was one of boston's most intellectual and respected citizens. his library was large. his name constantly appears on the lists of subscribers to new books. after his death his astronomical instruments became the property of harvard college, and as late as his comet-finder was used there. as anna green winslow spent so much of her time in her "aunt storers" home in sudbury street, it is interesting to know that a very correct picture of this elegant boston home of colonial days has been preserved through the account given in the _memoir of eliza susan morton quincy_,--though many persons still living remember the house:-- "the mansion of ebenezer storer, an extensive edifice of wood three stories in height, was erected in . it was situated on sudbury street between two trees of great size and antiquity. an old english elm of uncommon height and circumference grew in the sidewalk of the street before the mansion, and behind it was a sycamore tree of almost equal age and dimensions. it fronted to the south with one end toward the street. from the gate a broad walk of red sandstone separated it from a grass-plot which formed the courtyard, and passed the front door to the office of mr. storer. the vestibule of the house, from which a staircase ascended, opened on either side into the dining and drawing rooms. both had windows towards the courtyard and also opened by glazed doors into a garden behind the house. they were long low apartments; the walls wainscoted and panelled; the furniture of carved mahogany. the ceilings were traversed through the length of the rooms by a large beam cased and finished like the walls; and from the centre of each depended a glass globe which reflected as in a convex mirror all surrounding objects. there was a rich persian carpet in the drawing-room, the colors crimson and green. the curtains and the cushions of the window-seat were of green damask; and oval mirrors and girandoles and a teaset of rich china completed the furniture of that apartment. the wide chimney-place in the dining room was lined and ornamented with dutch tiles; and on each side stood capacious armchairs cushioned and covered with green damask, for the master and mistress of the family. on the walls were portraits in crayon by copley, and valuable engravings representing franklin with his lightning rod, washington, and other eminent men of the last century. between the windows hung a long mirror in a mahogany frame; and opposite the fireplace was a buffet ornamented with porcelain statuettes and a set of rich china. a large apartment in the second story was devoted to a valuable library, a philosophical apparatus, a collection of engravings, a solar microscope, a camera, etc." as i read this description i seem to see the figure of our happy little diary-writer reflected in the great glass globes that hung from the summer-trees, while she danced on the persian carpet, or sat curled up reading on the cushioned window-seat. note . as this was in the time of depreciated currency, £ was not so large a sum to spend for a young girl's outfit as would at first sight appear. note . dr. charles chauncey was born january , ; died february , . he graduated at harvard in , and soon became pastor of the first church in boston. he was an equally active opponent of whitefield and of episcopacy. he was an ardent and romantic patriot, yet so plain in his ways and views that he wished _paradise lost_ might be turned into prose that he might understand it. note . rev. ebenezer pemberton was pastor of the new brick church. he had a congregation of stanch whigs; but unluckily, the tory governor hutchinson also attended his church. dr. pemberton was the other minister of the two who sprung the governor's hated thanksgiving proclamation of on their parishes a week ahead of time, as told in note , and the astounded and disgusted new brick hearers, more violent than the old south attendants, walked out of meeting while it was being read. dr. pemberton's troubled and unhappy pastorate came to an end by the closing of his church in war times in . he was of the class of harvard college. he died september , . note . we find frequent references in the writings and newspapers of the times to this truly puritanical dread of bishops. to the descendants of the pilgrims the very name smacked of incense, stole, and monkish jargon. a writer, signing himself "america," gives in the _boston evening post_, of october , , a communication thoroughly characteristic of the spirit of the community against the establishment of bishops, the persistent determination to "beate down every sprout of episcopacie." note . a negligée was a loose gown or sacque open in front, to be worn over a handsome petticoat; and in spite of its name, was not only in high fashion for many years, but was worn for full dress. abigail adams, writing to mrs. storer, on january , , says: "trimming is reserved for full dress only, when very large hoops and negligées with trains three yards long are worn." i find advertised in the _boston evening post_, as early as november, : "horse-hair quilted coats to wear with negligees." a poem printed in new york in has these lines:-- "put on her a shepherdee a short sack or negligee ruffled high to keep her warm eight or ten about an arm." note . a pistareen was a spanish coin worth about seventeen cents. note . there exists in new england a tradition of "groaning cake," made and baked in honor of a mother and babe. these cakes which anna bought of the nurse may have been "groaning cakes." it was always customary at that time to give "vails" to the nurse when visiting a new-born child; sometimes gifts of money, often of trinkets and articles of clothing. note . miss "scolley" was mary scollay, youngest of the thirteen children of john scollay (who was born in , died october, ), and his wife mary. mary was born in . she married rev. thomas prentiss on february , , had nine children, and lived to be eighty-two years old--dying in . her sister mercy was engaged to be married to general warren, but he fell at bunker hill: and his betrothed devoted herself afterwards to the care and education of his orphaned children whom he had by his first wife. note . miss bella coffin was probably isabella, daughter of john coffin and isabella child, who were married in . she married major macmurde, and their sons were officers in india. note . this miss "quinsey" was ann quincy, the daughter of col. josiah quincy (who was born , died ), and his third wife, ann marsh. ann was born december , , and thus would have been in her ninth year at the time of the little rout. she married the rev. asa packard, of marlborough, mass., in . note . in the universal use of wines and strong liquors in new england at that date children took unrestrainedly their proportionate part. it seems strange to think of this girl assembly of little bostonians drinking wine and hot or cold punch as part of their "treat," yet no doubt they were well accustomed to such fare. i know of a little girl of still tenderer years who was sent at that same time from the barbadoes to her grandmother's house in boston to be "finished" in boston schools, as was anna, and who left her relative's abode in high dudgeon because she was not permitted to have wine at her meals; and her parents upheld her, saying missy must be treated like a lady and have all the wine she wished. cobbett, who thought liquor drinking the national disease of america, said that "at all hours of the day little boys at or under twelve years of age go into stores and tip off their drams." thus it does not seem strange for little maids also to drink at a party. the temperance awakening of this century came none too soon. note . paste ornaments were universally worn by both men and women, as well as by little girls, and formed the decoration of much of the headgear of fashionable dames. many advertisements appear in new england newspapers, which show how large and varied was the importation of hair ornaments at that date. we find advertised in the _boston evening post_, of : "double and single row knotted paste combs, paste hair sprigs & pins all prices. marcasite and pearl hair sprigs, garnet & pearl hair sprigs." in the _salem gazette_ and various boston papers i read of "black & coloured plumes & feathers." other hair ornaments advertised in the _boston news letter_, of december, , were "long and small tail garnets, mock garland of all sorts and ladies poll combs." steel plumes, pompons, aigrettes, and rosettes all were worn on the head, and artificial flowers, wreaths of gauze, and silk ribbons. note . marcasite, spelled also marcassite, marchasite, marquesett, or marquaset, was a mineral, the crystallized form of iron pyrites. it was largely used in the eighteenth century for various ornamental purposes, chiefly in the decoration of the person. it took a good polish, and when cut in facets like a rose-diamond, formed a pretty material for shoe and knee-buckles, earrings, rings, pins, and hair ornaments. scarce a single advertisement of wares of milliner or mantua maker can he found in eighteenth century newspapers that does not contain in some form of spelling the word marcasite, and scarce a rich gown or headdress was seen without some ornament of marcasite. note . master turner was william turner, a fashionable dancing master of boston, who afterward resided in salem, and married judith, daughter of dr. edward augustus holyoke, of salem, who died in , aged one hundred and one years. it was recalled by an old lady that the scholars in the school of her youth marched through boston streets, to the music of the fiddle played by "black henry," to concert hall, corner tremont and bromfield streets, to practice dancing; and that mr. turner walked at the head of the school. his advertisements may be seen in boston and salem papers, thus:-- "mr. turner informs the ladies and gentlemen in town and country that he has reduced his price for teaching from six dollars entrance to one guinea, and from four dollars per month to three. those ladies and gentlemen who propose sending their children to be taught will notice no books will be kept as mr. t. has suffered much by booking. the pupils must pay monthly if they are desirous the school should continue." note . "unkle ned" was edward green, born september , ; died july , . he married, on april , , mary storer (sister of ebenezer storer and of hannah storer green). they had no children. he was, in , one of the enlisting officers for suffolk county. in a letter of george green's, written july , , we read: "ned still lives gentleman-like at southwacks court without doing any business tho' obliged to haul in his horns;" and from another of december , : "ned after having shown off as long as he you'd with his yell^o damask window curtains &c is (the last month) retired into the country and lives w^th his wife at parson storers at watertown. how long that will hold i cant say." note . madam smith was evidently anna's teacher in sewing. the duties pertaining to a sewing school were, in those days, no light matter. from an advertisement of one i learn that there were taught at these schools:-- "all kinds of needleworks viz: point, brussels, dresden gold, silver, and silk embroidery of every kind. tambour feather, india & darning, spriggings with a variety of open-work to each. tapestry plain, lined, and drawn. catgut, black & white, with a number of beautiful stitches. diaper and plain darnings. french quiltings, knitting, various sorts of marking with the embellishments of royal cross, plain cross, queen, irish, and tent stitches." can any nineteenth century woman read this list of feminine accomplishments without looking abashed upon her idle hands, and ceasing to wonder at the delicate heirlooms of lace and embroidery that have come down to us! note . grandmamma sargent was joshua winslow's mother. her maiden name was sarah pierce. she was born april , , died august , . she married on september , , john winslow, who lived to be thirty-eight years old. after his death she married dr. nathaniel sargent in . note . these lines were a part of the epitaph said to be composed by governor thomas dudley, who died at andover, mass., in . they were found after his death and preserved in morton's _new england's memorial_. they run thus:-- dim eyes, deaf ears, cold stomach show my dissolution is in view; eleven times seven near lived have i, and now god calls, i willing die; my shuttle's shot, my race is run, my sun is set, my deed is done; my span is measur'd, tale is told, my flower is faded and grown old, my dream is vanish'd, shadow's fled, my soul with christ, my body dead; farewell dear wife, children and friends, hate heresy, make blessed ends; bear poverty, live with good men, so shall we meet with joy again. let men of god in courts and churches watch o'er such as do a toleration hatch; lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice, to prison all with heresy and vice. if men be left, and other wise combine my epitaph's, i dy'd no libertine. note . miss polly vans was mary vans, daughter of hugh and mary pemberton vans, and aunt of caty vans. she was born in . we have some scattered glimpses of her life. she joined the old south in . in the _boston gazette_, of april , , we read, "fan mounts mounted by mary vans at the house of deacon williams, in cornhill." we hear of her at attleborough with samuel whitwell's wife when the gates of boston were closed, and we know she married deacon jonathan mason on sunday evening, december , . she was his second wife. his first wife was miriam clark, and was probably the mrs. mason who was present at mrs. whitwell's, and died june , . mary vans mason lived till , having witnessed the termination of eight of the pastorates of the old south church. well might anna term her "a sister of the old south." she was in the president of the old south charity school, and is described as a "disinterested friend, a judicious adviser, an affectionate counsellor, a mild but faithful reprover, a humble, self-denying, fervent, active, cheerful christian." jonathan mason was not only a deacon, but a prosperous merchant and citizen. he helped to found the first bank in new england. his son was united states senator. two other daughters of hugh vans were a mrs. langdon, of wiscasset, maine, and mrs. john coburn. note . st. valentine's day was one of the few english holidays observed in new england. we find even governor winthrop writing to his wife about "challenging a valentine." in england at that date, and for a century previous, the first person of the opposite sex seen in the morning was the observer's valentine. we find madam pepys lying in bed for a long time one st. valentine's morning with eyes tightly closed, lest she see one of the painters who was gilding her new mantelpiece, and be forced to have him for her valentine. anna means, doubtless, that the first person she chanced to see that morning was "an old country plow-joger." note . boston was at that date pervaded by the spirit of liberty. sons of liberty held meetings every day and every night. daughters of liberty held spinning and weaving bees, and gathered in bands pledging themselves to drink no tea till the obnoxious revenue act was repealed. young unmarried girls joined in an association with the proud declaration, "we, the daughters of those patriots who have appeared for the public interest, do now with pleasure engage with them in denying ourselves the drinking of foreign tea." even the children felt the thrill of revolt and joined in patriotic demonstrations--and a year or two later the entire graduating class at harvard, to encourage home manufactures, took their degrees in homespun. note . the cut-paper pictures referred to are the ones which are reproduced in this book, and which are still preserved. anna's father finally received them. mrs. deming and other members of the winslow family seem to have excelled in this art, and are remembered as usually bringing paper and scissors when at a tea-drinking, and assiduously cutting these pictures with great skill and swiftness and with apparently but slight attention to the work. this form of decorative art was very fashionable in colonial days, and was taught under the ambitious title of papyrotamia. note . the "biziness of making flowers" was a thriving one in boston. we read frequently in newspapers of the day such notices as that of anne dacray, of pudding lane, in the _boston evening post_, of , who advertises that she "makes and sells head-flowers: ladies may be supplied with single buds for trimming stomachers or sticking in the hair." advertisements of teachers in the art of flower-making also are frequent. i note one from the _boston gazette_, of october , :-- "to the young ladies of boston. elizabeth courtney as several ladies has signified of having a desire to learn that most ingenious art of painting on gauze & catgut, proposes to open a school, and that her business may be a public good, designs to teach the making of all sorts of french trimmings, flowers, and feather muffs and tippets. and as these arts above mentioned (the flowers excepted) are entirely unknown on the continent, she flatters herself to meet with all due encouragement; and more so, as every lady may have a power of serving herself of what she is now obliged to send to england for, as the whole process is attended with little or no expence. the conditions are five dollars at entrance; to be confin'd to no particular hours or time: and if they apply constant may be compleat in six weeks. and when she has fifty subscribers school will be opened, &c, &c." note . this was james lovell, the famous boston schoolmaster, orator, and patriot. he was born in boston october , . he graduated at harvard in , then became a latin school usher. he married miss helen sheaffe, older sister of the "two miss sheafs" named herein; and their daughter married henry loring, of brookline. he was a famous patriot: he delivered the oration in commemorative of the boston massacre. he was imprisoned by the british as a spy on the evidence of letters found on general warren's dead body after the battle of bunker hill. he died in windham, maine, july , . a full account of his life and writings is given in loring's _hundred boston orators_. note . nothing seems more revolting to our modern notions of decency than the inhuman custom of punishing criminals in the open streets. from the earliest days of the colonies the greatest publicity was given to the crime, to its punishment, and to the criminal. anna shows, in her acquaintance with the vices of bet smith, a painful familiarity with evil unknown in any well-bred child of to-day. samuel breck wrote thus of the boston of :-- "the large whipping-post painted red stood conspicuously and prominently in the most public street in the town. it was placed in state street directly under the windows of a great writing school which i frequented, and from them the scholars were indulged in the spectacle of all kinds of punishment suited to harden their hearts and brutalize their feelings. here women were taken in a huge cage, in which they were dragged on wheels from prison, and tied to the post with bare backs on which thirty or forty lashes were bestowed among the screams of the culprit and the uproar of the mob. a little further in the street was to be seen the pillory with three or four fellows fastened by the head and hands, and standing for an hour in that helpless posture, exposed to gross and cruel jeers from the multitude, who pelted them incessantly with rotten eggs and every repulsive kind of garbage that could be collected." there was a pillory in state street in boston as late as , and men stood in it for the crime of sinking a vessel at sea and defrauding the underwriters. in the pillory was in constant use in newport. note . in british troops were quartered in boston, to the intense annoyance and indignation of boston inhabitants. disturbances between citizens and soldiers were frequent, and many quarrels arose. on the night of march in that year the disturbance became so great that the troops, at that time under command of captain preston, fired upon the unarmed citizens in king (now state) street, causing the death of crispus attucks, a colored man, samuel gray and james caldwell, who died on the spot, and mortally wounding patrick carr and samuel maverick. at the burial of these slaughtered men the greatest concourse ever known in the colonies flocked to the grave in the granary burying ground. all traffic ceased. the stores and manufactories were closed. the bells were tolled in all the neighboring towns. daniel webster said, that from the moment the blood of these men stained the pavements of boston streets, we may date the severance of the colony from the british empire. the citizens demanded the removal of the troops, and the request was complied with. for many years the anniversary of this day was a solemn holiday in boston, and religious and patriotic services were publicly held. note . mather byles was born march , ; died july , . he was ordained pastor of the hollis street congregational church, of boston, in . he was a staunch loyalist till the end of his days, as were his daughters, who lived till . his chief fame does not rest on his name as a clergyman or an author, but as an inveterate and unmerciful jester. note . henry green, the brother of anna's mother, was born june , . he was a latin school boy, was in business in nova scotia, and died in . note . this stove was a foot-stove,--a small metal box, usually of sheet tin or iron, enclosed in a wooden frame or standing on little legs, and with a handle or bail for comfortable carriage. in it were placed hot coals from a glowing wood fire, and from it came a welcome warmth to make endurable the freezing floors of the otherwise unwarmed meeting-house. foot-stoves were much used in the old south. in the records of the church, under date of january , , may be read:-- "whereas, danger is apprehended from the stoves that are frequently left in the meeting-house after the publick worship is over; voted that the saxton make diligent search on the lords day evening and in the evening after a lecture, to see if any stoves are left in the house, and that if he find any there he take them to his house; and it is expected that the owners of such stoves make reasonable satisfaction to the saxton for his trouble before they take them away." the old south did not have a stove set in the church for heating till . note . the first anniversary of the boston massacre was celebrated throughout the city, and a mass-meeting was held at the old south church, where james lovell made a stirring address. see notes and . note . the queen's night-cap was a very large full cap with plaited ruffles, which is made familiar to us through the portraits of martha washington. note . "old mrs. sallisbury" was mrs. nicholas salisbury, who was married in , and was mother of rebecca salisbury, who became mrs. daniel waldo, and of samuel salisbury, who married elizabeth sewall. see note . note . mrs. john avery. her husband was secretary of the commonwealth and nephew of john deming, who in his will left his house to john avery, jr. note . a baby hutt was a booby-hutch, a clumsy, ill-contrived covered carriage. the word is still used in some parts of england, and a curious survival of it in new england is the word booby-hut applied to a hooded sleigh; and booby to the body of a hackney coach set on runners. mr. howells uses the word booby in the latter signification, and it may be heard frequently in eastern massachusetts, particularly in boston. note . peggy phillips was margaret phillips, daughter of william and margaret wendell phillips. she was born may , , married judge samuel cooper, and died february , . she was aunt of wendell phillips. note . this "droll figure" may have been a drawing, or a dressed doll, or "baby," as such were called--a doll that displayed in careful miniature the reigning modes of the english court. in the _new england weekly journal_, of july , , appears this notice:-- "to be seen at mrs. hannah teatts mantua maker at the head of summer street boston a baby drest after the newest fashion of mantuas and night gowns & everything belonging to a dress. latily arrived on capt. white from london, any ladies that desire it may either come or send, she will be ready to wait on 'em if they come to the house it is five shilling, & if she waits on 'em it is seven shilling." these models of fashion were employed until this century. note . we can have a very exact notion of the books imported and printed for and read by children at that time, from the advertisements in the papers. in the _boston gazette and country journal_, of january , , the booksellers, cox and berry, have this notice:-- the following little books for the instruction & amusement of all good boys and girls. the brother gift or the naughty girl reformed. the sister gift, or the naughty boy reformed. hobby horse or christian companion. robin good-fellow, a fairy tale. puzzling cap, a collection of riddles. the cries of london as exhibited in the streets. royal guide or early introduction to reading english. mr winloves collection of stories. " " moral lectures. history of tom jones abridg'd from the works of " " joseph andrews h. fielding. " " pamela abridg'd from the works of " " grandison s. richardson, esq. " " clarissa note . general john winslow was but a distant kinsman of anna's, for he was descended from edward winslow. he was born may , ; died april , . he was a soldier and jurist, but his most prominent position (though now of painful notoriety) was as commander of that tragic disgrace in american history, the expedition against the acadians. it is told in extenuation of his action that before the annihilation and dispersion of that unfortunate community he addressed them, saying that his duty was "very disagreeable to his natural make and temper as it must be grievous to them," but that he must obey orders,--and of course what he said was true. note . the exercises attending this election of counsellors must indeed have been an impressive sight. the governor, attended by a troop of horse, rode from the province house to cambridge, where religious services were held. an election sermon was preached. volleys and salutes were fired at the battery and castle. a protest was made in the public press, as on the previous year, against holding this election in cambridge instead of in the "town house in boston, the accustomed ancient place," and also directly to the governor, which was answered by him in the newspapers; and at this election a most significant event occurred--john hancock declined to accept a seat among the counsellors, to which he had been elected. the newspapers--the _massachusetts spy_ and the _boston gazette and country journal_--commented on his action thus:-- "mr hancocks declining a seat in the council board is very satisfactory to the friends of liberty among his constituents. this gentleman has stood five years successively and as often negativ'd. whatever may have been the motive of his being approbated at last his own determination now shows that he had rather be a representative of the people since he has had so repeatedly their election and confidence." note . boston had two election days. on artillery election the ancient and honorable artillery had a dress parade on the common. the new officers were chosen and received their new commissions from the new governor. no negroes were then allowed on the common. the other day was called "nigger lection," because the blacks were permitted to throng the common and buy gingerbread and drink beer, as did their betters at artillery election. note . col. thomas marshall was a revolutionary officer. he commanded the tenth massachusetts regiment at valley forge. he was captain of the ancient and honorable artillery from to , and at one time commanded castle island, now fort independence. he was one of the selectmen of boston at the time when the town was invested by troops under washington. he died at weston, mass., on november , . note . a night gown was not in those days a garment for wear when sleeping, but resembled what we now call a tea-gown. the night attire was called a rail. both men and women wore in public loose robes which they called night gowns. men often wore these gowns in their offices. note . many boston people agreed with anna in her estimate of rev. samuel stillman. he was called to the first baptist church in , and soon became one of boston's most popular and sensational preachers. crowds thronged his obscure little church at the north end, and he took an active part in revolutionary politics. many were pleased with his patriotism who did not agree with him in doctrine. in the curious poem on boston ministers, already quoted, we read:-- last in my list is a baptist, a real saint, i wot. though named stillman much noise he can make when in pulpit got. the multitude, both grave and rude, as drove by wind and tide, after him hie, when he doth try to gain them to his side. note . mr. and mrs. hooper were "king" hooper and his wife of marblehead. he was so called on account of his magnificent style of living. he was one of the harvard class of ; was a refugee in , and died insolvent in . the beautiful mansion which he built at danvers, mass., is still standing in perfect condition, and is the home of francis peabody, esq. it is one of the finest examples of eighteenth century architecture in new england. note . this "miss becca" was rebecca salisbury, born april , , died september , . she was a fine, high-spirited young woman, and upon being taunted by a rejected lover with, "the proverb old--you know it well, that women dying maids, lead apes in hell," (a belief referred to in _taming of the shrew_, act ii. scene ), she made this clever rhyming answer:-- "lead apes in hell--tis no such thing; the story's told to fool us. but better there to hold a string, than here let monkeys lead us." she married daniel waldo may , . the "very pretty misses" were their daughters; elizabeth, born november , , died unmarried in worcester, august , ; and martha (who in this diary is called patty), born september , , died november , . she married levi lincoln, lieutenant-governor of massachusetts, and became the mother of levi lincoln, governor of massachusetts, enoch lincoln, governor of maine, and col. john lincoln. note . the fashion of the roll was of much importance in those days. a roll frequently weighed fourteen ounces. we can well believe such a heavy mass made poor anna's head "ach and itch like anything." that same year the _boston gazette_ had a laughable account of an accident to a young woman on boston streets. she was knocked down by a runaway, and her headdress received the most serious damage. the outer covering of hair was thrust aside, and cotton, tow, and false hair were disgorged to the delight of jeering boys, who kicked the various stuffings around the street. a salem hair-dresser advertised that he would "attend to the polite construction of rolls to raise ladies heads to any pitch desired." the abbé robin, traveling through boston a few years later, found the hair of ladies' heads "raised and supported upon rolls to an extravagant height." [illustration: cuore edmondo de amicis] [illustration: "the boy had walked ten miles."--page .] cuore (heart) an italian schoolboy's journal _a book for boys_ by edmondo de amicis _translated from the thirty-ninth italian edition_ by isabel f. hapgood new york thomas y. crowell company publishers copyright, , and . by thomas y. crowell & company copyright, . by isabel f. hapgood printed in the united states of america author's preface this book is specially dedicated to the boys of the elementary schools between the ages of nine and thirteen years, and might be entitled: "the story of a scholastic year written by a pupil of the third class of an italian municipal school." in saying written by a pupil of the third class, i do not mean to say that it was written by him exactly as it is printed. he noted day by day in a copy-book, as well as he knew how, what he had seen, felt, thought in the school and outside the school; his father at the end of the year wrote these pages on those notes, taking care not to alter the thought, and preserving, when it was possible, the words of his son. four years later the boy, being then in the lyceum, read over the mss. and added something of his own, drawing on his memories, still fresh, of persons and of things. now read this book, boys; i hope that you will be pleased with it, and that it may do you good. edmondo de amicis. contents. october. page the first day of school our master an accident the calabrian boy my comrades a generous deed my schoolmistress of the upper first in an attic the school _the little patriot of padua_ the chimney-sweep the day of the dead november. my friend garrone the charcoal-man and the gentleman my brother's schoolmistress my mother my companion coretti the head-master the soldiers nelli's protector the head of the class _the little vidette of lombardy_ the poor december. the trader vanity the first snow-storm the little mason a snowball the mistresses in the house of the wounded man _the little florentine scribe_ will gratitude january. the assistant master stardi's library the son of the blacksmith-ironmonger a fine visit the funeral of vittorio emanuele franti expelled from school _the sardinian drummer-boy_ the love of country envy franti's mother hope february. a medal well bestowed good resolutions the engine pride the wounds of labor the prisoner _daddy's nurse_ the workshop the little harlequin the last day of the carnival the blind boys the sick master the street march. the evening schools the fight the boys' parents number a little dead boy the eve of the fourteenth of march the distribution of prizes strife my sister _blood of romagna_ the little mason on his sick-bed count cavour april. spring king umberto the infant asylum gymnastics my father's teacher convalescence friends among the workingmen garrone's mother giuseppe mazzini _civic valor_ may. children with the rickets sacrifice the fire _from the apennines to the andes_ summer poetry the deaf-mute june. garibaldi the army italy thirty-two degrees my father in the country the distribution of prizes to the workingmen my dead schoolmistress thanks _shipwreck_ july. the last page from my mother the examinations the last examination farewell cuore. an italian schoolboy's journal. _october._ first day of school. monday, th. to-day is the first day of school. these three months of vacation in the country have passed like a dream. this morning my mother conducted me to the baretti schoolhouse to have me enter for the third elementary course: i was thinking of the country and went unwillingly. all the streets were swarming with boys: the two book-shops were thronged with fathers and mothers who were purchasing bags, portfolios, and copy-books, and in front of the school so many people had collected, that the beadle and the policeman found it difficult to keep the entrance disencumbered. near the door, i felt myself touched on the shoulder: it was my master of the second class, cheerful, as usual, and with his red hair ruffled, and he said to me:-- "so we are separated forever, enrico?" i knew it perfectly well, yet these words pained me. we made our way in with difficulty. ladies, gentlemen, women of the people, workmen, officials, nuns, servants, all leading boys with one hand, and holding the promotion books in the other, filled the anteroom and the stairs, making such a buzzing, that it seemed as though one were entering a theatre. i beheld again with pleasure that large room on the ground floor, with the doors leading to the seven classes, where i had passed nearly every day for three years. there was a throng; the teachers were going and coming. my schoolmistress of the first upper class greeted me from the door of the class-room, and said:-- "enrico, you are going to the floor above this year. i shall never see you pass by any more!" and she gazed sadly at me. the director was surrounded by women in distress because there was no room for their sons, and it struck me that his beard was a little whiter than it had been last year. i found the boys had grown taller and stouter. on the ground floor, where the divisions had already been made, there were little children of the first and lowest section, who did not want to enter the class-rooms, and who resisted like donkeys: it was necessary to drag them in by force, and some escaped from the benches; others, when they saw their parents depart, began to cry, and the parents had to go back and comfort and reprimand them, and the teachers were in despair. my little brother was placed in the class of mistress delcati: i was put with master perboni, up stairs on the first floor. at ten o'clock we were all in our classes: fifty-four of us; only fifteen or sixteen of my companions of the second class, among them, derossi, the one who always gets the first prize. the school seemed to me so small and gloomy when i thought of the woods and the mountains where i had passed the summer! i thought again, too, of my master in the second class, who was so good, and who always smiled at us, and was so small that he seemed to be one of us, and i grieved that i should no longer see him there, with his tumbled red hair. our teacher is tall; he has no beard; his hair is gray and long; and he has a perpendicular wrinkle on his forehead: he has a big voice, and he looks at us fixedly, one after the other, as though he were reading our inmost thoughts; and he never smiles. i said to myself: "this is my first day. there are nine months more. what toil, what monthly examinations, what fatigue!" i really needed to see my mother when i came out, and i ran to kiss her hand. she said to me:-- "courage, enrico! we will study together." and i returned home content. but i no longer have my master, with his kind, merry smile, and school does not seem pleasant to me as it did before. our master. tuesday, th. my new teacher pleases me also, since this morning. while we were coming in, and when he was already seated at his post, some one of his scholars of last year every now and then peeped in at the door to salute him; they would present themselves and greet him:-- "good morning, signor teacher!" "good morning, signor perboni!" some entered, touched his hand, and ran away. it was evident that they liked him, and would have liked to return to him. he responded, "good morning," and shook the hands which were extended to him, but he looked at no one; at every greeting his smile remained serious, with that perpendicular wrinkle on his brow, with his face turned towards the window, and staring at the roof of the house opposite; and instead of being cheered by these greetings, he seemed to suffer from them. then he surveyed us attentively, one after the other. while he was dictating, he descended and walked among the benches, and, catching sight of a boy whose face was all red with little pimples, he stopped dictating, took the lad's face between his hands and examined it; then he asked him what was the matter with him, and laid his hand on his forehead, to feel if it was hot. meanwhile, a boy behind him got up on the bench, and began to play the marionette. the teacher turned round suddenly; the boy resumed his seat at one dash, and remained there, with head hanging, in expectation of being punished. the master placed one hand on his head and said to him:-- "don't do so again." nothing more. then he returned to his table and finished the dictation. when he had finished dictating, he looked at us a moment in silence; then he said, very, very slowly, with his big but kind voice:-- "listen. we have a year to pass together; let us see that we pass it well. study and be good. i have no family; you are my family. last year i had still a mother: she is dead. i am left alone. i have no one but you in all the world; i have no other affection, no other thought than you: you must be my sons. i wish you well, and you must like me too. i do not wish to be obliged to punish any one. show me that you are boys of heart: our school shall be a family, and you shall be my consolation and my pride. i do not ask you to give me a promise on your word of honor; i am sure that in your hearts you have already answered me 'yes,' and i thank you." at that moment the beadle entered to announce the close of school. we all left our seats very, very quietly. the boy who had stood up on the bench approached the master, and said to him, in a trembling voice:-- "forgive me, signor master." the master kissed him on the brow, and said, "go, my son." an accident. friday, st. the year has begun with an accident. on my way to school this morning i was repeating to my father these words of our teacher, when we perceived that the street was full of people, who were pressing close to the door of the schoolhouse. suddenly my father said: "an accident! the year is beginning badly!" we entered with great difficulty. the big hall was crowded with parents and children, whom the teachers had not succeeded in drawing off into the class-rooms, and all were turning towards the director's room, and we heard the words, "poor boy! poor robetti!" over their heads, at the end of the room, we could see the helmet of a policeman, and the bald head of the director; then a gentleman with a tall hat entered, and all said, "that is the doctor." my father inquired of a master, "what has happened?"--"a wheel has passed over his foot," replied the latter. "his foot has been crushed," said another. he was a boy belonging to the second class, who, on his way to school through the via dora grossa, seeing a little child of the lowest class, who had run away from its mother, fall down in the middle of the street, a few paces from an omnibus which was bearing down upon it, had hastened boldly forward, caught up the child, and placed it in safety; but, as he had not withdrawn his own foot quickly enough, the wheel of the omnibus had passed over it. he is the son of a captain of artillery. while we were being told this, a woman entered the big hall, like a lunatic, and forced her way through the crowd: she was robetti's mother, who had been sent for. another woman hastened towards her, and flung her arms about her neck, with sobs: it was the mother of the baby who had been saved. both flew into the room, and a desperate cry made itself heard: "oh my giulio! my child!" at that moment a carriage stopped before the door, and a little later the director made his appearance, with the boy in his arms; the latter leaned his head on his shoulder, with pallid face and closed eyes. every one stood very still; the sobs of the mother were audible. the director paused a moment, quite pale, and raised the boy up a little in his arms, in order to show him to the people. and then the masters, mistresses, parents, and boys all murmured together: "bravo, robetti! bravo, poor child!" and they threw kisses to him; the mistresses and boys who were near him kissed his hands and his arms. he opened his eyes and said, "my portfolio!" the mother of the little boy whom he had saved showed it to him and said, amid her tears, "i will carry it for you, my dear little angel; i will carry it for you." and in the meantime, the mother of the wounded boy smiled, as she covered her face with her hands. they went out, placed the lad comfortably in the carriage, and the carriage drove away. then we all entered school in silence. the calabrian boy. saturday, d. yesterday afternoon, while the master was telling us the news of poor robetti, who will have to go on crutches, the director entered with a new pupil, a lad with a very brown face, black hair, large black eyes, and thick eyebrows which met on his forehead: he was dressed entirely in dark clothes, with a black morocco belt round his waist. the director went away, after speaking a few words in the master's ear, leaving beside the latter the boy, who glanced about with his big black eyes as though frightened. the master took him by the hand, and said to the class: "you ought to be glad. to-day there enters our school a little italian born in reggio, in calabria, more than five hundred miles from here. love your brother who has come from so far away. he was born in a glorious land, which has given illustrious men to italy, and which now furnishes her with stout laborers and brave soldiers; in one of the most beautiful lands of our country, where there are great forests, and great mountains, inhabited by people full of talent and courage. treat him well, so that he shall not perceive that he is far away from the city in which he was born; make him see that an italian boy, in whatever italian school he sets his foot, will find brothers there." so saying, he rose and pointed out on the wall map of italy the spot where lay reggio, in calabria. then he called loudly:-- "ernesto derossi!"--the boy who always has the first prize. derossi rose. "come here," said the master. derossi left his bench and stepped up to the little table, facing the calabrian. "as the head boy in the school," said the master to him, "bestow the embrace of welcome on this new companion, in the name of the whole class--the embrace of the sons of piedmont to the son of calabria." derossi embraced the calabrian, saying in his clear voice, "welcome!" and the other kissed him impetuously on the cheeks. all clapped their hands. "silence!" cried the master; "don't clap your hands in school!" but it was evident that he was pleased. and the calabrian was pleased also. the master assigned him a place, and accompanied him to the bench. then he said again:-- "bear well in mind what i have said to you. in order that this case might occur, that a calabrian boy should be as though in his own house at turin, and that a boy from turin should be at home in calabria, our country fought for fifty years, and thirty thousand italians died. you must all respect and love each other; but any one of you who should give offence to this comrade, because he was not born in our province, would render himself unworthy of ever again raising his eyes from the earth when he passes the tricolored flag." hardly was the calabrian seated in his place, when his neighbors presented him with pens and a _print_; and another boy, from the last bench, sent him a swiss postage-stamp. my comrades. tuesday, th. the boy who sent the postage-stamp to the calabrian is the one who pleases me best of all. his name is garrone: he is the biggest boy in the class: he is about fourteen years old; his head is large, his shoulders broad; he is good, as one can see when he smiles; but it seems as though he always thought like a man. i already know many of my comrades. another one pleases me, too, by the name of coretti, and he wears chocolate-colored trousers and a catskin cap: he is always jolly; he is the son of a huckster of wood, who was a soldier in the war of , in the squadron of prince umberto, and they say that he has three medals. there is little nelli, a poor hunchback, a weak boy, with a thin face. there is one who is very well dressed, who always wears fine florentine plush, and is named votini. on the bench in front of me there is a boy who is called "the little mason" because his father is a mason: his face is as round as an apple, with a nose like a small ball; he possesses a special talent: he knows how to make _a hare's face_, and they all get him to make a hare's face, and then they laugh. he wears a little ragged cap, which he carries rolled up in his pocket like a handkerchief. beside the little mason there sits garoffi, a long, thin, silly fellow, with a nose and beak of a screech owl, and very small eyes, who is always trafficking in little pens and images and match-boxes, and who writes the lesson on his nails, in order that he may read it on the sly. then there is a young gentleman, carlo nobis, who seems very haughty; and he is between two boys who are sympathetic to me,--the son of a blacksmith-ironmonger, clad in a jacket which reaches to his knees, who is pale, as though from illness, who always has a frightened air, and who never laughs; and one with red hair, who has a useless arm, and wears it suspended from his neck; his father has gone away to america, and his mother goes about peddling pot-herbs. and there is another curious type,--my neighbor on the left,--stardi--small and thickset, with no neck,--a gruff fellow, who speaks to no one, and seems not to understand much, but stands attending to the master without winking, his brow corrugated with wrinkles, and his teeth clenched; and if he is questioned when the master is speaking, he makes no reply the first and second times, and the third time he gives a kick: and beside him there is a bold, cunning face, belonging to a boy named franti, who has already been expelled from another district. there are, in addition, two brothers who are dressed exactly alike, who resemble each other to a hair, and both of whom wear caps of calabrian cut, with a peasant's plume. but handsomer than all the rest, the one who has the most talent, who will surely be the head this year also, is derossi; and the master, who has already perceived this, always questions him. but i like precossi, the son of the blacksmith-ironmonger, the one with the long jacket, who seems sickly. they say that his father beats him; he is very timid, and every time that he addresses or touches any one, he says, "excuse me," and gazes at them with his kind, sad eyes. but garrone is the biggest and the nicest. a generous deed. wednesday, th. it was this very morning that garrone let us know what he is like. when i entered the school a little late, because the mistress of the upper first had stopped me to inquire at what hour she could find me at home, the master had not yet arrived, and three or four boys were tormenting poor crossi, the one with the red hair, who has a dead arm, and whose mother sells vegetables. they were poking him with rulers, hitting him in the face with chestnut shells, and were making him out to be a cripple and a monster, by mimicking him, with his arm hanging from his neck. and he, alone on the end of the bench, and quite pale, began to be affected by it, gazing now at one and now at another with beseeching eyes, that they might leave him in peace. but the others mocked him worse than ever, and he began to tremble and to turn crimson with rage. all at once, franti, the boy with the repulsive face, sprang upon a bench, and pretending that he was carrying a basket on each arm, he aped the mother of crossi, when she used to come to wait for her son at the door; for she is ill now. many began to laugh loudly. then crossi lost his head, and seizing an inkstand, he hurled it at the other's head with all his strength; but franti dodged, and the inkstand struck the master, who entered at the moment, full in the breast. all flew to their places, and became silent with terror. the master, quite pale, went to his table, and said in a constrained voice:-- "who did it?" no one replied. the master cried out once more, raising his voice still louder, "who is it?" then garrone, moved to pity for poor crossi, rose abruptly and said, resolutely, "it was i." the master looked at him, looked at the stupefied scholars; then said in a tranquil voice, "it was not you." and, after a moment: "the culprit shall not be punished. let him rise!" crossi rose and said, weeping, "they were striking me and insulting me, and i lost my head, and threw it." "sit down," said the master. "let those who provoked him rise." four rose, and hung their heads. "you," said the master, "have insulted a companion who had given you no provocation; you have scoffed at an unfortunate lad, you have struck a weak person who could not defend himself. you have committed one of the basest, the most shameful acts with which a human creature can stain himself. cowards!" having said this, he came down among the benches, put his hand under garrone's chin, as the latter stood with drooping head, and having made him raise it, he looked him straight in the eye, and said to him, "you are a noble soul." garrone profited by the occasion to murmur some words, i know not what, in the ear of the master; and he, turning towards the four culprits, said, abruptly, "i forgive you." my schoolmistress of the upper first. thursday, th. my schoolmistress has kept her promise which she made, and came to-day just as i was on the point of going out with my mother to carry some linen to a poor woman recommended by the _gazette_. it was a year since i had seen her in our house. we all made a great deal of her. she is just the same as ever, a little thing, with a green veil wound about her bonnet, carelessly dressed, and with untidy hair, because she has not time to keep herself nice; but with a little less color than last year, with some white hairs, and a constant cough. my mother said to her:-- "and your health, my dear mistress? you do not take sufficient care of yourself!" "it does not matter," the other replied, with her smile, at once cheerful and melancholy. "you speak too loud," my mother added; "you exert yourself too much with your boys." that is true; her voice is always to be heard; i remember how it was when i went to school to her; she talked and talked all the time, so that the boys might not divert their attention, and she did not remain seated a moment. i felt quite sure that she would come, because she never forgets her pupils; she remembers their names for years; on the days of the monthly examination, she runs to ask the director what marks they have won; she waits for them at the entrance, and makes them show her their compositions, in order that she may see what progress they have made; and many still come from the gymnasium to see her, who already wear long trousers and a watch. to-day she had come back in a great state of excitement, from the picture-gallery, whither she had taken her boys, just as she had conducted them all to a museum every thursday in years gone by, and explained everything to them. the poor mistress has grown still thinner than of old. but she is always brisk, and always becomes animated when she speaks of her school. she wanted to have a peep at the bed on which she had seen me lying very ill two years ago, and which is now occupied by my brother; she gazed at it for a while, and could not speak. she was obliged to go away soon to visit a boy belonging to her class, the son of a saddler, who is ill with the measles; and she had besides a package of sheets to correct, a whole evening's work, and she has still a private lesson in arithmetic to give to the mistress of a shop before nightfall. "well, enrico," she said to me as she was going, "are you still fond of your schoolmistress, now that you solve difficult problems and write long compositions?" she kissed me, and called up once more from the foot of the stairs: "you are not to forget me, you know, enrico!" oh, my kind teacher, never, never will i forget thee! even when i grow up i will remember thee and will go to seek thee among thy boys; and every time that i pass near a school and hear the voice of a schoolmistress, i shall think that i hear thy voice, and i shall recall the two years that i passed in thy school, where i learned so many things, where i so often saw thee ill and weary, but always earnest, always indulgent, in despair when any one acquired a bad trick in the writing-fingers, trembling when the examiners interrogated us, happy when we made a good appearance, always kind and loving as a mother. never, never shall i forget thee, my teacher! in an attic. friday, th. yesterday afternoon i went with my mother and my sister sylvia, to carry the linen to the poor woman recommended by the newspaper: i carried the bundle; sylvia had the paper with the initials of the name and the address. we climbed to the very roof of a tall house, to a long corridor with many doors. my mother knocked at the last; it was opened by a woman who was still young, blond and thin, and it instantly struck me that i had seen her many times before, with that very same blue kerchief that she wore on her head. "are you the person of whom the newspaper says so and so?" asked my mother. "yes, signora, i am." "well, we have brought you a little linen." then the woman began to thank us and bless us, and could not make enough of it. meanwhile i espied in one corner of the bare, dark room, a boy kneeling in front of a chair, with his back turned towards us, who appeared to be writing; and he really was writing, with his paper on the chair and his inkstand on the floor. how did he manage to write thus in the dark? while i was saying this to myself, i suddenly recognized the red hair and the coarse jacket of crossi, the son of the vegetable-pedler, the boy with the useless arm. i told my mother softly, while the woman was putting away the things. "hush!" replied my mother; "perhaps he will feel ashamed to see you giving alms to his mother: don't speak to him." but at that moment crossi turned round; i was embarrassed; he smiled, and then my mother gave me a push, so that i should run to him and embrace him. i did embrace him: he rose and took me by the hand. "here i am," his mother was saying in the meantime to my mother, "alone with this boy, my husband in america these seven years, and i sick in addition, so that i can no longer make my rounds with my vegetables, and earn a few cents. we have not even a table left for my poor luigino to do his work on. when there was a bench down at the door, he could, at least, write on the bench; but that has been taken away. he has not even a little light so that he can study without ruining his eyes. and it is a mercy that i can send him to school, since the city provides him with books and copy-books. poor luigino, who would be so glad to study! unhappy woman, that i am!" my mother gave her all that she had in her purse, kissed the boy, and almost wept as we went out. and she had good cause to say to me: "look at that poor boy; see how he is forced to work, when you have every comfort, and yet study seems hard to you! ah! enrico, there is more merit in the work which he does in one day, than in your work for a year. it is to such that the first prizes should be given!" the school. friday, th. yes, study comes hard to you, my dear enrico, as your mother says: i do not yet see you set out for school with that resolute mind and that smiling face which i should like. you are still intractable. but listen; reflect a little! what a miserable, despicable thing your day would be if you did not go to school! at the end of a week you would beg with clasped hands that you might return there, for you would be eaten up with weariness and shame; disgusted with your sports and with your existence. everybody, everybody studies now, my child. think of the workmen who go to school in the evening after having toiled all the day; think of the women, of the girls of the people, who go to school on sunday, after having worked all the week; of the soldiers who turn to their books and copy-books when they return exhausted from their drill! think of the dumb and of the boys who are blind, but who study, nevertheless; and last of all, think of the prisoners, who also learn to read and write. reflect in the morning, when you set out, that at that very moment, in your own city, thirty thousand other boys are going like yourself, to shut themselves up in a room for three hours and study. think of the innumerable boys who, at nearly this precise hour, are going to school in all countries. behold them with your imagination, going, going, through the lanes of quiet villages; through the streets of the noisy towns, along the shores of rivers and lakes; here beneath a burning sun; there amid fogs, in boats, in countries which are intersected with canals; on horseback on the far-reaching plains; in sledges over the snow; through valleys and over hills; across forests and torrents, over the solitary paths of mountains; alone, in couples, in groups, in long files, all with their books under their arms, clad in a thousand ways, speaking a thousand tongues, from the most remote schools in russia. almost lost in the ice to the furthermost schools of arabia, shaded by palm-trees, millions and millions, all going to learn the same things, in a hundred varied forms. imagine this vast, vast throng of boys of a hundred races, this immense movement of which you form a part, and think, if this movement were to cease, humanity would fall back into barbarism; this movement is the progress, the hope, the glory of the world. courage, then, little soldier of the immense army. your books are your arms, your class is your squadron, the field of battle is the whole earth, and the victory is human civilization. be not a cowardly soldier, my enrico. thy father. the little patriot of padua. (_the monthly story._) saturday, th. i will not be a _cowardly soldier_, no; but i should be much more willing to go to school if the master would tell us a story every day, like the one he told us this morning. "every month," said he, "i shall tell you one; i shall give it to you in writing, and it will always be the tale of a fine and noble deed performed by a boy. this one is called _the little patriot of padua_. here it is. a french steamer set out from barcelona, a city in spain, for genoa; there were on board frenchmen, italians, spaniards, and swiss. among the rest was a lad of eleven, poorly clad, and alone, who always held himself aloof, like a wild animal, and stared at all with gloomy eyes. he had good reasons for looking at every one with forbidding eyes. two years previous to this time his parents, peasants in the neighborhood of padua, had sold him to a company of mountebanks, who, after they had taught him how to perform tricks, by dint of blows and kicks and starving, had carried him all over france and spain, beating him continually and never giving him enough to eat. on his arrival in barcelona, being no longer able to endure ill treatment and hunger, and being reduced to a pitiable condition, he had fled from his slave-master and had betaken himself for protection to the italian consul, who, moved with compassion, had placed him on board of this steamer, and had given him a letter to the treasurer of genoa, who was to send the boy back to his parents--to the parents who had sold him like a beast. the poor lad was lacerated and weak. he had been assigned to the second-class cabin. every one stared at him; some questioned him, but he made no reply, and seemed to hate and despise every one, to such an extent had privation and affliction saddened and irritated him. nevertheless, three travellers, by dint of persisting in their questions, succeeded in making him unloose his tongue; and in a few rough words, a mixture of venetian, french, and spanish, he related his story. these three travellers were not italians, but they understood him; and partly out of compassion, partly because they were excited with wine, they gave him soldi, jesting with him and urging him on to tell them other things; and as several ladies entered the saloon at the moment, they gave him some more money for the purpose of making a show, and cried: 'take this! take this, too!' as they made the money rattle on the table. "the boy pocketed it all, thanking them in a low voice, with his surly mien, but with a look that was for the first time smiling and affectionate. then he climbed into his berth, drew the curtain, and lay quiet, thinking over his affairs. with this money he would be able to purchase some good food on board, after having suffered for lack of bread for two years; he could buy a jacket as soon as he landed in genoa, after having gone about clad in rags for two years; and he could also, by carrying it home, insure for himself from his father and mother a more humane reception than would have fallen to his lot if he had arrived with empty pockets. this money was a little fortune for him; and he was taking comfort out of this thought behind the curtain of his berth, while the three travellers chatted away, as they sat round the dining-table in the second-class saloon. they were drinking and discussing their travels and the countries which they had seen; and from one topic to another they began to discuss italy. one of them began to complain of the inns, another of the railways, and then, growing warmer, they all began to speak evil of everything. one would have preferred a trip in lapland; another declared that he had found nothing but swindlers and brigands in italy; the third said that italian officials do not know how to read. "'it's an ignorant nation,' repeated the first. 'a filthy nation,' added the second. 'ro--' exclaimed the third, meaning to say 'robbers'; but he was not allowed to finish the word: a tempest of soldi and half-lire descended upon their heads and shoulders, and leaped upon the table and the floor with a demoniacal noise. all three sprang up in a rage, looked up, and received another handful of coppers in their faces. "'take back your soldi!' said the lad, disdainfully, thrusting his head between the curtains of his berth; 'i do not accept alms from those who insult my country.'" the chimney-sweep. november st. yesterday afternoon i went to the girls' school building, near ours, to give the story of the boy from padua to silvia's teacher, who wished to read it. there are seven hundred girls there. just as i arrived, they began to come out, all greatly rejoiced at the holiday of all saints and all souls; and here is a beautiful thing that i saw: opposite the door of the school, on the other side of the street, stood a very small chimney-sweep, his face entirely black, with his sack and scraper, with one arm resting against the wall, and his head supported on his arm, weeping copiously and sobbing. two or three of the girls of the second grade approached him and said, "what is the matter, that you weep like this?" but he made no reply, and went on crying. "come, tell us what is the matter with you and why you are crying," the girls repeated. and then he raised his face from his arm,--a baby face,--and said through his tears that he had been to several houses to sweep the chimneys, and had earned thirty soldi, and that he had lost them, that they had slipped through a hole in his pocket,--and he showed the hole,--and he did not dare to return home without the money. "the master will beat me," he said, sobbing; and again dropped his head upon his arm, like one in despair. the children stood and stared at him very seriously. in the meantime, other girls, large and small, poor girls and girls of the upper classes, with their portfolios under their arms, had come up; and one large girl, who had a blue feather in her hat, pulled two soldi from her pocket, and said:-- "i have only two soldi; let us make a collection." "i have two soldi, also," said another girl, dressed in red; "we shall certainly find thirty soldi among the whole of us"; and then they began to call out:-- "amalia! luigia! annina!--a soldo. who has any soldi? bring your soldi here!" several had soldi to buy flowers or copy-books, and they brought them; some of the smaller girls gave centesimi; the one with the blue feather collected all, and counted them in a loud voice:-- "eight, ten, fifteen!" but more was needed. then one larger than any of them, who seemed to be an assistant mistress, made her appearance, and gave half a lira; and all made much of her. five soldi were still lacking. "the girls of the fourth class are coming; they will have it," said one girl. the members of the fourth class came, and the soldi showered down. all hurried forward eagerly; and it was beautiful to see that poor chimney-sweep in the midst of all those many-colored dresses, of all that whirl of feathers, ribbons, and curls. the thirty soldi were already obtained, and more kept pouring in; and the very smallest who had no money made their way among the big girls, and offered their bunches of flowers, for the sake of giving something. all at once the portress made her appearance, screaming:-- "the signora directress!" the girls made their escape in all directions, like a flock of sparrows; and then the little chimney-sweep was visible, alone, in the middle of the street, wiping his eyes in perfect content, with his hands full of money, and the button-holes of his jacket, his pockets, his hat, were full of flowers; and there were even flowers on the ground at his feet. the day of the dead. (_all-souls-day._) november d. this day is consecrated to the commemoration of the dead. do you know, enrico, that all you boys should, on this day, devote a thought to those who are dead? to those who have died for you,--for boys and little children. how many have died, and how many are dying continually! have you ever reflected how many fathers have worn out their lives in toil? how many mothers have descended to the grave before their time, exhausted by the privations to which they have condemned themselves for the sake of sustaining their children? do you know how many men have planted a knife in their hearts in despair at beholding their children in misery? how many women have drowned themselves or have died of sorrow, or have gone mad, through having lost a child? think of all these dead on this day, enrico. think of how many schoolmistresses have died young, have pined away through the fatigues of the school, through love of the children, from whom they had not the heart to tear themselves away; think of the doctors who have perished of contagious diseases, having courageously sacrificed themselves to cure the children; think of all those who in shipwrecks, in conflagrations, in famines, in moments of supreme danger, have yielded to infancy the last morsel of bread, the last place of safety, the last rope of escape from the flames, to expire content with their sacrifice, since they preserved the life of a little innocent. such dead as these are innumerable, enrico; every graveyard contains hundreds of these sainted beings, who, if they could rise for a moment from their graves, would cry the name of a child to whom they sacrificed the pleasures of youth, the peace of old age, their affections, their intelligence, their life: wives of twenty, men in the flower of their strength, octogenarians, youths,--heroic and obscure martyrs of infancy,--so grand and so noble, that the earth does not produce as many flowers as should strew their graves. to such a degree are ye loved, o children! think to-day on those dead with gratitude, and you will be kinder and more affectionate to all those who love you, and who toil for you, my dear, fortunate son, who, on the day of the dead, have, as yet, no one to grieve for. thy mother. [illustration: the charcoal man and the gentleman.--page .] november. my friend garrone. friday, th. there had been but two days of vacation, yet it seemed to me as though i had been a long time without seeing garrone. the more i know him, the better i like him; and so it is with all the rest, except with the overbearing, who have nothing to say to him, because he does not permit them to exhibit their oppression. every time that a big boy raises his hand against a little one, the little one shouts, "garrone!" and the big one stops striking him. his father is an engine-driver on the railway; he has begun school late, because he was ill for two years. he is the tallest and the strongest of the class; he lifts a bench with one hand; he is always eating; and he is good. whatever he is asked for,--a pencil, rubber, paper, or penknife,--he lends or gives it; and he neither talks nor laughs in school: he always sits perfectly motionless on a bench that is too narrow for him, with his spine curved forward, and his big head between his shoulders; and when i look at him, he smiles at me with his eyes half closed, as much as to say, "well, enrico, are we friends?" he makes me laugh, because, tall and broad as he is, he has a jacket, trousers, and sleeves which are too small for him, and too short; a cap which will not stay on his head; a threadbare cloak; coarse shoes; and a necktie which is always twisted into a cord. dear garrone! it needs but one glance in thy face to inspire love for thee. all the little boys would like to be near his bench. he knows arithmetic well. he carries his books bound together with a strap of red leather. he has a knife, with a mother-of-pearl handle, which he found in the field for military manoeuvres, last year, and one day he cut his finger to the bone; but no one in school envies him it, and no one breathes a word about it at home, for fear of alarming his parents. he lets us say anything to him in jest, and he never takes it ill; but woe to any one who says to him, "that is not true," when he affirms a thing: then fire flashes from his eyes, and he hammers down blows enough to split the bench. saturday morning he gave a soldo to one of the upper first class, who was crying in the middle of the street, because his own had been taken from him, and he could not buy his copy-book. for the last three days he has been working over a letter of eight pages, with pen ornaments on the margins, for the saint's day of his mother, who often comes to get him, and who, like himself, is tall and large and sympathetic. the master is always glancing at him, and every time that he passes near him he taps him on the neck with his hand, as though he were a good, peaceable young bull. i am very fond of him. i am happy when i press his big hand, which seems to be the hand of a man, in mine. i am almost certain that he would risk his life to save that of a comrade; that he would allow himself to be killed in his defence, so clearly can i read his eyes; and although he always seems to be grumbling with that big voice of his, one feels that it is a voice that comes from a gentle heart. the charcoal-man and the gentleman. monday, th. garrone would certainly never have uttered the words which carlo nobis spoke yesterday morning to betti. carlo nobis is proud, because his father is a great gentleman; a tall gentleman, with a black beard, and very serious, who accompanies his son to school nearly every day. yesterday morning nobis quarrelled with betti, one of the smallest boys, and the son of a charcoal-man, and not knowing what retort to make, because he was in the wrong, said to him vehemently, "your father is a tattered beggar!" betti reddened up to his very hair, and said nothing, but the tears came to his eyes; and when he returned home, he repeated the words to his father; so the charcoal-dealer, a little man, who was black all over, made his appearance at the afternoon session, leading his boy by the hand, in order to complain to the master. while he was making his complaint, and every one was silent, the father of nobis, who was taking off his son's coat at the entrance, as usual, entered on hearing his name pronounced, and demanded an explanation. "this workman has come," said the master, "to complain that your son carlo said to his boy, 'your father is a tattered beggar.'" nobis's father frowned and reddened slightly. then he asked his son, "did you say that?" his son, who was standing in the middle of the school, with his head hanging, in front of little betti, made no reply. then his father grasped him by one arm and pushed him forward, facing betti, so that they nearly touched, and said to him, "beg his pardon." the charcoal-man tried to interpose, saying, "no, no!" but the gentleman paid no heed to him, and repeated to his son, "beg his pardon. repeat my words. 'i beg your pardon for the insulting, foolish, and ignoble words which i uttered against your father, whose hand my father would feel himself honored to press.'" the charcoal-man made a resolute gesture, as though to say, "i will not allow it." the gentleman did not second him, and his son said slowly, in a very thread of a voice, without raising his eyes from the ground, "i beg your pardon--for the insulting--foolish--ignoble--words which i uttered against your father, whose hand my father--would feel himself honored--to press." then the gentleman offered his hand to the charcoal-man, who shook it vigorously, and then, with a sudden push, he thrust his son into the arms of carlo nobis. "do me the favor to place them next each other," said the gentleman to the master. the master put betti on nobis's bench. when they were seated, the father of nobis bowed and went away. the charcoal-man remained standing there in thought for several moments, gazing at the two boys side by side; then he approached the bench, and fixed upon nobis a look expressive of affection and regret, as though he were desirous of saying something to him, but he did not say anything; he stretched out his hand to bestow a caress upon him, but he did not dare, and merely stroked his brow with his large fingers. then he made his way to the door, and turning round for one last look, he disappeared. "fix what you have just seen firmly in your minds, boys," said the master; "this is the finest lesson of the year." my brother's schoolmistress. thursday, th. the son of the charcoal-man had been a pupil of that schoolmistress delcati who had come to see my brother when he was ill, and who had made us laugh by telling us how, two years ago, the mother of this boy had brought to her house a big apronful of charcoal, out of gratitude for her having given the medal to her son; and the poor woman had persisted, and had not been willing to carry the coal home again, and had wept when she was obliged to go away with her apron quite full. and she told us, also, of another good woman, who had brought her a very heavy bunch of flowers, inside of which there was a little hoard of soldi. we had been greatly diverted in listening to her, and so my brother had swallowed his medicine, which he had not been willing to do before. how much patience is necessary with those boys of the lower first, all toothless, like old men, who cannot pronounce their r's and s's; and one coughs, and another has the nosebleed, and another loses his shoes under the bench, and another bellows because he has pricked himself with his pen, and another one cries because he has bought copy-book no. instead of no. . fifty in a class, who know nothing, with those flabby little hands, and all of them must be taught to write; they carry in their pockets bits of licorice, buttons, phial corks, pounded brick,--all sorts of little things, and the teacher has to search them; but they conceal these objects even in their shoes. and they are not attentive: a fly enters through the window, and throws them all into confusion; and in summer they bring grass into school, and horn-bugs, which fly round in circles or fall into the inkstand, and then streak the copy-books all over with ink. the schoolmistress has to play mother to all of them, to help them dress themselves, bandage up their pricked fingers, pick up their caps when they drop them, watch to see that they do not exchange coats, and that they do not indulge in cat-calls and shrieks. poor schoolmistresses! and then the mothers come to complain: "how comes it, signorina, that my boy has lost his pen? how does it happen that mine learns nothing? why is not my boy mentioned honorably, when he knows so much? why don't you have that nail which tore my piero's trousers, taken out of the bench?" sometimes my brother's teacher gets into a rage with the boys; and when she can resist no longer, she bites her finger, to keep herself from dealing a blow; she loses patience, and then she repents, and caresses the child whom she has scolded; she sends a little rogue out of school, and then swallows her tears, and flies into a rage with parents who make the little ones fast by way of punishment. schoolmistress delcati is young and tall, well-dressed, brown of complexion, and restless; she does everything vivaciously, as though on springs, is affected by a mere trifle, and at such times speaks with great tenderness. "but the children become attached to you, surely," my mother said to her. "many do," she replied; "but at the end of the year the majority of them pay no further heed to us. when they are with the masters, they are almost ashamed of having been with us--with a woman teacher. after two years of cares, after having loved a child so much, it makes us feel sad to part from him; but we say to ourselves, 'oh, i am sure of that one; he is fond of me.' but the vacation over, he comes back to school. i run to meet him; 'oh, my child, my child!' and he turns his head away." here the teacher interrupted herself. "but you will not do so, little one?" she said, raising her humid eyes, and kissing my brother. "you will not turn aside your head, will you? you will not deny your poor friend?" my mother. thursday, november th. in the presence of your brother's teacher you failed in respect to your mother! let this never happen again, my enrico, never again! your irreverent word pierced my heart like a point of steel. i thought of your mother when, years ago, she bent the whole of one night over your little bed, measuring your breathing, weeping blood in her anguish, and with her teeth chattering with terror, because she thought that she had lost you, and i feared that she would lose her reason; and at this thought i felt a sentiment of horror at you. you, to offend your mother! your mother, who would give a year of happiness to spare you one hour of pain, who would beg for you, who would allow herself to be killed to save your life! listen, enrico. fix this thought well in your mind. reflect that you are destined to experience many terrible days in the course of your life: the most terrible will be that on which you lose your mother. a thousand times, enrico, after you are a man, strong, and inured to all fates, you will invoke her, oppressed with an intense desire to hear her voice, if but for a moment, and to see once more her open arms, into which you can throw yourself sobbing, like a poor child bereft of comfort and protection. how you will then recall every bitterness that you have caused her, and with what remorse you will pay for all, unhappy wretch! hope for no peace in your life, if you have caused your mother grief. you will repent, you will beg her forgiveness, you will venerate her memory--in vain; conscience will give you no rest; that sweet and gentle image will always wear for you an expression of sadness and of reproach which will put your soul to torture. oh, enrico, beware; this is the most sacred of human affections; unhappy he who tramples it under foot. the assassin who respects his mother has still something honest and noble in his heart; the most glorious of men who grieves and offends her is but a vile creature. never again let a harsh word issue from your lips, for the being who gave you life. and if one should ever escape you, let it not be the fear of your father, but let it be the impulse of your soul, which casts you at her feet, to beseech her that she will cancel from your brow, with the kiss of forgiveness, the stain of ingratitude. i love you, my son; you are the dearest hope of my life; but i would rather see you dead than ungrateful to your mother. go away, for a little space; offer me no more of your caresses; i should not be able to return them from my heart. thy father. my companion coretti. sunday, th. my father forgave me; but i remained rather sad and then my mother sent me, with the porter's big son, to take a walk on the corso. half-way down the corso, as we were passing a cart which was standing in front of a shop, i heard some one call me by name: i turned round; it was coretti, my schoolmate, with chocolate-colored clothes and his catskin cap, all in a perspiration, but merry, with a big load of wood on his shoulders. a man who was standing in the cart was handing him an armful of wood at a time, which he took and carried into his father's shop, where he piled it up in the greatest haste. "what are you doing, coretti?" i asked him. "don't you see?" he answered, reaching out his arms to receive the load; "i am reviewing my lesson." i laughed; but he seemed to be serious, and, having grasped the armful of wood, he began to repeat as he ran, "_the conjugation of the verb--consists in its variations according to number--according to number and person--_" and then, throwing down the wood and piling it, "_according to the time--according to the time to which the action refers._" and turning to the cart for another armful, "_according to the mode in which the action is enunciated._" it was our grammar lesson for the following day. "what would you have me do?" he said. "i am putting my time to use. my father has gone off with the man on business; my mother is ill. it falls to me to do the unloading. in the meantime, i am going over my grammar lesson. it is a difficult lesson to-day; i cannot succeed in getting it into my head.--my father said that he would be here at seven o'clock to give you your money," he said to the man with the cart. the cart drove off. "come into the shop a minute," coretti said to me. i went in. it was a large apartment, full of piles of wood and fagots, with a steelyard on one side. "this is a busy day, i can assure you," resumed coretti; "i have to do my work by fits and starts. i was writing my phrases, when some customers came in. i went to writing again, and behold, that cart arrived. i have already made two trips to the wood market in the piazza venezia this morning. my legs are so tired that i cannot stand, and my hands are all swollen. i should be in a pretty pickle if i had to draw!" and as he spoke he set about sweeping up the dry leaves and the straw which covered the brick-paved floor. "but where do you do your work, coretti?" i inquired. "not here, certainly," he replied. "come and see"; and he led me into a little room behind the shop, which serves as a kitchen and dining-room, with a table in one corner, on which there were books and copy-books, and work which had been begun. "here it is," he said; "i left the second answer unfinished: _with which shoes are made, and belts_. now i will add, _and valises_." and, taking his pen, he began to write in his fine hand. "is there any one here?" sounded a call from the shop at that moment. it was a woman who had come to buy some little fagots. "here i am!" replied coretti; and he sprang out, weighed the fagots, took the money, ran to a corner to enter the sale in a shabby old account-book, and returned to his work, saying, "let's see if i can finish that sentence." and he wrote, _travelling-bags, and knapsacks for soldiers_. "oh, my poor coffee is boiling over!" he exclaimed, and ran to the stove to take the coffee-pot from the fire. "it is coffee for mamma," he said; "i had to learn how to make it. wait a while, and we will carry it to her; you'll see what pleasure it will give her. she has been in bed a whole week.--conjugation of the verb! i always scald my fingers with this coffee-pot. what is there that i can add after the soldiers' knapsacks? something more is needed, and i can think of nothing. come to mamma." he opened a door, and we entered another small room: there coretti's mother lay in a big bed, with a white kerchief wound round her head. "ah, brave little master!" said the woman to me; "you have come to visit the sick, have you not?" meanwhile, coretti was arranging the pillows behind his mother's back, readjusting the bedclothes, brightening up the fire, and driving the cat off the chest of drawers. "do you want anything else, mamma?" he asked, as he took the cup from her. "have you taken the two spoonfuls of syrup? when it is all gone, i will make a trip to the apothecary's. the wood is unloaded. at four o'clock i will put the meat on the stove, as you told me; and when the butter-woman passes, i will give her those eight soldi. everything will go on well; so don't give it a thought." "thanks, my son!" replied the woman. "go, my poor boy!--he thinks of everything." she insisted that i should take a lump of sugar; and then coretti showed me a little picture,--the photograph portrait of his father dressed as a soldier, with the medal for bravery which he had won in , in the troop of prince umberto: he had the same face as his son, with the same vivacious eyes and his merry smile. we went back to the kitchen. "i have found the thing," said coretti; and he added on his copy-book, _horse-trappings are also made of it_. "the rest i will do this evening; i shall sit up later. how happy you are, to have time to study and to go to walk, too!" and still gay and active, he re-entered the shop, and began to place pieces of wood on the horse and to saw them, saying: "this is gymnastics; it is quite different from the _throw your arms forwards_. i want my father to find all this wood sawed when he gets home; how glad he will be! the worst part of it is that after sawing i make t's and l's which look like snakes, so the teacher says. what am i to do? i will tell him that i have to move my arms about. the important thing is to have mamma get well quickly. she is better to-day, thank heaven! i will study my grammar to-morrow morning at cock-crow. oh, here's the cart with logs! to work!" a small cart laden with logs halted in front of the shop. coretti ran out to speak to the man, then returned: "i cannot keep your company any longer now," he said; "farewell until to-morrow. you did right to come and hunt me up. a pleasant walk to you! happy fellow!" and pressing my hand, he ran to take the first log, and began once more to trot back and forth between the cart and the shop, with a face as fresh as a rose beneath his catskin cap, and so alert that it was a pleasure to see him. "happy fellow!" he had said to me. ah, no, coretti, no; you are the happier, because you study and work too; because you are of use to your father and your mother; because you are better--a hundred times better--and more courageous than i, my dear schoolmate. the head-master. friday, th. coretti was pleased this morning, because his master of the second class, coatti, a big man, with a huge head of curly hair, a great black beard, big dark eyes, and a voice like a cannon, had come to assist in the work of the monthly examination. he is always threatening the boys that he will break them in pieces and carry them by the nape of the neck to the quæstor, and he makes all sorts of frightful faces; but he never punishes any one, but always smiles the while behind his beard, so that no one can see it. there are eight masters in all, including coatti, and a little, beardless assistant, who looks like a boy. there is one master of the fourth class, who is lame and always wrapped up in a big woollen scarf, and who is always suffering from pains which he contracted when he was a teacher in the country, in a damp school, where the walls were dripping with moisture. another of the teachers of the fourth is old and perfectly white-haired, and has been a teacher of the blind. there is one well-dressed master, with eye-glasses, and a blond mustache, who is called the _little lawyer_, because, while he was teaching, he studied law and took his diploma; and he is also making a book to teach how to write letters. on the other hand, the one who teaches gymnastics is of a soldierly type, and was with garibaldi, and has on his neck a scar from a sabre wound received at the battle of milazzo. then there is the head-master, who is tall and bald, and wears gold spectacles, with a gray beard that flows down upon his breast; he dresses entirely in black, and is always buttoned up to the chin. he is so kind to the boys, that when they enter the director's room, all in a tremble, because they have been summoned to receive a reproof, he does not scold them, but takes them by the hand, and tells them so many reasons why they ought not to behave so, and why they should be sorry, and promise to be good, and he speaks in such a kind manner, and in so gentle a voice, that they all come out with red eyes, more confused than if they had been punished. poor head-master! he is always the first at his post in the morning, waiting for the scholars and lending an ear to the parents; and when the other masters are already on their way home, he is still hovering about the school, and looking out that the boys do not get under the carriage-wheels, or hang about the streets to stand on their heads, or fill their bags with sand or stones; and the moment he makes his appearance at a corner, so tall and black, flocks of boys scamper off in all directions, abandoning their games of coppers and marbles, and he threatens them from afar with his forefinger, with his sad and loving air. no one has ever seen him smile, my mother says, since the death of his son, who was a volunteer in the army: he always keeps the latter's portrait before his eyes, on a little table in the head-master's room. he wanted to go away after this misfortune; he prepared his application for retirement to the municipal council, and kept it always on his table, putting off sending it from day to day, because it grieved him to leave the boys. but the other day he seemed undecided; and my father, who was in the director's room with him, was just saying to him, "what a shame it is that you are going away, signor director!" when a man entered for the purpose of inscribing the name of a boy who was to be transferred from another schoolhouse to ours, because he had changed his residence. at the sight of this boy, the head-master made a gesture of astonishment, gazed at him for a while, gazed at the portrait that he keeps on his little table, and then stared at the boy again, as he drew him between his knees, and made him hold up his head. this boy resembled his dead son. the head-master said, "it is all right," wrote down his name, dismissed the father and son, and remained absorbed in thought. "what a pity that you are going away!" repeated my father. and then the head-master took up his application for retirement, tore it in two, and said, "i shall remain." the soldiers. tuesday, d. his son had been a volunteer in the army when he died: this is the reason why the head-master always goes to the corso to see the soldiers pass, when we come out of school. yesterday a regiment of infantry was passing, and fifty boys began to dance around the band, singing and beating time with their rulers on their bags and portfolios. we were standing in a group on the sidewalk, watching them: garrone, squeezed into his clothes, which were too tight for him, was biting at a large piece of bread; votini, the well-dressed boy, who always wears florence plush; precossi, the son of the blacksmith, with his father's jacket; and the calabrian; and the "little mason"; and crossi, with his red head; and franti, with his bold face; and robetti, too, the son of the artillery captain, the boy who saved the child from the omnibus, and who now walks on crutches. franti burst into a derisive laugh, in the face of a soldier who was limping. but all at once he felt a man's hand on his shoulder: he turned round; it was the head-master. "take care," said the master to him; "jeering at a soldier when he is in the ranks, when he can neither avenge himself nor reply, is like insulting a man who is bound: it is baseness." franti disappeared. the soldiers were marching by fours, all perspiring and covered with dust, and their guns were gleaming in the sun. the head-master said:-- "you ought to feel kindly towards soldiers, boys. they are our defenders, who would go to be killed for our sakes, if a foreign army were to menace our country to-morrow. they are boys too; they are not many years older than you; and they, too, go to school; and there are poor men and gentlemen among them, just as there are among you, and they come from every part of italy. see if you cannot recognize them by their faces; sicilians are passing, and sardinians, and neapolitans, and lombards. this is an old regiment, one of those which fought in . they are not the same soldiers, but the flag is still the same. how many have already died for our country around that banner twenty years before you were born!" "here it is!" said garrone. and in fact, not far off, the flag was visible, advancing, above the heads of the soldiers. "do one thing, my sons," said the head-master; "make your scholar's salute, with your hand to your brow, when the tricolor passes." the flag, borne by an officer, passed before us, all tattered and faded, and with the medals attached to the staff. we put our hands to our foreheads, all together. the officer looked at us with a smile, and returned our salute with his hand. "bravi, boys!" said some one behind us. we turned to look; it was an old man who wore in his button-hole the blue ribbon of the crimean campaign--a pensioned officer. "bravi!" he said; "you have done a fine deed." in the meantime, the band of the regiment had made a turn at the end of the corso, surrounded by a throng of boys, and a hundred merry shouts accompanied the blasts of the trumpets, like a war-song. "bravi!" repeated the old officer, as he gazed upon us; "he who respects the flag when he is little will know how to defend it when he is grown up." nelli's protector. wednesday, d. nelli, too, poor little hunchback! was looking at the soldiers yesterday, but with an air as though he were thinking, "i can never be a soldier!" he is good, and he studies; but he is so puny and wan, and he breathes with difficulty. he always wears a long apron of shining black cloth. his mother is a little blond woman who dresses in black, and always comes to get him at the end of school, so that he may not come out in the confusion with the others, and she caresses him. at first many of the boys ridiculed him, and thumped him on the back with their bags, because he is so unfortunate as to be a hunchback; but he never offered any resistance, and never said anything to his mother, in order not to give her the pain of knowing that her son was the laughing-stock of his companions: they derided him, and he held his peace and wept, with his head laid against the bench. but one morning garrone jumped up and said, "the first person who touches nelli will get such a box on the ear from me that he will spin round three times!" franti paid no attention to him; the box on the ear was delivered: the fellow spun round three times, and from that time forth no one ever touched nelli again. the master placed garrone near him, on the same bench. they have become friends. nelli has grown very fond of garrone. as soon as he enters the schoolroom he looks to see if garrone is there. he never goes away without saying, "good by, garrone," and garrone does the same with him. when nelli drops a pen or a book under the bench, garrone stoops quickly, to prevent his stooping and tiring himself, and hands him his book or his pen, and then he helps him to put his things in his bag and to twist himself into his coat. for this nelli loves him, and gazes at him constantly; and when the master praises garrone he is pleased, as though he had been praised himself. nelli must at last have told his mother all about the ridicule of the early days, and what they made him suffer; and about the comrade who defended him, and how he had grown fond of the latter; for this is what happened this morning. the master had sent me to carry to the director, half an hour before the close of school, a programme of the lesson, and i entered the office at the same moment with a small blond woman dressed in black, the mother of nelli, who said, "signor director, is there in the class with my son a boy named garrone?" "yes," replied the head-master. "will you have the goodness to let him come here for a moment, as i have a word to say to him?" the head-master called the beadle and sent him to the school, and after a minute garrone appeared on the threshold, with his big, close-cropped head, in perfect amazement. no sooner did she catch sight of him than the woman flew to meet him, threw her arms on his shoulders, and kissed him a great many times on the head, saying:-- "you are garrone, the friend of my little son, the protector of my poor child; it is you, my dear, brave boy; it is you!" then she searched hastily in all her pockets, and in her purse, and finding nothing, she detached a chain from her neck, with a small cross, and put it on garrone's neck, underneath his necktie, and said to him:-- "take it! wear it in memory of me, my dear boy; in memory of nelli's mother, who thanks and blesses you." the head of the class. friday, th. garrone attracts the love of all; derossi, the admiration. he has taken the first medal; he will always be the first, and this year also; no one can compete with him; all recognize his superiority in all points. he is the first in arithmetic, in grammar, in composition, in drawing; he understands everything on the instant; he has a marvellous memory; he succeeds in everything without effort; it seems as though study were play to him. the teacher said to him yesterday:-- "you have received great gifts from god; all you have to do is not to squander them." he is, moreover, tall and handsome, with a great crown of golden curls; he is so nimble that he can leap over a bench by resting one hand on it; and he already understands fencing. he is twelve years old, and the son of a merchant; he is always dressed in blue, with gilt buttons; he is always lively, merry, gracious to all, and helps all he can in examinations; and no one has ever dared to do anything disagreeable to him, or to say a rough word to him. nobis and franti alone look askance at him, and votini darts envy from his eyes; but he does not even perceive it. all smile at him, and take his hand or his arm, when he goes about, in his graceful way, to collect the work. he gives away illustrated papers, drawings, everything that is given him at home; he has made a little geographical chart of calabria for the calabrian lad; and he gives everything with a smile, without paying any heed to it, like a grand gentleman, and without favoritism for any one. it is impossible not to envy him, not to feel smaller than he in everything. ah! i, too, envy him, like votini. and i feel a bitterness, almost a certain scorn, for him, sometimes, when i am striving to accomplish my work at home, and think that he has already finished his, at this same moment, extremely well, and without fatigue. but then, when i return to school, and behold him so handsome, so smiling and triumphant, and hear how frankly and confidently he replies to the master's questions, and how courteous he is, and how the others all like him, then all bitterness, all scorn, departs from my heart, and i am ashamed of having experienced these sentiments. i should like to be always near him at such times; i should like to be able to do all my school tasks with him: his presence, his voice, inspire me with courage, with a will to work, with cheerfulness and pleasure. the teacher has given him the monthly story, which will be read to-morrow, to copy,--_the little vidette of lombardy_. he copied it this morning, and was so much affected by that heroic deed, that his face was all aflame, his eyes humid, and his lips trembling; and i gazed at him: how handsome and noble he was! with what pleasure would i not have said frankly to his face: "derossi, you are worth more than i in everything! you are a man in comparison with me! i respect you and i admire you!" the little vidette of lombardy. (_monthly story._) saturday, th. in , during the war for the liberation of lombardy, a few days after the battle of solfarino and san martino, won by the french and italians over the austrians, on a beautiful morning in the month of june, a little band of cavalry of saluzzo was proceeding at a slow pace along a retired path, in the direction of the enemy, and exploring the country attentively. the troop was commanded by an officer and a sergeant, and all were gazing into the distance ahead of them, with eyes fixed, silent, and prepared at any moment to see the uniforms of the enemy's advance-posts gleam white before them through the trees. in this order they arrived at a rustic cabin, surrounded by ash-trees, in front of which stood a solitary boy, about twelve years old, who was removing the bark from a small branch with a knife, in order to make himself a stick of it. from one window of the little house floated a large tricolored flag; there was no one inside: the peasants had fled, after hanging out the flag, for fear of the austrians. as soon as the lad saw the cavalry, he flung aside his stick and raised his cap. he was a handsome boy, with a bold face and large blue eyes and long golden hair: he was in his shirt-sleeves and his breast was bare. "what are you doing here?" the officer asked him, reining in his horse. "why did you not flee with your family?" "i have no family," replied the boy. "i am a foundling. i do a little work for everybody. i remained here to see the war." "have you seen any austrians pass?" "no; not for these three days." the officer paused a while in thought; then he leaped from his horse, and leaving his soldiers there, with their faces turned towards the foe, he entered the house and mounted to the roof. the house was low; from the roof only a small tract of country was visible. "it will be necessary to climb the trees," said the officer, and descended. just in front of the garden plot rose a very lofty and slender ash-tree, which was rocking its crest in the azure. the officer stood a brief space in thought, gazing now at the tree, and again at the soldiers; then, all of a sudden, he asked the lad:-- "is your sight good, you monkey?" "mine?" replied the boy. "i can spy a young sparrow a mile away." "are you good for a climb to the top of this tree?" "to the top of this tree? i? i'll be up there in half a minute." "and will you be able to tell me what you see up there--if there are austrian soldiers in that direction, clouds of dust, gleaming guns, horses?" "certainly i shall." "what do you demand for this service?" "what do i demand?" said the lad, smiling. "nothing. a fine thing, indeed! and then--if it were for the _germans_, i wouldn't do it on any terms; but for our men! i am a lombard!" "good! then up with you." "wait a moment, until i take off my shoes." he pulled off his shoes, tightened the girth of his trousers, flung his cap on the grass, and clasped the trunk of the ash. "take care, now!" exclaimed the officer, making a movement to hold him back, as though seized with a sudden terror. the boy turned to look at him, with his handsome blue eyes, as though interrogating him. "no matter," said the officer; "up with you." up went the lad like a cat. "keep watch ahead!" shouted the officer to the soldiers. in a few moments the boy was at the top of the tree, twined around the trunk, with his legs among the leaves, but his body displayed to view, and the sun beating down on his blond head, which seemed to be of gold. the officer could hardly see him, so small did he seem up there. "look straight ahead and far away!" shouted the officer. the lad, in order to see better, removed his right hand from the tree, and shaded his eyes with it. "what do you see?" asked the officer. the boy inclined his head towards him, and making a speaking-trumpet of his hand, replied, "two men on horseback, on the white road." "at what distance from here?" "half a mile." "are they moving?" "they are standing still." "what else do you see?" asked the officer, after a momentary silence. "look to the right." the boy looked to the right. then he said: "near the cemetery, among the trees, there is something glittering. it seems to be bayonets." "do you see men?" "no. they must be concealed in the grain." at that moment a sharp whiz of a bullet passed high up in the air, and died away in the distance, behind the house. "come down, my lad!" shouted the officer. "they have seen you. i don't want anything more. come down." "i'm not afraid," replied the boy. "come down!" repeated the officer. "what else do you see to the left?" "to the left?" "yes, to the left." the lad turned his head to the left: at that moment, another whistle, more acute and lower than the first, cut the air. the boy was thoroughly aroused. "deuce take them!" he exclaimed. "they actually are aiming at me!" the bullet had passed at a short distance from him. "down!" shouted the officer, imperious and irritated. "i'll come down presently," replied the boy. "but the tree shelters me. don't fear. you want to know what there is on the left?" "yes, on the left," answered the officer; "but come down." "on the left," shouted the lad, thrusting his body out in that direction, "yonder, where there is a chapel, i think i see--" a third fierce whistle passed through the air, and almost instantaneously the boy was seen to descend, catching for a moment at the trunk and branches, and then falling headlong with arms outspread. "curse it!" exclaimed the officer, running up. the boy landed on the ground, upon his back, and remained stretched out there, with arms outspread and supine; a stream of blood flowed from his breast, on the left. the sergeant and two soldiers leaped from their horses; the officer bent over and opened his shirt: the ball had entered his left lung. "he is dead!" exclaimed the officer. "no, he still lives!" replied the sergeant.--"ah, poor boy! brave boy!" cried the officer. "courage, courage!" but while he was saying "courage," he was pressing his handkerchief on the wound. the boy rolled his eyes wildly and dropped his head back. he was dead. the officer turned pale and stood for a moment gazing at him; then he laid him down carefully on his cloak upon the grass; then rose and stood looking at him; the sergeant and two soldiers also stood motionless, gazing upon him: the rest were facing in the direction of the enemy. "poor boy!" repeated the officer. "poor, brave boy!" then he approached the house, removed the tricolor from the window, and spread it in guise of a funeral pall over the little dead boy, leaving his face uncovered. the sergeant collected the dead boy's shoes, cap, his little stick, and his knife, and placed them beside him. they stood for a few moments longer in silence; then the officer turned to the sergeant and said to him, "we will send the ambulance for him: he died as a soldier; the soldiers shall bury him." having said this, he wafted a kiss with his hand to the dead boy, and shouted "to horse!" all sprang into the saddle, the troop drew together and resumed its road. and a few hours later the little dead boy received the honors of war. at sunset the whole line of the italian advance-posts marched forward towards the foe, and along the same road which had been traversed in the morning by the detachment of cavalry, there proceeded, in two files, a heavy battalion of sharpshooters, who, a few days before, had valiantly watered the hill of san martino with blood. the news of the boy's death had already spread among the soldiers before they left the encampment. the path, flanked by a rivulet, ran a few paces distant from the house. when the first officers of the battalion caught sight of the little body stretched at the foot of the ash-tree and covered with the tricolored banner, they made the salute to it with their swords, and one of them bent over the bank of the streamlet, which was covered with flowers at that spot, plucked a couple of blossoms and threw them on it. then all the sharpshooters, as they passed, plucked flowers and threw them on the body. in a few minutes the boy was covered with flowers, and officers and soldiers all saluted him as they passed by: "bravo, little lombard!" "farewell, my lad!" "i salute thee, gold locks!" "hurrah!" "glory!" "farewell!" one officer tossed him his medal for valor; another went and kissed his brow. and flowers continued to rain down on his bare feet, on his blood-stained breast, on his golden head. and there he lay asleep on the grass, enveloped in his flag, with a white and almost smiling face, poor boy! as though he heard these salutes and was glad that he had given his life for his lombardy. the poor. tuesday, th. to give one's life for one's country as the lombard boy did, is a great virtue; but you must not neglect the lesser virtues, my son. this morning as you walked in front of me, when we were returning from school, you passed near a poor woman who was holding between her knees a thin, pale child, and who asked alms of you. you looked at her and gave her nothing, and yet you had some coppers in your pocket. listen, my son. do not accustom yourself to pass indifferently before misery which stretches out its hand to you and far less before a mother who asks a copper for her child. reflect that the child may be hungry; think of the agony of that poor woman. picture to yourself the sob of despair of your mother, if she were some day forced to say, "enrico, i cannot give you any bread even to-day!" when i give a soldo to a beggar, and he says to me, "god preserve your health, and the health of all belonging to you!" you cannot understand the sweetness which these words produce in my heart, the gratitude that i feel for that poor man. it seems to me certain that such a good wish must keep one in good health for a long time, and i return home content, and think, "oh, that poor man has returned to me very much more than i gave him!" well, let me sometimes feel that good wish called forth, merited by you; draw a soldo from your little purse now and then, and let it fall into the hand of a blind man without means of subsistence, of a mother without bread, of a child without a mother. the poor love the alms of boys, because it does not humiliate them, and because boys, who stand in need of everything, resemble themselves: you see that there are always poor people around the schoolhouses. the alms of a man is an act of charity; but that of a child is at one and the same time an act of charity and a caress--do you understand? it is as though a soldo and a flower fell from your hand together. reflect that you lack nothing, and that they lack everything, that while you aspire to be happy, they are content simply with not dying. reflect, that it is a horror, in the midst of so many palaces, along the streets thronged with carriages, and children clad in velvet, that there should be women and children who have nothing to eat. to have nothing to eat! o god! boys like you, as good as you, as intelligent as you, who, in the midst of a great city, have nothing to eat, like wild beasts lost in a desert! oh, never again, enrico, pass a mother who is begging, without placing a soldo in her hand! thy father. december. the trader. thursday, st. my father wishes me to have some one of my companions come to the house every holiday, or that i should go to see one of them, in order that i may gradually become friends with all of them. sunday i shall go to walk with votini, the well-dressed boy who is always polishing himself up, and who is so envious of derossi. in the meantime, garoffi came to the house to-day,--that long, lank boy, with the nose like an owl's beak, and small, knavish eyes, which seem to be ferreting everywhere. he is the son of a grocer; he is an eccentric fellow; he is always counting the soldi that he has in his pocket; he reckons them on his fingers very, very rapidly, and goes through some process of multiplication without any tables; and he hoards his money, and already has a book in the scholars' savings bank. he never spends a soldo, i am positive; and if he drops a centesimo under the benches, he is capable of hunting for it for a week. he does as magpies do, so derossi says. everything that he finds--worn-out pens, postage-stamps that have been used, pins, candle-ends--he picks up. he has been collecting postage-stamps for more than two years now; and he already has hundreds of them from every country, in a large album, which he will sell to a bookseller later on, when he has got it quite full. meanwhile, the bookseller gives him his copy-books gratis, because he takes a great many boys to the shop. in school, he is always bartering; he effects sales of little articles every day, and lotteries and exchanges; then he regrets the exchange, and wants his stuff back; he buys for two and gets rid of it for four; he plays at pitch-penny, and never loses; he sells old newspapers over again to the tobacconist; and he keeps a little blank-book, in which he sets down his transactions, which is completely filled with sums and subtractions. at school he studies nothing but arithmetic; and if he desires the medal, it is only that he may have a free entrance into the puppet-show. but he pleases me; he amuses me. we played at keeping a market, with weights and scales. he knows the exact price of everything; he understands weighing, and makes handsome paper horns, like shopkeepers, with great expedition. he declares that as soon as he has finished school he shall set up in business--in a new business which he has invented himself. he was very much pleased when i gave him some foreign postage-stamps; and he informed me exactly how each one sold for collections. my father pretended to be reading the newspaper; but he listened to him, and was greatly diverted. his pockets are bulging, full of his little wares; and he covers them up with a long black cloak, and always appears thoughtful and preoccupied with business, like a merchant. but the thing that he has nearest his heart is his collection of postage-stamps. this is his treasure; and he always speaks of it as though he were going to get a fortune out of it. his companions accuse him of miserliness and usury. i do not know: i like him; he teaches me a great many things; he seems a man to me. coretti, the son of the wood-merchant, says that he would not give him his postage-stamps to save his mother's life. my father does not believe it. "wait a little before you condemn him," he said to me; "he has this passion, but he has heart as well." vanity. monday, th. yesterday i went to take a walk along the rivoli road with votini and his father. as we were passing through the via dora grossa we saw stardi, the boy who kicks disturbers, standing stiffly in front of the window of a book-shop, with his eyes fixed on a geographical map; and no one knows how long he had been there, because he studies even in the street. he barely returned our salute, the rude fellow! votini was well dressed--even too much so. he had on morocco boots embroidered in red, an embroidered coat, small silken frogs, a white beaver hat, and a watch; and he strutted. but his vanity was destined to come to a bad end on this occasion. after having run a tolerably long distance up the rivoli road, leaving his father, who was walking slowly, a long way in the rear, we halted at a stone seat, beside a modestly clad boy, who appeared to be weary, and was meditating, with drooping head. a man, who must have been his father, was walking to and fro under the trees, reading the newspaper. we sat down. votini placed himself between me and the boy. all at once he recollected that he was well dressed, and wanted to make his neighbor admire and envy him. [illustration: "stop that, you little rascals!"--page .] he lifted one foot, and said to me, "have you seen my officer's boots?" he said this in order to make the other boy look at them; but the latter paid no attention to them. then he dropped his foot, and showed me his silk frogs, glancing askance at the boy the while, and said that these frogs did not please him, and that he wanted to have them changed to silver buttons; but the boy did not look at the frogs either. then votini fell to twirling his very handsome white castor hat on the tip of his forefinger; but the boy--and it seemed as though he did it on purpose--did not deign even a glance at the hat. votini, who began to become irritated, drew out his watch, opened it, and showed me the wheels; but the boy did not turn his head. "is it of silver gilt?" i asked him. "no," he replied; "it is gold." "but not entirely of gold," i said; "there must be some silver with it." "why, no!" he retorted; and, in order to compel the boy to look, he held the watch before his face, and said to him, "say, look here! isn't it true that it is entirely of gold?" the boy replied curtly, "i don't know." "oh! oh!" exclaimed votini, full of wrath, "what pride!" as he was saying this, his father came up, and heard him; he looked steadily at the lad for a moment, then said sharply to his son, "hold your tongue!" and, bending down to his ear, he added, "he is blind!" votini sprang to his feet, with a shudder, and stared the boy in the face: the latter's eyeballs were glassy, without expression, without sight. votini stood humbled,--speechless,--with his eyes fixed on the ground. at length he stammered, "i am sorry; i did not know." but the blind boy, who had understood it all, said, with a kind and melancholy smile, "oh, it's no matter!" well, he is vain; but votini has not at all a bad heart. he never laughed again during the whole of the walk. the first snow-storm. saturday, th. farewell, walks to rivoli! here is the beautiful friend of the boys! here is the first snow! ever since yesterday evening it has been falling in thick flakes as large as gillyflowers. it was a pleasure this morning at school to see it beat against the panes and pile up on the window-sills; even the master watched it, and rubbed his hands; and all were glad, when they thought of making snowballs, and of the ice which will come later, and of the hearth at home. stardi, entirely absorbed in his lessons, and with his fists pressed to his temples, was the only one who paid no attention to it. what beauty, what a celebration there was when we left school! all danced down the streets, shouting and tossing their arms, catching up handfuls of snow, and dashing about in it, like poodles in water. the umbrellas of the parents, who were waiting for them outside, were all white; the policeman's helmet was white; all our satchels were white in a few moments. every one appeared to be beside himself with joy--even precossi, the son of the blacksmith, that pale boy who never laughs; and robetti, the lad who saved the little child from the omnibus, poor fellow! he jumped about on his crutches. the calabrian, who had never touched snow, made himself a little ball of it, and began to eat it, as though it had been a peach; crossi, the son of the vegetable-vendor, filled his satchel with it; and the little mason made us burst with laughter, when my father invited him to come to our house to-morrow. he had his mouth full of snow, and, not daring either to spit it out or to swallow it, he stood there choking and staring at us, and made no answer. even the schoolmistress came out of school on a run, laughing; and my mistress of the first upper class, poor little thing! ran through the drizzling snow, covering her face with her green veil, and coughing; and meanwhile, hundreds of girls from the neighboring schoolhouse passed by, screaming and frolicking on that white carpet; and the masters and the beadles and the policemen shouted, "home! home!" swallowing flakes of snow, and whitening their moustaches and beards. but they, too, laughed at this wild hilarity of the scholars, as they celebrated the winter. you hail the arrival of winter; but there are boys who have neither clothes nor shoes nor fire. there are thousands of them, who descend to their villages, over a long road, carrying in hands bleeding from chilblains a bit of wood to warm the schoolroom. there are hundreds of schools almost buried in the snow, bare and dismal as caves, where the boys suffocate with smoke or chatter their teeth with cold as they gaze in terror at the white flakes which descend unceasingly, which pile up without cessation on their distant cabins threatened by avalanches. you rejoice in the winter, boys. think of the thousands of creatures to whom winter brings misery and death. thy father. the little mason. sunday, th. the little mason came to-day, in a hunting-jacket, entirely dressed in the cast-off clothes of his father, which were still white with lime and plaster. my father was even more anxious than i that he should come. how much pleasure he gives us! no sooner had he entered than he pulled off his ragged cap, which was all soaked with snow, and thrust it into one of his pockets; then he advanced with his listless gait, like a weary workman, turning his face, as smooth as an apple, with its ball-like nose, from side to side; and when he entered the dining-room, he cast a glance round at the furniture and fixed his eyes on a small picture of rigoletto, a hunchbacked jester, and made a "hare's face." it is impossible to refrain from laughing when one sees him make that hare's face. we went to playing with bits of wood: he possesses an extraordinary skill at making towers and bridges, which seem to stand as though by a miracle, and he works at it quite seriously, with the patience of a man. between one tower and another he told me about his family: they live in a garret; his father goes to the evening school to learn to read, and his mother is a washerwoman. and they must love him, of course, for he is clad like a poor boy, but he is well protected from the cold, with neatly mended clothes, and with his necktie nicely tied by his mother's hands. his father, he told me, is a fine man,--a giant, who has trouble in getting through doors, but he is kind, and always calls his son "hare's face": the son, on the contrary, is rather small. at four o'clock we lunched on bread and goat's-milk cheese, as we sat on the sofa; and when we rose, i do not know why, but my father did not wish me to brush off the back, which the little mason had spotted with white, from his jacket: he restrained my hand, and then rubbed it off himself on the sly. while we were playing, the little mason lost a button from his hunting-jacket, and my mother sewed it on, and he grew quite red, and began to watch her sew, in perfect amazement and confusion, holding his breath the while. then we gave him some albums of caricatures to look at, and he, without being aware of it himself, imitated the grimaces of the faces there so well, that even my father laughed. he was so much pleased when he went away that he forgot to put on his tattered cap; and when we reached the landing, he made a hare's face at me once more in sign of his gratitude. his name is antonio rabucco, and he is eight years and eight months old. do you know, my son, why i did not wish you to wipe off the sofa? because to wipe it while your companion was looking on would have been almost the same as administering a reproof to him for having soiled it. and this was not well, in the first place, because he did not do it intentionally, and in the next, because he did it with the clothes of his father, who had covered them with plaster while at work; and what is contracted while at work is not dirt; it is dust, lime, varnish, whatever you like, but it is not dirt. labor does not engender dirt. never say of a laborer coming from his work, "he is filthy." you should say, "he has on his garments the signs, the traces, of his toil." remember this. and you must love the little mason, first, because he is your comrade; and next, because he is the son of a workingman. thy father. a snowball. friday, th. it is still snow, snow. a shameful thing happened in connection with the snow this morning when we came out of school. a flock of boys had no sooner got into the corso than they began to throw balls of that watery snow which makes missiles as solid and heavy as stones. many persons were passing along the sidewalks. a gentleman called out, "stop that, you little rascals!" and just at that moment a sharp cry rose from another part of the street, and we saw an old man who had lost his hat and was staggering about, covering his face with his hands, and beside him a boy who was shouting, "help! help!" people instantly ran from all directions. he had been struck in the eye with a ball. all the boys dispersed, fleeing like arrows. i was standing in front of the bookseller's shop, into which my father had gone, and i saw several of my companions approaching at a run, mingling with others near me, and pretending to be engaged in staring at the windows: there was garrone, with his penny roll in his pocket, as usual; coretti, the little mason; and garoffi, the boy with the postage-stamps. in the meantime a crowd had formed around the old man, and a policeman and others were running to and fro, threatening and demanding: "who was it? who did it? was it you? tell me who did it!" and they looked at the boys' hands to see whether they were wet with snow. garoffi was standing beside me. i perceived that he was trembling all over, and that his face was as white as that of a corpse. "who was it? who did it?" the crowd continued to cry. then i overheard garrone say in a low voice to garoffi, "come, go and present yourself; it would be cowardly to allow any one else to be arrested." "but i did not do it on purpose," replied garoffi, trembling like a leaf. "no matter; do your duty," repeated garrone. "but i have not the courage." "take courage, then; i will accompany you." and the policeman and the other people were crying more loudly than ever: "who was it? who did it? one of his glasses has been driven into his eye! he has been blinded! the ruffians!" i thought that garoffi would fall to the earth. "come," said garrone, resolutely, "i will defend you;" and grasping him by the arm, he thrust him forward, supporting him as though he had been a sick man. the people saw, and instantly understood, and several persons ran up with their fists raised; but garrone thrust himself between, crying:-- "do ten men of you set on one boy?" then they ceased, and a policeman seized garoffi by the hand and led him, pushing aside the crowd as he went, to a pastry-cook's shop, where the wounded man had been carried. on catching sight of him, i suddenly recognized him as the old employee who lives on the fourth floor of our house with his grandnephew. he was stretched out on a chair, with a handkerchief over his eyes. "i did not do it intentionally!" sobbed garoffi, half dead with terror; "i did not do it intentionally!" two or three persons thrust him violently into the shop, crying, "your face to the earth! beg his pardon!" and they threw him to the ground. but all at once two vigorous arms set him on his feet again, and a resolute voice said:-- "no, gentlemen!" it was our head-master, who had seen it all. "since he has had the courage to present himself," he added, "no one has the right to humiliate him." all stood silent. "ask his forgiveness," said the head-master to garoffi. garoffi, bursting into tears, embraced the old man's knees, and the latter, having felt for the boy's head with his hand, caressed his hair. then all said:-- "go away, boy! go, return home." and my father drew me out of the crowd, and said to me as we passed along the street, "enrico, would you have had the courage, under similar circumstances, to do your duty,--to go and confess your fault?" i told him that i should. and he said, "give me your word, as a lad of heart and honor, that you would do it." "i give thee my word, father mine!" the mistresses. saturday, th. garoffi was thoroughly terrified to-day, in the expectation of a severe punishment from the teacher; but the master did not make his appearance; and as the assistant was also missing, signora cromi, the oldest of the schoolmistresses, came to teach the school; she has two grown-up children, and she has taught several women to read and write, who now come to accompany their sons to the baretti schoolhouse. she was sad to-day, because one of her sons is ill. no sooner had they caught sight of her, than they began to make an uproar. but she said, in a slow and tranquil tone, "respect my white hair; i am not only a school-teacher, i am also a mother"; and then no one dared to speak again, in spite of that brazen face of franti, who contented himself with jeering at her on the sly. signora delcati, my brother's teacher, was sent to take charge of signora cromi's class, and to signora delcati's was sent the teacher who is called "the little nun," because she always dresses in dark colors, with a black apron, and has a small white face, hair that is always smooth, very bright eyes, and a delicate voice, that seems to be forever murmuring prayers. and it is incomprehensible, my mother says; she is so gentle and timid, with that thread of a voice, which is always even, which is hardly audible, and she never speaks loud nor flies into a passion; but, nevertheless, she keeps the boys so quiet that you cannot hear them, and the most roguish bow their heads when she merely admonishes them with her finger, and her school seems like a church; and it is for this reason, also, that she is called "the little nun." but there is another one who pleases me,--the young mistress of the first lower, no. , that young girl with the rosy face, who has two pretty dimples in her cheeks, and who wears a large red feather on her little bonnet, and a small cross of yellow glass on her neck. she is always cheerful, and keeps her class cheerful; she is always calling out with that silvery voice of hers, which makes her seem to be singing, and tapping her little rod on the table, and clapping her hands to impose silence; then, when they come out of school, she runs after one and another like a child, to bring them back into line: she pulls up the cape of one, and buttons the coat of another, so that they may not take cold; she follows them even into the street, in order that they may not fall to quarrelling; she beseeches the parents not to whip them at home; she brings lozenges to those who have coughs; she lends her muff to those who are cold; and she is continually tormented by the smallest children, who caress her and demand kisses, and pull at her veil and her mantle; but she lets them do it, and kisses them all with a smile, and returns home all rumpled and with her throat all bare, panting and happy, with her beautiful dimples and her red feather. she is also the girls' drawing-teacher, and she supports her mother and a brother by her own labor. in the house of the wounded man. sunday, th. the grandnephew of the old employee who was struck in the eye by garoffi's snowball is with the schoolmistress who has the red feather: we saw him to-day in the house of his uncle, who treats him like a son. i had finished writing out the monthly story for the coming week,--_the little florentine scribe_,--which the master had given to me to copy; and my father said to me:-- "let us go up to the fourth floor, and see how that old gentleman's eye is." we entered a room which was almost dark, where the old man was sitting up in bed, with a great many pillows behind his shoulders; by the bedside sat his wife, and in one corner his nephew was amusing himself. the old man's eye was bandaged. he was very glad to see my father; he made us sit down, and said that he was better, that his eye was not only not ruined, but that he should be quite well again in a few days. "it was an accident," he added. "i regret the terror which it must have caused that poor boy." then he talked to us about the doctor, whom he expected every moment to attend him. just then the door-bell rang. "there is the doctor," said his wife. the door opened--and whom did i see? garoffi, in his long cloak, standing, with bowed head, on the threshold, and without the courage to enter. "who is it?" asked the sick man. "it is the boy who threw the snowball," said my father. and then the old man said:-- "oh, my poor boy! come here; you have come to inquire after the wounded man, have you not? but he is better; be at ease; he is better and almost well. come here." garoffi, who did not perceive us in his confusion, approached the bed, forcing himself not to cry; and the old man caressed him, but could not speak. "thanks," said the old man; "go and tell your father and mother that all is going well, and that they are not to think any more about it." but garoffi did not move, and seemed to have something to say which he dared not utter. "what have you to say to me? what is it that you want?" "i!--nothing." "well, good by, until we meet again, my boy; go with your heart in peace." garoffi went as far as the door; but there he halted, turned to the nephew, who was following him, and gazed curiously at him. all at once he pulled some object from beneath his cloak, put it in the boy's hand, and whispered hastily to him, "it is for you," and away he went like a flash. the boy carried the object to his uncle; we saw that on it was written, _i give you this_; we looked inside, and uttered an exclamation of surprise. it was the famous album, with his collection of postage-stamps, which poor garoffi had brought, the collection of which he was always talking, upon which he had founded so many hopes, and which had cost him so much trouble; it was his treasure, poor boy! it was the half of his very blood, which he had presented in exchange for his pardon. the little florentine scribe. (_monthly story._) he was in the fourth elementary class. he was a graceful florentine lad of twelve, with black hair and a white face, the eldest son of an employee on the railway, who, having a large family and but small pay, lived in straitened circumstances. his father loved him and was tolerably kind and indulgent to him--indulgent in everything except in that which referred to school: on this point he required a great deal, and showed himself severe, because his son was obliged to attain such a rank as would enable him to soon obtain a place and help his family; and in order to accomplish anything quickly, it was necessary that he should work a great deal in a very short time. and although the lad studied, his father was always exhorting him to study more. his father was advanced in years, and too much toil had aged him before his time. nevertheless, in order to provide for the necessities of his family, in addition to the toil which his occupation imposed upon him, he obtained special work here and there as a copyist, and passed a good part of the night at his writing-table. lately, he had undertaken, in behalf of a house which published journals and books in parts, to write upon the parcels the names and addresses of their subscribers, and he earned three lire[ ] for every five hundred of these paper wrappers, written in large and regular characters. but this work wearied him, and he often complained of it to his family at dinner. [ ] sixty cents. "my eyes are giving out," he said; "this night work is killing me." one day his son said to him, "let me work instead of you, papa; you know that i can write like you, and fairly well." but the father answered:-- "no, my son, you must study; your school is a much more important thing than my wrappers; i feel remorse at robbing you of a single hour; i thank you, but i will not have it; do not mention it to me again." the son knew that it was useless to insist on such a matter with his father, and he did not persist; but this is what he did. he knew that exactly at midnight his father stopped writing, and quitted his workroom to go to his bedroom; he had heard him several times: as soon as the twelve strokes of the clock had sounded, he had heard the sound of a chair drawn back, and the slow step of his father. one night he waited until the latter was in bed, then dressed himself very, very softly, and felt his way to the little workroom, lighted the petroleum lamp again, seated himself at the writing-table, where lay a pile of white wrappers and the list of addresses, and began to write, imitating exactly his father's handwriting. and he wrote with a will, gladly, a little in fear, and the wrappers piled up, and from time to time he dropped the pen to rub his hands, and then began again with increased alacrity, listening and smiling. he wrote a hundred and sixty--one lira! then he stopped, placed the pen where he had found it, extinguished the light, and went back to bed on tiptoe. at noon that day his father sat down to the table in a good humor. he had perceived nothing. he performed the work mechanically, measuring it by the hour, and thinking of something else, and only counted the wrappers he had written on the following day. he seated himself at the table in a fine humor, and slapping his son on one shoulder, he said to him:-- "eh, giulio! your father is even a better workman than you thought. in two hours i did a good third more work than usual last night. my hand is still nimble, and my eyes still do their duty." and giulio, silent but content, said to himself, "poor daddy, besides the money, i am giving him some satisfaction in the thought that he has grown young again. well, courage!" encouraged by these good results, when night came and twelve o'clock struck, he rose once more, and set to work. and this he did for several nights. and his father noticed nothing; only once, at supper, he uttered this exclamation, "it is strange how much oil has been used in this house lately!" this was a shock to giulio; but the conversation ceased there, and the nocturnal labor proceeded. however, by dint of thus breaking his sleep every night, giulio did not get sufficient rest: he rose in the morning fatigued, and when he was doing his school work in the evening, he had difficulty in keeping his eyes open. one evening, for the first time in his life, he fell asleep over his copy-book. "courage! courage!" cried his father, clapping his hands; "to work!" he shook himself and set to work again. but the next evening, and on the days following, the same thing occurred, and worse: he dozed over his books, he rose later than usual, he studied his lessons in a languid way, he seemed disgusted with study. his father began to observe him, then to reflect seriously, and at last to reprove him. he should never have done it! "giulio," he said to him one morning, "you put me quite beside myself; you are no longer as you used to be. i don't like it. take care; all the hopes of your family rest on you. i am dissatisfied; do you understand?" at this reproof, the first severe one, in truth, which he had ever received, the boy grew troubled. "yes," he said to himself, "it is true; it cannot go on so; this deceit must come to an end." but at dinner, on the evening of that very same day, his father said with much cheerfulness, "do you know that this month i have earned thirty-two lire more at addressing those wrappers than last month!" and so saying, he drew from under the table a paper package of sweets which he had bought, that he might celebrate with his children this extraordinary profit, and they all hailed it with clapping of hands. then giulio took heart again, courage again, and said in his heart, "no, poor papa, i will not cease to deceive you; i will make greater efforts to work during the day, but i shall continue to work at night for you and for the rest." and his father added, "thirty-two lire more! i am satisfied. but that boy there," pointing at giulio, "is the one who displeases me." and giulio received the reprimand in silence, forcing back two tears which tried to flow; but at the same time he felt a great pleasure in his heart. and he continued to work by main force; but fatigue added to fatigue rendered it ever more difficult for him to resist. thus things went on for two months. the father continued to reproach his son, and to gaze at him with eyes which grew constantly more wrathful. one day he went to make inquiries of the teacher, and the teacher said to him: "yes, he gets along, he gets along, because he is intelligent; but he no longer has the good will which he had at first. he is drowsy, he yawns, his mind is distracted. he writes short compositions, scribbled down in all haste, in bad chirography. oh, he could do a great deal, a great deal more." that evening the father took the son aside, and spoke to him words which were graver than any the latter had ever heard. "giulio, you see how i toil, how i am wearing out my life, for the family. you do not second my efforts. you have no heart for me, nor for your brothers, nor for your mother!" "ah no! don't say that, father!" cried the son, bursting into tears, and opening his mouth to confess all. but his father interrupted him, saying:-- "you are aware of the condition of the family; you know that good will and sacrifices on the part of all are necessary. i myself, as you see, have had to double my work. i counted on a gift of a hundred lire from the railway company this month, and this morning i have learned that i shall receive nothing!" at this information, giulio repressed the confession which was on the point of escaping from his soul, and repeated resolutely to himself: "no, papa, i shall tell you nothing; i shall guard my secret for the sake of being able to work for you; i will recompense you in another way for the sorrow which i occasion you; i will study enough at school to win promotion; the important point is to help you to earn our living, and to relieve you of the fatigue which is killing you." and so he went on, and two months more passed, of labor by night and weakness by day, of desperate efforts on the part of the son, and of bitter reproaches on the part of the father. but the worst of it was, that the latter grew gradually colder towards the boy, only addressed him rarely, as though he had been a recreant son, of whom there was nothing any longer to be expected, and almost avoided meeting his glance. and giulio perceived this and suffered from it, and when his father's back was turned, he threw him a furtive kiss, stretching forth his face with a sentiment of sad and dutiful tenderness; and between sorrow and fatigue, he grew thin and pale, and he was constrained to still further neglect his studies. and he understood well that there must be an end to it some day, and every evening he said to himself, "i will not get up to-night"; but when the clock struck twelve, at the moment when he should have vigorously reaffirmed his resolution, he felt remorse: it seemed to him, that by remaining in bed he should be failing in a duty, and robbing his father and the family of a lira. and he rose, thinking that some night his father would wake up and discover him, or that he would discover the deception by accident, by counting the wrappers twice; and then all would come to a natural end, without any act of his will, which he did not feel the courage to exert. and thus he went on. but one evening at dinner his father spoke a word which was decisive so far as he was concerned. his mother looked at him, and as it seemed to her that he was more ill and weak than usual, she said to him, "giulio, you are ill." and then, turning to his father with anxiety: "giulio is ill. see how pale he is giulio, my dear, how do you feel?" his father gave a hasty glance, and said: "it is his bad conscience that produces his bad health. he was not thus when he was a studious scholar and a loving son." "but he is ill!" exclaimed the mother. "i don't care anything about him any longer!" replied the father. this remark was like a stab in the heart to the poor boy. ah! he cared nothing any more. his father, who once trembled at the mere sound of a cough from him! he no longer loved him; there was no longer any doubt; he was dead in his father's heart. "ah, no! my father," said the boy to himself, his heart oppressed with anguish, "now all is over indeed; i cannot live without your affection; i must have it all back. i will tell you all; i will deceive you no longer. i will study as of old, come what will, if you will only love me once more, my poor father! oh, this time i am quite sure of my resolution!" nevertheless he rose that night again, by force of habit more than anything else; and when he was once up, he wanted to go and salute and see once more, for the last time, in the quiet of the night, that little chamber where he toiled so much in secret with his heart full of satisfaction and tenderness. and when he beheld again that little table with the lamp lighted and those white wrappers on which he was never more to write those names of towns and persons, which he had come to know by heart, he was seized with a great sadness, and with an impetuous movement he grasped the pen to recommence his accustomed toil. but in reaching out his hand he struck a book, and the book fell. the blood rushed to his heart. what if his father had waked! certainly he would not have discovered him in the commission of a bad deed: he had himself decided to tell him all, and yet--the sound of that step approaching in the darkness,--the discovery at that hour, in that silence,--his mother, who would be awakened and alarmed,--and the thought, which had occurred to him for the first time, that his father might feel humiliated in his presence on thus discovering all;--all this terrified him almost. he bent his ear, with suspended breath. he heard no sound. he laid his ear to the lock of the door behind him--nothing. the whole house was asleep. his father had not heard. he recovered his composure, and he set himself again to his writing, and wrapper was piled on wrapper. he heard the regular tread of the policeman below in the deserted street; then the rumble of a carriage which gradually died away; then, after an interval, the rattle of a file of carts, which passed slowly by; then a profound silence, broken from time to time by the distant barking of a dog. and he wrote on and on: and meanwhile his father was behind him. he had risen on hearing the fall of the book, and had remained waiting for a long time: the rattle of the carts had drowned the noise of his footsteps and the creaking of the door-casing; and he was there, with his white head bent over giulio's little black head, and he had seen the pen flying over the wrappers, and in an instant he had divined all, remembered all, understood all, and a despairing penitence, but at the same time an immense tenderness, had taken possession of his mind and had held him nailed to the spot suffocating behind his child. suddenly giulio uttered a piercing shriek: two arms had pressed his head convulsively. "oh, papa, papa! forgive me, forgive me!" he cried, recognizing his parent by his weeping. "do you forgive me!" replied his father, sobbing, and covering his brow with kisses. "i have understood all, i know all; it is i, it is i who ask your pardon, my blessed little creature; come, come with me!" and he pushed or rather carried him to the bedside of his mother, who was awake, and throwing him into her arms, he said:-- "kiss this little angel of a son, who has not slept for three months, but has been toiling for me, while i was saddening his heart, and he was earning our bread!" the mother pressed him to her breast and held him there, without the power to speak; at last she said: "go to sleep at once, my baby, go to sleep and rest.--carry him to bed." the father took him from her arms, carried him to his room, and laid him in his bed, still breathing hard and caressing him, and arranged his pillows and coverlets for him. "thanks, papa," the child kept repeating; "thanks; but go to bed yourself now; i am content; go to bed, papa." but his father wanted to see him fall asleep; so he sat down beside the bed, took his hand, and said to him, "sleep, sleep, my little son!" and giulio, being weak, fell asleep at last, and slumbered many hours, enjoying, for the first time in many months, a tranquil sleep, enlivened by pleasant dreams; and as he opened his eyes, when the sun had already been shining for a tolerably long time, he first felt, and then saw, close to his breast, and resting upon the edge of the little bed, the white head of his father, who had passed the night thus, and who was still asleep, with his brow against his son's heart. will. wednesday, th. there is stardi in my school, who would have the force to do what the little florentine did. this morning two events occurred at the school: garoffi, wild with delight, because his album had been returned to him, with the addition of three postage-stamps of the republic of guatemala, which he had been seeking for three months; and stardi, who took the second medal; stardi the next in the class after derossi! all were amazed at it. who could ever have foretold it, when, in october, his father brought him to school bundled up in that big green coat, and said to the master, in presence of every one:-- "you must have a great deal of patience with him, because he is very hard of understanding!" every one credited him with a wooden head from the very beginning. but he said, "i will burst or i will succeed," and he set to work doggedly, to studying day and night, at home, at school, while walking, with set teeth and clenched fists, patient as an ox, obstinate as a mule; and thus, by dint of trampling on every one, disregarding mockery, and dealing kicks to disturbers, this big thick-head passed in advance of the rest. he understood not the first thing of arithmetic, he filled his compositions with absurdities, he never succeeded in retaining a phrase in his mind; and now he solves problems, writes correctly, and sings his lessons like a song. and his iron will can be divined from the seeing how he is made, so very thickset and squat, with a square head and no neck, with short, thick hands, and coarse voice. he studies even on scraps of newspaper, and on theatre bills, and every time that he has ten soldi, he buys a book; he has already collected a little library, and in a moment of good humor he allowed the promise to slip from his mouth that he would take me home and show it to me. he speaks to no one, he plays with no one, he is always on hand, on his bench, with his fists pressed to his temples, firm as a rock, listening to the teacher. how he must have toiled, poor stardi! the master said to him this morning, although he was impatient and in a bad humor, when he bestowed the medals:-- "bravo, stardi! he who endures, conquers." but the latter did not appear in the least puffed up with pride--he did not smile; and no sooner had he returned to his seat, with the medal, than he planted his fists on his temples again, and became more motionless and more attentive than before. but the finest thing happened when he went out of school; for his father, a blood-letter, as big and squat as himself, with a huge face and a huge voice, was there waiting for him. he had not expected this medal, and he was not willing to believe in it, so that it was necessary for the master to reassure him, and then he began to laugh heartily, and tapped his son on the back of the neck, saying energetically, "bravo! good! my dear pumpkin; you'll do!" and he stared at him, astonished and smiling. and all the boys around him smiled too, except stardi. he was already ruminating the lesson for to-morrow morning in that huge head of his. gratitude. saturday, st. your comrade stardi never complains of his teacher; i am sure of that. "the master was in a bad temper, was impatient,"--you say it in a tone of resentment. think an instant how often you give way to acts of impatience, and towards whom? towards your father and your mother, towards whom your impatience is a crime. your master has very good cause to be impatient at times! reflect that he has been laboring for boys these many years, and that if he has found many affectionate and noble individuals among them, he has also found many ungrateful ones, who have abused his kindness and ignored his toils; and that, between you all, you cause him far more bitterness than satisfaction. reflect, that the most holy man on earth, if placed in his position, would allow himself to be conquered by wrath now and then. and then, if you only knew how often the teacher goes to give a lesson to a sick boy, all alone, because he is not ill enough to be excused from school and is impatient on account of his suffering, and is pained to see that the rest of you do not notice it, or abuse it! respect, love, your master, my son. love him, also, because your father loves and respects him; because he consecrates his life to the welfare of so many boys who will forget him; love him because he opens and enlightens your intelligence and educates your mind; because one of these days, when you have become a man, and when neither i nor he shall be in the world, his image will often present itself to your mind, side by side with mine, and then you will see certain expressions of sorrow and fatigue in his honest countenance to which you now pay no heed: you will recall them, and they will pain you, even after the lapse of thirty years; and you will feel ashamed, you will feel sad at not having loved him, at having behaved badly to him. love your master; for he belongs to that vast family of fifty thousand elementary instructors, scattered throughout all italy, who are the intellectual fathers of the millions of boys who are growing up with you; the laborers, hardly recognized and poorly recompensed, who are preparing in our country a people superior to those of the present. i am not content with the affection which you have for me, if you have it not also for all those who are doing you good, and among these, your master stands first, after your parents. love him as you would love a brother of mine; love him when he caresses and when he reproves you; when he is just, and when he appears to you to be unjust; love him when he is amiable and gracious; and love him even more when you see him sad. love him always. and always pronounce with reverence that name of "teacher," which, after that of your father, is the noblest, the sweetest name which one man can apply to another man. thy father. january. the assistant master. wednesday, th. my father was right; the master was in a bad humor because he was not well; for the last three days, in fact, the assistant has been coming in his stead,--that little man, without a beard, who seems like a youth. a shameful thing happened this morning. there had been an uproar on the first and second days, in the school, because the assistant is very patient and does nothing but say, "be quiet, be quiet, i beg of you." but this morning they passed all bounds. such a noise arose, that his words were no longer audible, and he admonished and besought; but it was a mere waste of breath. twice the head-master appeared at the door and looked in; but the moment he disappeared the murmur increased as in a market. it was in vain that derossi and garrone turned round and made signs to their comrades to be good, so that it was a shame. no one paid any heed to them. stardi alone remained quiet, with his elbows on the bench, and his fists to his temples, meditating, perhaps, on his famous library; and garoffi, that boy with the hooked nose and the postage-stamps, who was wholly occupied in making a catalogue of the subscribers at two centesimi each, for a lottery for a pocket inkstand. the rest chattered and laughed, pounded on the points of pens fixed in the benches, and snapped pellets of paper at each other with the elastics of their garters. the assistant grasped now one, now another, by the arm, and shook him; and he placed one of them against the wall--time wasted. he no longer knew what to do, and he entreated them. "why do you behave like this? do you wish me to punish you by force?" then he thumped the little table with his fist, and shouted in a voice of wrath and lamentation, "silence! silence! silence!" it was difficult to hear him. but the uproar continued to increase. franti threw a paper dart at him, some uttered cat-calls, others thumped each other on the head; the hurly-burly was indescribable; when, all of a sudden, the beadle entered and said:-- "signor master, the head-master has sent for you." the master rose and went out in haste, with a gesture of despair. then the tumult began more vigorously than ever. but suddenly garrone sprang up, his face all convulsed, and his fists clenched, and shouted in a voice choked with rage:-- "stop this! you are brutes! you take advantage of him because he is kind. if he were to bruise your bones for you, you would be as abject as dogs. you are a pack of cowards! the first one of you that jeers at him again, i shall wait for outside, and i will break his teeth,--i swear it,--even under the very eyes of his father!" all became silent. ah, what a fine thing it was to see garrone, with his eyes darting flames! he seemed to be a furious young lion. he stared at the most daring, one after the other, and all hung their heads. when the assistant re-entered, with red eyes, not a breath was audible. he stood in amazement; then, catching sight of garrone, who was still all fiery and trembling, he understood it all, and he said to him, with accents of great affection, as he might have spoken to a brother, "i thank you, garrone." stardi's library. i have been home with stardi, who lives opposite the schoolhouse; and i really experienced a feeling of envy at the sight of his library. he is not at all rich, and he cannot buy many books; but he preserves his schoolbooks with great care, as well as those which his relatives give him; and he lays aside every soldo that is given to him, and spends it at the bookseller's. in this way he has collected a little library; and when his father perceived that he had this passion, he bought him a handsome bookcase of walnut wood, with a green curtain, and he has had most of his volumes bound for him in the colors that he likes. thus when he draws a little cord, the green curtain runs aside, and three rows of books of every color become visible, all ranged in order, and shining, with gilt titles on their backs,--books of tales, of travels, and of poetry; and some illustrated ones. and he understands how to combine colors well: he places the white volumes next to the red ones, the yellow next the black, the blue beside the white, so that, viewed from a distance, they make a very fine appearance; and he amuses himself by varying the combinations. he has made himself a catalogue. he is like a librarian. he is always standing near his books, dusting them, turning over the leaves, examining the bindings: it is something to see the care with which he opens them, with his big, stubby hands, and blows between the pages: then they seem perfectly new again. i have worn out all of mine. it is a festival for him to polish off every new book that he buys, to put it in its place, and to pick it up again to take another look at it from all sides, and to brood over it as a treasure. he showed me nothing else for a whole hour. his eyes were troubling him, because he had read too much. at a certain time his father, who is large and thickset like himself, with a big head like his, entered the room, and gave him two or three taps on the nape of the neck, saying with that huge voice of his:-- "what do you think of him, eh? of this head of bronze? it is a stout head, that will succeed in anything, i assure you!" and stardi half closed his eyes, under these rough caresses, like a big hunting-dog. i do not know, i did not dare to jest with him; it did not seem true to me, that he was only a year older than myself; and when he said to me, "farewell until we meet again," at the door, with that face of his that always seems wrathful, i came very near replying to him, "i salute you, sir," as to a man. i told my father afterwards, at home: "i don't understand it; stardi has no natural talent, he has not fine manners, and his face is almost ridiculous; yet he suggests ideas to me." and my father answered, "it is because he has character." and i added, "during the hour that i spent with him he did not utter fifty words, he did not show me a single plaything, he did not laugh once; yet i liked to go there." and my father answered, "that is because you esteem him." the son of the blacksmith-ironmonger. yes, but i also esteem precossi; and to say that i esteem him is not enough,--precossi, the son of the blacksmith-ironmonger,--that thin little fellow, who has kind, melancholy eyes and a frightened air; who is so timid that he says to every one, "excuse me"; who is always sickly, and who, nevertheless, studies so much. his father returns home, intoxicated with brandy, and beats him without the slightest reason in the world, and flings his books and his copy-books in the air with a backward turn of his hand; and he comes to school with the black and blue marks on his face, and sometimes with his face all swollen, and his eyes inflamed with much weeping. but never, never can he be made to acknowledge that his father beats him. "your father has been beating you," his companions say to him; and he instantly exclaims, "that is not true! it is not true!" for the sake of not dishonoring his father. "you did not burn this leaf," the teacher says to him, showing him his work, half burned. "yes," he replies, in a trembling voice; "i let it fall on the fire." but we know very well, nevertheless, that his drunken father overturned the table and the light with a kick, while the boy was doing his work. he lives in a garret of our house, on another staircase. the portress tells my mother everything: my sister silvia heard him screaming from the terrace one day, when his father had sent him headlong down stairs, because he had asked for a few soldi to buy a grammar. his father drinks, but does not work, and his family suffers from hunger. how often precossi comes to school with an empty stomach and nibbles in secret at a roll which garrone has given him, or at an apple brought to him by the schoolmistress with the red feather, who was his teacher in the first lower class. but he never says, "i am hungry; my father does not give me anything to eat." his father sometimes comes for him, when he chances to be passing the schoolhouse,--pallid, unsteady on his legs, with a fierce face, and his hair over his eyes, and his cap awry; and the poor boy trembles all over when he catches sight of him in the street; but he immediately runs to meet him, with a smile; and his father does not appear to see him, but seems to be thinking of something else. poor precossi! he mends his torn copy-books, borrows books to study his lessons, fastens the fragments of his shirt together with pins; and it is a pity to see him performing his gymnastics, with those huge shoes in which he is fairly lost, in those trousers which drag on the ground, and that jacket which is too long, and those huge sleeves turned back to the very elbows. and he studies; he does his best; he would be one of the first, if he were able to work at home in peace. this morning he came to school with the marks of finger-nails on one cheek, and they all began to say to him:-- "it is your father, and you cannot deny it this time; it was your father who did that to you. tell the head-master about it, and he will have him called to account for it." but he sprang up, all flushed, with a voice trembling with indignation:-- "it's not true! it's not true! my father never beats me!" but afterwards, during lesson time, his tears fell upon the bench, and when any one looked at him, he tried to smile, in order that he might not show it. poor precossi! to-morrow derossi, coretti, and nelli are coming to my house; i want to tell him to come also; and i want to have him take luncheon with me: i want to treat him to books, and turn the house upside down to amuse him, and to fill his pockets with fruit, for the sake of seeing him contented for once, poor precossi! who is so good and so courageous. a fine visit. thursday, th. this has been one of the finest thursdays of the year for me. at two o'clock, precisely, derossi and coretti came to the house, with nelli, the hunchback: precossi was not permitted by his father to come. derossi and coretti were still laughing at their encounter with crossi, the son of the vegetable-seller, in the street,--the boy with the useless arm and the red hair,--who was carrying a huge cabbage for sale, and with the soldo which he was to receive for the cabbage he was to go and buy a pen. he was perfectly happy because his father had written from america that they might expect him any day. oh, the two beautiful hours that we passed together! derossi and coretti are the two jolliest boys in the school; my father fell in love with them. coretti had on his chocolate-colored tights and his catskin cap. he is a lively imp, who wants to be always doing something, stirring up something, setting something in motion. he had already carried on his shoulders half a cartload of wood, early that morning; nevertheless, he galloped all over the house, taking note of everything and talking incessantly, as sprightly and nimble as a squirrel; and passing into the kitchen, he asked the cook how much we had to pay a myriagramme for wood, because his father sells it at forty-five centesimi. he is always talking of his father, of the time when he was a soldier in the th regiment, at the battle of custoza, where he served in the squadron of prince umberto; and he is so gentle in his manners! it makes no difference that he was born and brought up surrounded by wood: he has nobility in his blood, in his heart, as my father says. and derossi amused us greatly; he knows geography like a master: he shut his eyes and said:-- "there, i see the whole of italy; the apennines, which extend to the ionian sea, the rivers flowing here and there, the white cities, the gulfs, the blue bays, the green islands;" and he repeated the names correctly in their order and very rapidly, as though he were reading them on the map; and at the sight of him standing thus, with his head held high, with all his golden curls, with his closed eyes, and all dressed in bright blue with gilt buttons, as straight and handsome as a statue, we were all filled with admiration. in one hour he had learned by heart nearly three pages, which he is to recite the day after to-morrow, for the anniversary of the funeral of king vittorio. and even nelli gazed at him in wonder and affection, as he rubbed the folds of his apron of black cloth, and smiled with his clear and mournful eyes. this visit gave me a great deal of pleasure; it left something like sparks in my mind and my heart. and it pleased me, too, when they went away, to see poor nelli between the other two tall, strong fellows, who carried him home on their arms, and made him laugh as i have never seen him laugh before. on returning to the dining-room, i perceived that the picture representing rigoletto, the hunchbacked jester, was no longer there. my father had taken it away in order that nelli might not see it. the funeral of vittorio emanuele. january, th. to-day, at two o'clock, as soon as we entered the schoolroom, the master called up derossi, who went and took his place in front of the little table facing us, and began to recite, in his vibrating tones, gradually raising his limpid voice, and growing flushed in the face:-- "four years ago, on this day, at this hour, there arrived in front of the pantheon at rome, the funeral car which bore the body of vittorio emanuele ii., the first king of italy, dead after a reign of twenty-nine years, during which the great italian fatherland, broken up into seven states, and oppressed by strangers and by tyrants, had been brought back to life in one single state, free and independent; after a reign of twenty-nine years, which he had made illustrious and beneficent with his valor, with loyalty, with boldness amid perils, with wisdom amid triumphs, with constancy amid misfortunes. the funeral car arrived, laden with wreaths, after having traversed rome under a rain of flowers, amid the silence of an immense and sorrowing multitude, which had assembled from every part of italy; preceded by a legion of generals and by a throng of ministers and princes, followed by a retinue of crippled veterans, by a forest of banners, by the envoys of three hundred towns, by everything which represents the power and the glory of a people, it arrived before the august temple where the tomb awaited it. at that moment twelve cuirassiers removed the coffin from the car. at that moment italy bade her last farewell to her dead king, to her old king whom she had loved so dearly, the last farewell to her soldier, to her father, to the twenty-nine most fortunate and most blessed years in her history. it was a grand and solemn moment. the looks, the souls, of all were quivering at the sight of that coffin and the darkened banners of the eighty regiments of the army of italy, borne by eighty officers, drawn up in line on its passage: for italy was there in those eighty tokens, which recalled the thousands of dead, the torrents of blood, our most sacred glories, our most holy sacrifices, our most tremendous griefs. the coffin, borne by the cuirassiers, passed, and then the banners bent forward all together in salute,--the banners of the new regiments, the old, tattered banners of goito, of pastrengo, of santa lucia, of novara, of the crimea, of palestro, of san martino, of castelfidardo; eighty black veils fell, a hundred medals clashed against the staves, and that sonorous and confused uproar, which stirred the blood of all, was like the sound of a thousand human voices saying all together, 'farewell, good king, gallant king, loyal king! thou wilt live in the heart of thy people as long as the sun shall shine over italy.' "after this, the banners rose heavenward once more, and king vittorio entered into the immortal glory of the tomb." franti expelled from school. saturday, st. only one boy was capable of laughing while derossi was declaiming the funeral oration of the king, and franti laughed. i detest that fellow. he is wicked. when a father comes to the school to reprove his son, he enjoys it; when any one cries, he laughs. he trembles before garrone, and he strikes the little mason because he is small; he torments crossi because he has a helpless arm; he ridicules precossi, whom every one respects; he even jeers at robetti, that boy in the second grade who walks on crutches, through having saved a child. he provokes those who are weaker than himself, and when it comes to blows, he grows ferocious and tries to do harm. there is something beneath that low forehead, in those turbid eyes, which he keeps nearly concealed under the visor of his small cap of waxed cloth, which inspires a shudder. he fears no one; he laughs in the master's face; he steals when he gets a chance; he denies it with an impenetrable countenance; he is always engaged in a quarrel with some one; he brings big pins to school, to prick his neighbors with; he tears the buttons from his own jackets and from those of others, and plays with them: his paper, books, and copy-books are all crushed, torn, dirty; his ruler is jagged, his pens gnawed, his nails bitten, his clothes covered with stains and rents which he has got in his brawls. they say that his mother has fallen ill from the trouble that he causes her, and that his father has driven him from the house three times; his mother comes every now and then to make inquiries, and she always goes away in tears. he hates school, he hates his companions, he hates the teacher. the master sometimes pretends not to see his rascalities, and he behaves all the worse. he tried to get a hold on him by kind treatment, and the boy ridiculed him for it. he said terrible things to him, and the boy covered his face with his hands, as though he were crying; but he was laughing. he was suspended from school for three days, and he returned more perverse and insolent than before. derossi said to him one day, "stop it! don't you see how much the teacher suffers?" and the other threatened to stick a nail into his stomach. but this morning, at last, he got himself driven out like a dog. while the master was giving to garrone the rough draft of _the sardinian drummer-boy_, the monthly story for january, to copy, he threw a petard on the floor, which exploded, making the schoolroom resound as from a discharge of musketry. the whole class was startled by it. the master sprang to his feet, and cried:-- "franti, leave the school!" the latter retorted, "it wasn't i;" but he laughed. the master repeated:-- "go!" "i won't stir," he answered. then the master lost his temper, and flung himself upon him, seized him by the arms, and tore him from his seat. he resisted, ground his teeth, and made him carry him out by main force. the master bore him thus, heavy as he was, to the head-master, and then returned to the schoolroom alone and seated himself at his little table, with his head clutched in his hands, gasping, and with an expression of such weariness and trouble that it was painful to look at him. "after teaching school for thirty years!" he exclaimed sadly, shaking his head. no one breathed. his hands were trembling with fury, and the perpendicular wrinkle that he has in the middle of his forehead was so deep that it seemed like a wound. poor master! all felt sorry for him. derossi rose and said, "signor master, do not grieve. we love you." and then he grew a little more tranquil, and said, "we will go on with the lesson, boys." the sardinian drummer-boy. (_monthly story._) on the first day of the battle of custoza, on the th of july, , about sixty soldiers, belonging to an infantry regiment of our army, who had been sent to an elevation to occupy an isolated house, suddenly found themselves assaulted by two companies of austrian soldiers, who, showering them with bullets from various quarters, hardly gave them time to take refuge in the house and to barricade the doors, after leaving several dead and wounded on the field. having barred the doors, our men ran in haste to the windows of the ground floor and the first story, and began to fire brisk discharges at their assailants, who, approaching gradually, ranged in a semicircle, made vigorous reply. the sixty italian soldiers were commanded by two non-commissioned officers and a captain, a tall, dry, austere old man, with white hair and mustache; and with them there was a sardinian drummer-boy, a lad of a little over fourteen, who did not look twelve, small, with an olive-brown complexion, and two small, deep, sparkling eyes. the captain directed the defence from a room on the first floor, launching commands that seemed like pistol-shots, and no sign of emotion was visible on his iron countenance. the drummer-boy, a little pale, but firm on his legs, had jumped upon a table, and was holding fast to the wall and stretching out his neck in order to gaze out of the windows, and athwart the smoke on the fields he saw the white uniforms of the austrians, who were slowly advancing. the house was situated at the summit of a steep declivity, and on the side of the slope it had but one high window, corresponding to a chamber in the roof: therefore the austrians did not threaten the house from that quarter, and the slope was free; the fire beat only upon the front and the two ends. but it was an infernal fire, a hailstorm of leaden bullets, which split the walls on the outside, ground the tiles to powder, and in the interior cracked ceilings, furniture, window-frames, and door-frames, sending splinters of wood flying through the air, and clouds of plaster, and fragments of kitchen utensils and glass, whizzing, and rebounding, and breaking everything with a noise like the crushing of a skull. from time to time one of the soldiers who were firing from the windows fell crashing back to the floor, and was dragged to one side. some staggered from room to room, pressing their hands on their wounds. there was already one dead body in the kitchen, with its forehead cleft. the semicircle of the enemy was drawing together. at a certain point the captain, hitherto impassive, was seen to make a gesture of uneasiness, and to leave the room with huge strides, followed by a sergeant. three minutes later the sergeant returned on a run, and summoned the drummer-boy, making him a sign to follow. the lad followed him at a quick pace up the wooden staircase, and entered with him into a bare garret, where he saw the captain writing with a pencil on a sheet of paper, as he leaned against the little window; and on the floor at his feet lay the well-rope. the captain folded the sheet of paper, and said sharply, as he fixed his cold gray eyes, before which all the soldiers trembled, on the boy:-- "drummer!" the drummer-boy put his hand to his visor. the captain said, "you have courage." the boy's eyes flashed. "yes, captain," he replied. "look down there," said the captain, pushing him to the window; "on the plain, near the houses of villafranca, where there is a gleam of bayonets. there stand our troops, motionless. you are to take this billet, tie yourself to the rope, descend from the window, get down that slope in an instant, make your way across the fields, arrive at our men, and give the note to the first officer you see. throw off your belt and knapsack." the drummer took off his belt and knapsack and thrust the note into his breast pocket; the sergeant flung the rope out of the window, and held one end of it clutched fast in his hands; the captain helped the lad to clamber out of the small window, with his back turned to the landscape. "now look out," he said; "the salvation of this detachment lies in your courage and in your legs." "trust to me, signor captain," replied the drummer-boy, as he let himself down. "bend over on the slope," said the captain, grasping the rope, with the sergeant. "never fear." "god aid you!" in a few moments the drummer-boy was on the ground; the sergeant drew in the rope and disappeared; the captain stepped impetuously in front of the window and saw the boy flying down the slope. he was already hoping that he had succeeded in escaping unobserved, when five or six little puffs of powder, which rose from the earth in front of and behind the lad, warned him that he had been espied by the austrians, who were firing down upon him from the top of the elevation: these little clouds were thrown into the air by the bullets. but the drummer continued to run at a headlong speed. all at once he fell to the earth. "he is killed!" roared the captain, biting his fist. but before he had uttered the word he saw the drummer spring up again. "ah, only a fall," he said to himself, and drew a long breath. the drummer, in fact, set out again at full speed; but he limped. "he has turned his ankle," thought the captain. again several cloudlets of powder smoke rose here and there about the lad, but ever more distant. he was safe. the captain uttered an exclamation of triumph. but he continued to follow him with his eyes, trembling because it was an affair of minutes: if he did not arrive yonder in the shortest possible time with that billet, which called for instant succor, either all his soldiers would be killed or he should be obliged to surrender himself a prisoner with them. the boy ran rapidly for a space, then relaxed his pace and limped, then resumed his course, but grew constantly more fatigued, and every little while he stumbled and paused. "perhaps a bullet has grazed him," thought the captain, and he noted all his movements, quivering with excitement; and he encouraged him, he spoke to him, as though he could hear him; he measured incessantly, with a flashing eye, the space intervening between the fleeing boy and that gleam of arms which he could see in the distance on the plain amid the fields of grain gilded by the sun. and meanwhile he heard the whistle and the crash of the bullets in the rooms beneath, the imperious and angry shouts of the sergeants and the officers, the piercing laments of the wounded, the ruin of furniture, and the fall of rubbish. "on! courage!" he shouted, following the far-off drummer with his glance. "forward! run! he halts, that cursed boy! ah, he resumes his course!" an officer came panting to tell him that the enemy, without slackening their fire, were flinging out a white flag to hint at a surrender. "don't reply to them!" he cried, without detaching his eyes from the boy, who was already on the plain, but who was no longer running, and who seemed to be dragging himself along with difficulty. "go! run!" said the captain, clenching his teeth and his fists; "let them kill you; die, you rascal, but go!" then he uttered a horrible oath. "ah, the infamous poltroon! he has sat down!" in fact, the boy, whose head he had hitherto been able to see projecting above a field of grain, had disappeared, as though he had fallen; but, after the lapse of a minute, his head came into sight again; finally, it was lost behind the hedges, and the captain saw it no more. then he descended impetuously; the bullets were coming in a tempest; the rooms were encumbered with the wounded, some of whom were whirling round like drunken men, and clutching at the furniture; the walls and floor were bespattered with blood; corpses lay across the doorways; the lieutenant had had his arm shattered by a ball; smoke and clouds of dust enveloped everything. "courage!" shouted the captain. "stand firm at your post! succor is on the way! courage for a little while longer!" the austrians had approached still nearer: their contorted faces were already visible through the smoke, and amid the crash of the firing their savage and offensive shouts were audible, as they uttered insults, suggested a surrender, and threatened slaughter. some soldiers were terrified, and withdrew from the windows; the sergeants drove them forward again. but the fire of the defence weakened; discouragement made its appearance on all faces. it was not possible to protract the resistance longer. at a given moment the fire of the austrians slackened, and a thundering voice shouted, first in german and then in italian, "surrender!" "no!" howled the captain from a window. and the firing recommenced more fast and furious on both sides. more soldiers fell. already more than one window was without defenders. the fatal moment was near at hand. the captain shouted through his teeth, in a strangled voice, "they are not coming! they are not coming!" and rushed wildly about, twisting his sword about in his convulsively clenched hand, and resolved to die; when a sergeant descending from the garret, uttered a piercing shout, "they are coming!" "they are coming!" repeated the captain, with a cry of joy. at that cry all, well and wounded, sergeants and officers, rushed to the windows, and the resistance became fierce once more. a few moments later a sort of uncertainty was noticeable, and a beginning of disorder among the foe. suddenly the captain hastily collected a little troop in the room on the ground floor, in order to make a sortie with fixed bayonets. then he flew up stairs. scarcely had he arrived there when they heard a hasty trampling of feet, accompanied by a formidable hurrah, and saw from the windows the two-pointed hats of the italian carabineers advancing through the smoke, a squadron rushing forward at great speed, and a lightning flash of blades whirling in the air, as they fell on heads, on shoulders, and on backs. then the troop darted out of the door, with bayonets lowered; the enemy wavered, were thrown into disorder, and turned their backs; the field was left unincumbered, the house was free, and a little later two battalions of italian infantry and two cannons occupied the eminence. the captain, with the soldiers that remained to him, rejoined his regiment, went on fighting, and was slightly wounded in the left hand by a bullet on the rebound, in the final assault with bayonets. the day ended with the victory on our side. but on the following day, the conflict having begun again, the italians were overpowered by the overwhelming numbers of the austrians, in spite of a valorous resistance, and on the morning of the th they sadly retreated towards the mincio. the captain, although wounded, made the march on foot with his soldiers, weary and silent, and, arrived at the close of the day at goito, on the mincio, he immediately sought out his lieutenant, who had been picked up with his arm shattered, by our ambulance corps, and who must have arrived before him. he was directed to a church, where the field hospital had been installed in haste. thither he betook himself. the church was full of wounded men, ranged in two lines of beds, and on mattresses spread on the floor; two doctors and numerous assistants were going and coming, busily occupied; and suppressed cries and groans were audible. no sooner had the captain entered than he halted and cast a glance around, in search of his officer. at that moment he heard himself called in a weak voice,--"signor captain!" he turned round. it was his drummer-boy. he was lying on a cot bed, covered to the breast with a coarse window curtain, in red and white squares, with his arms on the outside, pale and thin, but with eyes which still sparkled like black gems. "are you here?" asked the captain, amazed, but still sharply. "bravo! you did your duty." "i did all that i could," replied the drummer-boy. "were you wounded?" said the captain, seeking with his eyes for his officer in the neighboring beds. "what could one expect?" said the lad, who gained courage by speaking, expressing the lofty satisfaction of having been wounded for the first time, without which he would not have dared to open his mouth in the presence of this captain; "i had a fine run, all bent over, but suddenly they caught sight of me. i should have arrived twenty minutes earlier if they had not hit me. luckily, i soon came across a captain of the staff, to whom i gave the note. but it was hard work to get down after that caress! i was dying of thirst. i was afraid that i should not get there at all. i wept with rage at the thought that at every moment of delay another man was setting out yonder for the other world. but enough! i did what i could. i am content. but, with your permission, captain, you should look to yourself: you are losing blood." several drops of blood had in fact trickled down on the captain's fingers from his imperfectly bandaged palm. "would you like to have me give the bandage a turn, captain? hold it here a minute." the captain held out his left hand, and stretched out his right to help the lad to loosen the knot and to tie it again; but no sooner had the boy raised himself from his pillow than he turned pale and was obliged to support his head once more. "that will do, that will do," said the captain, looking at him and withdrawing his bandaged hand, which the other tried to retain. "attend to your own affairs, instead of thinking of others, for things that are not severe may become serious if they are neglected." the drummer-boy shook his head. "but you," said the captain, observing him attentively, "must have lost a great deal of blood to be as weak as this." "must have lost a great deal of blood!" replied the boy, with a smile. "something else besides blood: look here." and with one movement he drew aside the coverlet. the captain started back a pace in horror. the lad had but one leg. his left leg had been amputated above the knee; the stump was swathed in blood-stained cloths. at that moment a small, plump, military surgeon passed, in his shirt-sleeves. "ah, captain," he said, rapidly, nodding towards the drummer, "this is an unfortunate case; there is a leg that might have been saved if he had not exerted himself in such a crazy manner--that cursed inflammation! it had to be cut off away up here. oh, but he's a brave lad. i can assure you! he never shed a tear, nor uttered a cry! he was proud of being an italian boy, while i was performing the operation, upon my word of honor. he comes of a good race, by heavens!" and away he went, on a run. the captain wrinkled his heavy white brows, gazed fixedly at the drummer-boy, and spread the coverlet over him again, and slowly, then as though unconsciously, and still gazing intently at him, he raised his hand to his head, and lifted his cap. "signor captain!" exclaimed the boy in amazement. "what are you doing, captain? to me!" and then that rough soldier, who had never said a gentle word to an inferior, replied in an indescribably sweet and affectionate voice, "i am only a captain; you are a hero." then he threw himself with wide-spread arms upon the drummer-boy, and kissed him three times upon the heart. the love of country. tuesday, th. since the tale of the _drummer-boy_ has touched your heart, it should be easy for you this morning to do your composition for examination--_why you love italy_--well. why do i love italy? do not a hundred answers present themselves to you on the instant? i love italy because my mother is an italian; because the blood that flows in my veins is italian; because the soil in which are buried the dead whom my mother mourns and whom my father venerates is italian; because the town in which i was born, the language that i speak, the books that educate me,--because my brother, my sister, my comrades, the great people among whom i live, and the beautiful nature which surrounds me, and all that i see, that i love, that i study, that i admire, is italian. oh, you cannot feel that affection in its entirety! you will feel it when you become a man; when, returning from a long journey, after a prolonged absence, you step up in the morning to the bulwarks of the vessel and see on the distant horizon the lofty blue mountains of your country; you will feel it then in the impetuous flood of tenderness which will fill your eyes with tears and will wrest a cry from your heart. you will feel it in some great and distant city, in that impulse of the soul which will impel you from the strange throng towards a workingman from whom you have heard in passing a word in your own tongue. you will feel it in that sad and proud wrath which will drive the blood to your brow when you hear insults to your country from the mouth of a stranger. you will feel it in more proud and vigorous measure on the day when the menace of a hostile race shall call forth a tempest of fire upon your country, and when you shall behold arms raging on every side, youths thronging in legions, fathers kissing their children and saying, "courage!" mothers bidding adieu to their young sons and crying, "conquer!" you will feel it like a joy divine if you have the good fortune to behold the re-entrance to your town of the regiments, weary, ragged, with thinned ranks, yet terrible, with the splendor of victory in their eyes, and their banners torn by bullets, followed by a vast convoy of brave fellows, bearing their bandaged heads and their stumps of arms loftily, amid a wild throng, which covers them with flowers, with blessings, and with kisses. then you will comprehend the love of country; then you will feel your country, enrico. it is a grand and sacred thing. may i one day see you return in safety from a battle fought for her, safe,--you who are my flesh and soul; but if i should learn that you have preserved your life because you were concealed from death, your father, who welcomes you with a cry of joy when you return from school, will receive you with a sob of anguish, and i shall never be able to love you again, and i shall die with that dagger in my heart. thy father. envy. wednesday, th. the boy who wrote the best composition of all on our country was derossi, as usual. and votini, who thought himself sure of the first medal--i like votini well enough, although he is rather vain and does polish himself up a trifle too much,--but it makes me scorn him, now that i am his neighbor on the bench, to see how envious he is of derossi. he would like to vie with him; he studies hard, but he cannot do it by any possibility, for the other is ten times as strong as he is on every point; and votini rails at him. carlo nobis envies him also; but he has so much pride in his body that, purely from pride, he does not allow it to be perceived. votini, on the other hand, betrays himself: he complains of his difficulties at home, and says that the master is unjust to him; and when derossi replies so promptly and so well to questions, as he always does, his face clouds over, he hangs his head, pretends not to hear, or tries to laugh, but he laughs awkwardly. and thus every one knows about it, so that when the master praises derossi they all turn to look at votini, who chews his venom, and the little mason makes a hare's face at him. to-day, for instance, he was put to the torture. the head-master entered the school and announced the result of the examination,--"derossi ten tenths and the first medal." votini gave a huge sneeze. the master looked at him: it was not hard to understand the matter. "votini," he said, "do not let the serpent of envy enter your body; it is a serpent which gnaws at the brain and corrupts the heart." [illustration: "then the troop darted out of the door."--page .] every one stared at him except derossi. votini tried to make some answer, but could not; he sat there as though turned to stone, and with a white face. then, while the master was conducting the lesson, he began to write in large characters on a sheet of paper, "_i am not envious of those who gain the first medal through favoritism and injustice._" it was a note which he meant to send to derossi. but, in the meantime, i perceived that derossi's neighbors were plotting among themselves, and whispering in each other's ears, and one cut with penknife from paper a big medal on which they had drawn a black serpent. but votini did not notice this. the master went out for a few moments. all at once derossi's neighbors rose and left their seats, for the purpose of coming and solemnly presenting the paper medal to votini. the whole class was prepared for a scene. votini had already begun to quiver all over. derossi exclaimed:-- "give that to me!" "so much the better," they replied; "you are the one who ought to carry it." derossi took the medal and tore it into bits. at that moment the master returned, and resumed the lesson. i kept my eye on votini. he had turned as red as a coal. he took his sheet of paper very, very quietly, as though in absence of mind, rolled it into a ball, on the sly, put it into his mouth, chewed it a little, and then spit it out under the bench. when school broke up, votini, who was a little confused, let fall his blotting-paper, as he passed derossi. derossi politely picked it up, put it in his satchel, and helped him to buckle the straps. votini dared not raise his eyes. franti's mother. saturday, th. but votini is incorrigible. yesterday morning, during the lesson on religion, in the presence of the head-master, the teacher asked derossi if he knew by heart the two couplets in the reading-book,-- "where'er i turn my gaze, 'tis thee, great god, i see." derossi said that he did not, and votini suddenly exclaimed, "i know them!" with a smile, as though to pique derossi. but he was piqued himself, instead, for he could not recite the poetry, because franti's mother suddenly flew into the schoolroom, breathless, with her gray hair dishevelled and all wet with snow, and pushing before her her son, who had been suspended from school for a week. what a sad scene we were doomed to witness! the poor woman flung herself almost on her knees before the head-master, with clasped hands, and besought him:-- "oh, signor director, do me the favor to put my boy back in school! he has been at home for three days. i have kept him hidden; but god have mercy on him, if his father finds out about this affair: he will murder him! have pity! i no longer know what to do! i entreat you with my whole soul!" the director tried to lead her out, but she resisted, still continuing to pray and to weep. "oh, if you only knew the trouble that this boy has caused me, you would have compassion! do me this favor! i hope that he will reform. i shall not live long, signor director; i bear death within me; but i should like to see him reformed before my death, because"--and she broke into a passion of weeping--"he is my son--i love him--i shall die in despair! take him back once more, signor director, that a misfortune may not happen in the family! do it out of pity for a poor woman!" and she covered her face with her hands and sobbed. franti stood impassive, and hung his head. the head-master looked at him, reflected a little, then said, "franti, go to your place." then the woman removed her hands from her face, quite comforted, and began to express thanks upon thanks, without giving the director a chance to speak, and made her way towards the door, wiping her eyes, and saying hastily: "i beg of you, my son.--may all have patience.--thanks, signor director; you have performed a deed of mercy.--be a good boy.--good day, boys.--thanks, signor teacher; good by, and forgive a poor mother." and after bestowing another supplicating glance at her son from the door, she went away, pulling up the shawl which was trailing after her, pale, bent, with a head which still trembled, and we heard her coughing all the way down the stairs. the head-master gazed intently at franti, amid the silence of the class, and said to him in accents of a kind to make him tremble:-- "franti, you are killing your mother!" we all turned to look at franti; and that infamous boy smiled. hope. sunday, th. very beautiful, enrico, was the impetuosity with which you flung yourself on your mother's heart on your return from your lesson of religion. yes, your master said grand and consoling things to you. god threw you in each other's arms; he will never part you. when i die, when your father dies, we shall not speak to each other these despairing words, "mamma, papa, enrico, i shall never see you again!" we shall see each other again in another life, where he who has suffered much in this life will receive compensation; where he who has loved much on earth will find again the souls whom he has loved, in a world without sin, without sorrow, and without death. but we must all render ourselves worthy of that other life. reflect, my son. every good action of yours, every impulse of affection for those who love you, every courteous act towards your companions, every noble thought of yours, is like a leap towards that other world. and every misfortune, also, serves to raise you towards that world; every sorrow, for every sorrow is the expiation of a sin, every tear blots out a stain. make it your rule to become better and more loving every day than the day before. say every morning, "to-day i will do something for which my conscience will praise me, and with which my father will be satisfied; something which will render me beloved by such or such a comrade, by my teacher, by my brother, or by others." and beseech god to give you the strength to put your resolution into practice. "lord, i wish to be good, noble, courageous, gentle, sincere; help me; grant that every night, when my mother gives me her last kiss, i may be able to say to her, 'you kiss this night a nobler and more worthy boy than you kissed last night.'" keep always in your thoughts that other superhuman and blessed enrico which you may be after this life. and pray. you cannot imagine the sweetness that you experience,--how much better a mother feels when she sees her child with hands clasped in prayer. when i behold you praying, it seems impossible to me that there should not be some one there gazing at you and listening to you. then i believe more firmly that there is a supreme goodness and an infinite pity; i love you more, i work with more ardor, i endure with more force, i forgive with all my heart, and i think of death with serenity. o great and good god! to hear once more, after death, the voice of my mother, to meet my children again, to see my enrico once more, my enrico, blessed and immortal, and to clasp him in an embrace which shall nevermore be loosed, nevermore, nevermore to all eternity! oh, pray! let us pray, let us love each other, let us be good, let us bear this celestial hope in our hearts and souls, my adored child! thy mother. february. a medal well bestowed. saturday, th. this morning the superintendent of the schools, a gentleman with a white beard, and dressed in black, came to bestow the medals. he entered with the head-master a little before the close and seated himself beside the teacher. he questioned a few, then gave the first medal to derossi, and before giving the second, he stood for a few moments listening to the teacher and the head-master, who were talking to him in a low voice. all were asking themselves, "to whom will he give the second?" the superintendent said aloud:-- "pupil pietro precossi has merited the second medal this week,--merited it by his work at home, by his lessons, by his handwriting, by his conduct in every way." all turned to look at precossi, and it was evident that all took pleasure in it. precossi rose in such confusion that he did not know where he stood. "come here," said the superintendent. precossi sprang up from his seat and stepped up to the master's table. the superintendent looked attentively at that little waxen face, at that puny body enveloped in turned and ill-fitting garments, at those kind, sad eyes, which avoided his, but which hinted at a story of suffering; then he said to him, in a voice full of affection, as he fastened the medal on his shoulder:-- "i give you the medal, precossi. no one is more worthy to wear it than you. i bestow it not only on your intelligence and your good will; i bestow it on your heart, i give it to your courage, to your character of a brave and good son. is it not true," he added, turning to the class, "that he deserves it also on that score?" "yes, yes!" all answered, with one voice. precossi made a movement of the throat as though he were swallowing something, and cast upon the benches a very sweet look, which was expressive of immense gratitude. "go, my dear boy," said the superintendent; "and may god protect you!" it was the hour for dismissing the school. our class got out before the others. as soon as we were outside the door, whom should we espy there, in the large hall, just at the entrance? the father of precossi, the blacksmith, pallid as was his wont, with fierce face, hair hanging over his eyes, his cap awry, and unsteady on his legs. the teacher caught sight of him instantly, and whispered to the superintendent. the latter sought out precossi in haste, and taking him by the hand, he led him to his father. the boy was trembling. the boy and the superintendent approached; many boys collected around them. "is it true that you are the father of this lad?" demanded the superintendent of the blacksmith, with a cheerful air, as though they were friends. and, without awaiting a reply:-- "i rejoice with you. look: he has won the second medal over fifty-four of his comrades. he has deserved it by his composition, his arithmetic, everything. he is a boy of great intelligence and good will, who will accomplish great things; a fine boy, who possesses the affection and esteem of all. you may feel proud of him, i assure you." the blacksmith, who had stood there with open mouth listening to him, stared at the superintendent and the head-master, and then at his son, who was standing before him with downcast eyes and trembling; and as though he had remembered and comprehended then, for the first time, all that he had made the little fellow suffer, and all the goodness, the heroic constancy, with which the latter had borne it, he displayed in his countenance a certain stupid wonder, then a sullen remorse, and finally a sorrowful and impetuous tenderness, and with a rapid gesture he caught the boy round the head and strained him to his breast. we all passed before them. i invited him to come to the house on thursday, with garrone and crossi; others saluted him; one bestowed a caress on him, another touched his medal, all said something to him; and his father stared at us in amazement, as he still held his son's head pressed to his breast, while the boy sobbed. good resolutions. sunday, th. that medal given to precossi has awakened a remorse in me. i have never earned one yet! for some time past i have not been studying, and i am discontented with myself, and the teacher, my father and mother are discontented with me. i no longer experience the pleasure in amusing myself that i did formerly, when i worked with a will, and then sprang up from the table and ran to my games full of mirth, as though i had not played for a month. neither do i sit down to the table with my family with the same contentment as of old. i have always a shadow in my soul, an inward voice, that says to me continually, "it won't do; it won't do." in the evening i see a great many boys pass through the square on their return from work, in the midst of a group of workingmen, weary but merry. they step briskly along, impatient to reach their homes and suppers, and they talk loudly, laughing and slapping each other on the shoulder with hands blackened with coal, or whitened with plaster; and i reflect that they have been working since daybreak up to this hour. and with them are also many others, who are still smaller, who have been standing all day on the summits of roofs, in front of ovens, among machines, and in the water, and underground, with nothing to eat but a little bread; and i feel almost ashamed, i, who in all that time have accomplished nothing but scribble four small pages, and that reluctantly. ah, i am discontented, discontented! i see plainly that my father is out of humor, and would like to tell me so; but he is sorry, and he is still waiting. my dear father, who works so hard! all is yours, all that i see around me in the house, all that i touch, all that i wear and eat, all that affords me instruction and diversion,--all is the fruit of your toil, and i do not work; all has cost you thought, privations, trouble, effort; and i make no effort. ah, no; this is too unjust, and causes me too much pain. i will begin this very day; i will apply myself to my studies, like stardi, with clenched fists and set teeth. i will set about it with all the strength of my will and my heart. i will conquer my drowsiness in the evening, i will come down promptly in the morning, i will cudgel my brains without ceasing, i will chastise my laziness without mercy. i will toil, suffer, even to the extent of making myself ill; but i will put a stop, once for all, to this languishing and tiresome life, which is degrading me and causing sorrow to others. courage! to work! to work with all my soul, and all my nerves! to work, which will restore to me sweet repose, pleasing games, cheerful meals! to work, which will give me back again the kindly smile of my teacher, the blessed kiss of my father! the engine. friday, th. precossi came to our house to-day with garrone. i do not think that two sons of princes would have been received with greater delight. this is the first time that garrone has been here, because he is rather shy, and then he is ashamed to show himself because he is so large, and is still in the third grade. we all went to open the door when they rang. crossi did not come, because his father has at last arrived from america, after an absence of seven years. my mother kissed precossi at once. my father introduced garrone to her, saying:-- "here he is. this lad is not only a good boy; he is a man of honor and a gentleman." and the boy dropped his big, shaggy head, with a sly smile at me. precossi had on his medal, and he was happy, because his father has gone to work again, and has not drunk anything for the last five days, wants him to be always in the workshop to keep him company, and seems quite another man. we began to play, and i brought out all my things. precossi was enchanted with my train of cars, with the engine that goes of itself on being wound up. he had never seen anything of the kind. he devoured the little red and yellow cars with his eyes. i gave him the key to play with, and he knelt down to his amusement, and did not raise his head again. i have never seen him so pleased. he kept saying, "excuse me, excuse me," to everything, and motioning to us with his hands, that we should not stop the engine; and then he picked it up and replaced the cars with a thousand precautions, as though they had been made of glass. he was afraid of tarnishing them with his breath, and he polished them up again, examining them top and bottom, and smiling to himself. we all stood around him and gazed at him. we looked at that slender neck, those poor little ears, which i had seen bleeding one day, that jacket with the sleeves turned up, from which projected two sickly little arms, which had been upraised to ward off blows from his face. oh! at that moment i could have cast all my playthings and all my books at his feet, i could have torn the last morsel of bread from my lips to give to him, i could have divested myself of my clothing to clothe him, i could have flung myself on my knees to kiss his hand. "i will at least give you the train," i thought; but--was necessary to ask permission of my father. at that moment i felt a bit of paper thrust into my hand. i looked; it was written in pencil by my father; it said: "your train pleases precossi. he has no playthings. does your heart suggest nothing to you?" instantly i seized the engine and the cars in both hands, and placed the whole in his arms, saying:-- "take this; it is yours." he looked at me, and did not understand. "it is yours," i said; "i give it to you." then he looked at my father and mother, in still greater astonishment, and asked me:-- "but why?" my father said to him:-- "enrico gives it to you because he is your friend, because he loves you--to celebrate your medal." precossi asked timidly:-- "i may carry it away--home?" "of course!" we all responded. he was already at the door, but he dared not go out. he was happy! he begged our pardon with a mouth that smiled and quivered. garrone helped him to wrap up the train in a handkerchief, and as he bent over, he made the things with which his pockets were filled rattle. "some day," said precossi to me, "you shall come to the shop to see my father at work. i will give you some nails." my mother put a little bunch of flowers into garrone's buttonhole, for him to carry to his mother in her name. garrone said, "thanks," in his big voice, without raising his chin from his breast. but all his kind and noble soul shone in his eyes. pride. saturday, th. the idea of carlo nobis rubbing off his sleeve affectedly, when precossi touches him in passing! that fellow is pride incarnate because his father is a rich man. but derossi's father is rich too. he would like to have a bench to himself; he is afraid that the rest will soil it; he looks down on everybody and always has a scornful smile on his lips: woe to him who stumbles over his foot, when we go out in files two by two! for a mere trifle he flings an insulting word in your face, or a threat to get his father to come to the school. it is true that his father did give him a good lesson when he called the little son of the charcoal-man a ragamuffin. i have never seen so disagreeable a schoolboy! no one speaks to him, no one says good by to him when he goes out; there is not even a dog who would give him a suggestion when he does not know his lesson. and he cannot endure any one, and he pretends to despise derossi more than all, because he is the head boy; and garrone, because he is beloved by all. but derossi pays no attention to him when he is by; and when the boys tell garrone that nobis has been speaking ill of him, he says:-- "his pride is so senseless that it does not deserve even my passing notice." but coretti said to him one day, when he was smiling disdainfully at his catskin cap:-- "go to derossi for a while, and learn how to play the gentleman!" yesterday he complained to the master, because the calabrian touched his leg with his foot. the master asked the calabrian:-- "did you do it intentionally?"--"no, sir," he replied, frankly.--"you are too petulant, nobis." and nobis retorted, in his airy way, "i shall tell my father about it." then the teacher got angry. "your father will tell you that you are in the wrong, as he has on other occasions. and besides that, it is the teacher alone who has the right to judge and punish in school." then he added pleasantly:-- "come, nobis, change your ways; be kind and courteous to your comrades. you see, we have here sons of workingmen and of gentlemen, of the rich and the poor, and all love each other and treat each other like brothers, as they are. why do not you do like the rest? it would not cost you much to make every one like you, and you would be so much happier yourself, too!--well, have you no reply to make me?" nobis, who had listened to him with his customary scornful smile, answered coldly:-- "no, sir." "sit down," said the master to him. "i am sorry for you. you are a heartless boy." this seemed to be the end of it all; but the little mason, who sits on the front bench, turned his round face towards nobis, who sits on the back bench, and made such a fine and ridiculous hare's face at him, that the whole class burst into a shout of laughter. the master reproved him; but he was obliged to put his hand over his own mouth to conceal a smile. and even nobis laughed, but not in a pleasant way. the wounds of labor. monday, th. nobis can be paired off with franti: neither of them was affected this morning in the presence of the terrible sight which passed before their eyes. on coming out of school, i was standing with my father and looking at some big rogues of the second grade, who had thrown themselves on their knees and were wiping off the ice with their cloaks and caps, in order to make slides more quickly, when we saw a crowd of people appear at the end of the street, walking hurriedly, all serious and seemingly terrified, and conversing in low tones. in the midst of them were three policemen, and behind the policemen two men carrying a litter. boys hastened up from all quarters. the crowd advanced towards us. on the litter was stretched a man, pale as a corpse, with his head resting on one shoulder, and his hair tumbled and stained with blood, for he had been losing blood through the mouth and ears; and beside the litter walked a woman with a baby in her arms, who seemed crazy, and who shrieked from time to time, "he is dead! he is dead! he is dead!" behind the woman came a boy who had a portfolio under his arm and who was sobbing. "what has happened?" asked my father. a neighbor replied, that the man was a mason who had fallen from the fourth story while at work. the bearers of the litter halted for a moment. many turned away their faces in horror. i saw the schoolmistress of the red feather supporting my mistress of the upper first, who was almost in a swoon. at the same moment i felt a touch on the elbow; it was the little mason, who was ghastly white and trembling from head to foot. he was certainly thinking of his father. i was thinking of him, too. i, at least, am at peace in my mind while i am in school: i know that my father is at home, seated at his table, far removed from all danger; but how many of my companions think that their fathers are at work on a very high bridge or close to the wheels of a machine, and that a movement, a single false step, may cost them their lives! they are like so many sons of soldiers who have fathers in the battle. the little mason gazed and gazed, and trembled more and more, and my father noticed it and said:-- "go home, my boy; go at once to your father, and you will find him safe and tranquil; go!" the little mason went off, turning round at every step. and in the meanwhile the crowd had begun to move again, and the woman to shriek in a way that rent the heart, "he is dead! he is dead! he is dead!" "no, no; he is not dead," people on all sides said to her. but she paid no heed to them, and tore her hair. then i heard an indignant voice say, "you are laughing!" and at the same moment i saw a bearded man staring in franti's face. then the man knocked his cap to the ground with his stick, saying:-- "uncover your head, you wicked boy, when a man wounded by labor is passing by!" the crowd had already passed, and a long streak of blood was visible in the middle of the street. the prisoner. friday, th. ah, this is certainly the strangest event of the whole year! yesterday morning my father took me to the suburbs of moncalieri, to look at a villa which he thought of hiring for the coming summer, because we shall not go to chieri again this year, and it turned out that the person who had the keys was a teacher who acts as secretary to the owner. he showed us the house, and then he took us to his own room, where he gave us something to drink. on his table, among the glasses, there was a wooden inkstand, of a conical form, carved in a singular manner. perceiving that my father was looking at it, the teacher said:-- "that inkstand is very precious to me: if you only knew, sir, the history of that inkstand!" and he told it. years ago he was a teacher at turin, and all one winter he went to give lessons to the prisoners in the judicial prison. he gave the lessons in the chapel of the prison, which is a circular building, and all around it, on the high, bare walls, are a great many little square windows, covered with two cross-bars of iron, each one of which corresponds to a very small cell inside. he gave his lessons as he paced about the dark, cold chapel, and his scholars stood at the holes, with their copy-books resting against the gratings, showing nothing in the shadow but wan, frowning faces, gray and ragged beards, staring eyes of murderers and thieves. among the rest there was one, no. , who was more attentive than all the others, and who studied a great deal, and gazed at his teacher with eyes full of respect and gratitude. he was a young man, with a black beard, more unfortunate than wicked, a cabinet-maker who, in a fit of rage, had flung a plane at his master, who had been persecuting him for some time, and had inflicted a mortal wound on his head: for this he had been condemned to several years of seclusion. in three months he had learned to read and write, and he read constantly, and the more he learned, the better he seemed to become, and the more remorseful for his crime. one day, at the conclusion of the lesson, he made a sign to the teacher that he should come near to his little window, and he announced to him that he was to leave turin on the following day, to go and expiate his crime in the prison at venice; and as he bade him farewell, he begged in a humble and much moved voice, that he might be allowed to touch the master's hand. the master offered him his hand, and he kissed it; then he said:-- "thanks! thanks!" and disappeared. the master drew back his hand; it was bathed with tears. after that he did not see the man again. six years passed. "i was thinking of anything except that unfortunate man," said the teacher, "when, the other morning, i saw a stranger come to the house, a man with a large black beard already sprinkled with gray, and badly dressed, who said to me: 'are you the teacher so-and-so, sir?' 'who are you?' i asked him. 'i am prisoner no. ,' he replied; 'you taught me to read and write six years ago; if you recollect, you gave me your hand at the last lesson; i have now expiated my crime, and i have come hither--to beg you to do me the favor to accept a memento of me, a poor little thing which i made in prison. will you accept it in memory of me, signor master?' "i stood there speechless. he thought that i did not wish to take it, and he looked at me as much as to say, 'so six years of suffering are not sufficient to cleanse my hands!' but with so poignant an expression of pain did he gaze at me, that i instantly extended my hand and took the little object. this is it." we looked attentively at the inkstand: it seemed to have been carved with the point of a nail, and with, great patience; on its top was carved a pen lying across a copy-book, and around it was written: "_to my teacher. a memento of no. . six years!_" and below, in small letters, "_study and hope._" the master said nothing more; we went away. but all the way from moncalieri to turin i could not get that prisoner, standing at his little window, that farewell to his master, that poor inkstand made in prison, which told so much, out of my head; and i dreamed of them all night, and was still thinking of them this morning--far enough from imagining the surprise which awaited me at school! no sooner had i taken my new seat, beside derossi, and written my problem in arithmetic for the monthly examination, than i told my companion the story of the prisoner and the inkstand, and how the inkstand was made, with the pen across the copy-book, and the inscription around it, "six years!" derossi sprang up at these words, and began to look first at me and then at crossi, the son of the vegetable-vender, who sat on the bench in front, with his back turned to us, wholly absorbed on his problem. "hush!" he said; then, in a low voice, catching me by the arm, "don't you know that crossi spoke to me day before yesterday of having caught a glimpse; of an inkstand in the hands of his father, who has returned from america; a conical inkstand, made by hand, with a copy-book and a pen,--that is the one; six years! he said that his father was in america; instead of that he was in prison: crossi was a little boy at the time of the crime; he does not remember it; his mother has deceived him; he knows nothing; let not a syllable of this escape!" i remained speechless, with my eyes fixed on crossi. then derossi solved his problem, and passed it under the bench to crossi; he gave him a sheet of paper; he took out of his hands the monthly story, _daddy's nurse_, which the teacher had given him to copy out, in order that he might copy it in his stead; he gave him pens, and stroked his shoulder, and made me promise on my honor that i would say nothing to any one; and when we left school, he said hastily to me:-- "his father came to get him yesterday; he will be here again this morning: do as i do." we emerged into the street; crossi's father was there, a little to one side: a man with a black beard sprinkled with gray, badly dressed, with a colorless and thoughtful face. derossi shook crossi's hand, in a way to attract attention, and said to him in a loud tone, "farewell until we meet again, crossi,"--and passed his hand under his chin. i did the same. but as he did so, derossi turned crimson, and so did i; and crossi's father gazed attentively at us, with a kindly glance; but through it shone an expression of uneasiness and suspicion which made our hearts grow cold. daddy's nurse. (_monthly story._) one morning, on a rainy day in march, a lad dressed like a country boy, all muddy and saturated with water, with a bundle of clothes under his arm, presented himself to the porter of the great hospital at naples, and, presenting a letter, asked for his father. he had a fine oval face, of a pale brown hue, thoughtful eyes, and two thick lips, always half open, which displayed extremely white teeth. he came from a village in the neighborhood of naples. his father, who had left home a year previously to seek work in france, had returned to italy, and had landed a few days before at naples, where, having fallen suddenly ill, he had hardly time to write a line to announce his arrival to his family, and to say that he was going to the hospital. his wife, in despair at this news, and unable to leave home because she had a sick child, and a baby at the breast, had sent her eldest son to naples, with a few soldi, to help his father--his _daddy_, as they called him: the boy had walked ten miles. the porter, after glancing at the letter, called a nurse and told him to conduct the lad to his father. "what father?" inquired the nurse. the boy, trembling with terror, lest he should hear bad news, gave the name. the nurse did not recall such a name. "an old laborer, arrived from abroad?" he asked. "yes, a laborer," replied the lad, still more uneasy; "not so very old. yes, arrived from abroad." "when did he enter the hospital?" asked the nurse. the lad glanced at his letter; "five days ago, i think." the nurse stood a while in thought; then, as though suddenly recalling him; "ah!" he said, "the furthest bed in the fourth ward." "is he very ill? how is he?" inquired the boy, anxiously. the nurse looked at him, without replying. then he said, "come with me." they ascended two flights of stairs, walked to the end of a long corridor, and found themselves facing the open door of a large hall, wherein two rows of beds were arranged. "come," repeated the nurse, entering. the boy plucked up his courage, and followed him, casting terrified glances to right and left, on the pale, emaciated faces of the sick people, some of whom had their eyes closed, and seemed to be dead, while others were staring into the air, with their eyes wide open and fixed, as though frightened. some were moaning like children. the big room was dark, the air was impregnated with an acute odor of medicines. two sisters of charity were going about with phials in their hands. arrived at the extremity of the great room, the nurse halted at the head of a bed, drew aside the curtains, and said, "here is your father." the boy burst into tears, and letting fall his bundle, he dropped his head on the sick man's shoulder, clasping with one hand the arm which was lying motionless on the coverlet. the sick man did not move. the boy rose to his feet, and looked at his father, and broke into a fresh fit of weeping. then the sick man gave a long look at him, and seemed to recognize him; but his lips did not move. poor daddy, how he was changed! the son would never have recognized him. his hair had turned white, his beard had grown, his face was swollen, of a dull red hue, with the skin tightly drawn and shining; his eyes were diminished in size, his lips very thick, his whole countenance altered. there was no longer anything natural about him but his forehead and the arch of his eyebrows. he breathed with difficulty. "daddy! daddy!" said the boy, "it is i; don't you know me? i am cicillo, your own cicillo, who has come from the country: mamma has sent me. take a good look at me; don't you know me? say one word to me." but the sick man, after having looked attentively at him, closed his eyes. "daddy! daddy! what is the matter with you? i am your little son--your own cicillo." the sick man made no movement, and continued to breathe painfully. then the lad, still weeping, took a chair, seated himself and waited, without taking his eyes from his father's face. "a doctor will surely come to pay him a visit," he thought; "he will tell me something." and he became immersed in sad thoughts, recalling many things about his kind father, the day of parting, when he said the last good by to him on board the ship, the hopes which his family had founded on his journey, the desolation of his mother on the arrival of the letter; and he thought of death: he beheld his father dead, his mother dressed in black, the family in misery. and he remained a long time thus. a light hand touched him on the shoulder, and he started up: it was a nun. "what is the matter with my father?" he asked her quickly. "is he your father?" said the sister gently. "yes, he is my father; i have come. what ails him?" "courage, my boy," replied the sister; "the doctor will be here soon now." and she went away without saying anything more. half an hour later he heard the sound of a bell, and he saw the doctor enter at the further end of the hall, accompanied by an assistant; the sister and a nurse followed him. they began the visit, pausing at every bed. this time of waiting seemed an eternity to the lad, and his anxiety increased at every step of the doctor. at length they arrived at the next bed. the doctor was an old man, tall and stooping, with a grave face. before he left the next bed the boy rose to his feet, and when he approached he began to cry. the doctor looked at him. "he is the sick man's son," said the sister; "he arrived this morning from the country." the doctor placed one hand on his shoulder; then bent over the sick man, felt his pulse, touched his forehead, and asked a few questions of the sister, who replied, "there is nothing new." then he thought for a while and said, "continue the present treatment." then the boy plucked up courage, and asked in a tearful voice, "what is the matter with my father?" "take courage, my boy," replied the doctor, laying his hand on his shoulder once more; "he has erysipelas in his face. it is a serious case, but there is still hope. help him. your presence may do him a great deal of good." "but he does not know me!" exclaimed the boy in a tone of affliction. "he will recognize you--to-morrow perhaps. let us hope for the best and keep up our courage." the boy would have liked to ask some more questions, but he did not dare. the doctor passed on. and then he began his life of nurse. as he could do nothing else, he arranged the coverlets of the sick man, touched his hand every now and then, drove away the flies, bent over him at every groan, and when the sister brought him something to drink, he took the glass or the spoon from her hand, and administered it in her stead. the sick man looked at him occasionally, but he gave no sign of recognition. however, his glance rested longer on the lad each time, especially when the latter put his handkerchief to his eyes. thus passed the first day. at night the boy slept on two chairs, in a corner of the ward, and in the morning he resumed his work of mercy. that day it seemed as though the eyes of the sick man revealed a dawning of consciousness. at the sound of the boy's caressing voice a vague expression of gratitude seemed to gleam for an instant in his pupils, and once he moved his lips a little, as though he wanted to say something. after each brief nap he seemed, on opening his eyes, to seek his little nurse. the doctor, who had passed twice, thought he noted a slight improvement. towards evening, on putting the cup to his lips, the lad fancied that he perceived a very faint smile glide across the swollen lips. then he began to take comfort and to hope; and with the hope of being understood, confusedly at least, he talked to him--talked to him at great length--of his mother, of his little sisters, of his own return home, and he exhorted him to courage with warm and loving words. and although he often doubted whether he was heard, he still talked; for it seemed to him that even if he did not understand him, the sick man listened with a certain pleasure to his voice,--to that unaccustomed intonation of affection and sorrow. and in this manner passed the second day, and the third, and the fourth, with vicissitudes of slight improvements and unexpected changes for the worse; and the boy was so absorbed in all his cares, that he hardly nibbled a bit of bread and cheese twice a day, when the sister brought it to him, and hardly saw what was going on around him,--the dying patients, the sudden running up of the sisters at night, the moans and despairing gestures of visitors,--all those doleful and lugubrious scenes of hospital life, which on any other occasion would have disconcerted and alarmed him. hours, days, passed, and still he was there with his daddy; watchful, wistful, trembling at every sigh and at every look, agitated incessantly between a hope which relieved his mind and a discouragement which froze his heart. on the fifth day the sick man suddenly grew worse. the doctor, on being interrogated, shook his head, as much as to say that all was over, and the boy flung himself on a chair and burst out sobbing. but one thing comforted him. in spite of the fact that he was worse, the sick man seemed to be slowly regaining a little intelligence. he stared at the lad with increasing intentness, and, with an expression which grew in sweetness, would take his drink and medicine from no one but him, and made strenuous efforts with his lips with greater frequency, as though he were trying to pronounce some word; and he did it so plainly sometimes that his son grasped his arm violently, inspired by a sudden hope, and said to him in a tone which was almost that of joy, "courage, courage, daddy; you will get well, we will go away from here, we will return home with mamma; courage, for a little while longer!" it was four o'clock in the afternoon, and just when the boy had abandoned himself to one of these outbursts of tenderness and hope, when a sound of footsteps became audible outside the nearest door in the ward, and then a strong voice uttering two words only,--"farewell, sister!"--which made him spring to his feet, with a cry repressed in his throat. at that moment there entered the ward a man with a thick bandage on his hand, followed by a sister. the boy uttered a sharp cry, and stood rooted to the spot. the man turned round, looked at him for a moment, and uttered a cry in his turn,--"cicillo!"--and darted towards him. the boy fell into his father's arms, choking with emotion. the sister, the nurse, and the assistant ran up, and stood there in amazement. the boy could not recover his voice. "oh, my cicillo!" exclaimed the father, after bestowing an attentive look on the sick man, as he kissed the boy repeatedly. "cicillo, my son, how is this? they took you to the bedside of another man. and there was i, in despair at not seeing you after mamma had written, 'i have sent him.' poor cicillo! how many days have you been here? how did this mistake occur? i have come out of it easily! i have a good constitution, you know! and how is mamma? and concettella? and the little baby--how are they all? i am leaving the hospital now. come, then. oh, lord god! who would have thought it!" the boy tried to interpolate a few words, to tell the news of the family. "oh how happy i am!" he stammered. "how happy i am! what terrible days i have passed!" and he could not finish kissing his father. but he did not stir. "come," said his father; "we can get home this evening." and he drew the lad towards him. the boy turned to look at his patient. "well, are you coming or not?" his father demanded, in amazement. the boy cast yet another glance at the sick man, who opened his eyes at that moment and gazed intently at him. then a flood of words poured from his very soul. "no, daddy; wait--here--i can't. here is this old man. i have been here for five days. he gazes at me incessantly. i thought he was you. i love him dearly. he looks at me; i give him his drink; he wants me always beside him; he is very ill now. have patience; i have not the courage--i don't know--it pains me too much; i will return home to-morrow; let me stay here a little longer; i don't at all like to leave him. see how he looks at me! i don't know who he is, but he wants me; he will die alone: let me stay here, dear daddy!" "bravo, little fellow!" exclaimed the attendant. the father stood in perplexity, staring at the boy; then he looked at the sick man. "who is he?" he inquired. "a countryman, like yourself," replied the attendant, "just arrived from abroad, and who entered the hospital on the very day that you entered it. he was out of his senses when they brought him here, and could not speak. perhaps he has a family far away, and sons. he probably thinks that your son is one of his." the sick man was still looking at the boy. the father said to cicillo, "stay." "he will not have to stay much longer," murmured the attendant. "stay," repeated his father: "you have heart. i will go home immediately, to relieve mamma's distress. here is a scudo for your expenses. good by, my brave little son, until we meet!" he embraced him, looked at him intently, kissed him again on the brow, and went away. the boy returned to his post at the bedside, and the sick man appeared consoled. and cicillo began again to play the nurse, no longer weeping, but with the same eagerness, the same patience, as before; he again began to give the man his drink, to arrange his bedclothes, to caress his hand, to speak softly to him, to exhort him to courage. he attended him all that day, all that night; he remained beside him all the following day. but the sick man continued to grow constantly worse; his face turned a purple color, his breathing grew heavier, his agitation increased, inarticulate cries escaped his lips, the inflammation became excessive. on his evening visit, the doctor said that he would not live through the night. and then cicillo redoubled his cares, and never took his eyes from him for a minute. the sick man gazed and gazed at him, and kept moving his lips from time to time, with great effort, as though he wanted to say something, and an expression of extraordinary tenderness passed over his eyes now and then, as they continued to grow smaller and more dim. and that night the boy watched with him until he saw the first rays of dawn gleam white through the windows, and the sister appeared. the sister approached the bed, cast a glance at the patient, and then went away with rapid steps. a few moments later she reappeared with the assistant doctor, and with a nurse, who carried a lantern. "he is at his last gasp," said the doctor. the boy clasped the sick man's hand. the latter opened his eyes, gazed at him, and closed them once more. at that moment the lad fancied that he felt his hand pressed. "he pressed my hand!" he exclaimed. the doctor bent over the patient for an instant, then straightened himself up. the sister detached a crucifix from the wall. "he is dead!" cried the boy. "go, my son," said the doctor: "your work of mercy is finished. go, and may fortune attend you! for you deserve it. god will protect you. farewell!" the sister, who had stepped aside for a moment, returned with a little bunch of violets which she had taken from a glass on the window-sill, and handed them to the boy, saying:-- "i have nothing else to give you. take these in memory of the hospital." "thanks," returned the boy, taking the bunch of flowers with one hand and drying his eyes with the other; "but i have such a long distance to go on foot--i shall spoil them." and separating the violets, he scattered them over the bed, saying: "i leave them as a memento for my poor dead man. thanks, sister! thanks, doctor!" then, turning to the dead man, "farewell--" and while he sought a name to give him, the sweet name which he had applied to him for five days recurred to his lips,--"farewell, poor daddy!" so saying, he took his little bundle of clothes under his arm, and, exhausted with fatigue, he walked slowly away. the day was dawning. the workshop. saturday, th. precossi came last night to remind me that i was to go and see his workshop, which is down the street, and this morning when i went out with my father, i got him to take me there for a moment. as we approached the shop, garoffi issued from it on a run, with a package in his hand, and making his big cloak, with which he covers up his merchandise, flutter. ah! now i know where he goes to pilfer iron filings, which he sells for old papers, that barterer of a garoffi! when we arrived in front of the door, we saw precossi seated on a little pile of bricks, engaged in studying his lesson, with his book resting on his knees. he rose quickly and invited us to enter. it was a large apartment, full of coal-dust, bristling with hammers, pincers, bars, and old iron of every description; and in one corner burned a fire in a small furnace, where puffed a pair of bellows worked by a boy. precossi, the father, was standing near the anvil, and a young man was holding a bar of iron in the fire. "ah! here he is," said the smith, as soon as he caught sight of us, and he lifted his cap, "the nice boy who gives away railway trains! he has come to see me work a little, has he not? i shall be at your service in a moment." and as he said it, he smiled; and he no longer had the ferocious face, the malevolent eyes of former days. the young man handed him a long bar of iron heated red-hot on one end, and the smith placed it on the anvil. he was making one of those curved bars for the rail of terrace balustrades. he raised a large hammer and began to beat it, pushing the heated part now here, now there, between one point of the anvil and the middle, and turning it about in various ways; and it was a marvel to see how the iron curved beneath the rapid and accurate blows of the hammer, and twisted, and gradually assumed the graceful form of a leaf torn from a flower, like a pipe of dough which he had modelled with his hands. and meanwhile his son watched us with a certain air of pride, as much as to say, "see how my father works!" "do you see how it is done, little master?" the blacksmith asked me, when he had finished, holding out the bar, which looked like a bishop's crosier. then he laid it aside, and thrust another into the fire. "that was very well made, indeed," my father said to him. and he added, "so you are working--eh! you have returned to good habits?" "yes, i have returned," replied the workman, wiping away the perspiration, and reddening a little. "and do you know who has made me return to them?" my father pretended not to understand. "this brave boy," said the blacksmith, indicating his son with his finger; "that brave boy there, who studied and did honor to his father, while his father rioted, and treated him like a dog. when i saw that medal--ah! thou little lad of mine, no bigger than a soldo[ ] of cheese, come hither, that i may take a good look at thy phiz!" [ ] the twentieth part of a cubit; florentine measure. the boy ran to him instantly; the smith took him and set him directly on the anvil, holding him under the arms, and said to him:-- "polish off the frontispiece of this big beast of a daddy of yours a little!" and then precossi covered his father's black face with kisses, until he was all black himself. "that's as it should be," said the smith, and he set him on the ground again. "that really is as it should be, precossi!" exclaimed my father, delighted. and bidding the smith and his son good day, he led me away. as i was going out, little precossi said to me, "excuse me," and thrust a little packet of nails into my pocket. i invited him to come and view the carnival from my house. "you gave him your railway train," my father said to me in the street; "but if it had been made of gold and filled with pearls, it would still have been but a petty gift to that sainted son, who has reformed his father's heart." the little harlequin. monday, th. the whole city is in a tumult over the carnival, which is nearing its close. in every square rise booths of mountebanks and jesters; and we have under our windows a circus-tent, in which a little venetian company, with five horses, is giving a show. the circus is in the centre of the square; and in one corner there are three very large vans in which the mountebanks sleep and dress themselves,--three small houses on wheels, with their tiny windows, and a chimney in each of them, which smokes continually; and between window and window the baby's swaddling-bands are stretched. there is one woman who is nursing a child, who prepares the food, and dances on the tight-rope. poor people! the word _mountebank_ is spoken as though it were an insult; but they earn their living honestly, nevertheless, by amusing all the world--and how they work! all day long they run back and forth between the circus-tent and the vans, in tights, in all this cold; they snatch a mouthful or two in haste, standing, between two performances; and sometimes, when they get their tent full, a wind arises, wrenches away the ropes and extinguishes the lights, and then good by to the show! they are obliged to return the money, and to work the entire night at repairing their booth. there are two lads who work; and my father recognized the smallest one as he was traversing the square; and he is the son of the proprietor, the same one whom we saw perform tricks on horseback last year in a circus on the piazza vittorio emanuele. and he has grown; he must be eight years old: he is a handsome boy, with a round and roguish face, with so many black curls that they escape from his pointed cap. he is dressed up like a harlequin, decked out in a sort of sack, with sleeves of white, embroidered with black, and his slippers are of cloth. he is a merry little imp. he charms every one. he does everything. we see him early in the morning, wrapped in a shawl, carrying milk to his wooden house; then he goes to get the horses at the boarding-stable on the via bertola. he holds the tiny baby in his arms; he transports hoops, trestles, rails, ropes; he cleans the vans, lights the fire, and in his leisure moments he always hangs about his mother. my father is always watching him from the window, and does nothing but talk about him and his family, who have the air of nice people, and of being fond of their children. one evening we went to the circus: it was cold; there was hardly any one there; but the little harlequin exerted himself greatly to cheer those few people: he executed precarious leaps; he caught hold of the horses' tails; he walked with his legs in the air, all alone; he sang, always with a smile constantly on his handsome little brown face. and his father, who had on a red vest and white trousers, with tall boots, and a whip in his hand, watched him: but it was melancholy. my father took pity on him, and spoke of him on the following day to delis the painter, who came to see us. these poor people were killing themselves with hard work, and their affairs were going so badly! the little boy pleased him so much! what could be done for them? the painter had an idea. "write a fine article for the _gazette_," he said: "you know how to write well: relate the miraculous things which the little harlequin does, and i will take his portrait for you. everybody reads the _gazette_, and people will flock thither for once." and thus they did. my father wrote a fine article, full of jests, which told all that we had observed from the window, and inspired a desire to see and caress the little artist; and the painter sketched a little portrait which was graceful and a good likeness, and which was published on saturday evening. and behold! at the sunday performance a great crowd rushed to the circus. the announcement was made: _performance for the benefit of the little harlequin_, as he was styled in the _gazette_. the circus was crammed; many of the spectators held the _gazette_ in their hands, and showed it to the little harlequin, who laughed and ran from one to another, perfectly delighted. the proprietor was delighted also. just fancy! not a single newspaper had ever done him such an honor, and the money-box was filled. my father sat beside me. among the spectators we found persons of our acquaintance. near the entrance for the horses stood the teacher of gymnastics--the one who has been with garibaldi; and opposite us, in the second row, was the little mason, with his little round face, seated beside his gigantic father; and no sooner did he catch sight of me than he made a hare's face at me. a little further on i espied garoffi, who was counting the spectators, and calculated on his fingers how much money the company had taken in. on one of the chairs in the first row, not far from us, there was also poor robetti, the boy who saved the child from the omnibus, with his crutches between his knees, pressed close to the side of his father, the artillery captain, who kept one hand on his shoulder. the performance began. the little harlequin accomplished wonders on his horse, on the trapeze, on the tight-rope; and every time that he jumped down, every one clapped their hands, and many pulled his curls. then several others, rope-dancers, jugglers, and riders, clad in tights, and sparkling with silver, went through their exercises; but when the boy was not performing, the audience seemed to grow weary. at a certain point i saw the teacher of gymnastics, who held his post at the entrance for the horses, whisper in the ear of the proprietor of the circus, and the latter instantly glanced around, as though in search of some one. his glance rested on us. my father perceived it, and understood that the teacher had revealed that he was the author of the article, and in order to escape being thanked, he hastily retreated, saying to me:-- "remain, enrico; i will wait for you outside." after exchanging a few words with his father, the little harlequin went through still another trick: erect upon a galloping horse, he appeared in four characters--as a pilgrim, a sailor, a soldier, and an acrobat; and every time that he passed near me, he looked at me. and when he dismounted, he began to make the tour of the circus, with his harlequin's cap in his hand, and everybody threw soldi or sugar-plums into it. i had two soldi ready; but when he got in front of me, instead of offering his cap, he drew it back, gave me a look and passed on. i was mortified. why had he offered me that affront? the performance came to an end; the proprietor thanked the audience; and all the people rose also, and thronged to the doors. i was confused by the crowd, and was on the point of going out, when i felt a touch on my hand. i turned round: it was the little harlequin, with his tiny brown face and his black curls, who was smiling at me; he had his hands full of sugar-plums. then i understood. "will you accept these sugar-plums from the little harlequin?" said he to me, in his dialect. i nodded, and took three or four. "then," he added, "please accept a kiss also." "give me two," i answered; and held up my face to him. he rubbed off his floury face with his hand, put his arm round my neck, and planted two kisses on my cheek, saying:-- "there! take one of them to your father." the last day of the carnival. tuesday, st. what a sad scene was that which we witnessed to-day at the procession of the masks! it ended well; but it might have resulted in a great misfortune. in the san carlo square, all decorated with red, white, and yellow festoons, a vast multitude had assembled; masks of every hue were flitting about; cars, gilded and adorned, in the shape of pavilions; little theatres, barks filled with harlequins and warriors, cooks, sailors, and shepherdesses; there was such a confusion that one knew not where to look; a tremendous clash of trumpets, horns, and cymbals lacerated the ears; and the masks on the chariots drank and sang, as they apostrophized the people in the streets and at the windows, who retorted at the top of their lungs, and hurled oranges and sugar-plums at each other vigorously; and above the chariots and the throng, as far as the eye could reach, one could see banners fluttering, helmets gleaming, plumes waving, gigantic pasteboard heads moving, huge head-dresses, enormous trumpets, fantastic arms, little drums, castanets, red caps, and bottles;--all the world seemed to have gone mad. when our carriage entered the square, a magnificent chariot was driving in front of us, drawn by four horses covered with trappings embroidered in gold, and all wreathed in artificial roses, upon which there were fourteen or fifteen gentlemen masquerading as gentlemen at the court of france, all glittering with silk, with huge white wigs, a plumed hat, under the arm a small-sword, and a tuft of ribbons and laces on the breast. they were very gorgeous. they were singing a french canzonette in concert and throwing sweetmeats to the people, and the people clapped their hands and shouted. suddenly, on our left, we saw a man lift a child of five or six above the heads of the crowd,--a poor little creature, who wept piteously, and flung her arms about as though in a fit of convulsions. the man made his way to the gentlemen's chariot; one of the latter bent down, and the other said aloud:-- "take this child; she has lost her mother in the crowd; hold her in your arms; the mother may not be far off, and she will catch sight of her: there is no other way." the gentleman took the child in his arms: all the rest stopped singing; the child screamed and struggled; the gentleman removed his mask; the chariot continued to move slowly onwards. meanwhile, as we were afterwards informed, at the opposite extremity of the square a poor woman, half crazed with despair, was forcing her way through the crowd, by dint of shoves and elbowing, and shrieking:-- "maria! maria! maria! i have lost my little daughter! she has been stolen from me! they have suffocated my child!" and for a quarter of an hour she raved and expressed her despair in this manner, straying now a little way in this direction, and then a little way in that, crushed by the throng through which she strove to force her way. the gentleman on the car was meanwhile holding the child pressed against the ribbons and laces on his breast, casting glances over the square, and trying to calm the poor creature, who covered her face with her hands, not knowing where she was, and sobbed as though she would break her heart. the gentleman was touched: it was evident that these screams went to his soul. all the others offered the child oranges and sugar-plums; but she repulsed them all, and grew constantly more convulsed and frightened. "find her mother!" shouted the gentleman to the crowd; "seek her mother!" and every one turned to the right and the left; but the mother was not to be found. finally, a few paces from the place where the via roma enters the square, a woman was seen to rush towards the chariot. ah, i shall never forget that! she no longer seemed a human creature: her hair was streaming, her face distorted, her garments torn; she hurled herself forward with a rattle in her throat,--one knew not whether to attribute it to either joy, anguish, or rage,--and darted out her hands like two claws to snatch her child. the chariot halted. "here she is," said the gentleman, reaching out the child after kissing it; and he placed her in her mother's arms, who pressed her to her breast like a fury. but one of the tiny hands rested a second longer in the hands of the gentleman; and the latter, pulling off of his right hand a gold ring set with a large diamond, and slipping it with a rapid movement upon the finger of the little girl, said:-- "take this; it shall be your marriage dowry." the mother stood rooted to the spot, as though enchanted; the crowd broke into applause; the gentleman put on his mask again, his companions resumed their song, and the chariot started on again slowly, amid a tempest of hand-clapping and hurrahs. the blind boys. thursday, th. the master is very ill, and they have sent in his stead the master of the fourth grade, who has been a teacher in the institute for the blind. he is the oldest of all the instructors, with hair so white that it looks like a wig made of cotton, and he speaks in a peculiar manner, as though he were chanting a melancholy song; but he does it well, and he knows a great deal. no sooner had he entered the schoolroom than, catching sight of a boy with a bandage on his eye, he approached the bench, and asked him what was the matter. "take care of your eyes, my boy," he said to him. and then derossi asked him:-- "is it true, sir, that you have been a teacher of the blind?" "yes, for several years," he replied. and derossi said, in a low tone, "tell us something about it." the master went and seated himself at his table. coretti said aloud, "the institute for the blind is in the via nizza." "you say blind--blind," said the master, "as you would say poor or ill, or i know not what. but do you thoroughly comprehend the significance of that word? reflect a little. blind! never to see anything! not to be able to distinguish the day from night; to see neither the sky, nor sun, nor your parents, nor anything of what is around you, and which you touch; to be immersed in a perpetual obscurity, and as though buried in the bowels of the earth! make a little effort to close your eyes, and to think of being obliged to remain forever thus; you will suddenly be overwhelmed by a mental agony, by terror; it will seem to you impossible to resist, that you must burst into a scream, that you must go mad or die. but, poor boys! when you enter the institute of the blind for the first time, during their recreation hour, and hear them playing on violins and flutes in all directions, and talking loudly and laughing, ascending and descending the stairs at a rapid pace, and wandering freely through the corridors and dormitories, you would never pronounce these unfortunates to be the unfortunates that they are. it is necessary to observe them closely. there are lads of sixteen or eighteen, robust and cheerful, who bear their blindness with a certain ease, almost with hardihood; but you understand from a certain proud, resentful expression of countenance that they must have suffered tremendously before they became resigned to this misfortune. "there are others, with sweet and pallid faces, on which a profound resignation is visible; but they are sad, and one understands that they must still weep at times in secret. ah, my sons! reflect that some of them have lost their sight in a few days, some after years of martyrdom and many terrible chirurgical operations, and that many were born so,--born into a night that has no dawn for them, that they entered into the world as into an immense tomb, and that they do not know what the human countenance is like. picture to yourself how they must have suffered, and how they must still suffer, when they think thus confusedly of the tremendous difference between themselves and those who see, and ask themselves, 'why this difference, if we are not to blame?' "i who have spent many years among them, when i recall that class, all those eyes forever sealed, all those pupils without sight and without life, and then look at the rest of you, it seems impossible to me that you should not all be happy. think of it! there are about twenty-six thousand blind persons in italy! twenty-six thousand persons who do not see the light--do you understand? an army which would employ four hours in marching past our windows." the master paused. not a breath was audible in all the school. derossi asked if it were true that the blind have a finer sense of feeling than the rest of us. the master said: "it is true. all the other senses are finer in them, because, since they must replace, among them, that of sight, they are more and better exercised than they are in the case of those who see. in the morning, in the dormitory, one asks another, 'is the sun shining?' and the one who is the most alert in dressing runs instantly into the yard, and flourishes his hands in the air, to find out whether there is any warmth of the sun perceptible, and then he runs to communicate the good news, 'the sun is shining!' from the voice of a person they obtain an idea of his height. we judge of a man's soul by his eyes; they, by his voice. they remember intonations and accents for years. they perceive if there is more than one person in a room, even if only one speaks, and the rest remain motionless. they know by their touch whether a spoon is more or less polished. little girls distinguish dyed wools from that which is of the natural color. as they walk two and two along the streets, they recognize nearly all the shops by their odors, even those in which we perceive no odor. they spin top, and by listening to its humming they go straight to it and pick it up without any mistake. they trundle hoop, play at ninepins, jump the rope, build little houses of stones, pick violets as though they saw them, make mats and baskets, weaving together straw of various colors rapidly and well--to such a degree is their sense of touch skilled. the sense of touch is their sight. one of their greatest pleasures is to handle, to grasp, to guess the forms of things by feeling them. it is affecting to see them when they are taken to the industrial museum, where they are allowed to handle whatever they please, and to observe with what eagerness they fling themselves on geometrical bodies, on little models of houses, on instruments; with what joy they feel over and rub and turn everything about in their hands, in order to see how it is made. they call this _seeing_!" garoffi interrupted the teacher to inquire if it was true that blind boys learn to reckon better than others. the master replied: "it is true. they learn to reckon and to write. they have books made on purpose for them, with raised characters; they pass their fingers over these, recognize the letters and pronounce the words. they read rapidly; and you should see them blush, poor little things, when they make a mistake. and they write, too, without ink. they write on a thick and hard sort of paper with a metal bodkin, which makes a great many little hollows, grouped according to a special alphabet; these little punctures stand out in relief on the other side of the paper, so that by turning the paper over and drawing their fingers across these projections, they can read what they have written, and also the writing of others; and thus they write compositions: and they write letters to each other. they write numbers in the same way, and they make calculations; and they calculate mentally with an incredible facility, since their minds are not diverted by the sight of surrounding objects, as ours are. and if you could see how passionately fond they are of reading, how attentive they are, how well they remember everything, how they discuss among themselves, even the little ones, of things connected with history and language, as they sit four or five on the same bench, without turning to each other, and converse, the first with the third, the second with the fourth, in a loud voice and all together, without losing a single word, so acute and prompt is their hearing. "and they attach more importance to the examinations than you do, i assure you, and they are fonder of their teachers. they recognize their teacher by his step and his odor; they perceive whether he is in a good or bad humor, whether he is well or ill, simply by the sound of a single word of his. they want the teacher to touch them when he encourages and praises them, and they feel of his hand and his arms in order to express their gratitude. and they love each other and are good comrades to each other. in play time they are always together, according to their wont. in the girls' school, for instance, they form into groups according to the instrument on which they play,--violinists, pianists, and flute-players,--and they never separate. when they have become attached to any one, it is difficult for them to break it off. they take much comfort in friendship. they judge correctly among themselves. they have a clear and profound idea of good and evil. no one grows so enthusiastic as they over the narration of a generous action, of a grand deed." votini inquired if they played well. "they are ardently fond of music," replied the master. "it is their delight: music is their life. little blind children, when they first enter the institute, are capable of standing three hours perfectly motionless, to listen to playing. they learn easily; they play with fire. when the teacher tells one of them that he has not a talent for music, he feels very sorrowful, but he sets to studying desperately. ah! if you could hear the music there, if you could see them when they are playing, with their heads thrown back a smile on their lips, their faces aflame, trembling with emotion, in ecstasies at listening to that harmony which replies to them in the obscurity which envelops them, you would feel what a divine consolation is music! and they shout for joy, they beam with happiness when a teacher says to them, "you will become an artist." the one who is first in music, who succeeds the best on the violin or piano, is like a king to them; they love, they venerate him. if a quarrel arises between two of them, they go to him; if two friends fall out, it is he who reconciles them. the smallest pupils, whom he teaches to play, regard him as a father. then all go to bid him good night before retiring to bed. and they talk constantly of music. they are already in bed, late at night, wearied by study and work, and half asleep, and still they are discussing, in a low tone, operas, masters, instruments, and orchestras. it is so great a punishment for them to be deprived of the reading, or lesson in music, it causes them such sorrow that one hardly ever has the courage to punish them in that way. that which the light is to our eyes, music is to their hearts." derossi asked whether we could not go to see them. "yes," replied the teacher; "but you boys must not go there now. you shall go there later on, when you are in a condition to appreciate the whole extent of this misfortune, and to feel all the compassion which it merits. it is a sad sight, my boys. you will sometimes see there boys seated in front of an open window, enjoying the fresh air, with immovable countenances, which seem to be gazing at the wide green expanse and the beautiful blue mountains which you can see; and when you remember that they see nothing--that they will never see anything--of that vast loveliness, your soul is oppressed, as though you had yourselves become blind at that moment. and then there are those who were born blind, who, as they have never seen the world, do not complain because they do not possess the image of anything, and who, therefore, arouse less compassion. but there are lads who have been blind but a few months, who still recall everything, who thoroughly understand all that they have lost; and these have, in addition, the grief of feeling their minds obscured, the dearest images grow a little more dim in their minds day by day, of feeling the persons whom they have loved the most die out of their memories. one of these boys said to me one day, with inexpressible sadness, 'i should like to have my sight again, only for a moment, in order to see mamma's face once more, for i no longer remember it!' and when their mothers come to see them, the boys place their hands on her face; they feel her over thoroughly from brow to chin, and her ears, to see how they are made, and they can hardly persuade themselves that they cannot see her, and they call her by name many times, to beseech her that she will allow them, that she will make them see her just once. how many, even hard-hearted men, go away in tears! and when you do go out, your case seems to you to be the exception, and the power to see people, houses, and the sky a hardly deserved privilege. oh! there is not one of you, i am sure, who, on emerging thence, would not feel disposed to deprive himself of a portion of his own sight, in order to bestow a gleam at least upon all those poor children, for whom the sun has no light, for whom a mother has no face!" the sick master. saturday, th. yesterday afternoon, on coming out of school, i went to pay a visit to my sick master. he made himself ill by overworking. five hours of teaching a day, then an hour of gymnastics, then two hours more of evening school, which is equivalent to saying but little sleep, getting his food by snatches, and working breathlessly from morning till night. he has ruined his health. that is what my mother says. my mother was waiting for me at the big door; i came out alone, and on the stairs i met the teacher with the black beard--coatti,--the one who frightens every one and punishes no one. he stared at me with wide-open eyes, and made his voice like that of a lion, in jest, but without laughing. i was still laughing when i pulled the bell on the fourth floor; but i ceased very suddenly when the servant let me into a wretched, half-lighted room, where my teacher was in bed. he was lying in a little iron bed. his beard was long. he put one hand to his brow in order to see better, and exclaimed in his affectionate voice:-- "oh, enrico!" i approached the bed; he laid one hand on my shoulder and said:-- "good, my boy. you have done well to come and see your poor teacher. i am reduced to a sad state, as you see, my dear enrico. and how fares the school? how are your comrades getting along? all well, eh? even without me? you do very well without your old master, do you not?" i was on the point of saying "no"; he interrupted me. "come, come, i know that you do not hate me!" and he heaved a sigh. i glanced at some photographs fastened to the wall. "do you see?" he said to me. "all of them are of boys who gave me their photographs more than twenty years ago. they were good boys. these are my souvenirs. when i die, my last glance will be at them; at those roguish urchins among whom my life has been passed. you will give me your portrait, also, will you not, when you have finished the elementary course?" then he took an orange from his nightstand, and put it in my hand. "i have nothing else to give you," he said; "it is the gift of a sick man." i looked at it, and my heart was sad; i know not why. "attend to me," he began again. "i hope to get over this; but if i should not recover, see that you strengthen yourself in arithmetic, which is your weak point; make an effort. it is merely a question of a first effort: because sometimes there is no lack of aptitude; there is merely an absence of a fixed purpose--of stability, as it is called." but in the meantime he was breathing hard; and it was evident that he was suffering. "i am feverish," he sighed; "i am half gone; i beseech you, therefore, apply yourself to arithmetic, to problems. if you don't succeed at first, rest a little and begin afresh. and press forward, but quietly without fagging yourself, without straining your mind. go! my respects to your mamma. and do not mount these stairs again. we shall see each other again in school. and if we do not, you must now and then call to mind your master of the third grade, who was fond of you." i felt inclined to cry at these words. "bend down your head," he said to me. i bent my head to his pillow; he kissed my hair. then he said to me, "go!" and turned his face towards the wall. and i flew down the stairs; for i longed to embrace my mother. the street. saturday, th. i was watching you from the window this afternoon, when you were on your way home from the master's; you came in collision with a woman. take more heed to your manner of walking in the street. there are duties to be fulfilled even there. if you keep your steps and gestures within bounds in a private house, why should you not do the same in the street, which is everybody's house. remember this, enrico. every time that you meet a feeble old man, a poor person, a woman with a child in her arms, a cripple with his crutches, a man bending beneath a burden, a family dressed in mourning, make way for them respectfully. we must respect age, misery, maternal love, infirmity, labor, death. whenever you see a person on the point of being run down by a vehicle, drag him away, if it is a child; warn him, if he is a man; always ask what ails the child who is crying all alone; pick up the aged man's cane, when he lets it fall. if two boys are fighting, separate them; if it is two men, go away: do not look on a scene of brutal violence, which offends and hardens the heart. and when a man passes, bound, and walking between a couple of policemen, do not add your curiosity to the cruel curiosity of the crowd; he may be innocent. cease to talk with your companion, and to smile, when you meet a hospital litter, which is, perhaps, bearing a dying person, or a funeral procession; for one may issue from your own home on the morrow. look with reverence upon all boys from the asylums, who walk two and two,--the blind, the dumb, those afflicted with the rickets, orphans, abandoned children; reflect that it is misfortune and human charity which is passing by. always pretend not to notice any one who has a repulsive or laughter-provoking deformity. always extinguish every match that you find in your path; for it may cost some one his life. always answer a passer-by who asks you the way, with politeness. do not look at any one and laugh; do not run without necessity; do not shout. respect the street. the education of a people is judged first of all by their behavior on the street. where you find offences in the streets, there you will find offences in the houses. and study the streets; study the city in which you live. if you were to be hurled far away from it to-morrow, you would be glad to have it clearly present in your memory, to be able to traverse it all again in memory. your own city, and your little country--that which has been for so many years your world; where you took your first steps at your mother's side; where you experienced your first emotions, opened your mind to its first ideas; found your first friends. it has been a mother to you: it has taught you, loved you, protected you. study it in its streets and in its people, and love it; and when you hear it insulted, defend it. thy father. march the evening schools. thursday, d. last night my father took me to see the evening schools in our baretti schoolhouse, which were all lighted up already, and where the workingmen were already beginning to enter. on our arrival we found the head-master and the other masters in a great rage, because a little while before the glass in one window had been broken by a stone. the beadle had darted forth and seized a boy by the hair, who was passing; but thereupon, stardi, who lives in the house opposite, had presented himself, and said:-- "this is not the right one; i saw it with my own eyes; it was franti who threw it; and he said to me, 'woe to you if you tell of me!' but i am not afraid." then the head-master declared that franti should be expelled for good. in the meantime i was watching the workingmen enter by twos and threes; and more than two hundred had already entered. i have never seen anything so fine as the evening school. there were boys of twelve and upwards; bearded men who were on their way from their work, carrying their books and copy-books; there were carpenters, engineers with black faces, masons with hands white with plaster, bakers' boys with their hair full of flour; and there was perceptible the odor of varnish, hides, fish, oil,--odors of all the various trades. there also entered a squad of artillery workmen, dressed like soldiers and headed by a corporal. they all filed briskly to their benches, removed the board underneath, on which we put our feet, and immediately bent their heads over their work. some stepped up to the teachers to ask explanations, with their open copy-books in their hands. i caught sight of that young and well-dressed master "the little lawyer," who had three or four workingmen clustered round his table, and was making corrections with his pen; and also the lame one, who was laughing with a dyer who had brought him a copy-book all adorned with red and blue dyes. my master, who had recovered, and who will return to school to-morrow, was there also. the doors of the schoolroom were open. i was amazed, when the lessons began, to see how attentive they all were, and how they kept their eyes fixed on their work. yet the greater part of them, so the head-master said, for fear of being late, had not even been home to eat a mouthful of supper, and they were hungry. but the younger ones, after half an hour of school, were falling off the benches with sleep; one even went fast asleep with his head on the bench, and the master waked him up by poking his ear with a pen. but the grown-up men did nothing of the sort; they kept awake, and listened, with their mouths wide open, to the lesson, without even winking; and it made a deep impression on me to see all those bearded men on our benches. we also ascended to the story floor above, and i ran to the door of my schoolroom and saw in my seat a man with a big mustache and a bandaged hand, who might have injured himself while at work about some machine; but he was trying to write, though very, very slowly. but what pleased me most was to behold in the seat of the little mason, on the very same bench and in the very same corner, his father, the mason, as huge as a giant, who sat there all coiled up into a narrow space, with his chin on his fists and his eyes on his book, so absorbed that he hardly breathed. and there was no chance about it, for it was he himself who said to the head-master the first evening he came to the school:-- "signor director, do me the favor to place me in the seat of 'my hare's face.'" for he always calls his son so. my father kept me there until the end, and in the street we saw many women with children in their arms, waiting for their husbands; and at the entrance a change was effected: the husbands took the children in their arms, and the women made them surrender their books and copy-books; and in this wise they proceeded to their homes. for several minutes the street was filled with people and with noise. then all grew silent, and all we could see was the tall and weary form of the head-master disappearing in the distance. the fight. sunday, th. it was what might have been expected. franti, on being expelled by the head-master, wanted to revenge himself on stardi, and he waited for stardi at a corner, when he came out of school, and when the latter was passing with his sister, whom he escorts every day from an institution in the via dora grossa. my sister silvia, on emerging from her schoolhouse, witnessed the whole affair, and came home thoroughly terrified. this is what took place. franti, with his cap of waxed cloth canted over one ear, ran up on tiptoe behind stardi, and in order to provoke him, gave a tug at his sister's braid of hair,--a tug so violent that it almost threw the girl flat on her back on the ground. the little girl uttered a cry; her brother whirled round; franti, who is much taller and stronger than stardi, thought:-- "he'll not utter a word, or i'll break his skin for him!" but stardi never paused to reflect, and small and ill-made as he is, he flung himself with one bound on that big fellow, and began to belabor him with his fists. he could not hold his own, however, and he got more than he gave. there was no one in the street but girls, so there was no one who could separate them. franti flung him on the ground; but the other instantly got up, and then down he went on his back again, and franti pounded away as though upon a door: in an instant he had torn away half an ear, and bruised one eye, and drawn blood from the other's nose. but stardi was tenacious; he roared:-- "you may kill me, but i'll make you pay for it!" and down went franti, kicking and cuffing, and stardi under him, butting and lungeing out with his heels. a woman shrieked from a window, "good for the little one!" others said, "it is a boy defending his sister; courage! give it to him well!" and they screamed at franti, "you overbearing brute! you coward!" but franti had grown ferocious; he held out his leg; stardi tripped and fell, and franti on top of him. "surrender!"--"no!"--"surrender!"--"no!" and in a flash stardi recovered his feet, clasped franti by the body, and, with one furious effort, hurled him on the pavement, and fell upon him with one knee on his breast. "ah, the infamous fellow! he has a knife!" shouted a man, rushing up to disarm franti. but stardi, beside himself with rage, had already grasped franti's arm with both hands, and bestowed on the fist such a bite that the knife fell from it, and the hand began to bleed. more people had run up in the meantime, who separated them and set them on their feet. franti took to his heels in a sorry plight, and stardi stood still, with his face all scratched, and a black eye,--but triumphant,--beside his weeping sister, while some of the girls collected the books and copy-books which were strewn over the street. "bravo, little fellow!" said the bystanders; "he defended his sister!" but stardi, who was thinking more of his satchel than of his victory, instantly set to examining the books and copy-books, one by one, to see whether anything was missing or injured. he rubbed them off with his sleeve, scrutinized his pen, put everything back in its place, and then, tranquil and serious as usual, he said to his sister, "let us go home quickly, for i have a problem to solve." the boys' parents. monday, th. this morning big stardi, the father, came to wait for his son, fearing lest he should again encounter franti. but they say that franti will not be seen again, because he will be put in the penitentiary. there were a great many parents there this morning. among the rest there was the retail wood-dealer, the father of coretti, the perfect image of his son, slender, brisk, with his mustache brought to a point, and a ribbon of two colors in the button-hole of his jacket. i know nearly all the parents of the boys, through constantly seeing them there. there is one crooked grandmother, with her white cap, who comes four times a day, whether it rains or snows or storms, to accompany and to get her little grandson, of the upper primary; and she takes off his little cloak and puts it on for him, adjusts his necktie, brushes off the dust, polishes him up, and takes care of the copy-books. it is evident that she has no other thought, that she sees nothing in the world more beautiful. the captain of artillery also comes frequently, the father of robetti, the lad with the crutches, who saved a child from the omnibus, and as all his son's companions bestow a caress on him in passing, he returns a caress or a salute to every one, and he never forgets any one; he bends over all, and the poorer and more badly dressed they are, the more pleased he seems to be, and he thanks them. at times, however, sad sights are to be seen. a gentleman who had not come for a month because one of his sons had died, and who had sent a maidservant for the other, on returning yesterday and beholding the class, the comrades of his little dead boy, retired into a corner and burst into sobs, with both hands before his face, and the head-master took him by the arm and led him to his office. there are fathers and mothers who know all their sons' companions by name. there are girls from the neighboring schoolhouse, and scholars in the gymnasium, who come to wait for their brothers. there is one old gentleman who was a colonel formerly, and who, when a boy drops a copy-book or a pen, picks it up for him. there are also to be seen well-dressed men, who discuss school matters with others, who have kerchiefs on their heads, and baskets on their arm, and who say:-- "oh! the problem has been a difficult one this time."--"that grammar lesson will never come to an end this morning!" and when there is a sick boy in the class, they all know it; when a sick boy is convalescent, they all rejoice. and this morning there were eight or ten gentlemen and workingmen standing around crossi's mother, the vegetable-vender, making inquiries about a poor baby in my brother's class, who lives in her court, and who is in danger of his life. the school seems to make them all equals and friends. number . wednesday, th. i witnessed a touching scene yesterday afternoon. for several days, every time that the vegetable-vender has passed derossi she has gazed and gazed at him with an expression of great affection; for derossi, since he made the discovery about that inkstand and prisoner number , has acquired a love for her son, crossi, the red-haired boy with the useless arm; and he helps him to do his work in school, suggests answers to him, gives him paper, pens, and pencils; in short, he behaves to him like a brother, as though to compensate him for his father's misfortune, which has affected him, although he does not know it. the vegetable-vender had been gazing at derossi for several days, and she seemed loath to take her eyes from him, for she is a good woman who lives only for her son; and derossi, who assists him and makes him appear well, derossi, who is a gentleman and the head of the school, seems to her a king, a saint. she continued to stare at him, and seemed desirous of saying something to him, yet ashamed to do it. but at last, yesterday morning, she took courage, stopped him in front of a gate, and said to him:-- "i beg a thousand pardons, little master! will you, who are so kind to my son, and so fond of him, do me the favor to accept this little memento from a poor mother?" and she pulled out of her vegetable-basket a little pasteboard box of white and gold. derossi flushed up all over, and refused, saying with decision:-- "give it to your son; i will accept nothing." the woman was mortified, and stammered an excuse:-- "i had no idea of offending you. it is only caramels." but derossi said "no," again, and shook his head. then she timidly lifted from her basket a bunch of radishes, and said:-- "accept these at least,--they are fresh,--and carry them to your mamma." derossi smiled, and said:-- "no, thanks: i don't want anything; i shall always do all that i can for crossi, but i cannot accept anything. i thank you all the same." "but you are not at all offended?" asked the woman, anxiously. derossi said "no, no!" smiled, and went off, while she exclaimed, in great delight:-- "oh, what a good boy! i have never seen so fine and handsome a boy as he!" and that appeared to be the end of it. but in the afternoon, at four o'clock, instead of crossi's mother, his father approached, with that gaunt and melancholy face of his. he stopped derossi, and from the way in which he looked at the latter i instantly understood that he suspected derossi of knowing his secret. he looked at him intently, and said in his sorrowful, affectionate voice:-- "you are fond of my son. why do you like him so much?" derossi's face turned the color of fire. he would have liked to say: "i am fond of him because he has been unfortunate; because you, his father, have been more unfortunate than guilty, and have nobly expiated your crime, and are a man of heart." but he had not the courage to say it, for at bottom he still felt fear and almost loathing in the presence of this man who had shed another's blood, and had been six years in prison. but the latter divined it all, and lowering his voice, he said in derossi's ear, almost trembling the while:-- "you love the son; but you do not hate, do not wholly despise the father, do you?" "ah, no, no! quite the reverse!" exclaimed derossi, with a soulful impulse. and then the man made an impetuous movement, as though to throw one arm round his neck; but he dared not, and instead he took one of the lad's golden curls between two of his fingers, smoothed it out, and released it; then he placed his hand on his mouth and kissed his palm, gazing at derossi with moist eyes, as though to say that this kiss was for him. then he took his son by the hand, and went away at a rapid pace. a little dead boy. monday, th. the little boy who lived in the vegetable-vender's court, the one who belonged to the upper primary, and was the companion of my brother, is dead. schoolmistress delcati came in great affliction, on saturday afternoon, to inform the master of it; and instantly garrone and coretti volunteered to carry the coffin. he was a fine little lad. he had won the medal last week. he was fond of my brother, and he had presented him with a broken money-box. my mother always caressed him when she met him. he wore a cap with two stripes of red cloth. his father is a porter on the railway. yesterday (sunday) afternoon, at half-past four o'clock, we went to his house, to accompany him to the church. they live on the ground floor. many boys of the upper primary, with their mothers, all holding candles, and five or six teachers and several neighbors were already collected in the courtyard. the mistress with the red feather and signora delcati had gone inside, and through an open window we beheld them weeping. we could hear the mother of the child sobbing loudly. two ladies, mothers of two school companions of the dead child, had brought two garlands of flowers. exactly at five o'clock we set out. in front went a boy carrying a cross, then a priest, then the coffin,--a very, very small coffin, poor child!--covered with a black cloth, and round it were wound the garlands of flowers brought by the two ladies. on the black cloth, on one side, were fastened the medal and honorable mentions which the little boy had won in the course of the year. garrone, coretti, and two boys from the courtyard bore the coffin. behind the coffin, first came signora delcati, who wept as though the little dead boy were her own; behind her the other schoolmistresses; and behind the mistresses, the boys, among whom were some very little ones, who carried bunches of violets in one hand, and who stared in amazement at the bier, while their other hand was held by their mothers, who carried candles. i heard one of them say, "and shall i not see him at school again?" when the coffin emerged from the court, a despairing cry was heard from the window. it was the child's mother; but they made her draw back into the room immediately. on arriving in the street, we met the boys from a college, who were passing in double file, and on catching sight of the coffin with the medal and the schoolmistresses, they all pulled off their hats. poor little boy! he went to sleep forever with his medal. we shall never see his red cap again. he was in perfect health; in four days he was dead. on the last day he made an effort to rise and do his little task in nomenclature, and he insisted on keeping his medal on his bed for fear it would be taken from him. no one will ever take it from you again, poor boy! farewell, farewell! we shall always remember thee at the baretti school! sleep in peace, dear little boy! the eve of the fourteenth of march. to-day has been more cheerful than yesterday. the thirteenth of march! the eve of the distribution of prizes at the theatre vittorio emanuele, the greatest and most beautiful festival of the whole year! but this time the boys who are to go upon the stage and present the certificates of the prizes to the gentlemen who are to bestow them are not to be taken at haphazard. the head-master came in this morning, at the close of school, and said:-- "good news, boys!" then he called, "coraci!" the calabrian. the calabrian rose. "would you like to be one of those to carry the certificates of the prizes to the authorities in the theatre to-morrow?" the calabrian answered that he should. "that is well," said the head-master; "then there will also be a representative of calabria there; and that will be a fine thing. the municipal authorities are desirous that this year the ten or twelve lads who hand the prizes should be from all parts of italy, and selected from all the public school buildings. we have twenty buildings, with five annexes--seven thousand pupils. among such a multitude there has been no difficulty in finding one boy for each region of italy. two representatives of the islands were found in the torquato tasso schoolhouse, a sardinian, and a sicilian; the boncompagni school furnished a little florentine, the son of a wood-carver; there is a roman, a native of rome, in the tommaseo building; several venetians, lombards, and natives of romagna have been found; the monviso school gives us a neapolitan, the son of an officer; we furnish a genoese and a calabrian,--you, coraci,--with the piemontese: that will make twelve. does not this strike you as nice? it will be your brothers from all quarters of italy who will give you your prizes. look out! the whole twelve will appear on the stage together. receive them with hearty applause. they are only boys, but they represent the country just as though they were men. a small tricolored flag is the symbol of italy as much as a huge banner, is it not? "applaud them warmly, then. let it be seen that your little hearts are all aglow, that your souls of ten years grow enthusiastic in the presence of the sacred image of your fatherland." having spoken thus, he went away, and the master said, with a smile, "so, coraci, you are to be the deputy from calabria." and then all clapped their hands and laughed; and when we got into the street, we surrounded coraci, seized him by the legs, lifted him on high, and set out to carry him in triumph, shouting, "hurrah for the deputy of calabria!" by way of making a noise, of course; and not in jest, but quite the contrary, for the sake of making a celebration for him, and with a good will, for he is a boy who pleases every one; and he smiled. and thus we bore him as far as the corner, where we ran into a gentleman with a black beard, who began to laugh. the calabrian said, "that is my father." and then the boys placed his son in his arms and ran away in all directions. the distribution of prizes. march th. towards two o'clock the vast theatre was crowded,--pit, gallery, boxes, stage, all were thronged; thousands of faces,--boys, gentlemen, teachers, workingmen, women of the people, babies. there was a moving of heads and hands, a flutter of feathers, ribbons, and curls, and loud and merry murmur which inspired cheerfulness. the theatre was all decorated with festoons of white, red, and green cloth. in the pit two little stairways had been erected: one on the right, which the winners of prizes were to ascend in order to reach the stage; the other, on the left, which they were to descend after receiving their prizes. on the front of the platform there was a row of red chairs; and from the back of the one in the centre hung two laurel crowns. at the back of the stage was a trophy of flags; on one side stood a small green table, and upon it lay all the certificates of premiums, tied with tricolored ribbons. the band of music was stationed in the pit, under the stage; the schoolmasters and mistresses filled all one side of the first balcony, which had been reserved for them; the benches and passages of the pit were crammed with hundreds of boys, who were to sing, and who had written music in their hands. at the back and all about, masters and mistresses could be seen going to and fro, arranging the prize scholars in lines; and it was full of parents who were giving a last touch to their hair and the last pull to their neckties. [illustration: "hurrah for the deputy of calabria!"--page .] no sooner had i entered my box with my family than i perceived in the opposite box the young mistress with the red feather, who was smiling and showing all the pretty dimples in her cheeks, and with her my brother's teacher and "the little nun," dressed wholly in black, and my kind mistress of the upper first; but she was so pale, poor thing! and coughed so hard, that she could be heard all over the theatre. in the pit i instantly espied garrone's dear, big face and the little blond head of nelli, who was clinging close to the other's shoulder. a little further on i saw garoffi, with his owl's-beak nose, who was making great efforts to collect the printed catalogues of the prize-winners; and he already had a large bundle of them which he could put to some use in his bartering--we shall find out what it is to-morrow. near the door was the wood-seller with his wife,--both dressed in festive attire,--together with their boy, who has a third prize in the second grade. i was amazed at no longer beholding the catskin cap and the chocolate-colored tights: on this occasion he was dressed like a little gentleman. in one balcony i caught a momentary glimpse of votini, with a large lace collar; then he disappeared. in a proscenium box, filled with people, was the artillery captain, the father of robetti, the boy with the crutches who saved the child from the omnibus. on the stroke of two the band struck up, and at the same moment the mayor, the prefect, the judge, the _provveditore_, and many other gentlemen, all dressed in black, mounted the stairs on the right, and seated themselves on the red chairs at the front of the platform. the band ceased playing. the director of singing in the schools advanced with a _baton_ in his hand. at a signal from him all the boys in the pit rose to their feet; at another sign they began to sing. there were seven hundred singing a very beautiful song,--seven hundred boys' voices singing together; how beautiful! all listened motionless: it was a slow, sweet, limpid song which seemed like a church chant. when they ceased, every one applauded; then they all became very still. the distribution of the prizes was about to begin. my little master of the second grade, with his red head and his quick eyes, who was to read the names of the prize-winners, had already advanced to the front of the stage. the entrance of the twelve boys who were to present the certificates was what they were waiting for. the newspapers had already stated that there would be boys from all the provinces of italy. every one knew it, and was watching for them and gazing curiously towards the spot where they were to enter, and the mayor and the other gentlemen gazed also, and the whole theatre was silent. all at once the whole twelve arrived on the stage at a run, and remained standing there in line, with a smile. the whole theatre, three thousand persons, sprang up simultaneously, breaking into applause which sounded like a clap of thunder. the boys stood for a moment as though disconcerted. "behold italy!" said a voice on the stage. all at once i recognized coraci, the calabrian, dressed in black as usual. a gentleman belonging to the municipal government, who was with us and who knew them all, pointed them out to my mother. "that little blond is the representative of venice. the roman is that tall, curly-haired lad, yonder." two or three of them were dressed like gentlemen; the others were sons of workingmen, but all were neatly clad and clean. the florentine, who was the smallest, had a blue scarf round his body. they all passed in front of the mayor, who kissed them, one after the other, on the brow, while a gentleman seated next to him smilingly told him the names of their cities: "florence, naples, bologna, palermo." and as each passed by, the whole theatre clapped. then they all ran to the green table, to take the certificates. the master began to read the list, mentioning the schoolhouses, the classes, the names; and the prize-winners began to mount the stage and to file past. the foremost ones had hardly reached the stage, when behind the scenes there became audible a very, very faint music of violins, which did not cease during the whole time that they were filing past--a soft and always even air, like the murmur of many subdued voices, the voices of all the mothers, and all the masters and mistresses, giving counsel in concert, and beseeching and administering loving reproofs. and meanwhile, the prize-winners passed one by one in front of the seated gentlemen, who handed them their certificates, and said a word or bestowed a caress on each. the boys in the pit and the balconies applauded loudly every time that there passed a very small lad, or one who seemed, from his garments, to be poor; and also for those who had abundant curly hair, or who were clad in red or white. some of those who filed past belonged to the upper primary, and once arrived there, they became confused and did not know where to turn, and the whole theatre laughed. one passed, three spans high, with a big knot of pink ribbon on his back, so that he could hardly walk, and he got entangled in the carpet and tumbled down; and the prefect set him on his feet again, and all laughed and clapped. another rolled headlong down the stairs, when descending again to the pit: cries arose, but he had not hurt himself. boys of all sorts passed,--boys with roguish faces, with frightened faces, with faces as red as cherries; comical little fellows, who laughed in every one's face: and no sooner had they got back into the pit, than they were seized upon by their fathers and mothers, who carried them away. when our schoolhouse's turn came, how amused i was! many whom i knew passed. coretti filed by, dressed in new clothes from head to foot, with his fine, merry smile, which displayed all his white teeth; but who knows how many myriagrammes of wood he had already carried that morning! the mayor, on presenting him with his certificate, inquired the meaning of a red mark on his forehead, and as he did so, laid one hand on his shoulder. i looked in the pit for his father and mother, and saw them laughing, while they covered their mouths with one hand. then derossi passed, all dressed in bright blue, with shining buttons, with all those golden curls, slender, easy, with his head held high, so handsome, so sympathetic, that i could have blown him a kiss; and all the gentlemen wanted to speak to him and to shake his hand. then the master cried, "giulio robetti!" and we saw the captain's son come forward on his crutches. hundreds of boys knew the occurrence; a rumor ran round in an instant; a salvo of applause broke forth, and of shouts, which made the theatre tremble: men sprang to their feet, the ladies began to wave their handkerchiefs, and the poor boy halted in the middle of the stage, amazed and trembling. the mayor drew him to him, gave him his prize and a kiss, and removing the two laurel crowns which were hanging from the back of the chair, he strung them on the cross-bars of his crutches. then he accompanied him to the proscenium box, where his father, the captain, was seated; and the latter lifted him bodily and set him down inside, amid an indescribable tumult of bravos and hurrahs. meanwhile, the soft and gentle music of the violins continued, and the boys continued to file by,--those from the schoolhouse della consolata, nearly all the sons of petty merchants; those from the vanchiglia school, the sons of workingmen; those from the boncompagni school, many of whom were the sons of peasants; those of the rayneri, which was the last. as soon as it was over, the seven hundred boys in the pit sang another very beautiful song; then the mayor spoke, and after him the judge, who terminated his discourse by saying to the boys:-- "but do not leave this place without sending a salute to those who toil so hard for you; who have consecrated to you all the strength of their intelligence and of their hearts; who live and die for you. there they are; behold them!" and he pointed to the balcony of teachers. then, from the balconies, from the pit, from the boxes, the boys rose, and extended their arms towards the masters and mistresses, with a shout, and the latter responded by waving their hands, their hats, and handkerchiefs, as they all stood up, in their emotion. after this, the band played once more, and the audience sent a last noisy salute to the twelve lads of all the provinces of italy, who presented themselves at the front of the stage, all drawn up in line, with their hands interlaced, beneath a shower of flowers. strife. monday, th. however, it is not out of envy, because he got the prize and i did not, that i quarrelled with coretti this morning. it was not out of envy. but i was in the wrong. the teacher had placed him beside me, and i was writing in my copy-book for calligraphy; he jogged my elbow and made me blot and soil the monthly story, _blood of romagna_, which i was to copy for the little mason, who is ill. i got angry, and said a rude word to him. he replied, with a smile, "i did not do it intentionally." i should have believed him, because i know him; but it displeased me that he should smile, and i thought:-- "oh! now that he has had a prize, he has grown saucy!" and a little while afterwards, to revenge myself, i gave him a jog which made him spoil his page. then, all crimson with wrath, "you did that on purpose," he said to me, and raised his hand: the teacher saw it; he drew it back. but he added:-- "i shall wait for you outside!" i felt ill at ease; my wrath had simmered away; i repented. no; coretti could not have done it intentionally. he is good, i thought. i recalled how i had seen him in his own home; how he had worked and helped his sick mother; and then how heartily he had been welcomed in my house; and how he had pleased my father. what would i not have given not to have said that word to him; not to have insulted him thus! and i thought of the advice that my father had given to me: "have you done wrong?"--"yes."--"then beg his pardon." but this i did not dare to do; i was ashamed to humiliate myself. i looked at him out of the corner of my eye, and i saw his coat ripped on the shoulder,--perhaps because he had carried too much wood,--and i felt that i loved him; and i said to myself, "courage!" but the words, "excuse me," stuck in my throat. he looked at me askance from time to time, and he seemed to me to be more grieved than angry. but at such times i looked malevolently at him, to show him that i was not afraid. he repeated, "we shall meet outside!" and i said, "we shall meet outside!" but i was thinking of what my father had once said to me, "if you are wronged, defend yourself, but do not fight." and i said to myself, "i will defend myself, but i will not fight." but i was discontented, and i no longer listened to the master. at last the moment of dismissal arrived. when i was alone in the street i perceived that he was following me. i stopped and waited for him, ruler in hand. he approached; i raised my ruler. "no, enrico," he said, with his kindly smile, waving the ruler aside with his hand; "let us be friends again, as before." i stood still in amazement, and then i felt what seemed to be a hand dealing a push on my shoulders, and i found myself in his arms. he kissed me, and said:-- "we'll have no more altercations between us, will we?" "never again! never again!" i replied. and we parted content. but when i returned home, and told my father all about it, thinking to give him pleasure, his face clouded over, and he said:-- "you should have been the first to offer your hand, since you were in the wrong." then he added, "you should not raise your ruler at a comrade who is better than you are--at the son of a soldier!" and snatching the ruler from my hand, he broke it in two, and hurled it against the wall. my sister. friday, th. why, enrico, after our father has already reproved you for having behaved badly to coretti, were you so unkind to me? you cannot imagine the pain that you caused me. do you not know that when you were a baby, i stood for hours and hours beside your cradle, instead of playing with my companions, and that when you were ill, i got out of bed every night to feel whether your forehead was burning? do you not know, you who grieve your sister, that if a tremendous misfortune should overtake us, i should be a mother to you and love you like my son? do you not know that when our father and mother are no longer here, i shall be your best friend, the only person with whom you can talk about our dead and your infancy, and that, should it be necessary, i shall work for you, enrico, to earn your bread and to pay for your studies, and that i shall always love you when you are grown up, that i shall follow you in thought when you go far away, always because we grew up together and have the same blood? o enrico, be sure of this when you are a man, that if misfortune happens to you, if you are alone, be very sure that you will seek me, that you will come to me and say: "silvia, sister, let me stay with you; let us talk of the days when we were happy--do you remember? let us talk of our mother, of our home, of those beautiful days that are so far away." o enrico, you will always find your sister with her arms wide open. yes, dear enrico; and you must forgive me for the reproof that i am administering to you now. i shall never recall any wrong of yours; and if you should give me other sorrows, what matters it? you will always be my brother, the same brother; i shall never recall you otherwise than as having held you in my arms when a baby, of having loved our father and mother with you, of having watched you grow up, of having been for years your most faithful companion. but do you write me a kind word in this same copy-book, and i will come for it and read it before the evening. in the meanwhile, to show you that i am not angry with you, and perceiving that you are weary, i have copied for you the monthly story, _blood of romagna_, which you were to have copied for the little sick mason. look in the left drawer of your table; i have been writing all night, while you were asleep. write me a kind word, enrico, i beseech you. thy sister silvia. i am not worthy to kiss your hands.--enrico. blood of romagna. (_monthly story._) that evening the house of ferruccio was more silent than was its wont. the father, who kept a little haberdasher's shop, had gone to forli to make some purchases, and his wife had accompanied him, with luigina, a baby, whom she was taking to a doctor, that he might operate on a diseased eye; and they were not to return until the following morning. it was almost midnight. the woman who came to do the work by day had gone away at nightfall. in the house there was only the grandmother with the paralyzed legs, and ferruccio, a lad of thirteen. it was a small house of but one story, situated on the highway, at a gunshot's distance from a village not far from forli, a town of romagna; and there was near it only an uninhabited house, ruined two months previously by fire, on which the sign of an inn was still to be seen. behind the tiny house was a small garden surrounded by a hedge, upon which a rustic gate opened; the door of the shop, which also served as the house door, opened on the highway. all around spread the solitary campagna, vast cultivated fields, planted with mulberry-trees. it was nearly midnight; it was raining and blowing. ferruccio and his grandmother, who was still up, were in the dining-room, between which and the garden there was a small, closet-like room, encumbered with old furniture. ferruccio had only returned home at eleven o'clock, after an absence of many hours, and his grandmother had watched for him with eyes wide open, filled with anxiety, nailed to the large arm-chair, upon which she was accustomed to pass the entire day, and often the whole night as well, since a difficulty of breathing did not allow her to lie down in bed. it was raining, and the wind beat the rain against the window-panes: the night was very dark. ferruccio had returned weary, muddy, with his jacket torn, and the livid mark of a stone on his forehead. he had engaged in a stone fight with his comrades; they had come to blows, as usual; and in addition he had gambled, and lost all his soldi, and left his cap in a ditch. although the kitchen was illuminated only by a small oil lamp, placed on the corner of the table, near the arm-chair, his poor grandmother had instantly perceived the wretched condition of her grandson, and had partly divined, partly brought him to confess, his misdeeds. she loved this boy with all her soul. when she had learned all, she began to cry. "ah, no!" she said, after a long silence, "you have no heart for your poor grandmother. you have no feeling, to take advantage in this manner of the absence of your father and mother, to cause me sorrow. you have left me alone the whole day long. you had not the slightest compassion. take care, ferruccio! you are entering on an evil path which will lead you to a sad end. i have seen others begin like you, and come to a bad end. if you begin by running away from home, by getting into brawls with the other boys, by losing soldi, then, gradually, from stone fights you will come to knives, from gambling to other vices, and from other vices to--theft." ferruccio stood listening three paces away, leaning against a cupboard, with his chin on his breast and his brows knit, being still hot with wrath from the brawl. a lock of fine chestnut hair fell across his forehead, and his blue eyes were motionless. "from gambling to theft!" repeated his grandmother, continuing to weep. "think of it, ferruccio! think of that scourge of the country about here, of that vito mozzoni, who is now playing the vagabond in the town; who, at the age of twenty-four, has been twice in prison, and has made that poor woman, his mother, die of a broken heart--i knew her; and his father has fled to switzerland in despair. think of that bad fellow, whose salute your father is ashamed to return: he is always roaming with miscreants worse than himself, and some day he will go to the galleys. well, i knew him as a boy, and he began as you are doing. reflect that you will reduce your father and mother to the same end as his." ferruccio held his peace. he was not at all remorseful at heart; quite the reverse: his misdemeanors arose rather from superabundance of life and audacity than from an evil mind; and his father had managed him badly in precisely this particular, that, holding him capable, at bottom, of the finest sentiments, and also, when put to the proof, of a vigorous and generous action, he left the bridle loose upon his neck, and waited for him to acquire judgment for himself. the lad was good rather than perverse, but stubborn; and it was hard for him, even when his heart was oppressed with repentance, to allow those good words which win pardon to escape his lips, "if i have done wrong, i will do so no more; i promise it; forgive me." his soul was full of tenderness at times; but pride would not permit it to manifest itself. "ah, ferruccio," continued his grandmother, perceiving that he was thus dumb, "not a word of penitence do you utter to me! you see to what a condition i am reduced, so that i am as good as actually buried. you ought not to have the heart to make me suffer so, to make the mother of your mother, who is so old and so near her last day, weep; the poor grandmother who has always loved you so, who rocked you all night long, night after night, when you were a baby a few months old, and who did not eat for amusing you,--you do not know that! i always said, 'this boy will be my consolation!' and now you are killing me! i would willingly give the little life that remains to me if i could see you become a good boy, and an obedient one, as you were in those days when i used to lead you to the sanctuary--do you remember, ferruccio? you used to fill my pockets with pebbles and weeds, and i carried you home in my arms, fast asleep. you used to love your poor grandma then. and now i am a paralytic, and in need of your affection as of the air to breathe, since i have no one else in the world, poor, half-dead woman that i am: my god!" ferruccio was on the point of throwing himself on his grandmother, overcome with emotion, when he fancied that he heard a slight noise, a creaking in the small adjoining room, the one which opened on the garden. but he could not make out whether it was the window-shutters rattling in the wind, or something else. he bent his head and listened. the rain beat down noisily. the sound was repeated. his grandmother heard it also. "what is it?" asked the grandmother, in perturbation, after a momentary pause. "the rain," murmured the boy. "then, ferruccio," said the old woman, drying her eyes, "you promise me that you will be good, that you will not make your poor grandmother weep again--" another faint sound interrupted her. "but it seems to me that it is not the rain!" she exclaimed, turning pale. "go and see!" but she instantly added, "no; remain here!" and seized ferruccio by the hand. both remained as they were, and held their breath. all they heard was the sound of the water. then both were seized with a shivering fit. it seemed to both that they heard footsteps in the next room. "who's there?" demanded the lad, recovering his breath with an effort. no one replied. "who is it?" asked ferruccio again, chilled with terror. but hardly had he pronounced these words when both uttered a shriek of terror. two men sprang into the room. one of them grasped the boy and placed one hand over his mouth; the other clutched the old woman by the throat. the first said:-- "silence, unless you want to die!" the second:-- "be quiet!" and raised aloft a knife. both had dark cloths over their faces, with two holes for the eyes. for a moment nothing was audible but the gasping breath of all four, the patter of the rain; the old woman emitted frequent rattles from her throat, and her eyes were starting from her head. the man who held the boy said in his ear, "where does your father keep his money?" the lad replied in a thread of a voice, with chattering teeth, "yonder--in the cupboard." "come with me," said the man. and he dragged him into the closet room, holding him securely by the throat. there was a dark lantern standing on the floor. "where is the cupboard?" he demanded. the suffocating boy pointed to the cupboard. then, in order to make sure of the boy, the man flung him on his knees in front of the cupboard, and, pressing his neck closely between his own legs, in such a way that he could throttle him if he shouted, and holding his knife in his teeth and his lantern in one hand, with the other he pulled from his pocket a pointed iron, drove it into the lock, fumbled about, broke it, threw the doors wide open, tumbled everything over in a perfect fury of haste, filled his pockets, shut the cupboard again, opened it again, made another search; then he seized the boy by the windpipe again, and pushed him to where the other man was still grasping the old woman, who was convulsed, with her head thrown back and her mouth open. the latter asked in a low voice, "did you find it?" his companion replied, "i found it." and he added, "see to the door." the one that was holding the old woman ran to the door of the garden to see if there were any one there, and called in from the little room, in a voice that resembled a hiss, "come!" the one who remained behind, and who was still holding ferruccio fast, showed his knife to the boy and the old woman, who had opened her eyes again, and said, "not a sound, or i'll come back and cut your throat." and he glared at the two for a moment. at this juncture, a song sung by many voices became audible far off on the highway. the robber turned his head hastily toward the door, and the violence of the movement caused the cloth to fall from his face. the old woman gave vent to a shriek; "mozzoni!" "accursed woman," roared the robber, on finding himself recognized, "you shall die!" and he hurled himself, with his knife raised, against the old woman, who swooned on the spot. the assassin dealt the blow. but ferruccio, with an exceedingly rapid movement, and uttering a cry of desperation, had rushed to his grandmother, and covered her body with his own. the assassin fled, stumbling against the table and overturning the light, which was extinguished. the boy slipped slowly from above his grandmother, fell on his knees, and remained in that attitude, with his arms around her body and his head upon her breast. several moments passed; it was very dark; the song of the peasants gradually died away in the campagna. the old woman recovered her senses. "ferruccio!" she cried, in a voice that was barely intelligible, with chattering teeth. "grandmamma!" replied the lad. the old woman made an effort to speak; but terror had paralyzed her tongue. she remained silent for a while, trembling violently. then she succeeded in asking:-- "they are not here now?" "no." "they did not kill me," murmured the old woman in a stifled voice. "no; you are safe," said ferruccio, in a weak voice. "you are safe, dear grandmother. they carried off the money. but daddy had taken nearly all of it with him." his grandmother drew a deep breath. "grandmother," said ferruccio, still kneeling, and pressing her close to him, "dear grandmother, you love me, don't you?" "o ferruccio! my poor little son!" she replied, placing her hands on his head; "what a fright you must have had!--o lord god of mercy!--light the lamp. no; let us still remain in the dark! i am still afraid." "grandmother," resumed the boy, "i have always caused you grief." "no, ferruccio, you must not say such things; i shall never think of that again; i have forgotten everything, i love you so dearly!" "i have always caused you grief," pursued ferruccio, with difficulty, and his voice quivered; "but i have always loved you. do you forgive me?--forgive me, grandmother." "yes, my son, i forgive you with all my heart. think, how could i help forgiving you! rise from your knees, my child. i will never scold you again. you are so good, so good! let us light the lamp. let us take courage a little. rise, ferruccio." "thanks, grandmother," said the boy, and his voice was still weaker. "now--i am content. you will remember me, grandmother--will you not? you will always remember me--your ferruccio?" "my ferruccio!" exclaimed his grandmother, amazed and alarmed, as she laid her hands on his shoulders and bent her head, as though to look him in his face. "remember me," murmured the boy once more, in a voice that seemed like a breath. "give a kiss to my mother--to my father--to luigina.--good by, grandmother." "in the name of heaven, what is the matter with you?" shrieked the old woman, feeling the boy's head anxiously, as it lay upon her knees; and then with all the power of voice of which her throat was capable, and in desperation: "ferruccio! ferruccio! ferruccio! my child! my love! angels of paradise, come to my aid!" but ferruccio made no reply. the little hero, the saviour of the mother of his mother, stabbed by a blow from a knife in the back, had rendered up his beautiful and daring soul to god. the little mason on his sick-bed. tuesday, th. the poor little mason is seriously ill; the master told us to go and see him; and garrone, derossi, and i agreed to go together. stardi would have come also, but as the teacher had assigned us the description of _the monument to cavour_, he told us that he must go and see the monument, in order that his description might be more exact. so, by way of experiment, we invited that puffed-up fellow, nobis, who replied "no," and nothing more. votini also excused himself, perhaps because he was afraid of soiling his clothes with plaster. we went there when we came out of school at four o'clock. it was raining in torrents. on the street garrone halted, and said, with his mouth full of bread:-- "what shall i buy?" and he rattled a couple of soldi in his pocket. we each contributed two soldi, and purchased three huge oranges. we ascended to the garret. at the door derossi removed his medal and put it in his pocket. i asked him why. "i don't know," he answered; "in order not to have the air: it strikes me as more delicate to go in without my medal." we knocked; the father, that big man who looks like a giant, opened to us; his face was distorted so that he appeared terrified. "who are you?" he demanded. garrone replied:-- "we are antonio's schoolmates, and we have brought him three oranges." "ah, poor tonino!" exclaimed the mason, shaking his head, "i fear that he will never eat your oranges!" and he wiped his eyes with the back of his hand. he made us come in. we entered an attic room, where we saw "the little mason" asleep in a little iron bed; his mother hung dejectedly over the bed, with her face in her hands, and she hardly turned to look at us; on one side hung brushes, a trowel, and a plaster-sieve; over the feet of the sick boy was spread the mason's jacket, white with lime. the poor boy was emaciated; very, very white; his nose was pointed, and his breath was short. o dear tonino, my little comrade! you who were so kind and merry, how it pains me! what would i not give to see you make the hare's face once more, poor little mason! garrone laid an orange on his pillow, close to his face; the odor waked him; he grasped it instantly; then let go of it, and gazed intently at garrone. "it is i," said the latter; "garrone: do you know me?" he smiled almost imperceptibly, lifted his stubby hand with difficulty from the bed and held it out to garrone, who took it between his, and laid it against his cheek, saying:-- "courage, courage, little mason; you are going to get well soon and come back to school, and the master will put you next to me; will that please you?" but the little mason made no reply. his mother burst into sobs: "oh, my poor tonino! my poor tonino! he is so brave and good, and god is going to take him from us!" "silence!" cried the mason; "silence, for the love of god, or i shall lose my reason!" then he said to us, with anxiety: "go, go, boys, thanks; go! what do you want to do here? thanks; go home!" the boy had closed his eyes again, and appeared to be dead. "do you need any assistance?" asked garrone. "no, my good boy, thanks," the mason answered. and so saying, he pushed us out on the landing, and shut the door. but we were not half-way down the stairs, when we heard him calling, "garrone! garrone!" we all three mounted the stairs once more in haste. "garrone!" shouted the mason, with a changed countenance, "he has called you by name; it is two days since he spoke; he has called you twice; he wants you; come quickly! ah, holy god, if this is only a good sign!" "farewell for the present," said garrone to us; "i shall remain," and he ran in with the father. derossi's eyes were full of tears. i said to him:-- "are you crying for the little mason? he has spoken; he will recover." "i believe it," replied derossi; "but i was not thinking of him. i was thinking how good garrone is, and what a beautiful soul he has." count cavour. wednesday, th. you are to make a description of the monument to count cavour. you can do it. but who was count cavour? you cannot understand at present. for the present this is all you know: he was for many years the prime minister of piemont. it was he who sent the piemontese army to the crimea to raise once more, with the victory of the cernaia, our military glory, which had fallen with the defeat at novara; it was he who made one hundred and fifty thousand frenchmen descend from the alps to chase the austrians from lombardy; it was he who governed italy in the most solemn period of our revolution; who gave, during those years, the most potent impulse to the holy enterprise of the unification of our country,--he with his luminous mind, with his invincible perseverance, with his more than human industry. many generals have passed terrible hours on the field of battle; but he passed more terrible ones in his cabinet, when his enormous work might suffer destruction at any moment, like a fragile edifice at the tremor of an earthquake. hours, nights of struggle and anguish did he pass, sufficient to make him issue from it with reason distorted and death in his heart. and it was this gigantic and stormy work which shortened his life by twenty years. nevertheless, devoured by the fever which was to cast him into his grave, he yet contended desperately with the malady in order to accomplish something for his country. "it is strange," he said sadly on his death-bed, "i no longer know how to read; i can no longer read." while they were bleeding him, and the fever was increasing, he was thinking of his country, and he said imperiously: "cure me; my mind is clouding over; i have need of all my faculties to manage important affairs." when he was already reduced to extremities, and the whole city was in a tumult, and the king stood at his bedside, he said anxiously, "i have many things to say to you, sire, many things to show you; but i am ill; i cannot, i cannot;" and he was in despair. and his feverish thoughts hovered ever round the state, round the new italian provinces which had been united with us, round the many things which still remained to be done. when delirium seized him, "educate the children!" he exclaimed, between his gasps for breath,--"educate the children and the young people--govern with liberty!" his delirium increased; death hovered over him, and with burning words he invoked general garibaldi, with whom he had had disagreements, and venice and rome, which were not yet free: he had vast visions of the future of italy and of europe; he dreamed of a foreign invasion; he inquired where the corps of the army were, and the generals; he still trembled for us, for his people. his great sorrow was not, you understand, that he felt that his life was going, but to see himself fleeing his country, which still had need of him, and for which he had, in a few years, worn out the measureless forces of his miraculous organism. he died with the battle-cry in his throat, and his death was as great as his life. now reflect a little, enrico, what sort of a thing is our labor, which nevertheless so weighs us down; what are our griefs, our death itself, in the face of the toils, the terrible anxieties, the tremendous agonies of these men upon whose hearts rests a world! think of this, my son, when you pass before that marble image, and say to it, "glory!" in your heart. thy father. april. spring. saturday, st. the first of april! only three months more! this has been one of the most beautiful mornings of the year. i was happy in school because coretti told me to come day after to-morrow to see the king make his entrance with his father, _who knows him_, and because my mother had promised to take me the same day to visit the infant asylum in the corso valdocco. i was pleased, too, because the little mason is better, and because the teacher said to my father yesterday evening as he was passing, "he is doing well; he is doing well." and then it was a beautiful spring morning. from the school windows we could see the blue sky, the trees of the garden all covered with buds, and the wide-open windows of the houses, with their boxes and vases already growing green. the master did not laugh, because he never laughs; but he was in a good humor, so that that perpendicular wrinkle hardly ever appeared on his brow; and he explained a problem on the blackboard, and jested. and it was plain that he felt a pleasure in breathing the air of the gardens which entered through the open window, redolent with the fresh odor of earth and leaves, which suggested thoughts of country rambles. while he was explaining, we could hear in a neighboring street a blacksmith hammering on his anvil, and in the house opposite, a woman singing to lull her baby to sleep; far away, in the cernaia barracks, the trumpets were sounding. every one appeared pleased, even stardi. at a certain moment the blacksmith began to hammer more vigorously, the woman to sing more loudly. the master paused and lent an ear. then he said, slowly, as he gazed out of the window:-- "the smiling sky, a singing mother, an honest man at work, boys at study,--these are beautiful things." when we emerged from the school, we saw that every one else was cheerful also. all walked in a line, stamping loudly with their feet, and humming, as though on the eve of a four days' vacation; the schoolmistresses were playful; the one with the red feather tripped along behind the children like a schoolgirl; the parents of the boys were chatting together and smiling, and crossi's mother, the vegetable-vender, had so many bunches of violets in her basket, that they filled the whole large hall with perfume. i have never felt such happiness as this morning on catching sight of my mother, who was waiting for me in the street. and i said to her as i ran to meet her:-- "oh, i am happy! what is it that makes me so happy this morning?" and my mother answered me with a smile that it was the beautiful season and a good conscience. king umberto. monday, d. at ten o'clock precisely my father saw from the window coretti, the wood-seller, and his son waiting for me in the square, and said to me:-- "there they are, enrico; go and see your king." i went like a flash. both father and son were even more alert than usual, and they never seemed to me to resemble each other so strongly as this morning. the father wore on his jacket the medal for valor between two commemorative medals, and his mustaches were curled and as pointed as two pins. we at once set out for the railway station, where the king was to arrive at half-past ten. coretti, the father, smoked his pipe and rubbed his hands. "do you know," said he, "i have not seen him since the war of 'sixty-six? a trifle of fifteen years and six months. first, three years in france, and then at mondovì, and here, where i might have seen him, i have never had the good luck of being in the city when he came. such a combination of circumstances!" he called the king "umberto," like a comrade. umberto commanded the th division; umberto was twenty-two years and so many days old; umberto mounted a horse thus and so. "fifteen years!" he said vehemently, accelerating his pace. "i really have a great desire to see him again. i left him a prince; i see him once more, a king. and i, too, have changed. from a soldier i have become a hawker of wood." and he laughed. his son asked him, "if he were to see you, would he remember you?" he began to laugh. "you are crazy!" he answered. "that's quite another thing. he, umberto, was one single man; we were as numerous as flies. and then, he never looked at us one by one." we turned into the corso vittorio emanuele; there were many people on their way to the station. a company of alpine soldiers passed with their trumpets. two armed policemen passed by on horseback at a gallop. the day was serene and brilliant. "yes!" exclaimed the elder coretti, growing animated, "it is a real pleasure to me to see him once more, the general of my division. ah, how quickly i have grown old! it seems as though it were only the other day that i had my knapsack on my shoulders and my gun in my hands, at that affair of the th of june, when we were on the point of coming to blows. umberto was going to and fro with his officers, while the cannon were thundering in the distance; and every one was gazing at him and saying, 'may there not be a bullet for him also!' i was a thousand miles from thinking that i should soon find myself so near him, in front of the lances of the austrian uhlans; actually, only four paces from each other, boys. that was a fine day; the sky was like a mirror; but so hot! let us see if we can get in." we had arrived at the station; there was a great crowd,--carriages, policemen, carabineers, societies with banners. a regimental band was playing. the elder coretti attempted to enter the portico, but he was stopped. then it occurred to him to force his way into the front row of the crowd which formed an opening at the entrance; and making way with his elbow, he succeeded in thrusting us forward also. but the undulating throng flung us hither and thither a little. the wood-seller got his eye upon the first pillar of the portico, where the police did not allow any one to stand; "come with me," he said suddenly, dragging us by the hand; and he crossed the empty space in two bounds, and went and planted himself there, with his back against the wall. a police brigadier instantly hurried up and said to him, "you can't stand here." "i belong to the fourth battalion of forty-nine," replied coretti, touching his medal. the brigadier glanced at it, and said, "remain." "didn't i say so!" exclaimed coretti triumphantly; "it's a magic word, that fourth of the forty-ninth! haven't i the right to see my general with some little comfort,--i, who was in that squadron? i saw him close at hand then; it seems right that i should see him close at hand now. and i say general! he was my battalion commander for a good half-hour; for at such moments he commanded the battalion himself, while it was in the heart of things, and not major ubrich, by heavens!" in the meantime, in the reception-room and outside, a great mixture of gentlemen and officers was visible, and in front of the door, the carriages, with the lackeys dressed in red, were drawn up in a line. coretti asked his father whether prince umberto had his sword in his hand when he was with the regiment. "he would certainly have had his sword in his hand," the latter replied, "to ward off a blow from a lance, which might strike him as well as another. ah! those unchained demons! they came down on us like the wrath of god; they descended on us. they swept between the groups, the squadrons, the cannon, as though tossed by a hurricane, crushing down everything. there was a whirl of light cavalry of alessandria, of lancers of foggia, of infantry, of sharpshooters, a pandemonium in which nothing could any longer be understood. i heard the shout, 'your highness! your highness!' i saw the lowered lances approaching; we discharged our guns; a cloud of smoke hid everything. then the smoke cleared away. the ground was covered with horses and uhlans, wounded and dead. i turned round, and beheld in our midst umberto, on horseback, gazing tranquilly about, with the air of demanding, 'have any of my lads received a scratch?' and we shouted to him, 'hurrah!' right in his face, like madmen. heavens, what a moment that was! here's the train coming!" the band struck up; the officers hastened forward; the crowd elevated themselves on tiptoe. "eh, he won't come out in a hurry," said a policeman; "they are presenting him with an address now." the elder coretti was beside himself with impatience. "ah! when i think of it," he said, "i always see him there. of course, there is cholera and there are earthquakes; and in them, too, he bears himself bravely; but i always have him before my mind as i saw him then, among us, with that tranquil face. i am sure that he too recalls the fourth of the forty-ninth, even now that he is king; and that it would give him pleasure to have for once, at a table together, all those whom he saw about him at such moments. now, he has generals, and great gentlemen, and courtiers; then, there was no one but us poor soldiers. if we could only exchange a few words alone! our general of twenty-two; our prince, who was intrusted to our bayonets! i have not seen him for fifteen years. our umberto! that's what he is! ah! that music stirs my blood, on my word of honor." an outburst of shouts interrupted him; thousands of hats rose in the air; four gentlemen dressed in black got into the first carriage. "'tis he!" cried coretti, and stood as though enchanted. then he said softly, "madonna mia, how gray he has grown!" we all three uncovered our heads; the carriage advanced slowly through the crowd, who shouted and waved their hats. i looked at the elder coretti. he seemed to me another man; he seemed to have become taller, graver, rather pale, and fastened bolt upright against the pillar. the carriage arrived in front of us, a pace distant from the pillar. "hurrah!" shouted many voices. "hurrah!" shouted coretti, after the others. the king glanced at his face, and his eye dwelt for a moment on his three medals. then coretti lost his head, and roared, "the fourth battalion of the forty-ninth!" the king, who had turned away, turned towards us again, and looking coretti straight in the eye, reached his hand out of the carriage. coretti gave one leap forwards and clasped it. the carriage passed on; the crowd broke in and separated us; we lost sight of the elder coretti. but it was only for a moment. we found him again directly, panting, with wet eyes, calling for his son by name, and holding his hand on high. his son flew towards him, and he said, "here, little one, while my hand is still warm!" and he passed his hand over the boy's face, saying, "this is a caress from the king." and there he stood, as though in a dream, with his eyes fixed on the distant carriage, smiling, with his pipe in his hand, in the centre of a group of curious people, who were staring at him. "he's one of the fourth battalion of the forty-ninth!" they said. "he is a soldier that knows the king." "and the king recognized him." "and he offered him his hand." "he gave the king a petition," said one, more loudly. "no," replied coretti, whirling round abruptly; "i did not give him any petition. there is something else that i would give him, if he were to ask it of me." they all stared at him. and he said simply, "my blood." the infant asylum. tuesday, th. after breakfast yesterday my mother took me, as she had promised, to the infant asylum in the corso valdocco, in order to recommend to the directress a little sister of precossi. i had never seen an asylum. how much amused i was! there were two hundred of them, boy-babies and girl-babies, and so small that the children in our lower primary schools are men in comparison. we arrived just as they were entering the refectory in two files, where there were two very long tables, with a great many round holes, and in each hole a black bowl filled with rice and beans, and a tin spoon beside it. on entering, some grew confused and remained on the floor until the mistresses ran and picked them up. many halted in front of a bowl, thinking it was their proper place, and had already swallowed a spoonful, when a mistress arrived and said, "go on!" and then they advanced three or four paces and got down another spoonful, and then advanced again, until they reached their own places, after having fraudulently disposed of half a portion. at last, by dint of pushing and crying, "make haste! make haste!" they were all got into order, and the prayer was begun. but all those on the inner line, who had to turn their backs on the bowls for the prayer, twisted their heads round so that they could keep an eye on them, lest some one might meddle; and then they said their prayer thus, with hands clasped and their eyes on the ceiling, but with their hearts on their food. then they set to eating. ah, what a charming sight it was! one ate with two spoons, another with his hands; many picked up the beans one by one, and thrust them into their pockets; others wrapped them tightly in their little aprons, and pounded them to reduce them to a paste. there were even some who did not eat, because they were watching the flies flying, and others coughed and sprinkled a shower of rice all around them. it resembled a poultry-yard. but it was charming. the two rows of babies formed a pretty sight, with their hair all tied on the tops of their heads with red, green, and blue ribbons. one teacher asked a row of eight children, "where does rice grow?" the whole eight opened their mouths wide, filled as they were with the pottage, and replied in concert, in a sing-song, "it grows in the water." then the teacher gave the order, "hands up!" and it was pretty to see all those little arms fly up, which a few months ago were all in swaddling-clothes, and all those little hands flourishing, which looked like so many white and pink butterflies. then they all went to recreation; but first they all took their little baskets, which were hanging on the wall with their lunches in them. they went out into the garden and scattered, drawing forth their provisions as they did so,--bread, stewed plums, a tiny bit of cheese, a hard-boiled egg, little apples, a handful of boiled vetches, or a wing of chicken. in an instant the whole garden was strewn with crumbs, as though they had been scattered from their feed by a flock of birds. they ate in all the queerest ways,--like rabbits, like rats, like cats, nibbling, licking, sucking. there was one child who held a bit of rye bread hugged closely to his breast, and was rubbing it with a medlar, as though he were polishing a sword. some of the little ones crushed in their fists small cheeses, which trickled between their fingers like milk, and ran down inside their sleeves, and they were utterly unconscious of it. they ran and chased each other with apples and rolls in their teeth, like dogs. i saw three of them excavating a hard-boiled egg with a straw, thinking to discover treasures, and they spilled half of it on the ground, and then picked the crumbs up again one by one with great patience, as though they had been pearls. and those who had anything extraordinary were surrounded by eight or ten, who stood staring at the baskets with bent heads, as though they were looking at the moon in a well. there were twenty congregated round a mite of a fellow who had a paper horn of sugar, and they were going through all sorts of ceremonies with him for the privilege of dipping their bread in it, and he accorded it to some, while to others, after many prayers, he only granted his finger to suck. [illustration: "the boys had daubed their hands with resin."--page .] in the meantime, my mother had come into the garden and was caressing now one and now another. many hung about her, and even on her back, begging for a kiss, with faces upturned as though to a third story, and with mouths that opened and shut as though asking for the breast. one offered her the quarter of an orange which had been bitten, another a small crust of bread; one little girl gave her a leaf; another showed her, with all seriousness, the tip of her forefinger, a minute examination of which revealed a microscopic swelling, which had been caused by touching the flame of a candle on the preceding day. they placed before her eyes, as great marvels, very tiny insects, which i cannot understand their being able to see and catch, the halfs of corks, shirt-buttons, and flowerets pulled from the vases. one child, with a bandaged head, who was determined to be heard at any cost, stammered out to her some story about a head-over-heels tumble, not one word of which was intelligible; another insisted that my mother should bend down, and then whispered in her ear, "my father makes brushes." and in the meantime a thousand accidents were happening here and there which caused the teachers to hasten up. children wept because they could not untie a knot in their handkerchiefs; others disputed, with scratches and shrieks, the halves of an apple; one child, who had fallen face downward over a little bench which had been overturned, wept amid the ruins, and could not rise. before her departure my mother took three or four of them in her arms, and they ran up from all quarters to be taken also, their faces smeared with yolk of egg and orange juice; and one caught her hands; another her finger, to look at her ring; another tugged at her watch chain; another tried to seize her by the hair. "take care," the teacher said to her; "they will tear your clothes all to pieces." but my mother cared nothing for her dress, and she continued to kiss them, and they pressed closer and closer to her: those who were nearest, with their arms extended as though they were desirous of climbing; the more distant endeavoring to make their way through the crowd, and all screaming:-- "good by! good by! good by!" at last she succeeded in escaping from the garden. and they all ran and thrust their faces through the railings to see her pass, and to thrust their arms through to greet her, offering her once more bits of bread, bites of apple, cheese-rinds, and all screaming in concert:-- "good by! good by! good by! come back to-morrow! come again!" as my mother made her escape, she passed her hand once more over those hundreds of tiny outstretched hands as over a garland of living roses, and finally arrived safely in the street, covered with crumbs and spots, rumpled and dishevelled, with one hand full of flowers and her eyes swelling with tears, and happy as though she had come from a festival. and inside there was still audible a sound like the twittering of birds, saying:-- "good by! good by! come again, _madama_!" gymnastics. tuesday, th. as the weather continues extremely fine, they have made us pass from chamber gymnastics to gymnastics with apparatus in the garden. garrone was in the head-master's office yesterday when nelli's mother, that blond woman dressed in black, came in to get her son excused from the new exercises. every word cost her an effort; and as she spoke, she held one hand on her son's head. "he is not able to do it," she said to the head-master. but nelli showed much grief at this exclusion from the apparatus, at having this added humiliation imposed upon him. "you will see, mamma," he said, "that i shall do like the rest." his mother gazed at him in silence, with an air of pity and affection. then she remarked, in a hesitating way, "i fear lest his companions--" what she meant to say was, "lest they should make sport of him." but nelli replied:-- "they will not do anything to me--and then, there is garrone. it is sufficient for him to be present, to prevent their laughing." and then he was allowed to come. the teacher with the wound on his neck, who was with garibaldi, led us at once to the vertical bars, which are very high, and we had to climb to the very top, and stand upright on the transverse plank. derossi and coretti went up like monkeys; even little precossi mounted briskly, in spite of the fact that he was embarrassed with that jacket which extends to his knees; and in order to make him laugh while he was climbing, all the boys repeated to him his constant expression, "excuse me! excuse me!" stardi puffed, turned as red as a turkey-cock, and set his teeth until he looked like a mad dog; but he would have reached the top at the expense of bursting, and he actually did get there; and so did nobis, who, when he reached the summit, assumed the attitude of an emperor; but votini slipped back twice, notwithstanding his fine new suit with azure stripes, which had been made expressly for gymnastics. in order to climb the more easily, all the boys had daubed their hands with resin, which they call colophony, and as a matter of course it is that trader of a garoffi who provides every one with it, in a powdered form, selling it at a soldo the paper hornful, and turning a pretty penny. then it was garrone's turn, and up he went, chewing away at his bread as though it were nothing out of the common; and i believe that he would have been capable of carrying one of us up on his shoulders, for he is as muscular and strong as a young bull. after garrone came nelli. no sooner did the boys see him grasp the bars with those long, thin hands of his, than many of them began to laugh and to sing; but garrone crossed his big arms on his breast, and darted round a glance which was so expressive, which so clearly said that he did not mind dealing out half a dozen punches, even in the master's presence, that they all ceased laughing on the instant. nelli began to climb. he tried hard, poor little fellow; his face grew purple, he breathed with difficulty, and the perspiration poured from his brow. the master said, "come down!" but he would not. he strove and persisted. i expected every moment to see him fall headlong, half dead. poor nelli! i thought, what if i had been like him, and my mother had seen me! how she would have suffered, poor mother! and as i thought of that i felt so tenderly towards nelli that i could have given, i know not what, to be able, for the sake of having him climb those bars, to give him a push from below without being seen. meanwhile garrone, derossi, and coretti were saying: "up with you, nelli, up with you!" "try--one effort more--courage!" and nelli made one more violent effort, uttering a groan as he did so, and found himself within two spans of the plank. "bravo!" shouted the others. "courage--one dash more!" and behold nelli clinging to the plank. all clapped their hands. "bravo!" said the master. "but that will do now. come down." but nelli wished to ascend to the top like the rest, and after a little exertion he succeeded in getting his elbows on the plank, then his knees, then his feet; at last he stood upright, panting and smiling, and gazed at us. we began to clap again, and then he looked into the street. i turned in that direction, and through the plants which cover the iron railing of the garden i caught sight of his mother, passing along the sidewalk without daring to look. nelli descended, and we all made much of him. he was excited and rosy, his eyes sparkled, and he no longer seemed like the same boy. then, at the close of school, when his mother came to meet him, and inquired with some anxiety, as she embraced him, "well, my poor son, how did it go? how did it go?" all his comrades replied, in concert, "he did well--he climbed like the rest of us--he's strong, you know--he's active--he does exactly like the others." and then the joy of that woman was a sight to see. she tried to thank us, and could not; she shook hands with three or four, bestowed a caress on garrone, and carried off her son; and we watched them for a while, walking in haste, and talking and gesticulating, both perfectly happy, as though no one were looking at them. my father's teacher. tuesday, th. what a beautiful excursion i took yesterday with my father! this is the way it came about. day before yesterday, at dinner, as my father was reading the newspaper, he suddenly uttered an exclamation of astonishment. then he said:-- "and i thought him dead twenty years ago! do you know that my old first elementary teacher, vincenzo crosetti, is eighty-four years old? i see here that the minister has conferred on him the medal of merit for sixty years of teaching. six-ty ye-ars, you understand! and it is only two years since he stopped teaching school. poor crosetti! he lives an hour's journey from here by rail, at condove, in the country of our old gardener's wife, of the town of chieri." and he added, "enrico, we will go and see him." and the whole evening he talked of nothing but him. the name of his primary teacher recalled to his mind a thousand things which had happened when he was a boy, his early companions, his dead mother. "crosetti!" he exclaimed. "he was forty when i was with him. i seem to see him now. he was a small man, somewhat bent even then, with bright eyes, and always cleanly shaved. severe, but in a good way; for he loved us like a father, and forgave us more than one offence. he had risen from the condition of a peasant by dint of study and privations. he was a fine man. my mother was attached to him, and my father treated him like a friend. how comes it that he has gone to end his days at condove, near turin? he certainly will not recognize me. never mind; i shall recognize him. forty-four years have elapsed,--forty-four years, enrico! and we will go to see him to-morrow." and yesterday morning, at nine o'clock, we were at the susa railway station. i should have liked to have garrone come too; but he could not, because his mother is ill. it was a beautiful spring day. the train ran through green fields and hedgerows in blossom, and the air we breathed was perfumed. my father was delighted, and every little while he would put his arm round my neck and talk to me like a friend, as he gazed out over the country. "poor crosetti!" he said; "he was the first man, after my father, to love me and do me good. i have never forgotten certain of his good counsels, and also certain sharp reprimands which caused me to return home with a lump in my throat. his hands were large and stubby. i can see him now, as he used to enter the schoolroom, place his cane in a corner and hang his coat on the peg, always with the same gesture. and every day he was in the same humor,--always conscientious, full of good will, and attentive, as though each day he were teaching school for the first time. i remember him as well as though i heard him now when he called to me: 'bottini! eh, bottini! the fore and middle fingers on that pen!' he must have changed greatly in these four and forty years." as soon as we reached condove, we went in search of our old gardener's wife of chieri, who keeps a stall in an alley. we found her with her boys: she made much of us and gave us news of her husband, who is soon to return from greece, where he has been working these three years; and of her eldest daughter, who is in the deaf-mute institute in turin. then she pointed out to us the street which led to the teacher's house,--for every one knows him. we left the town, and turned into a steep lane flanked by blossoming hedges. my father no longer talked, but appeared entirely absorbed in his reminiscences; and every now and then he smiled, and then shook his head. suddenly he halted and said: "here he is. i will wager that this is he." down the lane towards us a little old man with a white beard and a large hat was descending, leaning on a cane. he dragged his feet along, and his hands trembled. "it is he!" repeated my father, hastening his steps. when we were close to him, we stopped. the old man stopped also and looked at my father. his face was still fresh colored, and his eyes were clear and vivacious. "are you," asked my father, raising his hat, "vincenzo crosetti, the schoolmaster?" the old man raised his hat also, and replied: "i am," in a voice that was somewhat tremulous, but full. "well, then," said my father, taking one of his hands, "permit one of your old scholars to shake your hand and to inquire how you are. i have come from turin to see you." the old man stared at him in amazement. then he said: "you do me too much honor. i do not know--when were you my scholar? excuse me; your name, if you please." my father mentioned his name, alberto bottini, and the year in which he had attended school, and where, and he added: "it is natural that you should not remember me. but i recollect you so perfectly!" the master bent his head and gazed at the ground in thought, and muttered my father's name three or four times; the latter, meanwhile, observed him with intent and smiling eyes. all at once the old man raised his face, with his eyes opened widely, and said slowly: "alberto bottini? the son of bottini, the engineer? the one who lived in the piazza della consolata?" "the same," replied my father, extending his hands. "then," said the old man, "permit me, my dear sir, permit me"; and advancing, he embraced my father: his white head hardly reached the latter's shoulder. my father pressed his cheek to the other's brow. "have the goodness to come with me," said the teacher. and without speaking further he turned about and took the road to his dwelling. in a few minutes we arrived at a garden plot in front of a tiny house with two doors, round one of which there was a fragment of whitewashed wall. the teacher opened the second and ushered us into a room. there were four white walls: in one corner a cot bed with a blue and white checked coverlet; in another, a small table with a little library; four chairs, and one ancient geographical map nailed to the wall. a pleasant odor of apples was perceptible. we seated ourselves, all three. my father and his teacher remained silent for several minutes. "bottini!" exclaimed the master at length, fixing his eyes on the brick floor where the sunlight formed a checker-board. "oh! i remember well! your mother was such a good woman! for a while, during your first year, you sat on a bench to the left near the window. let us see whether i do not recall it. i can still see your curly head." then he thought for a while longer. "you were a lively lad, eh? very. the second year you had an attack of croup. i remember when they brought you back to school, emaciated and wrapped up in a shawl. forty years have elapsed since then, have they not? you are very kind to remember your poor teacher. and do you know, others of my old pupils have come hither in years gone by to seek me out: there was a colonel, and there were some priests, and several gentlemen." he asked my father what his profession was. then he said, "i am glad, heartily glad. i thank you. it is quite a while now since i have seen any one. i very much fear that you will be the last, my dear sir." "don't say that," exclaimed my father. "you are well and still vigorous. you must not say that." "eh, no!" replied the master; "do you see this trembling?" and he showed us his hands. "this is a bad sign. it seized on me three years ago, while i was still teaching school. at first i paid no attention to it; i thought it would pass off. but instead of that, it stayed and kept on increasing. a day came when i could no longer write. ah! that day on which i, for the first time, made a blot on the copy-book of one of my scholars was a stab in the heart for me, my dear sir. i did drag on for a while longer; but i was at the end of my strength. after sixty years of teaching i was forced to bid farewell to my school, to my scholars, to work. and it was hard, you understand, hard. the last time that i gave a lesson, all the scholars accompanied me home, and made much of me; but i was sad; i understood that my life was finished. i had lost my wife the year before, and my only son. i had only two peasant grandchildren left. now i am living on a pension of a few hundred lire. i no longer do anything; it seems to me as though the days would never come to an end. my only occupation, you see, is to turn over my old schoolbooks, my scholastic journals, and a few volumes that have been given to me. there they are," he said, indicating his little library; "there are my reminiscences, my whole past; i have nothing else remaining to me in the world." then in a tone that was suddenly joyous, "i want to give you a surprise, my dear signor bottini." he rose, and approaching his desk, he opened a long casket which contained numerous little parcels, all tied up with a slender cord, and on each was written a date in four figures. after a little search, he opened one, turned over several papers, drew forth a yellowed sheet, and handed it to my father. it was some of his school work of forty years before. at the top was written, _alberto bottini, dictation, april , _. my father instantly recognized his own large, schoolboy hand, and began to read it with a smile. but all at once his eyes grew moist. i rose and inquired the cause. he threw one arm around my body, and pressing me to his side, he said: "look at this sheet of paper. do you see? these are the corrections made by my poor mother. she always strengthened my _l_'s and my _t_'s. and the last lines are entirely hers. she had learned to imitate my characters; and when i was tired and sleepy, she finished my work for me. my sainted mother!" and he kissed the page. "see here," said the teacher, showing him the other packages; "these are my reminiscences. each year i laid aside one piece of work of each of my pupils; and they are all here, dated and arranged in order. every time that i open them thus, and read a line here and there, a thousand things recur to my mind, and i seem to be living once more in the days that are past. how many of them have passed, my dear sir! i close my eyes, and i see behind me face after face, class after class, hundreds and hundreds of boys, and who knows how many of them are already dead! many of them i remember well. i recall distinctly the best and the worst: those who gave me the greatest pleasure, and those who caused me to pass sorrowful moments; for i have had serpents, too, among that vast number! but now, you understand, it is as though i were already in the other world, and i love them all equally." he sat down again, and took one of my hands in his. "and tell me," my father said, with a smile, "do you not recall any roguish tricks?" "of yours, sir?" replied the old man, also with a smile. "no; not just at this moment. but that does not in the least mean that you never played any. however, you had good judgment; you were serious for your age. i remember the great affection of your mother for you. but it is very kind and polite of you to have come to seek me out. how could you leave your occupations, to come and see a poor old schoolmaster?" "listen, signor crosetti," responded my father with vivacity. "i recollect the first time that my poor mother accompanied me to school. it was to be her first parting from me for two hours; of letting me out of the house alone, in other hands than my father's; in the hands of a stranger, in short. to this good creature my entrance into school was like my entrance into the world, the first of a long series of necessary and painful separations; it was society which was tearing her son from her for the first time, never again to return him to her intact. she was much affected; so was i. i bade her farewell with a trembling voice, and then, as she went away, i saluted her once more through the glass in the door, with my eyes full of tears. and just at that point you made a gesture with one hand, laying the other on your breast, as though to say, 'trust me, signora.' well, the gesture, the glance, from which i perceived that you had comprehended all the sentiments, all the thoughts of my mother; that look which seemed to say, 'courage!' that gesture which was an honest promise of protection, of affection, of indulgence, i have never forgotten; it has remained forever engraved on my heart; and it is that memory which induced me to set out from turin. and here i am, after the lapse of four and forty years, for the purpose of saying to you, 'thanks, dear teacher.'" the master did not reply; he stroked my hair with his hand, and his hand trembled, and glided from my hair to my forehead, from my forehead to my shoulder. in the meanwhile, my father was surveying those bare walls, that wretched bed, the morsel of bread and the little phial of oil which lay on the window-sill, and he seemed desirous of saying, "poor master! after sixty years of teaching, is this all thy recompense?" but the good old man was content, and began once more to talk with vivacity of our family, of the other teachers of that day, and of my father's schoolmates; some of them he remembered, and some of them he did not; and each told the other news of this one or of that one. when my father interrupted the conversation, to beg the old man to come down into the town and lunch with us, he replied effusively, "i thank you, i thank you," but he seemed undecided. my father took him by both hands, and besought him afresh. "but how shall i manage to eat," said the master, "with these poor hands which shake in this way? it is a penance for others also." "we will help you, master," said my father. and then he accepted, as he shook his head and smiled. "this is a beautiful day," he said, as he closed the outer door, "a beautiful day, dear signor bottini! i assure you that i shall remember it as long as i live." my father gave one arm to the master, and the latter took me by the hand, and we descended the lane. we met two little barefooted girls leading some cows, and a boy who passed us on a run, with a huge load of straw on his shoulders. the master told us that they were scholars of the second grade; that in the morning they led the cattle to pasture, and worked in the fields barefoot; and in the afternoon they put on their shoes and went to school. it was nearly mid-day. we encountered no one else. in a few minutes we reached the inn, seated ourselves at a large table, with the master between us, and began our breakfast at once. the inn was as silent as a convent. the master was very merry, and his excitement augmented his palsy: he could hardly eat. but my father cut up his meat, broke his bread, and put salt on his plate. in order to drink, he was obliged to hold the glass with both hands, and even then he struck his teeth. but he talked constantly, and with ardor, of the reading-books of his young days; of the notaries of the present day; of the commendations bestowed on him by his superiors; of the regulations of late years: and all with that serene countenance, a trifle redder than at first, and with that gay voice of his, and that laugh which was almost the laugh of a young man. and my father gazed and gazed at him, with that same expression with which i sometimes catch him gazing at me, at home, when he is thinking and smiling to himself, with his face turned aside. the teacher allowed some wine to trickle down on his breast; my father rose, and wiped it off with his napkin. "no, sir; i cannot permit this," the old man said, and smiled. he said some words in latin. and, finally, he raised his glass, which wavered about in his hand, and said very gravely, "to your health, my dear engineer, to that of your children, to the memory of your good mother!" "to yours, my good master!" replied my father, pressing his hand. and at the end of the room stood the innkeeper and several others, watching us, and smiling as though they were pleased at this attention which was being shown to the teacher from their parts. at a little after two o'clock we came out, and the master wanted to escort us to the station. my father gave him his arm once more, and he again took me by the hand: i carried his cane for him. the people paused to look on, for they all knew him: some saluted him. at one point in the street we heard, through an open window, many boys' voices, reading together, and spelling. the old man halted, and seemed to be saddened by it. "this, my dear signor bottini," he said, "is what pains me. to hear the voices of boys in school, and not be there any more; to think that another man is there. i have heard that music for sixty years, and i have grown to love it. now i am deprived of my family. i have no sons." "no, master," my father said to him, starting on again; "you still have many sons, scattered about the world, who remember you, as i have always remembered you." "no, no," replied the master sadly; "i have no longer a school; i have no longer any sons. and without sons, i shall not live much longer. my hour will soon strike." "do not say that, master; do not think it," said my father. "you have done so much good in every way! you have put your life to such a noble use!" the aged master inclined his hoary head for an instant on my father's shoulder, and pressed my hand. we entered the station. the train was on the point of starting. "farewell, master!" said my father, kissing him on both cheeks. "farewell! thanks! farewell!" replied the master, taking one of my father's hands in his two trembling hands, and pressing it to his heart. then i kissed him and felt that his face was bathed in tears. my father pushed me into the railway carriage, and at the moment of starting he quickly removed the coarse cane from the schoolmaster's hand, and in its place he put his own handsome one, with a silver handle and his initials, saying, "keep it in memory of me." the old man tried to return it and to recover his own; but my father was already inside and had closed the door. "farewell, my kind master!" "farewell, my son!" responded the master as the train moved off; "and may god bless you for the consolation which you have afforded to a poor old man!" "until we meet again!" cried my father, in a voice full of emotion. but the master shook his head, as much as to say, "we shall never see each other more." "yes, yes," repeated my father, "until we meet again!" and the other replied by raising his trembling hand to heaven, "up there!" and thus he disappeared from our sight, with his hand on high. convalescence. thursday, th. who could have told me, when i returned from that delightful excursion with my father, that for ten days i should not see the country or the sky again? i have been very ill--in danger of my life. i have heard my mother sobbing--i have seen my father very, very pale, gazing intently at me; and my sister silvia and my brother talking in a low voice; and the doctor, with his spectacles, who was there every moment, and who said things to me that i did not understand. in truth, i have been on the verge of saying a final farewell to every one. ah, my poor mother! i passed three or four days at least, of which i recollect almost nothing, as though i had been in a dark and perplexing dream. i thought i beheld at my bedside my kind schoolmistress of the upper primary, who was trying to stifle her cough in her handkerchief in order not to disturb me. in the same manner i confusedly recall my master, who bent over to kiss me, and who pricked my face a little with his beard; and i saw, as in a mist, the red head of crossi, the golden curls of derossi, the calabrian clad in black, all pass by, and garrone, who brought me a mandarin orange with its leaves, and ran away in haste because his mother is ill. then i awoke as from a very long dream, and understood that i was better from seeing my father and mother smiling, and hearing silvia singing softly. oh, what a sad dream it was! then i began to improve every day. the little mason came and made me laugh once more for the first time, with his hare's face; and how well he does it, now that his face is somewhat elongated through illness, poor fellow! and coretti came; and garoffi came to present me with two tickets in his new lottery of "a penknife with five surprises," which he purchased of a second-hand dealer in the via bertola. then, yesterday, while i was asleep, precossi came and laid his cheek on my hand without waking me; and as he came from his father's workshop, with his face covered with coal dust, he left a black print on my sleeve, the sight of which caused me great pleasure when i awoke. how green the trees have become in these few days! and how i envy the boys whom i see running to school with their books when my father carries me to the window! but i shall go back there soon myself. i am so impatient to see all the boys once more, and my seat, the garden, the streets; to know all that has taken place during the interval; to apply myself to my books again, and to my copy-books, which i seem not to have seen for a year! how pale and thin my poor mother has grown! poor father! how weary he looks! and my kind companions who came to see me and walked on tiptoe and kissed my brow! it makes me sad, even now, to think that one day we must part. perhaps i shall continue my studies with derossi and with some others; but how about all the rest? when the fourth grade is once finished, then good by! we shall never see each other again: i shall never see them again at my bedside when i am ill,--garrone, precossi, coretti, who are such fine boys and kind and dear comrades,--never more! friends among the workingmen. thursday, th. why "never more," enrico? that will depend on yourself. when you have finished the fourth grade, you will go to the gymnasium, and they will become workingmen; but you will remain in the same city for many years, perhaps. why, then, will you never meet again? when you are in the university or the lyceum, you will seek them out in their shops or their workrooms, and it will be a great pleasure for you to meet the companions of your youth once more, as men at work. i should like to see you neglecting to look up coretti or precossi, wherever they may be! and you will go to them, and you will pass hours in their company, and you will see, when you come to study life and the world, how many things you can learn from them, which no one else is capable of teaching you, both about their arts and their society and your own country. and have a care; for if you do not preserve these friendships, it will be extremely difficult for you to acquire other similar ones in the future,--friendships, i mean to say, outside of the class to which you belong; and thus you will live in one class only; and the man who associates with but one social class is like the student who reads but one book. let it be your firm resolve, then, from this day forth, that you will keep these good friends even after you shall be separated, and from this time forth, cultivate precisely these by preference because they are the sons of workingmen. you see, men of the upper classes are the officers, and men of the lower classes are the soldiers of toil; and thus in society as in the army, not only is the soldier no less noble than the officer, since nobility consists in work and not in wages, in valor and not in rank; but if there is also a superiority of merit, it is on the side of the soldier, of the workmen, who draw the lesser profit from the work. therefore love and respect above all others, among your companions, the sons of the soldiers of labor; honor in them the toil and the sacrifices of their parents; disregard the differences of fortune and of class, upon which the base alone regulate their sentiments and courtesy; reflect that from the veins of laborers in the shops and in the country issued nearly all that blessed blood which has redeemed your country; love garrone, love coretti, love precossi, love your little mason, who, in their little workingmen's breasts, possess the hearts of princes; and take an oath to yourself that no change of fortune shall ever eradicate these friendships of childhood from your soul. swear to yourself that forty years hence, if, while passing through a railway station, you recognize your old garrone in the garments of an engineer, with a black face,--ah! i cannot think what to tell you to swear. i am sure that you will jump upon the engine and fling your arms round his neck, though you were even a senator of the kingdom. thy father. garrone's mother. saturday, th. on my return to school, the first thing i heard was some bad news. garrone had not been there for several days because his mother was seriously ill. she died on saturday. yesterday morning, as soon as we came into school, the teacher said to us:-- "the greatest misfortune that can happen to a boy has happened to poor garrone: his mother is dead. he will return to school to-morrow. i beseech you now, boys, respect the terrible sorrow that is now rending his soul. when he enters, greet him with affection, and gravely; let no one jest, let no one laugh at him, i beg of you." and this morning poor garrone came in, a little later than the rest; i felt a blow at my heart at the sight of him. his face was haggard, his eyes were red, and he was unsteady on his feet; it seemed as though he had been ill for a month. i hardly recognized him; he was dressed all in black; he aroused our pity. no one even breathed; all gazed at him. no sooner had he entered than at the first sight of that schoolroom whither his mother had come to get him nearly every day, of that bench over which she had bent on so many examination days to give him a last bit of advice, and where he had so many times thought of her, in his impatience to run out and meet her, he burst into a desperate fit of weeping. the teacher drew him aside to his own place, and pressed him to his breast, and said to him:-- "weep, weep, my poor boy; but take courage. your mother is no longer here; but she sees you, she still loves you, she still lives by your side, and one day you will behold her once again, for you have a good and upright soul like her own. take courage!" having said this, he accompanied him to the bench near me. i dared not look at him. he drew out his copy-books and his books, which he had not opened for many days, and as he opened the reading-book at a place where there was a cut representing a mother leading her son by the hand, he burst out crying again, and laid his head on his arm. the master made us a sign to leave him thus, and began the lesson. i should have liked to say something to him, but i did not know what. i laid one hand on his arm, and whispered in his ear:-- "don't cry, garrone." he made no reply, and without raising his head from the bench he laid his hand on mine and kept it there a while. at the close of school, no one addressed him; all the boys hovered round him respectfully, and in silence. i saw my mother waiting for me, and ran to embrace her; but she repulsed me, and gazed at garrone. for the moment i could not understand why; but then i perceived that garrone was standing apart by himself and gazing at me; and he was gazing at me with a look of indescribable sadness, which seemed to say: "you are embracing your mother, and i shall never embrace mine again! you have still a mother, and mine is dead!" and then i understood why my mother had thrust me back, and i went out without taking her hand. giuseppe mazzini. saturday, th. this morning, also, garrone came to school with a pale face and his eyes swollen with weeping, and he hardly cast a glance at the little gifts which we had placed on his desk to console him. but the teacher had brought a page from a book to read to him in order to encourage him. he first informed us that we are to go to-morrow at one o'clock to the town-hall to witness the award of the medal for civic valor to a boy who has saved a little child from the po, and that on monday he will dictate the description of the festival to us instead of the monthly story. then turning to garrone, who was standing with drooping head, he said to him:-- "make an effort, garrone, and write down what i dictate to you as well as the rest." we all took our pens, and the teacher dictated. "giuseppe mazzini, born in genoa in , died in pisa in , a grand, patriotic soul, the mind of a great writer, the first inspirer and apostle of the italian revolution; who, out of love for his country, lived for forty years poor, exiled, persecuted, a fugitive heroically steadfast in his principles and in his resolutions. giuseppe mazzini, who adored his mother, and who derived from her all that there was noblest and purest in her strong and gentle soul, wrote as follows to a faithful friend of his, to console him in the greatest of misfortunes. these are almost his exact words:-- "'my friend, thou wilt never more behold thy mother on this earth. that is the terrible truth. i do not attempt to see thee, because thine is one of those solemn and sacred sorrows which each must suffer and conquer for himself. dost thou understand what i mean to convey by these words, _it is necessary to conquer sorrow_--to conquer the least sacred, the least purifying part of sorrow, that which, instead of rendering the soul better, weakens and debases it? but the other part of sorrow, the noble part--that which enlarges and elevates the soul--that must remain with thee and never leave thee more. nothing here below can take the place of a good mother. in the griefs, in the consolations which life may still bring to thee, thou wilt never forget her. but thou must recall her, love her, mourn her death, in a manner which is worthy of her. o my friend, hearken to me! death exists not; it is nothing. it cannot even be understood. life is life, and it follows the law of life--progress. yesterday thou hadst a mother on earth; to-day thou hast an angel elsewhere. all that is good will survive the life of earth with increased power. hence, also, the love of thy mother. she loves thee now more than ever. and thou art responsible for thy actions to her more, even, than before. it depends upon thee, upon thy actions, to meet her once more, to see her in another existence. thou must, therefore, out of love and reverence for thy mother, grow better and cause her joy for thee. henceforth thou must say to thyself at every act of thine, "would my mother approve this?" her transformation has placed a guardian angel in the world for thee, to whom thou must refer in all thy affairs, in everything that pertains to thee. be strong and brave; fight against desperate and vulgar grief; have the tranquillity of great suffering in great souls; and that it is what she would have.'" "garrone," added the teacher, "_be strong and tranquil, for that is what she would have_. do you understand?" garrone nodded assent, while great and fast-flowing tears streamed over his hands, his copy-book, and his desk. civic valor. (_monthly story._) at one o'clock we went with our schoolmaster to the front of the town-hall, to see the medal for civic valor bestowed on the lad who saved one of his comrades from the po. on the front terrace waved a huge tricolored flag. we entered the courtyard of the palace. it was already full of people. at the further end of it there was visible a table with a red cover, and papers on it, and behind it a row of gilded chairs for the mayor and the council; the ushers of the municipality were there, with their under-waistcoats of sky-blue and their white stockings. to the right of the courtyard a detachment of policemen, who had a great many medals, was drawn up in line; and beside them a detachment of custom-house officers; on the other side were the firemen in festive array; and numerous soldiers not in line, who had come to look on,--cavalrymen, sharpshooters, artillery-men. then all around were gentlemen, country people, and some officers and women and boys who had assembled. we crowded into a corner where many scholars from other buildings were already collected with their teachers; and near us was a group of boys belonging to the common people, between ten and eighteen years of age, who were talking and laughing loudly; and we made out that they were all from borgo po, comrades or acquaintances of the boy who was to receive the medal. above, all the windows were thronged with the employees of the city government; the balcony of the library was also filled with people, who pressed against the balustrade; and in the one on the opposite side, which is over the entrance gate, stood a crowd of girls from the public schools, and many _daughters of military men_, with their pretty blue veils. it looked like a theatre. all were talking merrily, glancing every now and then at the red table, to see whether any one had made his appearance. a band of music was playing softly at the extremity of the portico. the sun beat down on the lofty walls. it was beautiful. all at once every one began to clap their hands, from the courtyard, from the balconies, from the windows. i raised myself on tiptoe to look. the crowd which stood behind the red table had parted, and a man and woman had come forward. the man was leading a boy by the hand. this was the lad who had saved his comrade. the man was his father, a mason, dressed in his best. the woman, his mother, small and blond, had on a black gown. the boy, also small and blond, had on a gray jacket. at the sight of all those people, and at the sound of that thunder of applause, all three stood still, not daring to look nor to move. a municipal usher pushed them along to the side of the table on the right. all remained quiet for a moment, and then once more the applause broke out on all sides. the boy glanced up at the windows, and then at the balcony with the _daughters of military men_; he held his cap in his hand, and did not seem to understand very thoroughly where he was. it struck me that he looked a little like coretti, in the face; but he was redder. his father and mother kept their eyes fixed on the table. in the meantime, all the boys from borgo po who were near us were making motions to their comrade, to attract his attention, and hailing him in a low tone: _pin! pin! pinot!_ by dint of calling they made themselves heard. the boy glanced at them, and hid his smile behind his cap. at a certain moment the guards put themselves in the attitude of _attention_. the mayor entered, accompanied by numerous gentlemen. the mayor, all white, with a big tricolored scarf, placed himself beside the table, standing; all the others took their places behind and beside him. the band ceased playing; the mayor made a sign, and every one kept quiet. he began to speak. i did not understand the first words perfectly; but i gathered that he was telling the story of the boy's feat. then he raised his voice, and it rang out so clear and sonorous through the whole court, that i did not lose another word: "when he saw, from the shore, his comrade struggling in the river, already overcome with the fear of death, he tore the clothes from his back, and hastened to his assistance, without hesitating an instant. they shouted to him, 'you will be drowned!'--he made no reply; they caught hold of him--he freed himself; they called him by name--he was already in the water. the river was swollen; the risk terrible, even for a man. but he flung himself to meet death with all the strength of his little body and of his great heart; he reached the unfortunate fellow and seized him just in time, when he was already under water, and dragged him to the surface; he fought furiously with the waves, which strove to overwhelm him, with his companion who tried to cling to him; and several times he disappeared beneath the water, and rose again with a desperate effort; obstinate, invincible in his purpose, not like a boy who was trying to save another boy, but like a man, like a father who is struggling to save his son, who is his hope and his life. in short, god did not permit so generous a prowess to be displayed in vain. the child swimmer tore the victim from the gigantic river, and brought him to land, and with the assistance of others, rendered him his first succor; after which he returned home quietly and alone, and ingenuously narrated his deed. "gentlemen, beautiful, and worthy of veneration is heroism in a man! but in a child, in whom there can be no prompting of ambition or of profit whatever; in a child, who must have all the more ardor in proportion as he has less strength; in a child, from whom we require nothing, who is bound to nothing, who already appears to us so noble and lovable, not when he acts, but when he merely understands, and is grateful for the sacrifices of others;--in a child, heroism is divine! i will say nothing more, gentlemen. i do not care to deck, with superfluous praises, such simple grandeur. here before you stands the noble and valorous rescuer. soldier, greet him as a brother; mothers, bless him like a son; children, remember his name, engrave on your minds his visage, that it may nevermore be erased from your memories and from your hearts. approach, my boy. in the name of the king of italy, i give you the medal for civic valor." an extremely loud hurrah, uttered at the same moment by many voices, made the palace ring. the mayor took the medal from the table, and fastened it on the boy's breast. then he embraced and kissed him. the mother placed one hand over her eyes; the father held his chin on his breast. the mayor shook hands with both; and taking the decree of decoration, which was bound with a ribbon, he handed it to the woman. then he turned to the boy again, and said: "may the memory of this day, which is such a glorious one for you, such a happy one for your father and mother, keep you all your life in the path of virtue and honor! farewell!" the mayor withdrew, the band struck up, and everything seemed to be at an end, when the detachment of firemen opened, and a lad of eight or nine years, pushed forwards by a woman who instantly concealed herself, rushed towards the boy with the decoration, and flung himself in his arms. another outburst of hurrahs and applause made the courtyard echo; every one had instantly understood that this was the boy who had been saved from the po, and who had come to thank his rescuer. after kissing him, he clung to one arm, in order to accompany him out. these two, with the father and mother following behind, took their way towards the door, making a path with difficulty among the people who formed in line to let them pass,--policemen, boys, soldiers, women, all mingled together in confusion. all pressed forwards and raised on tiptoe to see the boy. those who stood near him as he passed, touched his hand. when he passed before the schoolboys, they all waved their caps in the air. those from borgo po made a great uproar, pulling him by the arms and by his jacket and shouting. "_pin! hurrah for pin! bravo, pinot!_" i saw him pass very close to me. his face was all aflame and happy; his medal had a red, white, and green ribbon. his mother was crying and smiling; his father was twirling his mustache with one hand, which trembled violently, as though he had a fever. and from the windows and the balconies the people continued to lean out and applaud. all at once, when they were on the point of entering the portico, there descended from the balcony of the _daughters of military men_ a veritable shower of pansies, of bunches of violets and daisies, which fell upon the head of the boy, and of his father and mother, and scattered over the ground. many people stooped to pick them up and hand them to the mother. and the band at the further end of the courtyard played, very, very softly, a most entrancing air, which seemed like a song by a great many silver voices fading slowly into the distance on the banks of a river. may. children with the rickets. friday, th. to-day i took a vacation, because i was not well, and my mother took me to the institution for children with the rickets, whither she went to recommend a child belonging to our porter; but she did not allow me to go into the school. you did not understand, enrico, why i did not permit you to enter? in order not to place before the eyes of those unfortunates, there in the midst of the school, as though on exhibition, a healthy, robust boy: they have already but too many opportunities for making melancholy comparisons. what a sad thing! tears rushed from my heart when i entered. there were sixty of them, boys and girls. poor tortured bones! poor hands, poor little shrivelled and distorted feet! poor little deformed bodies! i instantly perceived many charming faces, with eyes full of intelligence and affection. there was one little child's face with a pointed nose and a sharp chin, which seemed to belong to an old woman; but it wore a smile of celestial sweetness. some, viewed from the front, are handsome, and appear to be without defects: but when they turn round--they cast a weight upon your soul. the doctor was there, visiting them. he set them upright on their benches and pulled up their little garments, to feel their little swollen stomachs and enlarged joints; but they felt not the least shame, poor creatures! it was evident that they were children who were used to being undressed, examined, turned round on all sides. and to think that they are now in the best stage of their malady, when they hardly suffer at all any more! but who can say what they suffered during the first stage, while their bodies were undergoing the process of deformation, when with the increase of their infirmity, they saw affection decrease around them, poor children! saw themselves left alone for hour after hour in a corner of the room or the courtyard, badly nourished, and at times scoffed at, or tormented for months by bandages and by useless orthopedic apparatus! now, however, thanks to care and good food and gymnastic exercises, many are improving. their schoolmistress makes them practise gymnastics. it was a pitiful sight to see them, at a certain command, extend all those bandaged legs under the benches, squeezed as they were between splints, knotty and deformed; legs which should have been covered with kisses! some could not rise from the bench, and remained there, with their heads resting on their arms, caressing their crutches with their hands; others, on making the thrust with their arms, felt their breath fail them, and fell back on their seats, all pale; but they smiled to conceal their panting. ah, enrico! you other children do not prize your good health, and it seems to you so small a thing to be well! i thought of the strong and thriving lads, whom their mothers carry about in triumph, proud of their beauty; and i could have clasped all those poor little heads, i could have pressed them to my heart, in despair; i could have said, had i been alone, "i will never stir from here again; i wish to consecrate my life to you, to serve you, to be a mother to you all, to my last day." and in the meantime, they sang; sang in peculiar, thin, sweet, sad voices, which penetrated the soul; and when their teacher praised them, they looked happy; and as she passed among the benches, they kissed her hands and wrists; for they are very grateful for what is done for them, and very affectionate. and these little angels have good minds, and study well, the teacher told me. the teacher is young and gentle, with a face full of kindness, a certain expression of sadness, like a reflection of the misfortunes which she caresses and comforts. the dear girl! among all the human creatures who earn their livelihood by toil, there is not one who earns it more holily than thou, my daughter! thy mother. sacrifice. tuesday, th. my mother is good, and my sister silvia is like her, and has a large and noble heart. yesterday evening i was copying a part of the monthly story, _from the apennines to the andes_,--which the teacher has distributed among us all in small portions to copy, because it is so long,--when silvia entered on tiptoe, and said to me hastily, and in a low voice: "come to mamma with me. i heard them talking together this morning: some affair has gone wrong with papa, and he was sad; mamma was encouraging him: we are in difficulties--do you understand? we have no more money. papa said that it would be necessary to make some sacrifices in order to recover himself. now we must make sacrifices, too, must we not? are you ready to do it? well, i will speak to mamma, and do you nod assent, and promise her on your honor that you will do everything that i shall say." having said this, she took me by the hand and led me to our mother, who was sewing, absorbed in thought. i sat down on one end of the sofa, silvia on the other, and she immediately said:-- "listen, mamma, i have something to say to you. both of us have something to say to you." mamma stared at us in surprise, and silvia began:-- "papa has no money, has he?" "what are you saying?" replied mamma, turning crimson. "has he not indeed! what do you know about it? who has told you?" "i know it," said silvia, resolutely. "well, then, listen, mamma; we must make some sacrifices, too. you promised me a fan at the end of may, and enrico expected his box of paints; we don't want anything now; we don't want to waste a soldo; we shall be just as well pleased--you understand?" mamma tried to speak; but silvia said: "no; it must be thus. we have decided. and until papa has money again, we don't want any fruit or anything else; broth will be enough for us, and we will eat bread in the morning for breakfast: thus we shall spend less on the table, for we already spend too much; and we promise you that you will always find us perfectly contented. is it not so, enrico?" i replied that it was. "always perfectly contented," repeated silvia, closing mamma's mouth with one hand. "and if there are any other sacrifices to be made, either in the matter of clothing or anything else, we will make them gladly; and we will even sell our presents; i will give up all my things, i will serve you as your maid, we will not have anything done out of the house any more, i will work all day long with you, i will do everything you wish, i am ready for anything! for anything!" she exclaimed, throwing her arms around my mother's neck, "if papa and mamma can only be saved further troubles, if i can only behold you both once more at ease, and in good spirits, as in former days, between your silvia and your enrico, who love you so dearly, who would give their lives for you!" ah! i have never seen my mother so happy as she was on hearing these words; she never before kissed us on the brow in that way, weeping and laughing, and incapable of speech. and then she assured silvia that she had not understood rightly; that we were not in the least reduced in circumstances, as she imagined; and she thanked us a hundred times, and was cheerful all the evening, until my father came in, when she told him all about it. he did not open his mouth, poor father! but this morning, as we sat at the table, i felt at once both a great pleasure and a great sadness: under my napkin i found my box of colors, and under hers, silvia found her fan. the fire. thursday, th. this morning i had finished copying my share of the story, _from the apennines to the andes_, and was seeking for a theme for the independent composition which the teacher had assigned us to write, when i heard an unusual talking on the stairs, and shortly after two firemen entered the house, and asked permission of my father to inspect the stoves and chimneys, because a smoke-pipe was on fire on the roof, and they could not tell to whom it belonged. my father said, "pray do so." and although we had no fire burning anywhere, they began to make the round of our apartments, and to lay their ears to the walls, to hear if the fire was roaring in the flues which run up to the other floors of the house. and while they were going through the rooms, my father said to me, "here is a theme for your composition, enrico,--the firemen. try to write down what i am about to tell you. "i saw them at work two years ago, one evening, when i was coming out of the balbo theatre late at night. on entering the via roma, i saw an unusual light, and a crowd of people collecting. a house was on fire. tongues of flame and clouds of smoke were bursting from the windows and the roof; men and women appeared at the windows and then disappeared, uttering shrieks of despair. there was a dense throng in front of the door: the crowd was shouting: 'they will be burned alive! help! the firemen!' at that moment a carriage arrived, four firemen sprang out of it--the first who had reached the town-hall--and rushed into the house. they had hardly gone in when a horrible thing happened: a woman ran to a window of the third story, with a yell, clutched the balcony, climbed down it, and remained suspended, thus clinging, almost suspended in space, with her back outwards, bending beneath the flames, which flashed out from the room and almost licked her head. the crowd uttered a cry of horror. the firemen, who had been stopped on the second floor by mistake by the terrified lodgers, had already broken through a wall and precipitated themselves into a room, when a hundred shouts gave them warning:-- "'on the third floor! on the third floor!' "they flew to the third floor. there there was an infernal uproar,--beams from the roof crashing in, corridors filled with a suffocating smoke. in order to reach the rooms where the lodgers were imprisoned, there was no other way left but to pass over the roof. they instantly sprang upon it, and a moment later something which resembled a black phantom appeared on the tiles, in the midst of the smoke. it was the corporal, who had been the first to arrive. but in order to get from the roof to the small set of rooms cut off by the fire, he was forced to pass over an extremely narrow space comprised between a dormer window and the eavestrough: all the rest was in flames, and that tiny space was covered with snow and ice, and there was no place to hold on to. "'it is impossible for him to pass!' shouted the crowd below. "the corporal advanced along the edge of the roof. all shuddered, and began to observe him with bated breath. he passed. a tremendous hurrah rose towards heaven. the corporal resumed his way, and on arriving at the point which was threatened, he began to break away, with furious blows of his axe, beams, tiles, and rafters, in order to open a hole through which he might descend within. "in the meanwhile, the woman was still suspended outside the window. the fire raged with increased violence over her head; another moment, and she would have fallen into the street. "the hole was opened. we saw the corporal pull off his shoulder-belt and lower himself inside: the other firemen, who had arrived, followed. "at that instant a very lofty porta ladder, which had just arrived, was placed against the entablature of the house, in front of the windows whence issued flames, and howls, as of maniacs. but it seemed as though they were too late. "'no one can be saved now!' they shouted. 'the firemen are burning! the end has come! they are dead!' "all at once the black form of the corporal made its appearance at the window with the balcony, lighted up by the flames overhead. the woman clasped him round the neck; he caught her round the body with both arms, drew her up, and laid her down inside the room. "the crowd set up a shout a thousand voices strong, which rose above the roar of the conflagration. "but the others? and how were they to get down? the ladder which leaned against the roof on the front of another window was at a good distance from them. how could they get hold of it? "while the people were saying this to themselves, one of the firemen stepped out of the window, set his right foot on the window-sill and his left on the ladder, and standing thus upright in the air, he grasped the lodgers, one after the other, as the other men handed them to him from within, passed them on to a comrade, who had climbed up from the street, and who, after securing a firm grasp for them on the rungs, sent them down, one after the other, with the assistance of more firemen. "first came the woman of the balcony, then a baby, then another woman, then an old man. all were saved. after the old man, the fireman who had remained inside descended. the last to come down was the corporal who had been the first to hasten up. the crowd received them all with a burst of applause; but when the last made his appearance, the vanguard of the rescuers, the one who had faced the abyss in advance of the rest, the one who would have perished had it been fated that one should perish, the crowd saluted him like a conqueror, shouting and stretching out their arms, with an affectionate impulse of admiration and of gratitude, and in a few minutes his obscure name--giuseppe robbino--rang from a thousand throats. "have you understood? that is courage--the courage of the heart, which does not reason, which does not waver, which dashes blindly on, like a lightning flash, wherever it hears the cry of a dying man. one of these days i will take you to the exercises of the firemen, and i will point out to you corporal robbino; for you would be very glad to know him, would you not?" i replied that i should. "here he is," said my father. i turned round with a start. the two firemen, having completed their inspection, were traversing the room in order to reach the door. my father pointed to the smaller of the men, who had straps of gold braid, and said, "shake hands with corporal robbino." the corporal halted, and offered me his hand; i pressed it; he made a salute and withdrew. "and bear this well in mind," said my father; "for out of the thousands of hands which you will shake in the course of your life there will probably not be ten which possess the worth of his." from the apennines to the andes. (_monthly story._) many years ago a genoese lad of thirteen, the son of a workingman, went from genoa to america all alone to seek his mother. his mother had gone two years before to buenos ayres, a city, the capital of the argentine republic, to take service in a wealthy family, and to thus earn in a short time enough to place her family once more in easy circumstances, they having fallen, through various misfortunes, into poverty and debt. there are courageous women--not a few--who take this long voyage with this object in view, and who, thanks to the large wages which people in service receive there, return home at the end of a few years with several thousand lire. the poor mother had wept tears of blood at parting from her children,--the one aged eighteen, the other, eleven; but she had set out courageously and filled with hope. the voyage was prosperous: she had no sooner arrived at buenos ayres than she found, through a genoese shopkeeper, a cousin of her husband, who had been established there for a very long time, a good argentine family, which gave high wages and treated her well. and for a short time she kept up a regular correspondence with her family. as it had been settled between them, her husband addressed his letters to his cousin, who transmitted them to the woman, and the latter handed her replies to him, and he despatched them to genoa, adding a few lines of his own. as she was earning eighty lire a month and spending nothing for herself, she sent home a handsome sum every three months, with which her husband, who was a man of honor, gradually paid off their most urgent debts, and thus regained his good reputation. and in the meantime, he worked away and was satisfied with the state of his affairs, since he also cherished the hope that his wife would shortly return; for the house seemed empty without her, and the younger son in particular, who was extremely attached to his mother, was very much depressed, and could not resign himself to having her so far away. but a year had elapsed since they had parted; after a brief letter, in which she said that her health was not very good, they heard nothing more. they wrote twice to the cousin; the cousin did not reply. they wrote to the argentine family where the woman was at service; but it is possible that the letter never reached them, for they had distorted the name in addressing it: they received no answer. fearing a misfortune, they wrote to the italian consulate at buenos ayres to have inquiries made, and after a lapse of three months they received a response from the consul, that in spite of advertisements in the newspapers no one had presented herself nor sent any word. and it could not have happened otherwise, for this reason if for no other: that with the idea of sparing the good name of her family, which she fancied she was discrediting by becoming a servant, the good woman had not given her real name to the argentine family. several months more passed by; no news. the father and sons were in consternation; the youngest was oppressed by a melancholy which he could not conquer. what was to be done? to whom should they have recourse? the father's first thought had been to set out, to go to america in search of his wife. but his work? who would support his sons? and neither could the eldest son go, for he had just then begun to earn something, and he was necessary to the family. and in this anxiety they lived, repeating each day the same sad speeches, or gazing at each other in silence; when, one evening, marco, the youngest, declared with decision, "i am going to america to look for my mother." his father shook his head sadly and made no reply. it was an affectionate thought, but an impossible thing. to make a journey to america, which required a month, alone, at the age of thirteen! but the boy patiently insisted. he persisted that day, the day after, every day, with great calmness, reasoning with the good sense of a man. "others have gone thither," he said; "and smaller boys than i, too. once on board the ship, i shall get there like anybody else. once arrived there, i only have to hunt up our cousin's shop. there are plenty of italians there who will show me the street. after finding our cousin, my mother is found; and if i do not find him, i will go to the consul: i will search out that argentine family. whatever happens, there is work for all there; i shall find work also; sufficient, at least, to earn enough to get home." and thus little by little he almost succeeded in persuading his father. his father esteemed him; he knew that he had good judgment and courage; that he was inured to privations and to sacrifices; and that all these good qualities had acquired double force in his heart in consequence of the sacred project of finding his mother, whom he adored. in addition to this, the captain of a steamer, the friend of an acquaintance of his, having heard the plan mentioned, undertook to procure a free third-class passage for the argentine republic. and then, after a little hesitation, the father gave his consent. the voyage was decided on. they filled a sack with clothes for him, put a few crowns in his pocket, and gave him the address of the cousin; and one fine evening in april they saw him on board. "marco, my son," his father said to him, as he gave him his last kiss, with tears in his eyes, on the steps of the steamer, which was on the point of starting, "take courage. thou hast set out on a holy undertaking, and god will aid thee." poor marco! his heart was strong and prepared for the hardest trials of this voyage; but when he beheld his beautiful genoa disappear on the horizon, and found himself on the open sea on that huge steamer thronged with emigrating peasants, alone, unacquainted with any one, with that little bag which held his entire fortune, a sudden discouragement assailed him. for two days he remained crouching like a dog on the bows, hardly eating, and oppressed with a great desire to weep. every description of sad thoughts passed through his mind, and the saddest, the most terrible, was the one which was the most persistent in its return,--the thought that his mother was dead. in his broken and painful slumbers he constantly beheld a strange face, which surveyed him with an air of compassion, and whispered in his ear, "your mother is dead!" and then he awoke, stifling a shriek. nevertheless, after passing the straits of gibraltar, at the first sight of the atlantic ocean he recovered his spirits a little, and his hope. but it was only a brief respite. that vast but always smooth sea, the increasing heat, the misery of all those poor people who surrounded him, the consciousness of his own solitude, overwhelmed him once more. the empty and monotonous days which succeeded each other became confounded in his memory, as is the case with sick people. it seemed to him that he had been at sea a year. and every morning, on waking, he felt surprised afresh at finding himself there alone on that vast watery expanse, on his way to america. the beautiful flying fish which fell on deck every now and then, the marvellous sunsets of the tropics, with their enormous clouds colored like flame and blood, and those nocturnal phosphorescences which make the ocean seem all on fire like a sea of lava, did not produce on him the effect of real things, but of marvels beheld in a dream. there were days of bad weather, during which he remained constantly in the dormitory, where everything was rolling and crashing, in the midst of a terrible chorus of lamentations and imprecations, and he thought that his last hour had come. there were other days, when the sea was calm and yellowish, of insupportable heat, of infinite tediousness; interminable and wretched hours, during which the enervated passengers, stretched motionless on the planks, seemed all dead. and the voyage was endless: sea and sky, sky and sea; to-day the same as yesterday, to-morrow like to-day, and so on, always, eternally. and for long hours he stood leaning on the bulwarks, gazing at that interminable sea in amazement, thinking vaguely of his mother, until his eyes closed and his head was drooping with sleep; and then again he beheld that unknown face which gazed upon him with an air of compassion, and repeated in his ear, "your mother is dead!" and at the sound of that voice he awoke with a start, to resume his dreaming with wide-open eyes, and to gaze at the unchanging horizon. the voyage lasted twenty-seven days. but the last days were the best. the weather was fine, and the air cool. he had made the acquaintance of a good old man, a lombard, who was going to america to find his son, an agriculturist in the vicinity of the town of rosario; he had told him his whole story, and the old man kept repeating every little while, as he tapped him on the nape of the neck with his hand, "courage, my lad; you will find your mother well and happy." this companionship comforted him; his sad presentiments were turned into joyous ones. seated on the bow, beside the aged peasant, who was smoking his pipe, beneath the beautiful starry heaven, in the midst of a group of singing peasants, he imagined to himself in his own mind a hundred times his arrival at buenos ayres; he saw himself in a certain street; he found the shop, he flew to his cousin. "how is my mother? come, let us go at once! let us go at once!" they hurried on together; they ascended a staircase; a door opened. and here his mute soliloquy came to an end; his imagination was swallowed up in a feeling of inexpressible tenderness, which made him secretly pull forth a little medal that he wore on his neck, and murmur his prayers as he kissed it. on the twenty-seventh day after their departure they arrived. it was a beautiful, rosy may morning, when the steamer cast anchor in the immense river of the plata, near the shore along which stretches the vast city of buenos ayres, the capital of the argentine republic. this splendid weather seemed to him to be a good augury. he was beside himself with joy and impatience. his mother was only a few miles from him! in a few hours more he would have seen her! he was in america, in the new world, and he had had the daring to come alone! the whole of that extremely long voyage now seemed to him to have passed in an instant. it seemed to him that he had flown hither in a dream, and that he had that moment waked. and he was so happy, that he hardly experienced any surprise or distress when he felt in his pockets and found only one of the two little heaps into which he had divided his little treasure, in order to be the more sure of not losing the whole of it. he had been robbed; he had only a few lire left; but what mattered that to him, when he was near his mother? with his bag in his hand, he descended, in company with many other italians, to the tug-boat which carried him within a short distance of the shore; clambered down from the tug into a boat which bore the name of _andrea doria_; was landed on the wharf; saluted his old lombard friend, and directed his course, in long strides, towards the city. on arriving at the entrance of the first street, he stopped a man who was passing by, and begged him to show him in what direction he should go in order to reach the street of _los artes_. he chanced to have stopped an italian workingman. the latter surveyed him with curiosity, and inquired if he knew how to read. the lad nodded, "yes." "well, then," said the laborer, pointing to the street from which he had just emerged, "keep straight on through there, reading the names of all the streets on the corners; you will end by finding the one you want." the boy thanked him, and turned into the street which opened before him. it was a straight and endless but narrow street, bordered by low white houses, which looked like so many little villas, filled with people, with carriages, with carts which made a deafening noise; here and there floated enormous banners of various hues, with announcements as to the departure of steamers for strange cities inscribed upon them in large letters. at every little distance along the street, on the right and left, he perceived two other streets which ran straight away as far as he could see, also bordered by low white houses, filled with people and vehicles, and bounded at their extremity by the level line of the measureless plains of america, like the horizon at sea. the city seemed infinite to him; it seemed to him that he might wander for days or weeks, seeing other streets like these, on one hand and on the other, and that all america must be covered with them. he looked attentively at the names of the streets: strange names which cost him an effort to read. at every fresh street, he felt his heart beat, at the thought that it was the one he was in search of. he stared at all the women, with the thought that he might meet his mother. he caught sight of one in front of him who made his blood leap; he overtook her: she was a negro. and accelerating his pace, he walked on and on. on arriving at the cross-street, he read, and stood as though rooted to the sidewalk. it was the street _del los artes_. he turned into it, and saw the number ; his cousin's shop was no. . he quickened his pace still more, and almost ran; at no. he had to pause to regain his breath. and he said to himself, "o my mother! my mother! it is really true that i shall see you in another moment!" he ran on; he arrived at a little haberdasher's shop. this was it. he stepped up close to it. he saw a woman with gray hair and spectacles. "what do you want, boy?" she asked him in spanish. "is not this," said the boy, making an effort to utter a sound, "the shop of francesco merelli?" "francesco merelli is dead," replied the woman in italian. the boy felt as though he had received a blow on his breast. "when did he die?" "eh? quite a while ago," replied the woman. "months ago. his affairs were in a bad state, and he ran away. they say he went to bahia blanca, very far from here. and he died just after he reached there. the shop is mine." the boy turned pale. then he said quickly, "merelli knew my mother; my mother who was at service with signor mequinez. he alone could tell me where she is. i have come to america to find my mother. merelli sent her our letters. i must find my mother." "poor boy!" said the woman; "i don't know. i can ask the boy in the courtyard. he knew the young man who did merelli's errands. he may be able to tell us something." she went to the end of the shop and called the lad, who came instantly. "tell me," asked the shopwoman, "do you remember whether merelli's young man went occasionally to carry letters to a woman in service, in the house of the _son of the country_?" "to signor mequinez," replied the lad; "yes, signora, sometimes he did. at the end of the street _del los artes_." "ah! thanks, signora!" cried marco. "tell me the number; don't you know it? send some one with me; come with me instantly, my boy; i have still a few soldi." and he said this with so much warmth, that without waiting for the woman to request him, the boy replied, "come," and at once set out at a rapid pace. they proceeded almost at a run, without uttering a word, to the end of the extremely long street, made their way into the entrance of a little white house, and halted in front of a handsome iron gate, through which they could see a small yard, filled with vases of flowers. marco gave a tug at the bell. a young lady made her appearance. "the mequinez family lives here, does it not?" demanded the lad anxiously. "they did live here," replied the young lady, pronouncing her italian in spanish fashion. "now we, the zeballos, live here." "and where have the mequinez gone?" asked marco, his heart palpitating. "they have gone to cordova." "cordova!" exclaimed marco. "where is cordova? and the person whom they had in their service? the woman, my mother! their servant was my mother! have they taken my mother away, too?" the young lady looked at him and said: "i do not know. perhaps my father may know, for he knew them when they went away. wait a moment." she ran away, and soon returned with her father, a tall gentleman, with a gray beard. he looked intently for a minute at this sympathetic type of a little genoese sailor, with his golden hair and his aquiline nose, and asked him in broken italian, "is your mother a genoese?" marco replied that she was. "well then, the genoese maid went with them; that i know for certain." "and where have they gone?" "to cordova, a city." the boy gave vent to a sigh; then he said with resignation, "then i will go to cordova." "ah, poor child!" exclaimed the gentleman in spanish; "poor boy! cordova is hundreds of miles from here." marco turned as white as a corpse, and clung with one hand to the railings. "let us see, let us see," said the gentleman, moved to pity, and opening the door; "come inside a moment; let us see if anything can be done." he sat down, gave the boy a seat, and made him tell his story, listened to it very attentively, meditated a little, then said resolutely, "you have no money, have you?" "i still have some, a little," answered marco. the gentleman reflected for five minutes more; then seated himself at a desk, wrote a letter, sealed it, and handing it to the boy, he said to him:-- "listen to me, little italian. take this letter to boca. that is a little city which is half genoese, and lies two hours' journey from here. any one will be able to show you the road. go there and find the gentleman to whom this letter is addressed, and whom every one knows. carry the letter to him. he will send you off to the town of rosario to-morrow, and will recommend you to some one there, who will think out a way of enabling you to pursue your journey to cordova, where you will find the mequinez family and your mother. in the meanwhile, take this." and he placed in his hand a few lire. "go, and keep up your courage; you will find fellow-countrymen of yours in every direction, and you will not be deserted. _adios!_" the boy said, "thanks," without finding any other words to express himself, went out with his bag, and having taken leave of his little guide, he set out slowly in the direction of boca, filled with sorrow and amazement, across that great and noisy town. everything that happened to him from that moment until the evening of that day ever afterwards lingered in his memory in a confused and uncertain form, like the wild vagaries of a person in a fever, so weary was he, so troubled, so despondent. and at nightfall on the following day, after having slept over night in a poor little chamber in a house in boca, beside a harbor porter, after having passed nearly the whole of that day seated on a pile of beams, and, as in delirium, in sight of thousands of ships and boats and tugs, he found himself on the poop of a large sailing vessel, loaded with fruit, which was setting out for the town of rosario, managed by three robust genoese, who were bronzed by the sun; and their voices and the dialect which they spoke put a little comfort into his heart once more. they set out, and the voyage lasted three days and four nights, and it was a continual amazement to the little traveller. three days and four nights on that wonderful river paranà , in comparison with which our great po is but a rivulet; and the length of italy quadrupled does not equal that of its course. the barge advanced slowly against this immeasurable mass of water. it threaded its way among long islands, once the haunts of serpents and tigers, covered with orange-trees and willows, like floating coppices; now they passed through narrow canals, from which it seemed as though they could never issue forth; now they sailed out on vast expanses of water, having the aspect of great tranquil lakes; then among islands again, through the intricate channels of an archipelago, amid enormous masses of vegetation. a profound silence reigned. for long stretches the shores and very vast and solitary waters produced the impression of an unknown stream, upon which this poor little sail was the first in all the world to venture itself. the further they advanced, the more this monstrous river dismayed him. he imagined that his mother was at its source, and that their navigation must last for years. twice a day he ate a little bread and salted meat with the boatmen, who, perceiving that he was sad, never addressed a word to him. at night he slept on deck and woke every little while with a start, astounded by the limpid light of the moon, which silvered the immense expanse of water and the distant shores; and then his heart sank within him. "cordova!" he repeated that name, "cordova!" like the name of one of those mysterious cities of which he had heard in fables. but then he thought, "my mother passed this spot; she saw these islands, these shores;" and then these places upon which the glance of his mother had fallen no longer seemed strange and solitary to him. at night one of the boatmen sang. that voice reminded him of his mother's songs, when she had lulled him to sleep as a little child. on the last night, when he heard that song, he sobbed. the boatman interrupted his song. then he cried, "courage, courage, my son! what the deuce! a genoese crying because he is far from home! the genoese make the circuit of the world, glorious and triumphant!" and at these words he shook himself, he heard the voice of the genoese blood, and he raised his head aloft with pride, dashing his fist down on the rudder. "well, yes," he said to himself; "and if i am also obliged to travel for years and years to come, all over the world, and to traverse hundreds of miles on foot, i will go on until i find my mother, were i to arrive in a dying condition, and fall dead at her feet! if only i can see her once again! courage!" and with this frame of mind he arrived at daybreak, on a cool and rosy morning, in front of the city of rosario, situated on the high bank of the paranà , where the beflagged yards of a hundred vessels of every land were mirrored in the waves. shortly after landing, he went to the town, bag in hand, to seek an argentine gentleman for whom his protector in boca had intrusted him with a visiting-card, with a few words of recommendation. on entering rosario, it seemed to him that he was coming into a city with which he was already familiar. there were the straight, interminable streets, bordered with low white houses, traversed in all directions above the roofs by great bundles of telegraph and telephone wires, which looked like enormous spiders' webs; and a great confusion of people, of horses, and of vehicles. his head grew confused; he almost thought that he had got back to buenos ayres, and must hunt up his cousin once more. he wandered about for nearly an hour, making one turn after another, and seeming always to come back to the same street; and by dint of inquiring, he found the house of his new protector. he pulled the bell. there came to the door a big, light-haired, gruff man, who had the air of a steward, and who demanded awkwardly, with a foreign accent:-- "what do you want?" the boy mentioned the name of his patron. "the master has gone away," replied the steward; "he set out yesterday afternoon for buenos ayres, with his whole family." the boy was left speechless. then he stammered, "but i--i have no one here! i am alone!" and he offered the card. the steward took it, read it, and said surlily: "i don't know what to do for you. i'll give it to him when he returns a month hence." "but i, i am alone; i am in need!" exclaimed the lad, in a supplicating voice. "eh? come now," said the other; "just as though there were not a plenty of your sort from your country in rosario! be off, and do your begging in italy!" and he slammed the door in his face. the boy stood there as though he had been turned to stone. then he picked up his bag again slowly, and went out, his heart torn with anguish, with his mind in a whirl, assailed all at once by a thousand anxious thoughts. what was to be done? where was he to go? from rosario to cordova was a day's journey, by rail. he had only a few lire left. after deducting what he should be obliged to spend that day, he would have next to nothing left. where was he to find the money to pay his fare? he could work--but how? to whom should he apply for work? ask alms? ah, no! to be repulsed, insulted, humiliated, as he had been a little while ago? no; never, never more--rather would he die! and at this idea, and at the sight of the very long street which was lost in the distance of the boundless plain, he felt his courage desert him once more, flung his bag on the sidewalk, sat down with his back against the wall, and bent his head between his hands, in an attitude of despair. people jostled him with their feet as they passed; the vehicles filled the road with noise; several boys stopped to look at him. he remained thus for a while. then he was startled by a voice saying to him in a mixture of italian and lombard dialect, "what is the matter, little boy?" he raised his face at these words, and instantly sprang to his feet, uttering an exclamation of wonder: "you here!" it was the old lombard peasant with whom he had struck up a friendship during the voyage. the amazement of the peasant was no less than his own; but the boy did not leave him time to question him, and he rapidly recounted the state of his affairs. "now i am without a soldo. i must go to work. find me work, that i may get together a few lire. i will do anything; i will carry rubbish, i will sweep the streets; i can run on errands, or even work in the country; i am content to live on black bread; but only let it be so that i may set out quickly, that i may find my mother once more. do me this charity, and find me work, find me work, for the love of god, for i can do no more!" "the deuce! the deuce!" said the peasant, looking about him, and scratching his chin. "what a story is this! to work, to work!--that is soon said. let us look about a little. is there no way of finding thirty lire among so many fellow-countrymen?" the boy looked at him, consoled by a ray of hope. "come with me," said the peasant. "where?" asked the lad, gathering up his bag again. "come with me." the peasant started on; marco followed him. they traversed a long stretch of street together without speaking. the peasant halted at the door of an inn which had for its sign a star, and an inscription beneath, _the star of italy_. he thrust his face in, and turning to the boy, he said cheerfully, "we have arrived at just the right moment." they entered a large room, where there were numerous tables, and many men seated, drinking and talking loudly. the old lombard approached the first table, and from the manner in which he saluted the six guests who were gathered around it, it was evident that he had been in their company until a short time previously. they were red in the face, and were clinking their glasses, and vociferating and laughing. "comrades," said the lombard, without any preface, remaining on his feet, and presenting marco, "here is a poor lad, our fellow-countryman, who has come alone from genoa to buenos ayres to seek his mother. at buenos ayres they told him, 'she is not here; she is in cordova.' he came in a bark to rosario, three days and three nights on the way, with a couple of lines of recommendation. he presents the card; they make an ugly face at him: he hasn't a centesimo to bless himself with. he is here alone and in despair. he is a lad full of heart. let us see a bit. can't we find enough to pay for his ticket to go to cordova in search of his mother? are we to leave him here like a dog?" "never in the world, by heavens! that shall never be said!" they all shouted at once, hammering on the table with their fists. "a fellow-countryman of ours! come hither, little fellow! we are emigrants! see what a handsome young rogue! out with your coppers, comrades! bravo! come alone! he has daring! drink a sup, _patriotta_! we'll send you to your mother; never fear!" and one pinched his cheek, another slapped him on the shoulder, a third relieved him of his bag; other emigrants rose from the neighboring tables, and gathered about; the boy's story made the round of the inn; three argentine guests hurried in from the adjoining room; and in less than ten minutes the lombard peasant, who was passing round the hat, had collected forty-two lire. "do you see," he then said, turning to the boy, "how fast things are done in america?" "drink!" cried another to him, offering him a glass of wine; "to the health of your mother!" all raised their glasses, and marco repeated, "to the health of my--" but a sob of joy choked him, and, setting the glass on the table, he flung himself on the old man's neck. at daybreak on the following morning he set out for cordova, ardent and smiling, filled with presentiments of happiness. but there is no cheerfulness that rules for long in the face of certain sinister aspects of nature. the weather was close and dull; the train, which was nearly empty, ran through an immense plain, destitute of every sign of habitation. he found himself alone in a very long car, which resembled those on trains for the wounded. he gazed to the right, he gazed to the left, and he saw nothing but an endless solitude, strewn with tiny, deformed trees, with contorted trunks and branches, in attitudes such as were never seen before, almost of wrath and anguish, and a sparse and melancholy vegetation, which gave to the plain the aspect of a ruined cemetery. he dozed for half an hour; then resumed his survey: the spectacle was still the same. the railway stations were deserted, like the dwellings of hermits; and when the train stopped, not a sound was heard; it seemed to him that he was alone in a lost train, abandoned in the middle of a desert. it seemed to him as though each station must be the last, and that he should then enter the mysterious regions of the savages. an icy breeze nipped his face. on embarking at genoa, towards the end of april, it had not occurred to him that he should find winter in america, and he was dressed for summer. after several hours of this he began to suffer from cold, and in connection with the cold, from the fatigue of the days he had recently passed through, filled as they had been with violent emotions, and from sleepless and harassing nights. he fell asleep, slept a long time, and awoke benumbed; he felt ill. then a vague terror of falling ill, of dying on the journey, seized upon him; a fear of being thrown out there, in the middle of that desolate prairie, where his body would be torn in pieces by dogs and birds of prey, like the corpses of horses and cows which he had caught sight of every now and then beside the track, and from which he had turned aside his eyes in disgust. in this state of anxious illness, in the midst of that dark silence of nature, his imagination grew excited, and looked on the dark side of things. was he quite sure, after all, that he should find his mother at cordova? and what if she had not gone there? what if that gentleman in the via del los artes had made a mistake? and what if she were dead? thus meditating, he fell asleep again, and dreamed that he was in cordova, and it was night, and that he heard cries from all the doors and all the windows: "she is not here! she is not here! she is not here!" this roused him with a start, in terror, and he saw at the other end of the car three bearded men enveloped in shawls of various colors who were staring at him and talking together in a low tone; and the suspicion flashed across him that they were assassins, and that they wanted to kill him for the sake of stealing his bag. fear was added to his consciousness of illness and to the cold; his fancy, already perturbed, became distorted: the three men kept on staring at him; one of them moved towards him; then his reason wandered, and rushing towards him with arms wide open, he shrieked, "i have nothing; i am a poor boy; i have come from italy; i am in quest of my mother; i am alone: do not do me any harm!" they instantly understood the situation; they took compassion on him, caressed and soothed him, speaking to him many words which he did not hear nor comprehend; and perceiving that his teeth were chattering with cold, they wrapped one of their shawls around him, and made him sit down again, so that he might go to sleep. and he did fall asleep once more, when the twilight was descending. when they aroused him, he was at cordova. ah, what a deep breath he drew, and with what impetuosity he flew from the car! he inquired of one of the station employees where the house of the engineer mequinez was situated; the latter mentioned the name of a church; it stood beside the church: the boy hastened away. it was night. he entered the city, and it seemed to him that he was entering rosario once more; that he again beheld those straight streets, flanked with little white houses, and intersected by other very long and straight streets. but there were very few people, and under the light of the rare street lanterns, he encountered strange faces of a hue unknown to him, between black and greenish; and raising his head from time to time, he beheld churches of bizarre architecture which were outlined black and vast against the sky. the city was dark and silent, but after having traversed that immense desert, it appeared lively to him. he inquired his way of a priest, speedily found the church and the house, pulled the bell with one trembling hand, and pressed the other on his breast to repress the beating of his heart, which was leaping into his throat. an old woman, with a light in her hand, opened the door. the boy could not speak at once. "whom do you want?" demanded the dame in spanish. "the engineer mequinez," replied marco. the old woman made a motion to cross her arms on her breast, and replied, with a shake of the head: "so you, too, have dealings with the engineer mequinez! it strikes me that it is time to stop this. we have been worried for the last three months. it is not enough that the newspapers have said it. we shall have to have it printed on the corner of the street, that signor mequinez has gone to live at tucuman!" the boy gave way to a gesture of despair. then he gave way to an outburst of passion. "so there is a curse upon me! i am doomed to die on the road, without having found my mother! i shall go mad! i shall kill myself! my god! what is the name of that country? where is it? at what distance is it situated?" "eh, poor boy," replied the old woman, moved to pity; "a mere trifle! we are four or five hundred miles from there, at least." the boy covered his face with his hands; then he asked with a sob, "and now what am i to do!" "what am i to say to you, my poor child?" responded the dame: "i don't know." but suddenly an idea struck her, and she added hastily: "listen, now that i think of it. there is one thing that you can do. go down this street, to the right, and at the third house you will find a courtyard; there there is a _capataz_, a trader, who is setting out to-morrow for tucuman, with his wagons and his oxen. go and see if he will take you, and offer him your services; perhaps he will give you a place on his wagons: go at once." the lad grasped his bag, thanked her as he ran, and two minutes later found himself in a vast courtyard, lighted by lanterns, where a number of men were engaged in loading sacks of grain on certain enormous carts which resembled the movable houses of mountebanks, with rounded tops, and very tall wheels; and a tall man with mustaches, enveloped in a sort of mantle of black and white check, and with big boots, was directing the work. the lad approached this man, and timidly proffered his request, saying that he had come from italy, and that he was in search of his mother. the _capataz_, which signifies the head (the head conductor of this convoy of wagons), surveyed him from head to foot with a keen glance, and replied drily, "i have no place." "i have fifteen lire," answered the boy in a supplicating tone; "i will give you my fifteen lire. i will work on the journey; i will fetch the water and fodder for the animals; i will perform all sorts of services. a little bread will suffice for me. make a little place for me, signor." the _capataz_ looked him over again, and replied with a better grace, "there is no room; and then, we are not going to tucuman; we are going to another town, santiago dell'estero. we shall have to leave you at a certain point, and you will still have a long way to go on foot." "ah, i will make twice as long a journey!" exclaimed marco; "i can walk; do not worry about that; i shall get there by some means or other: make a little room for me, signor, out of charity; for pity's sake, do not leave me here alone!" "beware; it is a journey of twenty days." "it matters nothing to me." "it is a hard journey." "i will endure everything." "you will have to travel alone." "i fear nothing, if i can only find my mother. have compassion!" the _capataz_ drew his face close to a lantern, and scrutinized him. then he said, "very well." the lad kissed his hand. "you shall sleep in one of the wagons to-night," added the _capataz_, as he quitted him; "to-morrow morning, at four o'clock, i will wake you. good night." at four o'clock in the morning, by the light of the stars, the long string of wagons was set in motion with a great noise; each cart was drawn by six oxen, and all were followed by a great number of spare animals for a change. the boy, who had been awakened and placed in one of the carts, on the sacks, instantly fell again into a deep sleep. when he awoke, the convoy had halted in a solitary spot, full in the sun, and all the men--the _peones_--were seated round a quarter of calf, which was roasting in the open air, beside a large fire, which was flickering in the wind. they all ate together, took a nap, and then set out again; and thus the journey continued, regulated like a march of soldiers. every morning they set out on the road at five o'clock, halted at nine, set out again at five o'clock in the evening, and halted again at ten. the _peones_ rode on horseback, and stimulated the oxen with long goads. the boy lighted the fire for the roasting, gave the beasts their fodder, polished up the lanterns, and brought water for drinking. the landscape passed before him like an indistinct vision: vast groves of little brown trees; villages consisting of a few scattered houses, with red and battlemented façades; very vast tracts, possibly the ancient beds of great salt lakes, which gleamed white with salt as far as the eye could reach; and on every hand, and always, the prairie, solitude, silence. on very rare occasions they encountered two or three travellers on horseback, followed by a herd of picked horses, who passed them at a gallop, like a whirlwind. the days were all alike, as at sea, wearisome and interminable; but the weather was fine. but the _peones_ became more and more exacting every day, as though the lad were their bond slave; some of them treated him brutally, with threats; all forced him to serve them without mercy: they made him carry enormous bundles of forage; they sent him to get water at great distances; and he, broken with fatigue, could not even sleep at night, continually tossed about as he was by the violent jolts of the wagon, and the deafening groaning of the wheels and wooden axles. and in addition to this, the wind having risen, a fine, reddish, greasy dust, which enveloped everything, penetrated the wagon, made its way under the covers, filled his eyes and mouth, robbed him of sight and breath, constantly, oppressively, insupportably. worn out with toil and lack of sleep, reduced to rags and dirt, reproached and ill treated from morning till night, the poor boy grew every day more dejected, and would have lost heart entirely if the _capataz_ had not addressed a kind word to him now and then. he often wept, unseen, in a corner of the wagon, with his face against his bag, which no longer contained anything but rags. every morning he rose weaker and more discouraged, and as he looked out over the country, and beheld always the same boundless and implacable plain, like a terrestrial ocean, he said to himself: "ah, i shall not hold out until to-night! i shall not hold out until to-night! to-day i shall die on the road!" and his toil increased, his ill treatment was redoubled. one morning, in the absence of the _capataz_, one of the men struck him, because he had delayed in fetching the water. and then they all began to take turns at it, when they gave him an order, dealing him a kick, saying: "take that, you vagabond! carry that to your mother!" his heart was breaking. he fell ill; for three days he remained in the wagon, with a coverlet over him, fighting a fever, and seeing no one except the _capataz_, who came to give him his drink and feel his pulse. and then he believed that he was lost, and invoked his mother in despair, calling her a hundred times by name: "o my mother! my mother! help me! come to me, for i am dying! oh, my poor mother, i shall never see you again! my poor mother, who will find me dead beside the way!" and he folded his hands over his bosom and prayed. then he grew better, thanks to the care of the _capataz_, and recovered; but with his recovery arrived the most terrible day of his journey, the day on which he was to be left to his own devices. they had been on the way for more than two weeks; when they arrived at the point where the road to tucuman parted from that which leads to santiago dell'estero, the _capataz_ announced to him that they must separate. he gave him some instructions with regard to the road, tied his bag on his shoulders in a manner which would not annoy him as he walked, and, breaking off short, as though he feared that he should be affected, he bade him farewell. the boy had barely time to kiss him on one arm. the other men, too, who had treated him so harshly, seemed to feel a little pity at the sight of him left thus alone, and they made signs of farewell to him as they moved away. and he returned the salute with his hand, stood watching the convoy until it was lost to sight in the red dust of the plain, and then set out sadly on his road. [illustration: "he stood watching the convoy until it was lost to sight."--page .] one thing, on the other hand, comforted him a little from the first. after all those days of travel across that endless plain, which was forever the same, he saw before him a chain of mountains very high and blue, with white summits, which reminded him of the alps, and gave him the feeling of having drawn near to his own country once more. they were the andes, the dorsal spine of the american continent, that immense chain which extends from tierra del fuego to the glacial sea of the arctic pole, through a hundred and ten degrees of latitude. and he was also comforted by the fact that the air seemed to him to grow constantly warmer; and this happened, because, in ascending towards the north, he was slowly approaching the tropics. at great distances apart there were tiny groups of houses with a petty shop; and he bought something to eat. he encountered men on horseback; every now and then he saw women and children seated on the ground, motionless and grave, with faces entirely new to him, of an earthen hue, with oblique eyes and prominent cheek-bones, who looked at him intently, and accompanied him with their gaze, turning their heads slowly like automatons. they were indians. the first day he walked as long as his strength would permit, and slept under a tree. on the second day he made considerably less progress, and with less spirit. his shoes were dilapidated, his feet wounded, his stomach weakened by bad food. towards evening he began to be alarmed. he had heard, in italy, that in this land there were serpents; he fancied that he heard them crawling; he halted, then set out on a run, and with cold chills in all his bones. at times he was seized with a profound pity for himself, and he wept silently as he walked. then he thought, "oh, how much my mother would suffer if she knew that i am afraid!" and this thought restored his courage. then, in order to distract his thoughts from fear, he meditated much of her; he recalled to mind her words when she had set out from genoa, and the movement with which she had arranged the coverlet beneath his chin when he was in bed, and when he was a baby; for every time that she took him in her arms, she said to him, "stay here a little while with me"; and thus she remained for a long time, with her head resting on his, thinking, thinking. and he said to himself: "shall i see thee again, dear mother? shall i arrive at the end of my journey, my mother?" and he walked on and on, among strange trees, vast plantations of sugar-cane, and fields without end, always with those blue mountains in front of him, which cut the sky with their exceedingly lofty crests. four days, five days--a week, passed. his strength was rapidly declining, his feet were bleeding. finally, one evening at sunset, they said to him:-- "tucuman is fifty miles from here." he uttered a cry of joy, and hastened his steps, as though he had, in that moment, regained all his lost vigor. but it was a brief illusion. his forces suddenly abandoned him, and he fell upon the brink of a ditch, exhausted. but his heart was beating with content. the heaven, thickly sown with the most brilliant stars, had never seemed so beautiful to him. he contemplated it, as he lay stretched out on the grass to sleep, and thought that, perhaps, at that very moment, his mother was gazing at him. and he said:-- "o my mother, where art thou? what art thou doing at this moment? dost thou think of thy son? dost thou think of thy marco, who is so near to thee?" poor marco! if he could have seen in what a case his mother was at that moment, he would have made a superhuman effort to proceed on his way, and to reach her a few hours earlier. she was ill in bed, in a ground-floor room of a lordly mansion, where dwelt the entire mequinez family. the latter had become very fond of her, and had helped her a great deal. the poor woman had already been ailing when the engineer mequinez had been obliged unexpectedly to set out far from buenos ayres, and she had not benefited at all by the fine air of cordova. but then, the fact that she had received no response to her letters from her husband, nor from her cousin, the presentiment, always lively, of some great misfortune, the continual anxiety in which she had lived, between the parting and staying, expecting every day some bad news, had caused her to grow worse out of all proportion. finally, a very serious malady had declared itself,--a strangled internal rupture. she had not risen from her bed for a fortnight. a surgical operation was necessary to save her life. and at precisely the moment when marco was apostrophizing her, the master and mistress of the house were standing beside her bed, arguing with her, with great gentleness, to persuade her to allow herself to be operated on, and she was persisting in her refusal, and weeping. a good physician of tucuman had come in vain a week before. "no, my dear master," she said; "do not count upon it; i have not the strength to resist; i should die under the surgeon's knife. it is better to allow me to die thus. i no longer cling to life. all is at an end for me. it is better to die before learning what has happened to my family." and her master and mistress opposed, and said that she must take courage, that she would receive a reply to the last letters, which had been sent directly to genoa; that she must allow the operation to be performed; that it must be done for the sake of her family. but this suggestion of her children only aggravated her profound discouragement, which had for a long time prostrated her, with increasing anguish. at these words she burst into tears. "o my sons! my sons!" she exclaimed, wringing her hands; "perhaps they are no longer alive! it is better that i should die also. i thank you, my good master and mistress; i thank you from my heart. but it is better that i should die. at all events, i am certain that i shall not be cured by this operation. thanks for all your care, my good master and mistress. it is useless for the doctor to come again after to-morrow. i wish to die. it is my fate to die here. i have decided." and they began again to console her, and to repeat, "don't say that," and to take her hand and beseech her. but she closed her eyes then in exhaustion, and fell into a doze, so that she appeared to be dead. and her master and mistress remained there a little while, by the faint light of a taper, watching with great compassion that admirable mother, who, for the sake of saving her family, had come to die six thousand miles from her country, to die after having toiled so hard, poor woman! and she was so honest, so good, so unfortunate. early on the morning of the following day, marco, bent and limping, with his bag on his back, entered the city of tucuman, one of the youngest and most flourishing towns of the argentine republic. it seemed to him that he beheld again cordova, rosario, buenos ayres: there were the same straight and extremely long streets, the same low white houses, but on every hand there was a new and magnificent vegetation, a perfumed air, a marvellous light, a sky limpid and profound, such as he had never seen even in italy. as he advanced through the streets, he experienced once more the feverish agitation which had seized on him at buenos ayres; he stared at the windows and doors of all the houses; he stared at all the women who passed him, with an anxious hope that he might meet his mother; he would have liked to question every one, but did not dare to stop any one. all the people who were standing at their doors turned to gaze after the poor, tattered, dusty lad, who showed that he had come from afar. and he was seeking, among all these people, a countenance which should inspire him with confidence, in order to direct to its owner that tremendous query, when his eyes fell upon the sign of an inn upon which was inscribed an italian name. inside were a man with spectacles, and two women. he approached the door slowly, and summoning up a resolute spirit, he inquired:-- "can you tell me, signor, where the family mequinez is?" "the engineer mequinez?" asked the innkeeper in his turn. "the engineer mequinez," replied the lad in a thread of a voice. "the mequinez family is not in tucuman," replied the innkeeper. a cry of desperate pain, like that of one who has been stabbed, formed an echo to these words. the innkeeper and the women rose, and some neighbors ran up. "what's the matter? what ails you, my boy?" said the innkeeper, drawing him into the shop and making him sit down. "the deuce! there's no reason for despairing! the mequinez family is not here, but at a little distance off, a few hours from tucuman." "where? where?" shrieked marco, springing up like one restored to life. "fifteen miles from here," continued the man, "on the river, at saladillo, in a place where a big sugar factory is being built, and a cluster of houses; signor mequinez's house is there; every one knows it: you can reach it in a few hours." "i was there a month ago," said a youth, who had hastened up at the cry. marco stared at him with wide-open eyes, and asked him hastily, turning pale as he did so, "did you see the servant of signor mequinez--the italian?" "the genoese? yes; i saw her." marco burst into a convulsive sob, which was half a laugh and half a sob. then, with a burst of violent resolution: "which way am i to go? quick, the road! i shall set out instantly; show me the way!" "but it is a day's march," they all told him, in one breath. "you are weary; you should rest; you can set out to-morrow." "impossible! impossible!" replied the lad. "tell me the way; i will not wait another instant; i shall set out at once, were i to die on the road!" on perceiving him so inflexible, they no longer opposed him. "may god accompany you!" they said to him. "look out for the path through the forest. a fair journey to you, little italian!" a man accompanied him outside of the town, pointed out to him the road, gave him some counsel, and stood still to watch him start. at the expiration of a few minutes, the lad disappeared, limping, with his bag on his shoulders, behind the thick trees which lined the road. that night was a dreadful one for the poor sick woman. she suffered atrocious pain, which wrung from her shrieks that were enough to burst her veins, and rendered her delirious at times. the women waited on her. she lost her head. her mistress ran in, from time to time, in affright. all began to fear that, even if she had decided to allow herself to be operated on, the doctor, who was not to come until the next day, would have arrived too late. during the moments when she was not raving, however, it was evident that her most terrible torture arose not from her bodily pains, but from the thought of her distant family. emaciated, wasted away, with changed visage, she thrust her hands through her hair, with a gesture of desperation, and shrieked:-- "my god! my god! to die so far away, to die without seeing them again! my poor children, who will be left without a mother, my poor little creatures, my poor darlings! my marco, who is still so small! only as tall as this, and so good and affectionate! you do not know what a boy he was! if you only knew, signora! i could not detach him from my neck when i set out; he sobbed in a way to move your pity; he sobbed; it seemed as though he knew that he would never behold his poor mother again. poor marco, my poor baby! i thought that my heart would break! ah, if i had only died then, died while they were bidding me farewell! if i had but dropped dead! without a mother, my poor child, he who loved me so dearly, who needed me so much! without a mother, in misery, he will be forced to beg! he, marco, my marco, will stretch out his hand, famishing! o eternal god! no! i will not die! the doctor! call him at once i let him come, let him cut me, let him cleave my breast, let him drive me mad; but let him save my life! i want to recover; i want to live, to depart, to flee, to-morrow, at once! the doctor! help! help!" and the women seized her hands and soothed her, and made her calm herself little by little, and spoke to her of god and of hope. and then she fell back again into a mortal dejection, wept with her hands clutched in her gray hair, moaned like an infant, uttering a prolonged lament, and murmuring from time to time:-- "o my genoa! my house! all that sea!--o my marco, my poor marco! where is he now, my poor darling?" it was midnight; and her poor marco, after having passed many hours on the brink of a ditch, his strength exhausted, was then walking through a forest of gigantic trees, monsters of vegetation, huge boles like the pillars of a cathedral, which interlaced their enormous crests, silvered by the moon, at a wonderful height. vaguely, amid the half gloom, he caught glimpses of myriads of trunks of all forms, upright, inclined, contorted, crossed in strange postures of menace and of conflict; some overthrown on the earth, like towers which had fallen bodily, and covered with a dense and confused mass of vegetation, which seemed like a furious throng, disputing the ground span by span; others collected in great groups, vertical and serrated, like trophies of titanic lances, whose tips touched the clouds; a superb grandeur, a prodigious disorder of colossal forms, the most majestically terrible spectacle which vegetable nature ever presented. at times he was overwhelmed by a great stupor. but his mind instantly took flight again towards his mother. he was worn out, with bleeding feet, alone in the middle of this formidable forest, where it was only at long intervals that he saw tiny human habitations, which at the foot of these trees seemed like the ant-hills, or some buffalo asleep beside the road; he was exhausted, but he was not conscious of his exhaustion; he was alone, and he felt no fear. the grandeur of the forest rendered his soul grand; his nearness to his mother gave him the strength and the hardihood of a man; the memory of the ocean, of the alarms and the sufferings which he had undergone and vanquished, of the toil which he had endured, of the iron constancy which he had displayed, caused him to uplift his brow. all his strong and noble genoese blood flowed back to his heart in an ardent tide of joy and audacity. and a new thing took place within him; while he had, up to this time, borne in his mind an image of his mother, dimmed and paled somewhat by the two years of absence, at that moment the image grew clear; he again beheld her face, perfect and distinct, as he had not beheld it for a long time; he beheld it close to him, illuminated, speaking; he again beheld the most fleeting motions of her eyes, and of her lips, all her attitudes, all the shades of her thoughts; and urged on by these pursuing recollections, he hastened his steps; and a new affection, an unspeakable tenderness, grew in him, grew in his heart, making sweet and quiet tears to flow down his face; and as he advanced through the gloom, he spoke to her, he said to her the words which he would murmur in her ear in a little while more:-- "i am here, my mother; behold me here. i will never leave you again; we will return home together, and i will remain always beside you on board the ship, close beside you, and no one shall ever part me from you again, no one, never more, so long as i have life!" and in the meantime he did not observe how the silvery light of the moon was dying away on the summits of the gigantic trees in the delicate whiteness of the dawn. at eight o'clock on that morning, the doctor from tucuman, a young argentine, was already by the bedside of the sick woman, in company with an assistant, endeavoring, for the last time, to persuade her to permit herself to be operated on; and the engineer mequinez and his wife added their warmest persuasions to those of the former. but all was in vain. the woman, feeling her strength exhausted, had no longer any faith in the operation; she was perfectly certain that she should die under it, or that she should only survive it a few hours, after having suffered in vain pains that were more atrocious than those of which she should die in any case. the doctor lingered to tell her once more:-- "but the operation is a safe one; your safety is certain, provided you exercise a little courage! and your death is equally certain if you refuse!" it was a sheer waste of words. "no," she replied in a faint voice, "i still have courage to die; but i no longer have any to suffer uselessly. leave me to die in peace." the doctor desisted in discouragement. no one said anything more. then the woman turned her face towards her mistress, and addressed to her her last prayers in a dying voice. "dear, good signora," she said with a great effort, sobbing, "you will send this little money and my poor effects to my family--through the consul. i hope that they may all be alive. my heart presages well in these, my last moments. you will do me the favor to write--that i have always thought of them, that i have always toiled for them--for my children--that my sole grief was not to see them once more--but that i died courageously--with resignation--blessing them; and that i recommend to my husband--and to my elder son--the youngest, my poor marco--that i bore him in my heart until the last moment--" and suddenly she became excited, and shrieked, as she clasped her hands: "my marco, my baby, my baby! my life!--" but on casting her tearful eyes round her, she perceived that her mistress was no longer there; she had been secretly called away. she sought her master; he had disappeared. no one remained with her except the two nurses and the assistant. she heard in the adjoining room the sound of hurried footsteps, a murmur of hasty and subdued voices, and repressed exclamations. the sick woman fixed her glazing eyes on the door, in expectation. at the end of a few minutes she saw the doctor appear with an unusual expression on his face; then her mistress and master, with their countenances also altered. all three gazed at her with a singular expression, and exchanged a few words in a low tone. she fancied that the doctor said to her mistress, "better let it be at once." she did not understand. "josefa," said her mistress to the sick woman, in a trembling voice, "i have some good news for you. prepare your heart for good news." the woman observed her intently. "news," pursued the lady, with increasing agitation, "which will give you great joy." the sick woman's eyes dilated. "prepare yourself," continued her mistress, "to see a person--of whom you are very fond." the woman raised her head with a vigorous movement, and began to gaze in rapid succession, first at the lady and then at the door, with flashing eyes. "a person," added the lady, turning pale, "who has just arrived--unexpectedly." "who is it?" shrieked the woman, with a strange and choked voice, like that of a person in terror. an instant later she gave vent to a shrill scream, sprang into a sitting posture in her bed, and remained motionless, with starting eyes, and her hands pressed to her temples, as in the presence of a supernatural apparition. marco, tattered and dusty, stood there on the threshold, held back by the doctor's hand on one arm. the woman uttered three shrieks: "god! god! my god!" marco rushed forward; she stretched out to him her fleshless arms, and straining him to her heart with the strength of a tiger, she burst into a violent laugh, broken by deep, tearless sobs, which caused her to fall back suffocating on her pillow. but she speedily recovered herself, and mad with joy, she shrieked as she covered his head with kisses: "how do you come here? why? is it you? how you have grown! who brought you? are you alone? you are not ill? it is you, marco! it is not a dream! my god! speak to me!" then she suddenly changed her tone: "no! be silent! wait!" and turning to the doctor, she said with precipitation: "quick, doctor! this instant! i want to get well. i am ready. do not lose a moment. take marco away, so that he may not hear.--marco, my love, it is nothing. i will tell you about it. one more kiss. go!--here i am, doctor." marco was taken away. the master, mistress, and women retired in haste; the surgeon and his assistant remained behind, and closed the door. signor mequinez attempted to lead marco to a distant room, but it was impossible; he seemed rooted to the pavement. "what is it?" he asked. "what is the matter with my mother? what are they doing to her?" and then mequinez said softly, still trying to draw him away: "here! listen to me. i will tell you now. your mother is ill; she must undergo a little operation; i will explain it all to you: come with me." "no," replied the lad, resisting; "i want to stay here. explain it to me here." the engineer heaped words on words, as he drew him away; the boy began to grow terrified and to tremble. suddenly an acute cry, like that of one wounded to the death, rang through the whole house. the boy responded with another desperate shriek, "my mother is dead!" the doctor appeared on the threshold and said, "your mother is saved." the boy gazed at him for a moment, and then flung himself at his feet, sobbing, "thanks, doctor!" but the doctor raised him with a gesture, saying: "rise! it is you, you heroic child, who have saved your mother!" summer. wednesday, th. marco, the genoese, is the last little hero but one whose acquaintance we shall make this year; only one remains for the month of june. there are only two more monthly examinations, twenty-six days of lessons, six thursdays, and five sundays. the air of the end of the year is already perceptible. the trees of the garden, leafy and in blossom, cast a fine shade on the gymnastic apparatus. the scholars are already dressed in summer clothes. and it is beautiful, at the close of school and the exit of the classes, to see how different everything is from what it was in the months that are past. the long locks which touched the shoulders have disappeared; all heads are closely shorn; bare legs and throats are to be seen; little straw hats of every shape, with ribbons that descend even on the backs of the wearers; shirts and neckties of every hue; all the little children with something red or blue about them, a facing, a border, a tassel, a scrap of some vivid color tacked on somewhere by the mother, so that even the poorest may make a good figure; and many come to school without any hats, as though they had run away from home. some wear the white gymnasium suit. there is one of schoolmistress delcati's boys who is red from head to foot, like a boiled crab. several are dressed like sailors. but the finest of all is the little mason, who has donned a big straw hat, which gives him the appearance of a half-candle with a shade over it; and it is ridiculous to see him make his hare's face beneath it. coretti, too, has abandoned his catskin cap, and wears an old travelling-cap of gray silk. votini has a sort of scotch dress, all decorated; crossi displays his bare breast; precossi is lost inside of a blue blouse belonging to the blacksmith-ironmonger. and garoffi? now that he has been obliged to discard the cloak beneath which he concealed his wares, all his pockets are visible, bulging with all sorts of huckster's trifles, and the lists of his lotteries force themselves out. now all his pockets allow their contents to be seen,--fans made of half a newspaper, knobs of canes, darts to fire at birds, herbs, and maybugs which creep out of his pockets and crawl gradually over the jackets. many of the little fellows carry bunches of flowers to the mistresses. the mistresses are dressed in summer garments also, of cheerful tints; all except the "little nun," who is always in black; and the mistress with the red feather still has her red feather, and a knot of red ribbon at her neck, all tumbled with the little paws of her scholars, who always make her laugh and flee. it is the season, too, of cherry-trees, of butterflies, of music in the streets, and of rambles in the country; many of the fourth grade run away to bathe in the po; all have their hearts already set on the vacation; each day they issue forth from school more impatient and content than the day before. only it pains me to see garrone in mourning, and my poor mistress of the primary, who is thinner and whiter than ever, and who coughs with ever-increasing violence. she walks all bent over now, and salutes me so sadly! poetry. friday, th. you are now beginning to comprehend the poetry of school, enrico; but at present you only survey the school from within. it will seem much more beautiful and more poetic to you twenty years from now, when you go thither to escort your own boys; and you will then survey it from the outside, as i do. while waiting for school to close, i wander about the silent street, in the vicinity of the edifice, and lay my ear to the windows of the ground floor, which are screened by venetian blinds. at one window i hear the voice of a schoolmistress saying:-- "ah, what a shape for a _t_! it won't do, my dear boy! what would your father say to it?" at the next window there resounds the heavy voice of a master, which is saying:-- "i will buy fifty metres of stuff--at four lire and a half the metre--and sell it again--" further on there is the mistress with the red feather, who is reading aloud:-- "then pietro micca, with the lighted train of powder--" from the adjoining class-room comes the chirping of a thousand birds, which signifies that the master has stepped out for a moment. i proceed onward, and as i turn the corner, i hear a scholar weeping, and the voice of the mistress reproving and comforting him. from the lofty windows issue verses, names of great and good men, fragments of sentences which inculcate virtue, the love of country, and courage. then ensue moments of silence, in which one would declare that the edifice is empty, and it does not seem possible that there should be seven hundred boys within; noisy outbursts of hilarity become audible, provoked by the jest of a master in a good humor. and the people who are passing halt, and all direct a glance of sympathy towards that pleasing building, which contains so much youth and so many hopes. then a sudden dull sound is heard, a clapping to of books and portfolios, a shuffling of feet, a buzz which spreads from room to room, and from the lower to the higher, as at the sudden diffusion of a bit of good news: it is the beadle, who is making his rounds, announcing the dismissal of school. and at that sound a throng of women, men, girls, and youths press closer from this side and that of the door, waiting for their sons, brothers, or grandchildren; while from the doors of the class-rooms little boys shoot forth into the big hall, as from a spout, seize their little capes and hats, creating a great confusion with them on the floor, and dancing all about, until the beadle chases them forth one after the other. and at length they come forth, in long files, stamping their feet. and then from all the relatives there descends a shower of questions: "did you know your lesson?--how much work did they give you?--what have you to do for to-morrow!--when does the monthly examination come?" and then even the poor mothers who do not know how to read, open the copy-books, gaze at the problems, and ask particulars: "only eight?--ten with commendation?--nine for the lesson?" and they grow uneasy, and rejoice, and interrogate the masters, and talk of prospectuses and examinations. how beautiful all this is, and how great and how immense is its promise for the world! thy father. the deaf-mute. sunday, th. the month of may could not have had a better ending than my visit of this morning. we heard a jingling of the bell, and all ran to see what it meant. i heard my father say in a tone of astonishment:-- "you here, giorgio?" giorgio was our gardener in chieri, who now has his family at condove, and who had just arrived from genoa, where he had disembarked on the preceding day, on his return from greece, where he has been working on the railway for the last three years. he had a big bundle in his arms. he has grown a little older, but his face is still red and jolly. my father wished to have him enter; but he refused, and suddenly inquired, assuming a serious expression: "how is my family? how is gigia?" "she was well a few days ago," replied my mother. giorgio uttered a deep sigh. "oh, god be praised! i had not the courage to present myself at the deaf-mute institution until i had heard about her. i will leave my bundle here, and run to get her. it is three years since i have seen my poor little daughter! three years since i have seen any of my people!" my father said to me, "accompany him." "excuse me; one word more," said the gardener, from the landing. my father interrupted him, "and your affairs?" "all right," the other replied. "thanks to god, i have brought back a few soldi. but i wanted to inquire. tell me how the education of the little dumb girl is getting on. when i left her, she was a poor little animal, poor thing! i don't put much faith in those colleges. has she learned how to make signs? my wife did write to me, to be sure, 'she is learning to speak; she is making progress.' but i said to myself, what is the use of her learning to talk if i don't know how to make the signs myself? how shall we manage to understand each other, poor little thing? that is well enough to enable them to understand each other, one unfortunate to comprehend another unfortunate. how is she getting on, then? how is she?" my father smiled, and replied:-- "i shall not tell you anything about it; you will see; go, go; don't waste another minute!" we took our departure; the institute is close by. as we went along with huge strides, the gardener talked to me, and grew sad. "ah, my poor gigia! to be born with such an infirmity! to think that i have never heard her call me _father_; that she has never heard me call her _my daughter_; that she has never either heard or uttered a single word since she has been in the world! and it is lucky that a charitable gentleman was found to pay the expenses of the institution. but that is all--she could not enter there until she was eight years old. she has not been at home for three years. she is now going on eleven. and she has grown? tell me, she has grown? she is in good spirits?" "you will see in a moment, you will see in a moment," i replied, hastening my pace. "but where is this institution?" he demanded. "my wife went with her after i was gone. it seems to me that it ought to be near here." we had just reached it. we at once entered the parlor. an attendant came to meet us. "i am the father of gigia voggi," said the gardener; "give me my daughter instantly." "they are at play," replied the attendant; "i will go and inform the matron." and he hastened away. the gardener could no longer speak nor stand still; he stared at all four walls, without seeing anything. the door opened; a teacher entered, dressed in black, holding a little girl by the hand. father and daughter gazed at one another for an instant; then flew into each other's arms, uttering a cry. the girl was dressed in a white and reddish striped material, with a gray apron. she is a little taller than i. she cried, and clung to her father's neck with both arms. her father disengaged himself, and began to survey her from head to foot, panting as though he had run a long way; and he exclaimed: "ah, how she has grown! how pretty she has become! oh, my dear, poor gigia! my poor mute child!--are you her teacher, signora? tell her to make some of her signs to me; for i shall be able to understand something, and then i will learn little by little. tell her to make me understand something with her gestures." the teacher smiled, and said in a low voice to the girl, "who is this man who has come to see you?" and the girl replied with a smile, in a coarse, strange, dissonant voice, like that of a savage who was speaking for the first time in our language, but with a distinct pronunciation, "he is my fa-ther." the gardener fell back a pace, and shrieked like a madman: "she speaks! is it possible! is it possible! she speaks? can you speak, my child? can you speak? say something to me: you can speak?" and he embraced her afresh, and kissed her thrice on the brow. "but it is not with signs that she talks, signora; it is not with her fingers? what does this mean?" "no, signor voggi," rejoined the teacher, "it is not with signs. that was the old way. here we teach the new method, the oral method. how is it that you did not know it?" "i knew nothing about it!" replied the gardener, lost in amazement. "i have been abroad for the last three years. oh, they wrote to me, and i did not understand. i am a blockhead. oh, my daughter, you understand me, then? do you hear my voice? answer me: do you hear me? do you hear what i say?" "why, no, my good man," said the teacher; "she does not hear your voice, because she is deaf. she understands from the movements of your lips what the words are that you utter; this is the way the thing is managed; but she does not hear your voice any more than she does the words which she speaks to you; she pronounces them, because we have taught her, letter by letter, how she must place her lips and move her tongue, and what effort she must make with her chest and throat, in order to emit a sound." the gardener did not understand, and stood with his mouth wide open. he did not yet believe it. "tell me, gigia," he asked his daughter, whispering in her ear, "are you glad that your father has come back?" and he raised his face again, and stood awaiting her reply. the girl looked at him thoughtfully, and said nothing. her father was perturbed. the teacher laughed. then she said: "my good man, she does not answer you, because she did not see the movements of your lips: you spoke in her ear! repeat your question, keeping your face well before hers." the father, gazing straight in her face, repeated, "are you glad that your father has come back? that he is not going away again?" the girl, who had observed his lips attentively, seeking even to see inside his mouth, replied frankly:-- "yes, i am de-light-ed that you have re-turned, that you are not go-ing a-way a-gain--nev-er a-gain." her father embraced her impetuously, and then in great haste, in order to make quite sure, he overwhelmed her with questions. "what is mamma's name?" "an-to-nia." "what is the name of your little sister?" "ad-e-laide." "what is the name of this college?" "the deaf-mute insti-tution." "how many are two times ten?" "twen-ty." while we thought that he was laughing for joy, he suddenly burst out crying. but this was the result of joy also. "take courage," said the teacher to him; "you have reason to rejoice, not to weep. you see that you are making your daughter cry also. you are pleased, then?" the gardener grasped the teacher's hand and kissed it two or three times, saying: "thanks, thanks, thanks! a hundred thanks, a thousand thanks, dear signora teacher! and forgive me for not knowing how to say anything else!" "but she not only speaks," said the teacher; "your daughter also knows how to write. she knows how to reckon. she knows the names of all common objects. she knows a little history and geography. she is now in the regular class. when she has passed through the two remaining classes, she will know much more. when she leaves here, she will be in a condition to adopt a profession. we already have deaf-mutes who stand in the shops to serve customers, and they perform their duties like any one else." again the gardener was astounded. it seemed as though his ideas were becoming confused again. he stared at his daughter and scratched his head. his face demanded another explanation. then the teacher turned to the attendant and said to him:-- "call a child of the preparatory class for me." the attendant returned, in a short time, with a deaf-mute of eight or nine years, who had entered the institution a few days before. "this girl," said the mistress, "is one of those whom we are instructing in the first elements. this is the way it is done. i want to make her say _a_. pay attention." the teacher opened her mouth, as one opens it to pronounce the vowel _a_, and motioned to the child to open her mouth in the same manner. then the mistress made her a sign to emit her voice. she did so; but instead of _a_, she pronounced _o_. "no," said the mistress, "that is not right." and taking the child's two hands, she placed one of them on her own throat and the other on her chest, and repeated, "_a_." the child felt with her hands the movements of the mistress's throat and chest, opened her mouth again as before, and pronounced extremely well, "_a_." in the same manner, the mistress made her pronounce _c_ and _d_, still keeping the two little hands on her own throat and chest. "now do you understand?" she inquired. the father understood; but he seemed more astonished than when he had not understood. "and they are taught to speak in the same way?" he asked, after a moment of reflection, gazing at the teacher. "you have the patience to teach them to speak in that manner, little by little, and so many of them? one by one--through years and years? but you are saints; that's what you are! you are angels of paradise! there is not in the world a reward that is worthy of you! what is there that i can say? ah! leave me alone with my daughter a little while now. let me have her to myself for five minutes." and drawing her to a seat apart he began to interrogate her, and she to reply, and he laughed with beaming eyes, slapping his fists down on his knees; and he took his daughter's hands, and stared at her, beside himself with delight at hearing her, as though her voice had been one which came from heaven; then he asked the teacher, "would the signor director permit me to thank him?" "the director is not here," replied the mistress; "but there is another person whom you should thank. every little girl here is given into the charge of an older companion, who acts the part of sister or mother to her. your little girl has been intrusted to the care of a deaf-mute of seventeen, the daughter of a baker, who is kind and very fond of her; she has been assisting her for two years to dress herself every morning; she combs her hair, she teaches her to sew, she mends her clothes, she is good company for her.--luigia, what is the name of your mamma in the institute?" the girl smiled, and said, "ca-te-rina gior-dano." then she said to her father, "she is ve-ry, ve-ry good." the attendant, who had withdrawn at a signal from the mistress, returned almost at once with a light-haired deaf-mute, a robust girl, with a cheerful countenance, and also dressed in the red and white striped stuff, with a gray apron; she paused at the door and blushed; then she bent her head with a smile. she had the figure of a woman, but seemed like a child. giorgio's daughter instantly ran to her, took her by the arm, like a child, and drew her to her father, saying, in her heavy voice, "ca-te-rina gior-dano." "ah, what a splendid girl!" exclaimed her father; and he stretched out one hand to caress her, but drew it back again, and repeated, "ah, what a good girl! may god bless her, may he grant her all good fortune, all consolations; may he make her and hers always happy, so good a girl is she, my poor gigia! it is an honest workingman, the poor father of a family, who wishes you this with all his heart." the big girl caressed the little one, still keeping her face bent, and smiling, and the gardener continued to gaze at her, as at a madonna. "you can take your daughter with you for the day," said the mistress. "won't i take her, though!" rejoined the gardener. "i'll take her to condove, and fetch her back to-morrow morning. think for a bit whether i won't take her!" the girl ran off to dress. "it is three years since i have seen her!" repeated the gardener. "now she speaks! i will take her to condove with me on the instant. but first i shall take a ramble about turin, with my deaf-mute on my arm, so that all may see her, and take her to see some of my friends! ah, what a beautiful day! this is consolation indeed!--here's your father's arm, my gigia." the girl, who had returned with a little mantle and cap on, took his arm. "and thanks to all!" said the father, as he reached the threshold. "thanks to all, with my whole soul! i shall come back another time to thank you all again." he stood for a moment in thought, then disengaged himself abruptly from the girl, turned back, fumbling in his waistcoat with his hand, and shouted like a man in a fury:-- "come now, i am not a poor devil! so here, i leave twenty lire for the institution,--a fine new gold piece." and with a tremendous bang, he deposited his gold piece on the table. "no, no, my good man," said the mistress, with emotion. "take back your money. i cannot accept it. take it back. it is not my place. you shall see about that when the director is here. but he will not accept anything either; be sure of that. you have toiled too hard to earn it, poor man. we shall be greatly obliged to you, all the same." "no; i shall leave it," replied the gardener, obstinately; "and then--we will see." but the mistress put his money back in his pocket, without leaving him time to reject it. and then he resigned himself with a shake of the head; and then, wafting a kiss to the mistress and to the large girl, he quickly took his daughter's arm again, and hurried with her out of the door, saying:-- "come, come, my daughter, my poor dumb child, my treasure!" and the girl exclaimed, in her harsh voice:-- "oh, how beau-ti-ful the sun is!" june. garibaldi. june d. to-morrow is the national festival day. to-day is a day of national mourning. garibaldi died last night. do you know who he is? he is the man who liberated ten millions of italians from the tyranny of the bourbons. he died at the age of seventy-five. he was born at nice, the son of a ship captain. at eight years of age, he saved a woman's life; at thirteen, he dragged into safety a boat-load of his companions who were shipwrecked; at twenty-seven, he rescued from the water at marseilles a drowning youth; at forty-one, he saved a ship from burning on the ocean. he fought for ten years in america for the liberty of a strange people; he fought in three wars against the austrians, for the liberation of lombardy and trentino; he defended rome from the french in ; he delivered naples and palermo in ; he fought again for rome in ; he combated with the germans in defence of france in . he was possessed of the flame of heroism and the genius of war. he was engaged in forty battles, and won thirty-seven of them. when he was not fighting, he was laboring for his living, or he shut himself up in a solitary island, and tilled the soil. he was teacher, sailor, workman, trader, soldier, general, dictator. he was simple, great, and good. he hated all oppressors, he loved all peoples, he protected all the weak; he had no other aspiration than good, he refused honors, he scorned death, he adored italy. when he uttered his war-cry, legions of valorous men hastened to him from all quarters; gentlemen left their palaces, workmen their ships, youths their schools, to go and fight in the sunshine of his glory. in time of war he wore a red shirt. he was strong, blond, and handsome. on the field of battle he was a thunder-bolt, in his affections he was a child, in affliction a saint. thousands of italians have died for their country, happy, if, when dying, they saw him pass victorious in the distance; thousands would have allowed themselves to be killed for him; millions have blessed and will bless him. he is dead. the whole world mourns him. you do not understand him now. but you will read of his deeds, you will constantly hear him spoken of in the course of your life; and gradually, as you grow up, his image will grow before you; when you become a man, you will behold him as a giant; and when you are no longer in the world, when your sons' sons and those who shall be born from them are no longer among the living, the generations will still behold on high his luminous head as a redeemer of the peoples, crowned by the names of his victories as with a circlet of stars; and the brow and the soul of every italian will beam when he utters his name. thy father. the army. sunday, th. the national festival day. postponed for a week on account of the death of garibaldi. we have been to the piazza castello, to see the review of soldiers, who defiled before the commandant of the army corps, between two vast lines of people. as they marched past to the sound of flourishes from trumpets and bands, my father pointed out to me the corps and the glories of the banners. first, the pupils of the academy, those who will become officers in the engineers and the artillery, about three hundred in number, dressed in black, passed with the bold and easy elegance of students and soldiers. after them defiled the infantry, the brigade of aosta, which fought at goito and at san martino, and the bergamo brigade, which fought at castelfidardo, four regiments of them, company after company, thousands of red aiguillettes, which seemed like so many double and very long garlands of blood-colored flowers, extended and agitated from the two ends, and borne athwart the crowd. after the infantry, the soldiers of the mining corps advanced,--the workingmen of war, with their plumes of black horse-tails, and their crimson bands; and while these were passing, we beheld advancing behind them hundreds of long, straight plumes, which rose above the heads of the spectators; they were the mountaineers, the defenders of the portals of italy, all tall, rosy, and stalwart, with hats of calabrian fashion, and revers of a beautiful, bright green, the color of the grass on their native mountains. the mountaineers were still marching past, when a quiver ran through the crowd, and the _bersaglieri_, the old twelfth battalion, the first who entered rome through the breach at the porta pia, bronzed, alert, brisk, with fluttering plumes, passed like a wave in a sea of black, making the piazza ring with the shrill blasts of their trumpets, which seemed shouts of joy. but their trumpeting was drowned by a broken and hollow rumble, which announced the field artillery; and then the latter passed in triumph, seated on their lofty caissons, drawn by three hundred pairs of fiery horses,--those fine soldiers with yellow lacings, and their long cannons of brass and steel gleaming on the light carriages, as they jolted and resounded, and made the earth tremble. and then came the mountain artillery, slowly, gravely, beautiful in its laborious and rude semblance, with its large soldiers, with its powerful mules--that mountain artillery which carries dismay and death wherever man can set his foot. and last of all, the fine regiment of the genoese cavalry, which had wheeled down like a whirlwind on ten fields of battle, from santa lucia to villafranca, passed at a gallop, with their helmets glittering in the sun, their lances erect, their pennons floating in the air, sparkling with gold and silver, filling the air with jingling and neighing. "how beautiful it is!" i exclaimed. my father almost reproved me for these words, and said to me:-- "you are not to regard the army as a fine spectacle. all these young men, so full of strength and hope, may be called upon any day to defend our country, and fall in a few hours, crushed to fragments by bullets and grape-shot. every time that you hear the cry, at a feast, 'hurrah for the army! hurrah for italy!' picture to yourself, behind the regiments which are passing, a plain covered with corpses, and inundated with blood, and then the greeting to the army will proceed from the very depths of your heart, and the image of italy will appear to you more severe and grand." italy. tuesday, th. salute your country thus, on days of festival: "italy, my country, dear and noble land, where my father and my mother were born, and where they will be buried, where i hope to live and die, where my children will grow up and die; beautiful italy, great and glorious for many centuries, united and free for a few years; thou who didst disseminate so great a light of intellect divine over the world, and for whom so many valiant men have died on the battle-field, and so many heroes on the gallows; august mother of three hundred cities, and thirty millions of sons; i, a child, who do not understand thee as yet, and who do not know thee in thy entirety, i venerate and love thee with all my soul, and i am proud of having been born of thee, and of calling myself thy son. i love thy splendid seas and thy sublime mountains; i love thy solemn monuments and thy immortal memories; i love thy glory and thy beauty; i love and venerate the whole of thee as that beloved portion of thee where i, for the first time, beheld the light and heard thy name. i love the whole of thee, with a single affection and with equal gratitude,--turin the valiant, genoa the superb, bologna the learned, venice the enchanting, milan the mighty; i love you with the uniform reverence of a son, gentle florence and terrible palermo, immense and beautiful naples, marvellous and eternal rome. i love thee, my sacred country! and i swear that i will love all thy sons like brothers; that i will always honor in my heart thy great men, living and dead; that i will be an industrious and honest citizen, constantly intent on ennobling myself, in order to render myself worthy of thee, to assist with my small powers in causing misery, ignorance, injustice, crime, to disappear one day from thy face, so that thou mayest live and expand tranquilly in the majesty of thy right and of thy strength. i swear that i will serve thee, as it may be granted to me, with my mind, with my arm, with my heart, humbly, ardently; and that, if the day should dawn in which i should be called on to give my blood for thee and my life, i will give my blood, and i will die, crying thy holy name to heaven, and wafting my last kiss to thy blessed banner." thy father. [illustration: "we descended, running and singing."--page .] thirty-two degrees. friday, th. during the five days which have passed since the national festival, the heat has increased by three degrees. we are in full summer now, and begin to feel weary; all have lost their fine rosy color of springtime; necks and legs are growing thin, heads droop and eyes close. poor nelli, who suffers much from the heat, has turned the color of wax in the face; he sometimes falls into a heavy sleep, with his head on his copy-book; but garrone is always watchful, and places an open book upright in front of him, so that the master may not see him. crossi rests his red head against the bench in a certain way, so that it looks as though it had been detached from his body and placed there separately. nobis complains that there are too many of us, and that we corrupt the air. ah, what an effort it costs now to study! i gaze through the windows at those beautiful trees which cast so deep a shade, where i should be so glad to run, and sadness and wrath overwhelm me at being obliged to go and shut myself up among the benches. but then i take courage at the sight of my kind mother, who is always watching me, scrutinizing me, when i return from school, to see whether i am not pale; and at every page of my work she says to me:-- "do you still feel well?" and every morning at six, when she wakes me for my lesson, "courage! there are only so many days more: then you will be free, and will get rested,--you will go to the shade of country lanes." yes, she is perfectly right to remind me of the boys who are working in the fields in the full heat of the sun, or among the white sands of the river, which blind and scorch them, and of those in the glass-factories, who stand all day long motionless, with head bent over a flame of gas; and all of them rise earlier than we do, and have no vacations. courage, then! and even in this respect, derossi is at the head of all, for he suffers neither from heat nor drowsiness; he is always wide awake, and cheery, with his golden curls, as he was in the winter, and he studies without effort, and keeps all about him alert, as though he freshened the air with his voice. and there are two others, also, who are always awake and attentive: stubborn stardi, who pricks his face, to prevent himself from going to sleep; and the more weary and heated he is, the more he sets his teeth, and he opens his eyes so wide that it seems as though he wanted to eat the teacher; and that barterer of a garoffi, who is wholly absorbed in manufacturing fans out of red paper, decorated with little figures from match-boxes, which he sells at two centesimi apiece. but the bravest of all is coretti; poor coretti, who gets up at five o'clock, to help his father carry wood! at eleven, in school, he can no longer keep his eyes open, and his head droops on his breast. and nevertheless, he shakes himself, punches himself on the back of the neck, asks permission to go out and wash his face, and makes his neighbors shake and pinch him. but this morning he could not resist, and he fell into a leaden sleep. the master called him loudly; "coretti!" he did not hear. the master, irritated, repeated, "coretti!" then the son of the charcoal-man, who lives next to him at home, rose and said:-- "he worked from five until seven carrying faggots." the teacher allowed him to sleep on, and continued with the lesson for half an hour. then he went to coretti's seat, and wakened him very, very gently, by blowing in his face. on beholding the master in front of him, he started back in alarm. but the master took his head in his hands, and said, as he kissed him on the hair:-- "i am not reproving you, my son. your sleep is not at all that of laziness; it is the sleep of fatigue." my father. saturday, th. surely, neither your comrade coretti nor garrone would ever have answered their fathers as you answered yours this afternoon. enrico! how is it possible? you must promise me solemnly that this shall never happen again so long as i live. every time that an impertinent reply flies to your lips at a reproof from your father, think of that day which will infallibly come when he will call you to his bedside to tell you, "enrico, i am about to leave you." oh, my son, when you hear his voice for the last time, and for a long while afterwards, when you weep alone in his deserted room, in the midst of those books which he will never open again, then, on recalling that you have at times been wanting in respect to him, you, too, will ask yourself, "how is it possible?" then you will understand that he has always been your best friend, that when he was constrained to punish you, it caused him more suffering than it did you, and that he never made you weep except for the sake of doing you good; and then you will repent, and you will kiss with tears that desk at which he worked so much, at which he wore out his life for his children. you do not understand now; he hides from you all of himself except his kindness and his love. you do not know that he is sometimes so broken down with toil that he thinks he has only a few more days to live, and that at such moments he talks only of you; he has in his heart no other trouble than that of leaving you poor and without protection. and how often, when meditating on this, does he enter your chamber while you are asleep, and stand there, lamp in hand, gazing at you; and then he makes an effort, and weary and sad as he is, he returns to his labor; and neither do you know that he often seeks you and remains with you because he has a bitterness in his heart, sorrows which attack all men in the world, and he seeks you as a friend, to obtain consolation himself and forgetfulness, and he feels the need of taking refuge in your affection, to recover his serenity and his courage: think, then, what must be his sorrow, when instead of finding in you affection, he finds coldness and disrespect! never again stain yourself with this horrible ingratitude! reflect, that were you as good as a saint, you could never repay him sufficiently for what he has done and for what he is constantly doing for you. and reflect, also, we cannot count on life; a misfortune might remove your father while you are still a boy,--in two years, in three months, to-morrow. ah, my poor enrico, when you see all about you changing, how empty, how desolate the house will appear, with your poor mother clothed in black! go, my son, go to your father; he is in his room at work; go on tiptoe, so that he may not hear you enter; go and lay your forehead on his knees, and beseech him to pardon and to bless you. thy mother. in the country. monday, th. my good father forgave me, even on this occasion, and allowed me to go on an expedition to the country, which had been arranged on wednesday, with the father of coretti, the wood-peddler. we were all in need of a mouthful of hill air. it was a festival day. we met yesterday at two o'clock in the place of the statuto, derossi, garrone, garoffi, precossi, coretti, father and son, and i, with our provisions of fruit, sausages, and hard-boiled eggs; we had also leather bottles and tin cups. garrone carried a gourd filled with white wine; coretti, his father's soldier-canteen, full of red wine; and little precossi, in the blacksmith's blouse, held under his arm a two-kilogramme loaf. we went in the omnibus as far as gran madre di dio, and then off, as briskly as possible, to the hills. how green, how shady, how fresh it was! we rolled over and over in the grass, we dipped our faces in the rivulets, we leaped the hedges. the elder coretti followed us at a distance, with his jacket thrown over his shoulders, smoking his clay pipe, and from time to time threatening us with his hand, to prevent our tearing holes in our trousers. precossi whistled; i had never heard him whistle before. the younger coretti did the same, as he went along. that little fellow knows how to make everything with his jack-knife a finger's length long,--mill-wheels, forks, squirts; and he insisted on carrying the other boys' things, and he was loaded down until he was dripping with perspiration, but he was still as nimble as a goat. derossi halted every moment to tell us the names of the plants and insects. i don't understand how he manages to know so many things. and garrone nibbled at his bread in silence; but he no longer attacks it with the cheery bites of old, poor garrone! now that he has lost his mother. but he is always as good as bread himself. when one of us ran back to obtain the momentum for leaping a ditch, he ran to the other side, and held out his hands to us; and as precossi was afraid of cows, having been tossed by one when a child, garrone placed himself in front of him every time that we passed any. we mounted up to santa margherita, and then went down the decline by leaps, rolls, and slides. precossi tumbled into a thorn-bush, and tore a hole in his blouse, and stood there overwhelmed with shame, with the strip dangling; but garoffi, who always has pins in his jacket, fixed it so that it was not perceptible, while the other kept saying, "excuse me, excuse me," and then he set out to run once more. garoffi did not waste his time on the way; he picked salad herbs and snails, and put every stone that glistened in the least into his pocket, supposing that there was gold and silver in it. and on we went, running, rolling, and climbing through the shade and in the sun, up and down, through all the lanes and cross-roads, until we arrived dishevelled and breathless at the crest of a hill, where we seated ourselves to take our lunch on the grass. we could see an immense plain, and all the blue alps with their white summits. we were dying of hunger; the bread seemed to be melting. the elder coretti handed us our portions of sausage on gourd leaves. and then we all began to talk at once about the teachers, the comrades who had not been able to come, and the examinations. precossi was rather ashamed to eat, and garrone thrust the best bits of his share into his mouth by force. coretti was seated next his father, with his legs crossed; they seem more like two brothers than father and son, when seen thus together, both rosy and smiling, with those white teeth of theirs. the father drank with zest, emptying the bottles and the cups which we left half finished, and said:-- "wine hurts you boys who are studying; it is the wood-sellers who need it." then he grasped his son by the nose, and shook him, saying to us, "boys, you must love this fellow, for he is a flower of a man of honor; i tell you so myself!" and then we all laughed, except garrone. and he went on, as he drank, "it's a shame, eh! now you are all good friends together, and in a few years, who knows, enrico and derossi will be lawyers or professors or i don't know what, and the other four of you will be in shops or at a trade, and the deuce knows where, and then--good night comrades!" "nonsense!" rejoined derossi; "for me, garrone will always be garrone, precossi will always be precossi, and the same with all the others, were i to become the emperor of russia: where they are, there i shall go also." "bless you!" exclaimed the elder coretti, raising his flask; "that's the way to talk, by heavens! touch your glass here! hurrah for brave comrades, and hurrah for school, which makes one family of you, of those who have and those who have not!" we all clinked his flask with the skins and the cups, and drank for the last time. "hurrah for the fourth of the th!" he cried, as he rose to his feet, and swallowed the last drop; "and if you have to do with squadrons too, see that you stand firm, like us old ones, my lads!" it was already late. we descended, running and singing, and walking long distances all arm in arm, and we arrived at the po as twilight fell, and thousands of fireflies were flitting about. and we only parted in the piazza dello statuto after having agreed to meet there on the following sunday, and go to the vittorio emanuele to see the distribution of prizes to the graduates of the evening schools. what a beautiful day! how happy i should have been on my return home, had i not encountered my poor schoolmistress! i met her coming down the staircase of our house, almost in the dark, and, as soon as she recognized me, she took both my hands, and whispered in my ear, "good by, enrico; remember me!" i perceived that she was weeping. i went up and told my mother about it. "i have just met my schoolmistress."--"she was just going to bed," replied my mother, whose eyes were red. and then she added very sadly, gazing intently at me, "your poor teacher--is very ill." the distribution of prizes to the workingmen. sunday, th. as we had agreed, we all went together to the theatre vittorio emanuele, to view the distribution of prizes to the workingmen. the theatre was adorned as on the th of march, and thronged, but almost wholly with the families of workmen; and the pit was occupied with the male and female pupils of the school of choral singing. these sang a hymn to the soldiers who had died in the crimea; which was so beautiful that, when it was finished, all rose and clapped and shouted, so that the song had to be repeated from the beginning. and then the prize-winners began immediately to march past the mayor, the prefect, and many others, who presented them with books, savings-bank books, diplomas, and medals. in one corner of the pit i espied the little mason, sitting beside his mother; and in another place there was the head-master; and behind him, the red head of my master of the second grade. the first to defile were the pupils of the evening drawing classes--the goldsmiths, engravers, lithographers, and also the carpenters and masons; then those of the commercial school; then those of the musical lyceum, among them several girls, workingwomen, all dressed in festal attire, who were saluted with great applause, and who laughed. last came the pupils of the elementary evening schools, and then it began to be a beautiful sight. they were of all ages, of all trades, and dressed in all sorts of ways,--men with gray hair, factory boys, artisans with big black beards. the little ones were at their ease; the men, a little embarrassed. the people clapped the oldest and the youngest, but none of the spectators laughed, as they did at our festival: all faces were attentive and serious. many of the prize-winners had wives and children in the pit, and there were little children who, when they saw their father pass across the stage, called him by name at the tops of their voices, and signalled to him with their hands, laughing violently. peasants passed, and porters; they were from the buoncompagni school. from the cittadella school there was a bootblack whom my father knew, and the prefect gave him a diploma. after him i saw approaching a man as big as a giant, whom i fancied that i had seen several times before. it was the father of the little mason, who had won the second prize. i remembered when i had seen him in the garret, at the bedside of his sick son, and i immediately sought out his son in the pit. poor little mason! he was staring at his father with beaming eyes, and, in order to conceal his emotion, he made his hare's face. at that moment i heard a burst of applause, and i glanced at the stage: a little chimney-sweep stood there, with a clean face, but in his working-clothes, and the mayor was holding him by the hand and talking to him. after the chimney-sweep came a cook; then came one of the city sweepers, from the raineri school, to get a prize. i felt i know not what in my heart,--something like a great affection and a great respect, at the thought of how much those prizes had cost all those workingmen, fathers of families, full of care; how much toil added to their labors, how many hours snatched from their sleep, of which they stand in such great need, and what efforts of intelligences not habituated to study, and of huge hands rendered clumsy with work! a factory boy passed, and it was evident that his father had lent him his jacket for the occasion, for his sleeves hung down so that he was forced to turn them back on the stage, in order to receive his prize: and many laughed; but the laugh was speedily stifled by the applause. next came an old man with a bald head and a white beard. several artillery soldiers passed, from among those who attended evening school in our schoolhouse; then came custom-house guards and policemen, from among those who guard our schools. at the conclusion, the pupils of the evening schools again sang the hymn to the dead in the crimea, but this time with so much dash, with a strength of affection which came so directly from the heart, that the audience hardly applauded at all, and all retired in deep emotion, slowly and noiselessly. in a few moments the whole street was thronged. in front of the entrance to the theatre was the chimney-sweep, with his prize book bound in red, and all around were gentlemen talking to him. many exchanged salutations from the opposite side of the street,--workmen, boys, policemen, teachers. my master of the second grade came out in the midst of the crowd, between two artillery men. and there were workmen's wives with babies in their arms, who held in their tiny hands their father's diploma, and exhibited it to the crowd in their pride. my dead schoolmistress. tuesday, th. while we were at the theatre vittorio emanuele, my poor schoolmistress died. she died at two o'clock, a week after she had come to see my mother. the head-master came to the school yesterday morning to announce it to us; and he said:-- "those of you who were her pupils know how good she was, how she loved her boys: she was a mother to them. now, she is no more. for a long time a terrible malady has been sapping her life. if she had not been obliged to work to earn her bread, she could have taken care of herself, and perhaps recovered. at all events, she could have prolonged her life for several months, if she had procured a leave of absence. but she wished to remain among her boys to the very last day. on the evening of saturday, the seventeenth, she took leave of them, with the certainty that she should never see them again. she gave them good advice, kissed them all, and went away sobbing. no one will ever behold her again. remember her, my boys!" little precossi, who had been one of her pupils in the upper primary, dropped his head on his desk and began to cry. yesterday afternoon, after school, we all went together to the house of the dead woman, to accompany her to church. there was a hearse in the street, with two horses, and many people were waiting, and conversing in a low voice. there was the head-master, all the masters and mistresses from our school, and from the other schoolhouses where she had taught in bygone years. there were nearly all the little children in her classes, led by the hand by their mothers, who carried tapers; and there were a very great many from the other classes, and fifty scholars from the baretti school, some with wreaths in their hands, some with bunches of roses. a great many bouquets of flowers had already been placed on the hearse, upon which was fastened a large wreath of acacia, with an inscription in black letters: _the old pupils of the fourth grade to their mistress_. and under the large wreath a little one was suspended, which the babies had brought. among the crowd were visible many servant-women, who had been sent by their mistresses with candles; and there were also two serving-men in livery, with lighted torches; and a wealthy gentleman, the father of one of the mistress's scholars, had sent his carriage, lined with blue satin. all were crowded together near the door. several girls were wiping away their tears. we waited for a while in silence. at length the casket was brought out. some of the little ones began to cry loudly when they saw the coffin slid into the hearse, and one began to shriek, as though he had only then comprehended that his mistress was dead, and he was seized with such a convulsive fit of sobbing, that they were obliged to carry him away. the procession got slowly into line and set out. first came the daughters of the ritiro della concezione, dressed in green; then the daughters of maria, all in white, with a blue ribbon; then the priests; and behind the hearse, the masters and mistresses, the tiny scholars of the upper primary, and all the others; and, at the end of all, the crowd. people came to the windows and to the doors, and on seeing all those boys, and the wreath, they said, "it is a schoolmistress." even some of the ladies who accompanied the smallest children wept. when the church was reached, the casket was removed from the hearse, and carried to the middle of the nave, in front of the great altar: the mistresses laid their wreaths on it, the children covered it with flowers, and the people all about, with lighted candles in their hands, began to chant the prayers in the vast and gloomy church. then, all of a sudden, when the priest had said the last _amen_, the candles were extinguished, and all went away in haste, and the mistress was left alone. poor mistress, who was so kind to me, who had so much patience, who had toiled for so many years! she has left her little books to her scholars, and everything which she possessed,--to one an inkstand, to another a little picture; and two days before her death, she said to the head-master that he was not to allow the smallest of them to go to her funeral, because she did not wish them to cry. she has done good, she has suffered, she is dead! poor mistress, left alone in that dark church! farewell! farewell forever, my kind friend, sad and sweet memory of my infancy! thanks. wednesday, th. my poor schoolmistress wanted to finish her year of school: she departed only three days before the end of the lessons. day after to-morrow we go once more to the schoolroom to hear the reading of the monthly story, _shipwreck_, and then--it is over. on saturday, the first of july, the examinations begin. and then another year, the fourth, is past! and if my mistress had not died, it would have passed well. i thought over all that i had known on the preceding october, and it seems to me that i know a good deal more: i have so many new things in my mind; i can say and write what i think better than i could then; i can also do the sums of many grown-up men who know nothing about it, and help them in their affairs; and i understand much more: i understand nearly everything that i read. i am satisfied. but how many people have urged me on and helped me to learn, one in one way, and another in another, at home, at school, in the street,--everywhere where i have been and where i have seen anything! and now, i thank you all. i thank you first, my good teacher, for having been so indulgent and affectionate with me; for you every new acquisition of mine was a labor, for which i now rejoice and of which i am proud. i thank you, derossi, my admirable companion, for your prompt and kind explanations, for you have made me understand many of the most difficult things, and overcome stumbling-blocks at examinations; and you, too, stardi, you brave and strong boy, who have showed me how a will of iron succeeds in everything: and you, kind, generous garrone, who make all those who know you kind and generous too; and you too, precossi and coretti, who have given me an example of courage in suffering, and of serenity in toil, i render thanks to you: i render thanks to all the rest. but above all, i thank thee, my father, thee, my first teacher, my first friend, who hast given me so many wise counsels, and hast taught me so many things, whilst thou wert working for me, always concealing thy sadness from me, and seeking in all ways to render study easy, and life beautiful to me; and thee, sweet mother, my beloved and blessed guardian angel, who hast tasted all my joys, and suffered all my bitternesses, who hast studied, worked, and wept with me, with one hand caressing my brow, and with the other pointing me to heaven. i kneel before you, as when i was a little child; i thank you for all the tenderness which you have instilled into my mind through twelve years of sacrifices and of love. shipwreck. (_last monthly story._) one morning in the month of december, several years ago, there sailed from the port of liverpool a huge steamer, which had on board two hundred persons, including a crew of sixty. the captain and nearly all the sailors were english. among the passengers there were several italians,--three gentlemen, a priest, and a company of musicians. the steamer was bound for the island of malta. the weather was threatening. among the third-class passengers forward, was an italian lad of a dozen years, small for his age, but robust; a bold, handsome, austere face, of sicilian type. he was alone near the fore-mast, seated on a coil of cordage, beside a well-worn valise, which contained his effects, and upon which he kept a hand. his face was brown, and his black and wavy hair descended to his shoulders. he was meanly clad, and had a tattered mantle thrown over his shoulders, and an old leather pouch on a cross-belt. he gazed thoughtfully about him at the passengers, the ship, the sailors who were running past, and at the restless sea. he had the appearance of a boy who has recently issued from a great family sorrow,--the face of a child, the expression of a man. a little after their departure, one of the steamer's crew, an italian with gray hair, made his appearance on the bow, holding by the hand a little girl; and coming to a halt in front of the little sicilian, he said to him:-- "here's a travelling companion for you, mario." then he went away. the girl seated herself on the pile of cordage beside the boy. they surveyed each other. "where are you going?" asked the sicilian. the girl replied: "to malta on the way of naples." then she added: "i am going to see my father and mother, who are expecting me. my name is giulietta faggiani." the boy said nothing. after the lapse of a few minutes, he drew some bread from his pouch, and some dried fruit; the girl had some biscuits: they began to eat. "look sharp there!" shouted the italian sailor, as he passed rapidly; "a lively time is at hand!" the wind continued to increase, the steamer pitched heavily; but the two children, who did not suffer from seasickness, paid no heed to it. the little girl smiled. she was about the same age as her companion, but was considerably taller, brown of complexion, slender, somewhat sickly, and dressed more than modestly. her hair was short and curling, she wore a red kerchief over her head, and two hoops of silver in her ears. as they ate, they talked about themselves and their affairs. the boy had no longer either father or mother. the father, an artisan, had died a few days previously in liverpool, leaving him alone; and the italian consul had sent him back to his country, to palermo, where he had still some distant relatives left. the little girl had been taken to london, the year before, by a widowed aunt, who was very fond of her, and to whom her parents--poor people--had given her for a time, trusting in a promise of an inheritance; but the aunt had died a few months later, run over by an omnibus, without leaving a centesimo; and then she too had had recourse to the consul, who had shipped her to italy. both had been recommended to the care of the italian sailor.--"so," concluded the little maid, "my father and mother thought that i would return rich, and instead i am returning poor. but they will love me all the same. and so will my brothers. i have four, all small. i am the oldest at home. i dress them. they will be greatly delighted to see me. they will come in on tiptoe--the sea is ugly!" then she asked the boy: "and are you going to stay with your relatives?" "yes--if they want me." "do not they love you?" "i don't know." "i shall be thirteen at christmas," said the girl. then they began to talk about the sea, and the people on board around them. they remained near each other all day, exchanging a few words now and then. the passengers thought them brother and sister. the girl knitted at a stocking, the boy meditated, the sea continued to grow rougher. at night, as they parted to go to bed, the girl said to mario, "sleep well." "no one will sleep well, my poor children!" exclaimed the italian sailor as he ran past, in answer to a call from the captain. the boy was on the point of replying with a "good night" to his little friend, when an unexpected dash of water dealt him a violent blow, and flung him against a seat. "my dear, you are bleeding!" cried the girl, flinging herself upon him. the passengers who were making their escape below, paid no heed to them. the child knelt down beside mario, who had been stunned by the blow, wiped the blood from his brow, and pulling the red kerchief from her hair, she bound it about his head, then pressed his head to her breast in order to knot the ends, and thus received a spot of blood on her yellow bodice just above the girdle. mario shook himself and rose: "are you better?" asked the girl. "i no longer feel it," he replied. "sleep well," said giulietta. "good night," responded mario. and they descended two neighboring sets of steps to their dormitories. the sailor's prediction proved correct. before they could get to sleep, a frightful tempest had broken loose. it was like the sudden onslaught of furious great horses, which in the course of a few minutes split one mast, and carried away three boats which were suspended to the falls, and four cows on the bow, like leaves. on board the steamer there arose a confusion, a terror, an uproar, a tempest of shrieks, wails, and prayers, sufficient to make the hair stand on end. the tempest continued to increase in fury all night. at daybreak it was still increasing. the formidable waves dashing the craft transversely, broke over the deck, and smashed, split, and hurled everything into the sea. the platform which screened the engine was destroyed, and the water dashed in with a terrible roar; the fires were extinguished; the engineers fled; huge and impetuous streams forced their way everywhere. a voice of thunder shouted: "to the pumps!" it was the captain's voice. the sailors rushed to the pumps. but a sudden burst of the sea, striking the vessel on the stern, demolished bulwarks and hatchways, and sent a flood within. all the passengers, more dead than alive, had taken refuge in the grand saloon. at last the captain made his appearance. "captain! captain!" they all shrieked in concert. "what is taking place? where are we? is there any hope! save us!" the captain waited until they were silent, then said coolly; "let us be resigned." one woman uttered a cry of "mercy!" no one else could give vent to a sound. terror had frozen them all. a long time passed thus, in a silence like that of the grave. all gazed at each other with blanched faces. the sea continued to rage and roar. the vessel pitched heavily. at one moment the captain attempted to launch one life-boat; five sailors entered it; the boat sank; the waves turned it over, and two of the sailors were drowned, among them the italian: the others contrived with difficulty to catch hold of the ropes and draw themselves up again. after this, the sailors themselves lost all courage. two hours later, the vessel was sunk in the water to the height of the port-holes. a terrible spectacle was presented meanwhile on the deck. mothers pressed their children to their breasts in despair; friends exchanged embraces and bade each other farewell; some went down into the cabins that they might die without seeing the sea. one passenger shot himself in the head with a pistol, and fell headlong down the stairs to the cabin, where he expired. many clung frantically to each other; women writhed in horrible convulsions. there was audible a chorus of sobs, of infantile laments, of strange and piercing voices; and here and there persons were visible motionless as statues, in stupor, with eyes dilated and sightless,--faces of corpses and madmen. the two children, giulietta and mario, clung to a mast and gazed at the sea with staring eyes, as though senseless. the sea had subsided a little; but the vessel continued to sink slowly. only a few minutes remained to them. "launch the long-boat!" shouted the captain. a boat, the last that remained, was thrown into the water, and fourteen sailors and three passengers descended into it. the captain remained on board. "come down with us!" they shouted to him from below. "i must die at my post," replied the captain. "we shall meet a vessel," the sailors cried to him; "we shall be saved! come down! you are lost!" "i shall remain." "there is room for one more!" shouted the sailors, turning to the other passengers. "a woman!" a woman advanced, aided by the captain; but on seeing the distance at which the boat lay, she did not feel sufficient courage to leap down, and fell back upon the deck. the other women had nearly all fainted, and were as dead. "a boy!" shouted the sailors. at that shout, the sicilian lad and his companion, who had remained up to that moment petrified as by a supernatural stupor, were suddenly aroused again by a violent instinct to save their lives. they detached themselves simultaneously from the mast, and rushed to the side of the vessel, shrieking in concert: "take me!" and endeavoring in turn, to drive the other back, like furious beasts. "the smallest!" shouted the sailors. "the boat is overloaded! the smallest!" on hearing these words, the girl dropped her arms, as though struck by lightning, and stood motionless, staring at mario with lustreless eyes. mario looked at her for a moment,--saw the spot of blood on her bodice,--remembered--the gleam of a divine thought flashed across his face. "the smallest!" shouted the sailors in chorus, with imperious impatience. "we are going!" and then mario, with a voice which no longer seemed his own, cried: "she is the lighter! it is for you, giulietta! you have a father and mother! i am alone! i give you my place! go down!" "throw her into the sea!" shouted the sailors. mario seized giulietta by the body, and threw her into the sea. the girl uttered a cry and made a splash; a sailor seized her by the arm, and dragged her into the boat. the boy remained at the vessel's side, with his head held high, his hair streaming in the wind,--motionless, tranquil, sublime. the boat moved off just in time to escape the whirlpool which the vessel produced as it sank, and which threatened to overturn it. then the girl, who had remained senseless until that moment, raised her eyes to the boy, and burst into a storm of tears. "good by, mario!" she cried, amid her sobs, with her arms outstretched towards him. "good by! good by! good by!" "good by!" replied the boy, raising his hand on high. the boat went swiftly away across the troubled sea, beneath the dark sky. no one on board the vessel shouted any longer. the water was already lapping the edge of the deck. suddenly the boy fell on his knees, with his hands folded and his eyes raised to heaven. the girl covered her face. when she raised her head again, she cast a glance over the sea: the vessel was no longer there. july. the last page from my mother. saturday, st. so the year has come to an end, enrico, and it is well that you should be left on the last day with the image of the sublime child, who gave his life for his friend. you are now about to part from your teachers and companions, and i must impart to you some sad news. the separation will last not three months, but forever. your father, for reasons connected with his profession, is obliged to leave turin, and we are all to go with him. we shall go next autumn. you will have to enter a new school. you are sorry for this, are you not? for i am sure that you love your old school, where twice a day, for the space of four years, you have experienced the pleasure of working, where for so long a time, you have seen, at stated hours, the same boys, the same teachers, the same parents, and your own father or mother awaiting you with a smile; your old school, where your mind first unclosed, where you have found so many kind companions, where every word that you have heard has had your good for its object, and where you have not suffered a single displeasure which has not been useful to you! then bear this affection with you, and bid these boys a hearty farewell. some of them will experience misfortunes, they will soon lose their fathers and mothers; others will die young; others, perhaps, will nobly shed their blood in battle; many will become brave and honest workmen, the fathers of honest and industrious workmen like themselves; and who knows whether there may not also be among them one who will render great services to his country, and make his name glorious. then part from them with affection; leave a portion of your soul here, in this great family into which you entered as a baby, and from which you emerge a young lad, and which your father and mother loved so dearly, because you were so much beloved by it. school is a mother, my enrico. it took you from my arms when you could hardly speak, and now it returns you to me, strong, good, studious; blessings on it, and may you never forget it more, my son. oh, it is impossible that you should forget it! you will become a man, you will make the tour of the world, you will see immense cities and wonderful monuments, and you will remember many among them; but that modest white edifice, with those closed shutters and that little garden, where the first flower of your intelligence budded, you will perceive until the last day of your life, as i shall always behold the house in which i heard your voice for the first time. thy mother. the examinations. tuesday, th. here are the examinations at last! nothing else is to be heard under discussion, in the streets in the vicinity of the school, from boys, fathers, mothers, and even tutors; examinations, points, themes, averages, dismissals, promotions: all utter the same words. yesterday morning there was composition; this morning there is arithmetic. it was touching to see all the parents, as they conducted their sons to school, giving them their last advice in the street, and many mothers accompanied their sons to their seats, to see whether the inkstand was filled, and to try their pens, and they still continued to hover round the entrance, and to say: "courage! attention! i entreat you." our assistant-master was coatti, the one with the black beard, who mimics the voice of a lion, and never punishes any one. there were boys who were white with fear. when the master broke the seal of the letter from the town-hall, and drew out the problem, not a breath was audible. he announced the problem loudly, staring now at one, now at another, with terrible eyes; but we understood that had he been able to announce the answer also, so that we might all get promoted, he would have been delighted. after an hour of work many began to grow weary, for the problem was difficult. one cried. crossi dealt himself blows on the head. and many of them are not to blame, poor boys, for not knowing, for they have not had much time to study, and have been neglected by their parents. but providence was at hand. you should have seen derossi, and what trouble he took to help them; how ingenious he was in getting a figure passed on, and in suggesting an operation, without allowing himself to be caught; so anxious for all that he appeared to be our teacher himself. garrone, too, who is strong in arithmetic, helped all he could; and he even assisted nobis, who, finding himself in a quandary, was quite gentle. stardi remained motionless for more than an hour, with his eyes on the problem, and his fists on his temples, and then he finished the whole thing in five minutes. the master made his round among the benches, saying:-- "be calm! be calm! i advise you to be calm!" and when he saw that any one was discouraged, he opened his mouth, as though about to devour him, in imitation of a lion, in order to make him laugh and inspire him with courage. toward eleven o'clock, peeping down through the blinds, i perceived many parents pacing the street in their impatience. there was precossi's father, in his blue blouse, who had deserted his shop, with his face still quite black. there was crossi's mother, the vegetable-vender; and nelli's mother, dressed in black, who could not stand still. a little before mid-day, my father arrived and raised his eyes to my window; my dear father! at noon we had all finished. and it was a sight at the close of school! every one ran to meet the boys, to ask questions, to turn over the leaves of the copy-books to compare them with the work of their comrades. "how many operations? what is the total? and subtraction? and the answer? and the punctuation of decimals?" all the masters were running about hither and thither, summoned in a hundred directions. my father instantly took from my hand the rough copy, looked at it, and said, "that's well." beside us was the blacksmith, precossi, who was also inspecting his son's work, but rather uneasily, and not comprehending it. he turned to my father:-- "will you do me the favor to tell me the total?" my father read the number. the other gazed and reckoned. "brave little one!" he exclaimed, in perfect content. and my father and he gazed at each other for a moment with a kindly smile, like two friends. my father offered his hand, and the other shook it; and they parted, saying, "farewell until the oral examination." "until the oral examination." after proceeding a few paces, we heard a falsetto voice which made us turn our heads. it was the blacksmith-ironmonger singing. the last examination. friday, th. this morning we had our oral examinations. at eight o'clock we were all in the schoolroom, and at a quarter past they began to call us, four at a time, into the big hall, where there was a large table covered with a green cloth; round it were seated the head-master and four other masters, among them our own. i was one of the first called out. poor master! how plainly i perceived this morning that you are really fond of us! while they were interrogating the others, he had no eyes for any one but us. he was troubled when we were uncertain in our replies; he grew serene when we gave a fine answer; he heard everything, and made us a thousand signs with his hand and head, to say to us, "good!--no!--pay attention!--slower!--courage!" he would have suggested everything to us, had he been able to talk. if the fathers of all these pupils had been in his place, one after the other, they could not have done more. they would have cried "thanks!" ten times, in the face of them all. and when the other masters said to me, "that is well; you may go," his eyes beamed with pleasure. i returned at once to the schoolroom to wait for my father. nearly all were still there. i sat down beside garrone. i was not at all cheerful; i was thinking that it was the last time that we should be near each other for an hour. i had not yet told garrone that i should not go through the fourth grade with him, that i was to leave turin with my father. he knew nothing. and he sat there, doubled up together, with his big head reclining on the desk, making ornaments round the photograph of his father, who was dressed like a machinist, and who is a tall, large man, with a bull neck and a serious, honest look, like himself. and as he sat thus bent together, with his blouse a little open in front, i saw on his bare and robust breast the gold cross which nelli's mother had presented to him, when she learned that he protected her son. but it was necessary to tell him sometime that i was going away. i said to him:-- "garrone, my father is going away from turin this autumn, for good. he asked me if i were going, also. i replied that i was." "you will not go through the fourth grade with us?" he said to me. i answered "no." then he did not speak to me for a while, but went on with his drawing. then, without raising his head, he inquired: "and shall you remember your comrades of the third grade?" "yes," i told him, "all of them; but you more than all the rest. who can forget you?" he looked at me fixedly and seriously, with a gaze that said a thousand things, but he said nothing; he only offered me his left hand, pretending to continue his drawing with the other; and i pressed it between mine, that strong and loyal hand. at that moment the master entered hastily, with a red face, and said, in a low, quick voice, with a joyful intonation:-- "good, all is going well now, let the rest come forwards; _bravi_, boys! courage! i am extremely well satisfied." and, in order to show us his contentment, and to exhilarate us, as he went out in haste, he made a motion of stumbling and of catching at the wall, to prevent a fall; he whom we had never seen laugh! the thing appeared so strange, that, instead of laughing, all remained stupefied; all smiled, no one laughed. well, i do not know,--that act of childish joy caused both pain and tenderness. all his reward was that moment of cheerfulness,--it was the compensation for nine months of kindness, patience, and even sorrow! for that he had toiled so long; for that he had so often gone to give lessons to a sick boy, poor teacher! that and nothing more was what he demanded of us, in exchange for so much affection and so much care! and, now, it seems to me that i shall always see him in the performance of that act, when i recall him through many years; and when i have become a man, he will still be alive, and we shall meet, and i will tell him about that deed which touched my heart; and i will give him a kiss on his white head. farewell. monday, th. at one o'clock we all assembled once more for the last time at the school, to hear the results of the examinations, and to take our little promotion books. the street was thronged with parents, who had even invaded the big hall, and many had made their way into the class-rooms, thrusting themselves even to the master's desk: in our room they filled the entire space between the wall and the front benches. there were garrone's father, derossi's mother, the blacksmith precossi, coretti, signora nelli, the vegetable-vender, the father of the little mason, stardi's father, and many others whom i had never seen; and on all sides a whispering and a hum were audible, that seemed to proceed from the square outside. the master entered, and a profound silence ensued. he had the list in his hand, and began to read at once. "abatucci, promoted, sixty seventieths. archini, promoted, fifty-five seventieths."--the little mason promoted; crossi promoted. then he read loudly:-- "ernesto derossi, promoted, seventy seventieths, and the first prize." all the parents who were there--and they all knew him--said:-- "bravo, bravo, derossi!" and he shook his golden curls, with his easy and beautiful smile, and looked at his mother, who made him a salute with her hand. garoffi, garrone, the calabrian promoted. then three or four sent back; and one of them began to cry because his father, who was at the entrance, made a menacing gesture at him. but the master said to the father:-- "no, sir, excuse me; it is not always the boy's fault; it is often his misfortune. and that is the case here." then he read:-- "nelli, promoted, sixty-two seventieths." his mother sent him a kiss from her fan. stardi, promoted, with sixty-seven seventieths! but, at hearing this fine fate, he did not even smile, or remove his fists from his temples. the last was votini, who had come very finely dressed and brushed,--promoted. after reading the last name, the master rose and said:-- "boys, this is the last time that we shall find ourselves assembled together in this room. we have been together a year, and now we part good friends, do we not? i am sorry to part from you, my dear boys." he interrupted himself, then he resumed: "if i have sometimes failed in patience, if sometimes, without intending it, i have been unjust, or too severe, forgive me." "no, no!" cried the parents and many of the scholars,--"no, master, never!" "forgive me," repeated the master, "and think well of me. next year you will not be with me; but i shall see you again, and you will always abide in my heart. farewell until we meet again, boys!" so saying, he stepped forward among us, and we all offered him our hands, as we stood up on the seats, and grasped him by the arms, and by the skirts of his coat; many kissed him; fifty voices cried in concert: "farewell until we meet again, teacher!--thanks, teacher!--may your health be good!--remember us!" when i went out, i felt oppressed by the commotion. we all ran out confusedly. boys were emerging from all the other class-rooms also. there was a great mixing and tumult of boys and parents, bidding the masters and the mistresses good by, and exchanging greetings among themselves. the mistress with the red feather had four or five children on top of her, and twenty around her, depriving her of breath; and they had half torn off the little nun's bonnet, and thrust a dozen bunches of flowers in the button-holes of her black dress, and in her pockets. many were making much of robetti, who had that day, for the first time, abandoned his crutches. on all sides the words were audible:-- "good by until next year!--until the twentieth of october!" we greeted each other, too. ah! now all disagreements were forgotten at that moment! votini, who had always been so jealous of derossi, was the first to throw himself on him with open arms. i saluted the little mason, and kissed him, just at the moment when he was making me his last hare's face, dear boy! i saluted precossi. i saluted garoffi, who announced to me the approach of his last lottery, and gave me a little paper weight of majolica, with a broken corner; i said farewell to all the others. it was beautiful to see poor nelli clinging to garrone, so that he could not be taken from him. all thronged around garrone, and it was, "farewell, garrone!--good by until we meet!" and they touched him, and pressed his hands, and made much of him, that brave, sainted boy; and his father was perfectly amazed, as he looked on and smiled. garrone was the last one whom i embraced in the street, and i stifled a sob against his breast: he kissed my brow. then i ran to my father and mother. my father asked me: "have you spoken to all of your comrades?" i replied that i had. "if there is any one of them whom you have wronged, go and ask his pardon, and beg him to forget it. is there no one?" "no one," i answered. "farewell, then," said my father with a voice full of emotion, bestowing a last glance on the schoolhouse. and my mother repeated: "farewell!" and i could not say anything. * * * * * transcriber's note the original language and spelling have been retained, except where noted. minimal typographical errors concerning punctuation have been corrected without notes. the signatures at the end of the following sections my mother. poetry. garibaldi. italy. my father. the last page from my mother. are missing in the original text and have been added according to the italian editions of the book. the [oe] ligature has been rendered as "oe". the following changes were made to the original text (the original text is on the first line, the correction is on the following line): : two battalions of italian infantry and two cannon two battalions of italian infantry and two cannons : replied, that the the man was a mason who had replied, that the man was a mason who had : feruccio stood listening three paces away, leaning ferruccio stood listening three paces away, leaning : with the wound on his neck, who was with garabaldi, with the wound on his neck, who was with garibaldi, : which anounced the field artillery; and then the which announced the field artillery; and then the * * * * * file made from images generously made available by seforim online.) [illustration: reproduced from a photograph on porcelain in the possession of mrs loewe taken at the age of heliog lemercier et cie paris] diaries of sir moses and lady montefiore comprising their life and work as recorded in their diaries from to . with the addresses and speeches of sir moses; his correspondence with ministers, ambassadors, and representatives of public bodies; personal narratives of his missions in the cause of humanity; firmans and edicts of eastern monarchs; his opinions on financial, political, and religious subjects, and anecdotes and incidents referring to men of his time, as related by himself. edited by dr l. loewe, member of the royal asiatic society of great britain and ireland of the societe asiatique of paris of the numismatic society of london, etc (one of the members of the mission to damascus and constantinople under the late sir moses montefiore bart, in the year ). assisted by his son. in two volumes _with illustrations_ vol. i. chicago: belford-clarke co. . [illustration: ancient coat of arms of the montefiore family, _explained on page _.] (_the rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved._) copyright--belford-clarke co., chicago. preface. in submitting to the public the memoirs, including the diaries, of sir moses and lady montefiore, i deem it desirable to explain the motives by which i have been actuated, as well as the sources from which most of my information has been drawn. the late sir moses montefiore, from a desire to show his high appreciation of the services rendered to the cause of humanity by judith, lady montefiore, his affectionate partner in life, directed the executors of his last will "to permit me to take into my custody and care all the notes, memoranda, journals, and manuscripts in his possession written by his deeply lamented wife, to assist me in writing a memoir of her useful and blessed life." the executors having promptly complied with these instructions, i soon found myself in possession of five journals by lady montefiore, besides many valuable letters and papers, including documents of great importance, as well as of no less than eighty-five diaries of sir moses montefiore, dating from to , all in his own handwriting. in addition to such facilities for producing a memoir, i had the special advantage of personally knowing both sir moses and lady montefiore for many years. there is an entry in the diaries referring to a dinner at the house of one of their relatives on the th of november (where i met them for the first time), and to a visit i subsequently paid them at east cliff lodge, ramsgate, by special invitation, from the rd to the th of december of the same year. i also had the privilege of accompanying them on thirteen philanthropic missions to foreign lands, some of which were undertaken by both sir moses and lady montefiore, and others by sir moses alone after lady montefiore's death. the first of these missions took place in the year , and the last in . a no less important circumstance, which i may perhaps be allowed to mention, is, that i was with sir moses on the last day of his life, until he breathed his last, and had the satisfaction of hearing from his own lips, immediately before his death, the expression of his approval of my humble endeavours to assist him, as far as lay in my power, in attaining the various objects he had in view. however desirous i might have been to adhere strictly to his wishes, i found it impossible to write a memoir of lady montefiore without making it, at the same time, a memoir of sir moses himself, both of them having been so closely united in all their benevolent works and projects. it appeared to me most desirable, therefore, in order to convey to the reader a correct idea of the contents of the book, to entitle it "the diaries of sir moses and lady montefiore." in order, however, to comply with the instructions of the will, i shall, in giving the particulars of their family descent, first introduce the parentage of lady montefiore. to assist the reader in finding the exact month and year referring to hebrew communal affairs, i have always given the hebrew date conjointly with that of the christian era, more especially as all the entries in the diaries invariably have these double dates. l. loewe. oscar villas, broadstairs, kent, _ st june _ ( a.m.). contents. chapter i. page birth of sir moses montefiore at leghorn--his family--early years chapter ii. early education--becomes a stockbroker--his marriage chapter iii. extracts from the diaries--financial transactions--public events before and after waterloo--elected president of the spanish and portuguese hebrew community chapter iv. daily life--death of his brother abraham--an early panama canal project chapter v. first journey to jerusalem chapter vi. mr and mrs montefiore leave alexandria--a sea voyage sixty years ago chapter vii. arrival in england--illness of mr montefiore--the struggle for jewish emancipation chapter viii. lady hester stanhope--her eccentricities--parliament and the jews chapter ix. mr montefiore presented to the king--spanish and portuguese jews in london in chapter x. interview with the duke of wellington in furtherance of the jewish--cause--the duke's dilatory tactics--laying the foundation-stone of the synagogue at hereson chapter xi. lord brougham and the jews--the jewish poor in london--mr montefiore hands his broker's medal to his brother--dedication of the synagogue at hereson--the lords reject the jewish disabilities bill chapter xii. illness of mr montefiore--his recovery--sir david salomons proposed as sheriff--visit of the duchess of kent and princess victoria to ramsgate--mr montefiore's hospitals--naming of the vessel _britannia_ by mrs montefiore--a loan of fifteen millions chapter xiii. death of mr n. m. rothschild--mr montefiore visits dublin--becomes the first jewish member of the royal society--death of william iv.--mr montefiore elected sheriff chapter xiv. the jews' marriage bill--mr montefiore at the queen's drawing-room--his inauguration as sheriff chapter xv. death of mr montefiore's uncle--mr montefiore rides in the lord mayor's procession--is knighted--his speech at the lord mayor's banquet--presents petition on behalf of the jews to parliament chapter xvi. destruction of the royal exchange--city traditions--"jews' walk"--sir moses dines at lambeth palace chapter xvii. another petition to parliament--sir moses intercedes successfully for the life of a convict--death of lady montefiore's brother chapter xviii. bartholomew fair--sir moses earns the thanks of the city--preparations for a second journey to the holy land--the journey--adventures on road and river in france chapter xix. genoa, carrara, leghorn, and rome--disquieting rumours--quarantine precautions--arrival at alexandria--travel in the holy land chapter xx. reception at safed--sad condition of the people--sir moses' project for the cultivation of the land in palestine by the jews--death of the chief rabbi of the german congregation in jerusalem--tiberias chapter xxi. invitation from the portuguese congregation at jerusalem--sanitary measures in the holy city--the wives of the governor of tiberias visit lady montefiore--a pleasant journey--arrival at jerusalem chapter xxii. the tomb of david--spread of the plague--mussulman fanaticism--suspicious conduct of the governor of jerusalem--nayani, beth dagon, jaffa, emkhalet, and tantura chapter xxiii. encampment near mount carmel--state of the country--child marriages in the portuguese community at haifa--arrival in beyrout chapter xxiv. on board the _acheron_--sir moses' plans on behalf of the jews in palestine--interview with boghoz bey--proposed joint stock banks in the east chapter xxv. arrival at malta--home again--boghoz bey returns no answer--touching appeal from the persecuted jews of damascus and rhodes--revival of the old calumny about killing christians to put their blood in passover cakes chapter xxvi. indignation meetings in london--m. crémieux--lord palmerston's action--sir moses starts on a mission to the east--origin of the passover cake superstition chapter xxvii. arrival at leghorn--alexandria--sir moses' address to the pasha--action of the grand vizir chapter xxviii. authentic accounts of the circumstances attending the accusations against the jews--terrible sufferings of the accused--evidence of their innocence--witnesses in their favour bastinadoed to death chapter xxix. affairs in the east--ultimatum from the powers--gloomy prospects of the mission--negotiations with the pasha--excitement in alexandria--illness of lady montefiore chapter xxx. the english government and the pasha--mohhammad ali and the slaves--the pasha promises to release the damascus prisoners--he grants them an "honourable liberation" chapter xxxi. interview with the pasha--liberation of the jews of damascus--public rejoicings and thanksgiving--departure of sir moses for constantinople chapter xxxii. constantinople--condition of the jewish residents--interview with rechid pasha--audience with the sultan--he grants a firman chapter xxxiii. distress among the jews at salonica--oppressive laws with regard to them--text of the firman--its promulgation chapter xxxiv. departure from malta--naples--rome--a shameful inscription--prejudices against the jews at the vatican chapter xxxv. monsignor bruti and his hints--cardinal riverola--ineffectual attempts to interview the pope--returning homewards--alarming accident--the governor of genoa--interview with king louis philippe chapter xxxvi. home again--sir moses presents a facsimile of the firman to the queen--her majesty's special mark of favour--reform movement among the london jews--appeal for english protection from the jews in the east chapter xxxvii. presentation from hamburg--sir moses meets the king of prussia--address to prince albert--attempt on the queen's life--petitions to sir moses from russia chapter xxxviii. address and testimonial from the jews--sir moses' speech in reply--death of the duke of sussex--the deportation ukase in russia--opening of the new royal exchange--sir moses made sheriff of kent chapter xxxix. affairs in morocco--letter to the emperor--his reply--deputation to sir robert peel--death of lady montefiore's brother isaac--sir moses sets out for russia chapter xl. perils of russian travelling in winter--arrival at st petersburg--interviews with count nesselrode and the czar--count kisseleff's prejudices chapter xli. count kisseleff is more conciliatory--sir moses sets out for wilna--arrival at wilna--the jews' answers to the charges of russian officials chapter xlii. the jewish schools at wilna--wilcomir--deplorable condition of the hebrew community in that town--kowno--warsaw chapter xliii. deputation from krakau--the polish jews and their garb--sir moses leaves warsaw--posen, berlin, and frankfort--home chapter xliv. sir moses receives the congratulations of his english co-religionists--his exhaustive report to count kisseleff--examination of the charges against the jews--their alleged disinclination to engage in agriculture chapter xlv. report to count ouvaroff on the state of education among the jews in russia and poland--vindication of the loyalty of the jews chapter xlvi. report to count kisseleff on the state of the jews in poland--protest against the restrictions to which they were subjected chapter xlvii. the czar's reply to sir moses' representations--count ouvaroff's views--sir moses again writes to count kisseleff--sir moses is created a baronet diaries of sir moses and lady montefiore chapter i. birth of sir moses montefiore at leghorn--his family--early years. the neighbourhood of the tower of london was, a hundred years ago, the centre of attraction for thousands of persons engaged in financial pursuits, not so much on account of the protection which the presence of the garrison might afford in case of tumult, as of the convenience offered by the locality from its vicinity to the wharves, the custom house, the mint, the bank, the royal exchange, and many important counting-houses and places of business. for those who took an interest in hebrew communal institutions, it possessed the additional advantage of being within ten minutes or a quarter of an hour's walk of the spanish and portuguese synagogue and the great german synagogue, together with their colleges and schools, and several minor places of worship. tower hill, the minories, and the four streets enclosing the tenter ground were then favourite places of residence for the merchant; and in one of these, great prescott street, lived levi barent cohen, the father of judith, afterwards lady montefiore. he was a wealthy merchant from amsterdam, who settled in england, where fortune favoured his commercial undertakings. in his own country his name is to this day held in great respect. he not only during his lifetime kept up a cordial correspondence with his friends and relatives--who were indebted to him for many acts of kindness--but, wishing to have his name commemorated in the house of prayer by some act of charity, he bequeathed a certain sum of money to be given annually to the poor, in consideration of which, he desired to have some of the daily prayers offered up from the very place which he used to occupy in the synagogue of his native city. he was a man, upright in all his transactions, and a strict adherent to the tenets of his religion. he was of a very kind and sociable disposition, which prompted him to keep open house for his friends and visitors, whom he always received with the most generous hospitality. he was first married to fanny, a daughter of joseph diamantschleifer of amsterdam, by whom he had three children: two sons, solomon and joseph, and one daughter, fanny. solomon became the father-in-law of the late sir david salomons, and joseph the father of the late mr louis cohen. fanny married salomon hyman cohen wessels, of amsterdam, a gentleman who was well known at that time for his philanthropy, and whose family, at the period of napoleon i., was held in great esteem among the aristocracy of holland. mrs levi barent cohen unfortunately died at an early age, and mr cohen married her sister lydia, by whom he had seven children: five daughters--hannah, judith, jessy, adelaide, and esther; and two sons--isaac and benjamin. hannah became the wife of mr n. m. rothschild; judith was married to mr moses montefiore; jessy to mr davidson; adelaide to mr john hebbert; and esther to mr s. m. samuel, the father of mr george samuel, and grandfather of baron henry de worms, m. p. isaac became the father-in-law of baron meyer de rothschild, and benjamin the father of mr arthur cohen, q. c., and mr nath. b. cohen. judith, one of the subjects of these memoirs, was born, according to the entry in one of sir moses' diaries, on the th february ; her birthday, however, was generally celebrated at east cliff lodge in the month of october, in conjunction with another festivity held there on the first saturday after the tabernacle holidays. with regard to most persons noted for their character or ability, there exists a tradition of some unusual occurrence happening during their early life. in the case of lady montefiore, there is an event which she once related to me herself. "when i was a little girl," she said, "about three or four years old, i fell over the railing of a staircase, quite two storeys high, into the hall below. everybody in the house thought i must be killed, but when they came to pick me up they found me quietly seated as if nothing in the world had happened to me." it was a characteristic of hers which was subsequently much noticed by those around her, that, no matter in what circumstances she was placed, when others were excited or depressed by some painful event or the fear of approaching peril, she would remain calm, and retain her presence of mind. she would endeavour to cheer and strengthen others by words of hope, and where it was possible to avoid any threatened danger, she would quietly give her opinion as to the best course to be pursued. she received from her earliest childhood an excellent english education, and her studies in foreign languages were most successful. she spoke french, german, and italian fluently, and read and translated correctly the hebrew language of her prayers, as well as portions of the pentateuch, generally read in the synagogues on sabbaths and festivals. nor were the accomplishments of music and drawing neglected; but that which characterised and enhanced the value of her education most was "the fear of god," which, she had been taught, constituted "the beginning of knowledge." by the example set in her parents' house, this lesson took an especially deep root in her heart. one day at park lane the conversation happened to turn on the practice of religious observances, and lady montefiore related what had occurred when she was still under the parental roof. "once," she said, "on the fast-day for the destruction of jerusalem, we were sitting, as is customary, in mourning attire, on low stools, reciting the lamentations of jeremiah. suddenly the servant entered the room, closely followed by admiral sir sidney smith, and several other gentlemen. my sisters became somewhat embarrassed, not liking to be thus surprised in our peculiar position, but i quietly kept my seat, and when sir sidney asked the reason of our being seated so low, i replied, this is the anniversary of the destruction of jerusalem, which is kept by conforming jews as a day of mourning and humiliation. the valour exhibited by our ancestors on this sad occasion is no doubt well known to you, sir sidney, and to the other gentlemen present, and i feel sure that you will understand our grief that it was unavailing to save the holy city and the temple. but we treasure the memory of it as a bright example to ourselves and to all following generations, how to fight and to sacrifice our lives for the land in which we were born and which gives us shelter and protection." "sir sidney and the other gentlemen," she said, "appeared to be much pleased with the explanation i gave them; they observed that it was a most noble feeling which prompts the true patriot to mourn for the brave who have fallen on the field of battle for their country; and that the memory of the struggles of the jews in palestine to remain the rightful masters of the land which god had apportioned to them as an inheritance, would ever remain, not only in the heart of every brave man in the british realm, but also in that of every right-thinking man in all other parts of the world as a glorious monument of their dauntless valour and fervent devotion to a good and holy cause." lady montefiore not only appreciated the education she received, but also remembered with deep gratitude all those who had imparted instruction to her. her friends have often been the bearers of generous pensions to gentlemen who had been her teachers when she was young, and they never heard her mention their names without expressions of gratitude. in addition to her other good qualities, there was one which is not always to be met with among those who happen to be in possession of great wealth, and with whom a few shillings are not generally an object worth entering in an account-book. with her, when her turn came among her sisters to superintend the management of the house, the smallest item of expense was entered with scrupulous accuracy, and whilst ever generous towards the deserving and needy who applied to her for assistance, she would never sanction the slightest waste. i shall presently, as i proceed in my description of her character, have an opportunity of showing how, in her future position as a wife and philanthropist, all the excellences of her character were turned to the best account for the benefit of those to whom she and her husband rendered assistance in times of distress. the reader being now in full possession of all that is necessary for him to know of the parentage and education of miss judith cohen, i propose to leave her for the present under her parental roof, in angel court, throgmorton street, with a loving father and a tenderly affectionate mother, and surrounded by excellent brothers and sisters; some of them employed in commercial pursuits, others in study, but all united in the contemplation and practice of works of brotherly love and charity towards their fellow-beings. to proceed with the lineage of sir moses. sir moses montefiore was born at leghorn, whither his parents happened to repair, either on business or on a visit to their relations, a few weeks before that event took place. according to an entry in the archives of the hebrew community of that city, he first saw the light on the th of héshván a.m., corresponding to the th of october . during his visit to leghorn in the year , an opportunity was offered to him, when visiting the schools of the community, to inspect the archives in my presence, and he expressed his satisfaction at their accuracy. some doubt having been entertained by several of his biographers of the correctness of the date of his birth, and sir moses having generally received and accepted the congratulations of his friends on the the th of héshván, it will not be out of place to give here an exact copy of the original entry in the archives in the italian language, just as it has recently been forwarded to me by the cavaliere costa of leghorn. it reads as follows:-- "_nei registri di nascite che esistone nell' archivìe delle università israelitica a c. , si trova la seguente nascita_:-- " héshván, -- ottobre . "domenica. "a joseph di moise haim e raquel montefiore un figlio, che chiamarone moise haim." (_translation._) "in the registers of births, which are preserved in the archives of the hebrew community, there is to be found on p. the following entry of birth:-- " th héshván a.m., th october . "sunday. "unto joseph, son of moses haim, and rachel montefiore, a son was born, whom they call moses haim." sir moses never signed his name "haim," nor did his mother in her letters to him ever call him so. his father joseph, after recovering from a dangerous illness, adopted the name of eliyáhoo (the eternal is my god) in addition to that of joseph. various opinions have been expressed respecting the early history of sir moses montefiore's ancestors, and the place whence they originally came, to modena, ancona, fano, rome, and leghorn. a manuscript in the library of "judith lady montefiore's theological college" at ramsgate--containing a design of the original armorial bearings of the montefiore family, surrounded by suitable mottoes, and a biographical account of the author of the work to which the manuscript refers--will greatly help us in elucidating the subject. the manuscript is divided into two parts: one bears the name of "kán tsippor" ([hebrew]), "the bird's nest," and treats of the massorah of the psalms, _i.e._, their divisions, accents, vowels, grammatical forms, and letters necessary for the preservation of the text; and the other, the name of "gán perákhim" ([hebrew]), "the garden of flowers," containing poems, special prayers, family records, and descriptions of important events. the hereditary marks of honour which served to denote the descent and alliances of the montefiore family consisted of "a lion rampant," "a cedar tree," and "a number of little hills one above the other," each of these emblems being accompanied by a hebrew inscription. thus the lion rampant has the motto-- [hebrew] hoy gibor caari laasot ratson avikha shebashemaim "be strong as a lion to perform the will of thy father in heaven." the hills bear the motto-- [hebrew] esa aynai el heharim meain yavo ezri "(when) i lift up mine eyes unto the hills (i ask) whence cometh my help? [answer] my help cometh from the eternal." and the cedar tree-- [hebrew] tsadik katamar vefrakh caerez balebanon isgeh "the righteous shall flourish like a palm tree; he shall grow like a cedar in lebanon." these emblems are precisely the same as those which sir moses had in his coat-of-arms, with the exception of the inscriptions. probably he thought they were too long to be engraved on a signet, and he substituted for them the words "jerusalem" and "think and thank." the author of the manuscript bears the name of joseph, and designates himself, on the title-page, as the son of the aged and learned jacob montefiore of pesaro, adding the information that he is a resident of ancona, and a son-in-law of the rev. isaac elcostantin, the spiritual head of the hebrew congregation in that place. the manuscript bears the date of a.m.-- . in his biography, the author, after rendering thanks to heaven for numerous mercies which had been bestowed on him, gives the following account of himself and family:-- "i was eleven years old when i was called upon to assist, conjointly with my three brothers, moses, raphael, and mazliakh, and five sisters, in providing for the maintenance of the family." moses, the eldest of his brothers, died at the age of thirty-two, and joseph (the biographer) entered the business of sabbati zevi morini of pesaro. being prosperous in his commercial pursuits, he provided for his sisters, probably by giving to each of them a suitable dowry. one of them, flaminia by name, became the wife of a celebrated preacher, nathaniel levi, the minister of the congregation of pesaro. the father, jacob montefiore, died at the age of eighty-three, and his sons went into business with a certain cartoni of lisina. they appear at first to have met with success, but the sudden death of the head of the firm caused the collapse of the business. joseph montefiore subsequently married justa or justina, the granddaughter of the rev. abraham elcostantin of ancona. with a view of carrying on their business to greater advantage the brothers separated and removed to different parts of italy, and joseph himself, guided by the counsel of his wife, left pesaro for ancona for a similar purpose. his brother-in-law died at that time in modena, and joseph was in a sufficiently prosperous position to be able to assist the widow and her children. the latter grew up and married. one of them, a daughter, went with her husband, samuel nachman, to jerusalem, where, from religious motives, they settled. one of his nephews, nathaniel montefiore, became a distinguished poet, and the manuscript in question contains a very beautiful composition of his in praise of the book (kán tsippor) and its author. joseph montefiore resided for some time in rome, also in fano. there are prayers in the book which he composed during his stay in each of those places. from these statements it would appear that the family of montefiore, from which sir moses descended, first came to pesaro. signor p. m. arcantoni, the syndic of the municipality of montefiore dell'aso, in the province of ascoli-picerno, expressed his strong belief, on the occasion of his offering to sir moses the congratulations of the commune on his completing the hundredth year of his life, that the ancestors of sir moses had settled in that place. from ancona, as has been stated, several members of the montefiore family came to leghorn, from which city at a very early period they emigrated to england. the grandfather of sir moses, moses haim (or vita) montefiore, and his grandmother, esther racah, a daughter of mássa'ood racah of leghorn, also left italy and settled in london, where their son joseph (born th october , died th january ) married rachel, the daughter of abraham lumbroso de mattos mocatta, who became the mother of sir moses. they resided after their marriage at no. kennington terrace, vauxhall, and were blessed with eight children, three sons, moses (the subject of these memoirs), abraham, and horatio, and five daughters, sarah, esther, abigail, rebecca, and justina. abraham first married a daughter of mr george hall, of the london stock exchange; on her death, he married henrietta rothschild, a sister of the late n. m. rothschild, by whom he had two sons, joseph meyer of worth park, and nathaniel meyer of coldeast, and two daughters, charlotte and louise. the latter became the wife of sir antony de rothschild. [illustration: house at leghorn in which sir moses was born. _see vol. i., page ._] horatio married sarah, a daughter of david mocatta, by whom he had six sons, one of whom (mr emanuel montefiore) is now a lieutenant-colonel in the british army, and six daughters. after her death he married a daughter of abraham montefiore. sarah, the eldest daughter of joseph and rachel montefiore, became the wife of mr solomon sebag, and was the mother of mr joseph sebag (now j. sebag-montefiore) and of mrs jemima guadalla, who is married to mr haim guadalla. after the death of her husband, mrs sebag married mr moses asher goldsmid, the brother of sir isaac goldsmid. esther, the second daughter, unfortunately lost her life at the age of fifteen through an accident she met with during a fire that broke out in the house. abigail, the third, married mr benjamin gompertz, a distinguished mathematician. rebecca, the fourth, married mr joseph salomons, a son of levi salomons, of crosby square, father of the late sir david salomons, bart. justina, the fifth, became the wife of mr benjamin cohen, the brother of lady montefiore, and mother of mr arthur cohen, q. c., m. p., and mr nathaniel b. cohen. the reader is now invited to retrace his steps, for it is to moses, the first-born son of joseph and rachel montefiore, that i have to direct his attention. he must leave no. kennington terrace and follow me in imagination to leghorn. mr joseph montefiore having some business in that city, informed his wife of his intention to proceed to italy, and mrs montefiore prevailed upon him to take her with him. after they arrived at leghorn, we find them in the house of signer moses haim racah, celebrating the happy event of the birth of a son, destined to become the champion of israel. the festivity on the day of naming (the eighth day after the birth of a son) is generally an occasion which brings together relatives, friends, heads of the congregation, and officers of the synagogue. offerings are made by all present for charitable institutions, and prayers recited for the life and prosperity of the child. it is therefore not a matter of surprise that there was a large assembly of the hebrew community of leghorn on that occasion. signor racah, being his great-uncle, performed the duties of godfather and ever from that day, and up to the year of his death, he evinced the liveliest interest in the welfare of his godson; when the latter was grown up the affection proved mutual. sir moses when speaking of him used to say that he had greatly endeared himself to the people in leghorn by his abilities and high character. he cherished the most benevolent feelings towards all good and honest men, and often, in times of grief and calamity, rendered help and consolation to all classes of the community. sir moses held him in great veneration, and during his stay in italy gave special orders to have a copy of his likeness procured for him. a facsimile of the portrait is here given, with an inscription in sir moses' own handwriting. in his will, sir moses, referring to him and to the synagogue at leghorn, thus expresses himself-- "to the trustees of the synagogue at leghorn in italy, of which my honoured godfather (deceased) was a member, in augmentation of the fund for repairing that building, i bequeath £ ; and to the same trustees, as a fund for keeping in repair the tomb of my said godfather and my godmother, esther racah, his wife, £ ." two or three years before his death, sir moses ordered a coloured drawing of these tombs, with a complete copy of the epitaphs, to be sent to him, and it is now preserved in the library of the college at ramsgate. after a stay of several months at leghorn, mr and mrs montefiore returned to england. i have often heard descriptions of that homeward journey from mrs montefiore, when she used to visit her son at park lane. "moses," she said, "was a beautiful, strong, and very tall child, but yet on our return journey to england, during a severe winter, i was unwilling to entrust him to a stranger; i myself acted as his nurse, and many and many a time i felt the greatest discomfort through not having more than a cup of coffee, bread and butter, and a few eggs for my diet." "no meat of any description," she added, "passed my lips; my husband and myself being strict observers of the scriptural injunctions as to diet." "but i am now," she said, with a pleasant smile, "amply repaid for the inconvenience i then had to endure." "what i thought a great privation, in no way affected the state of my health, nor that of the child; and i feel at present the greatest satisfaction on account of my having strictly adhered to that which i thought was right." [illustration: moses racah of leghorn, godfather and great uncle of sir moses. _see vol. i., page ._] in the course of time several more children were born to them, all of whom they reared most tenderly, and over whose education they watched with the greatest care. they had the happiness of seeing them grow up in health and strength, endowed with excellent qualities, moses, the eldest, and the subject of these memoirs, being already conspicuous for his strength of understanding and kindness of disposition. they continued for many years to reside at kennington terrace, vauxhall, in the same house in which they took up their residence immediately after their marriage. after their death it was occupied by members of their family till a few years ago, when it passed into the hands of strangers. it was there that mr benjamin gompertz (the author of the "principles and application of imaginary quantities") resided and the mother of sir moses breathed her last. joseph eliahu, his father, was a well educated and god-fearing man, upright in all his dealings. he was extremely fond of botany and gardening. there is still in the library of lady montefiore's theological college at ramsgate, a book which formerly belonged to him, and in which remarks on the cultivation of plants are written in his own handwriting. sir moses, when speaking of him, used to say, "he was at one time of a most cheerful disposition, but after he had the misfortune to lose one of his daughters at a fire which occurred in his house, he was never seen to smile." chapter ii. early education--becomes a stockbroker--his marriage. at an early age, we find young moses montefiore attending school in the neighbourhood of kennington. after he had completed his elementary studies, he was removed to a more advanced class in another school, where he began to evince a great desire to cultivate his mind, independently of his class lessons. he was observed to copy short moral sentences from books falling into his hands, or interesting accounts of important events, which he endeavoured to commit to memory. afterwards, as he grew up in life, this became a habit with him, which he did not relinquish even when he had attained the age of ninety years. his diaries all contain either at the beginning or the end of the record of his day's work, some beautiful lines of poetry referring to moral or literary subjects: mostly quotations or extracts from standard works. young montefiore showed on all occasions the greatest respect for his teachers, bowing submissively to their authority in all cases of dispute between his fellow-students and himself. he was acknowledged to be most frank and loyal in all his intercourse with his superiors. the respect due to constituted authorities he always used to consider, when he had become a man in active life, as a sacred duty. he was in the habit of saying, in the words of the royal philosopher, "fear thou the lord and the king, and meddle not with them that are given to change." whatever might be his private opinion on any subject, he would in all his public and private transactions be guided only by the decision of an acknowledged authority. montefiore did not remain many years at school. there was at that time no prospect for him to enter life as a professor at a university, or as a member of the bar. there was no sphere of work open to him in any of the professions; and even to enter the medical profession would have been difficult. there was nothing left for him, therefore, but to enter a commercial career. he used often to speak about the days of his apprenticeship in the business of one of their neighbours in kennington, and how hard he had to work; when subsequently he was in a counting-house in the city, the hours were late, and he sometimes had to take letters to the post on the stroke of midnight. there were no copying machines, and all letters had to be copied by hand. he also spoke of the great distance he had to walk every night from the city to kennington terrace, during the cold winter months as well as in the summer time. there were then no omnibuses or other conveyances at hand such as we have now, and if there had been, he was of too saving a disposition to make any unnecessary outlay on his own person; he used to keep a strict account of the smallest item of his expenses. it was not with the object of complaining, or of regretting his early mode of life that he gave his friends these descriptions; his object was to impress on the mind of the rising generation the necessity of working hard and spending little, in order to make their way in the world. by his habits of industry, by his strict compliance with the instructions of his superiors, and more especially by his own clear judgment in all matters connected with the business entrusted to him, he soon succeeded in obtaining promotion. having had the opportunity of seeing business transactions among brokers on the stock exchange, he decided upon securing for himself the privilege of being one of the limited number of jewish brokers. according to the law of england at that time only twelve such brokers could be admitted, but moses montefiore had the satisfaction of soon seeing himself in possession of the much-coveted privilege. he took an office, and this owing to the prosperity with which his straightforward dealing and courteous manners were rewarded, he soon had to change for a larger one, which again he did not keep long. as his business had now to be conducted near the bank, he took up his quarters in bartholomew lane, where he remained to the last day of his life. it was there, after nearly the whole of that thoroughfare had become the property of the alliance life and fire assurance company, and the houses had been rebuilt, that many an important meeting of the board of deputies of british jews and other boards of benevolent institutions was held; and the very book-case, in which all important papers connected with his business in that office were preserved, is now in one of the houses of lady montefiore's college, where he used now and then to take his breakfast on a sabbath morning, when it was his intention to be present at a lecture in the college. his brother abraham, seeing young moses successful in business, subsequently joined him as a partner, and the firm of montefiore bros. soon became known in england as one entitled to the respect of all honourable men. however profitable or urgent the business may have been, the moment the time drew near, when it was necessary to prepare for the sabbath or solemn festivals, moses montefiore quitted his office, and nothing could ever induce him to remain. sir moses was scrupulously honourable in all his transactions, and it is a noteworthy fact, that during all his long life no whisper was ever heard against his reputation, although he was intimately connected with the management of financial and commercial undertakings of great magnitude and international character. his name stood so high, that thousands of people from all parts of the world entrusted him with money to be forwarded to the holy land, or for other charitable purposes, never asking for a receipt, and in many instances leaving the distribution of it to his own discretion. in the year , in the reign of george iii., an act of parliament was passed enabling his majesty to establish a local militia force for the defence of the country. young montefiore, who was then twenty-five years old, having attained his majority in , deemed it his duty to be one of the first volunteers. loyalty to the country in which he lived and prospered, and sincere devotion to his king, afterwards proved to be special traits in his character. in all foreign countries whither his philanthropic missions subsequently led him, his addresses to the people and his counsels, even to those who suffered under heavy oppression, contained exhortations to them to remain firm in their loyalty to their government. we must now salute him as captain montefiore, for thus we find him styled, on a card among his papers, third surrey local militia, colonel alcock, no. i, seventh company. "captain montefiore." [illustration: lady montefiore when young, copied from an oil painting in the montefiore college, ramsgate. _see vol. i., page ._] there are still in the gothic library, at east cliff lodge, details of guard mounted by the rd regiment of surrey local militia, standing orders, &c., also the orderly books showing that he was in the service from the year to . on the nd february in the latter year, after the parade on duppas hill, croydon, when the regiment arrived at the depôt, the commanding officers of companies had to receive the signatures of all those who wished to extend their services, when called upon for any period in that same year not exceeding forty-two days. the feeling of the regiment on the subject was obtained in less time than was anticipated, and the commanding officer ordered the men to be paid and dismissed immediately. sir moses used to say, when speaking to his friends on this subject, "i did all in my power to persuade my company to re-enlist, but i was not successful." in the same year, he took lessons in sounding the bugle, and also devoted several hours a week to the study of french; it appears that he would not allow one hour of the day to pass without endeavouring to acquire some useful art or knowledge. he was very particular in not missing a lesson, and entered them all in his diary of the year . in the midst of business, military duties, and studies, in which he passed the five years, to , there was one date which he most justly considered the happiest of his life. i am alluding to the th of june (corresponding, in that year, to the th of siván, a.m., according to the hebrew date), on which day he was permitted to take to himself as a partner in life, judith, the daughter of levi barent cohen. he thoroughly appreciated the great blessing which that union brought upon him. henceforth, for every important act of his, where the choice was left to him, whether it was the laying of a foundation stone for a house of prayer, a charitable institution, or a business office, he invariably fixed the date on the anniversary of his wedding day. setting out on an important mission in the month of june, he would, when a short delay was immaterial, defer it to the anniversary of his wedding. this was not, as some might suppose, from mere superstition, for in all his doings he was anxious to trust to the will of god alone; it was with the idea of uniting every important act in his life with one which made his existence on earth, as he affirmed, a heavenly paradise. his own words, taken from the diary of , will best express his feelings on the subject. "on this happy day, the th of june," he writes, "thirty-two years have passed since the almighty god of israel, in his great goodness, blessed me with my dear judith, and for ever shall i be most truly grateful for this blessing, the great cause of my happiness through life. from the first day of our happy union to this hour i have had every reason for increased love and esteem, and truly may i say, each succeeding year has brought with it greater proofs of her admirable character. a better and kinder wife never existed, one whose whole study has been to render her husband good and happy. may the god of our fathers bestow upon her his blessing, with life, health, and every other felicity. amen." as a lasting remembrance of the day he treasured the prayer-shawl which, according to the custom (in spanish and portuguese hebrew communities), had been held over his head and that of his bride during the marriage ceremony and the offering up of the prayers. in compliance with his wish the same shawl was again put over his head when his brethren performed the melancholy duty of depositing his mortal remains in their last resting-place. but i will not further digress, and i resume my narrative of his happy life after his union with his beloved wife. henceforth the reader may consider them as one person, and every act of benevolence recorded further on in these memoirs must be regarded as an emanation of the generous and kindly impulses which so abundantly filled the hearts of both. in order to indicate the places to which the young couple would resort after the duties of the day, i need only remind the reader of the residences of their numerous relatives, with whom they were always on affectionate terms. at highgate, clapham, lavender hill, and hastings, in all of these places they were most heartily welcomed, and they often went there to dine, take tea, or spend a few days in the family circle. but the place to which they repaired for the enjoyment of a complete rest, or for considering and maturing a plan for some very great and important object, was an insignificant little spot of the name of "smithembottom" in surrey. they used to go there on sunday and remain until the next day, sometimes until the middle of the week, occasionally inviting a friend to join them. they greatly enjoyed the walk over hills, while forming pleasing anticipations of the future; and they always found on their return to the little inn, an excellent dinner, which their servants had brought with them from london--never forgetting, by the order of their master, a few bottles of his choice wine. "wine, good and pure wine," mr montefiore used to say, "god has given to man to cheer him up when borne down by grief and sorrow; it gladdens his heart, and causes him to render thanks to heaven for mercies conferred upon him." in holy writ we find "give wine unto those that be of heavy heart;" also, "wine maketh glad the heart of man." no sanctification of our sabbaths and festivals, and no union between two loving hearts, can be solemnised, without partaking of wine over which the blessing has been pronounced. it was his desire to be happy, and make others around him happy, for such he said was the will of god (deut. xxvi. ii). when certain friends of his, who intended taking the total abstinence pledge, ventured to raise an argument on the desirability of his substituting water for wine, he would reply in the words which the vine said to the trees when they came to anoint him as king over them, "should i leave my wine which cheereth god and man" (judges ix. )? his friends smiled at this reasoning, and on their next visit to him drank to each other's health in the choice wine of his cellar. i invariably heard him pronounce the blessing before he touched the exhilarating beverage, in such a tone as to leave no doubt in the minds of those present that he fully appreciated this gift of god. he never gave up the habit of taking wine himself, and it was his greatest pleasure to see his friends enjoy it with him. to the sick and the poor he would frequently send large quantities. the year passed very happily. every member of the family was delighted with the young couple. they said, "such a suitable union of two young people had not been seen for many years." in no. new court, where they took up their abode, they had mr n. m. rothschild their brother-in-law (in whose financial operations montefiore was greatly interested), for a neighbour and friend. young mrs montefiore had but a short distance to walk to see her parents, at angel court, throgmorton street, where mrs barent levi cohen now lived. the stock exchange and the bank being in their immediate neighbourhood, where all their relatives had business transactions every day in the week except sabbath and festivals, they often had the opportunity of seeing the whole family circle in their house. chapter iii. - . financial transactions--public events before and after waterloo--elected president of the spanish and portuguese hebrew community. i am now at the starting point of my narrative of the public life and work of sir moses and lady montefiore in connection more especially with the communities of their own race, and this i propose to give in the form of extracts from their diaries. these extracts contain the most material references to important events, accompanied by explanatory remarks of my own. with a view of making the reader acquainted with the passing opinions and feelings of sir moses and lady montefiore and their earnestness of purpose and energy in every good cause, as well as with a desire to draw attention to the variety and multiplicity of the work they would accomplish in a single day, i shall frequently give these entries as i find them, in brief and at times abrupt sentences. ( a.m.).--owing to the eventful vicissitudes of european wars, the greatest activity prevails on the stock exchange. mr montefiore is in constant intercourse with mr n. m. rothschild, through whose prudence and judicious recommendations with regard to the bullion market and foreign exchanges, he is enabled not only to avoid hazardous monetary transactions, but also to make successful ventures in these difficult times. ( a.m.).--the first peace in paris is signed. the allied sovereigns visit england, and are received by the prince regent. great festivities in the city, while considerable excitement prevails in all financial circles. commerce is stagnant; taxation excessive, in consequence of the great debt the country had incurred during the war; the labouring classes cry out; food is scarce; there is no demand for labour, and wages are low. nevertheless, mr montefiore and his wife entertain the hope of a continuance of peace, which, they say, will soon remedy all evils. they frequently visit highgate, where mr n. m. rothschild has his country house; go to hastings, where their brother-in-law mr s. m. samuel, has taken a summer residence, and visit their mother, mrs montefiore, at kennington terrace. they contrive to devote a portion of the day or evening to the study of the french language and literature. mr montefiore, as captain of the local militia, continues taking lessons on the bugle. ( a.m.).--mr montefiore agrees with lord mayor birch (grandfather of dr samuel birch of the british museum) to pay £ , for the transfer to himself, of medina's broker's medal (at that time the few jewish brokers admitted had to pay an extraordinarily high fee for the privilege); he is engaged in his financial transactions with mr n. m. rothschild, and goes, in the interest of the latter and in his own, to dunkirk and yarmouth. on his return he frequently attends the meetings of the representatives of the spanish and portuguese synagogues; checks and signs the synagogue books, as treasurer, and is present at the meetings of a committee, representing four hebrew congregations in london, for devising proper regulations to ensure the provision of meat prepared in accordance with scriptural injunctions. ( a.m.).--he frequently attends the meetings of the velhos (elders) of the spanish and portuguese community, and the society for granting marriage portions to orphans. his work in connection with finance daily increases. great agitation prevails throughout the country; the government having, in the previous year, passed a corn act to favour the english farmer, forbidding the importation of foreign grain, the price of wheat had reached s. per quarter; political societies, under the name of "hampden clubs," are formed all over the country. there is a cry for reform in the house of commons; the ministry, influenced by lord castlereagh, refuses all change; the price of wheat continues to rise daily after the peace. financiers feel very anxious about the result, but mr and mrs montefiore, less apprehensive of serious disturbances, and desirous of change of scene and climate, purpose setting out to visit france and italy. ( a.m.).--they travel in france and italy, visit public institutions, and make it a rule to see every object of interest. they take notice and make memoranda of the explanations given them by their _ciceroni_, independently of the information derived from guide-books; they frequent theatres and operas as well as hospitals and schools. a beautiful and comfortable travelling chariot, procured in paris from beaupré, a famous coach builder, at the price of francs, and abundant provisions for themselves and friends, making them independent of inferior hotels for food, make their travels most agreeable to themselves and to all who accompany them. mr montefiore and his wife were not only diligent observers of whatever they saw, but also possessed the good quality of never objecting to any difficulties to be overcome in order to add to their stock of knowledge or experiences. during their travels in france and italy, their pleasure was greatly enhanced by the kind attention they received at the hands of their friends, especially in paris, where mr solomon de rothschild and all the members of the family vied with each other in their efforts to make their stay as agreeable as possible. at lausanne, mr montefiore was very ill for three days with rheumatism in the face and ear, but he soon recovered, and was able to continue his journey. on august the th, after an absence of three months from england, they returned and arrived safely at dover. on september th he is appointed treasurer to the "beth holim" hospital of the spanish and portuguese hebrew community. _november th._--a private account is opened with jones, lloyd & co. and the bank of england; on the th of the same month he dissolves partnership with his brother abraham, "god grant," he says, "it may prove fortunate for us both." ( a.m.).--this was a year of riot in england; in spite of the royal proclamation against unlawful assemblages the riots increased; the habeas corpus act was suspended, but the seditious meetings continued. a motion in the house of commons for reform had only seventy-seven supporters, two hundred and sixty-six voting for its rejection. mr montefiore, like most financiers in london, was in constant anxiety, his state of health suffered, and it was desirable for him to leave england again for change of climate. he completes the purchase of tinley lodge farm on july th. on october th he signs his will; and on the th of the same month, accompanied by his wife and several of their relatives, sets out on his second journey to france and italy. on the road, he and mrs montefiore resume their hebrew studies. they visit paris, lyons, turin, milan, and carrara; the latter place being of special interest to them on account of their meeting with persons who had been connected in business transactions with mr montefiore's father. ( a.m.).--they arrive on the st of january at leghorn, and meet several members of their family. they visit the house where mr montefiore was born, and are welcomed there by mr isaac piccioto, who occupied the house at that time; they proceed thence to the burial ground to see the tomb of their uncle racah, and on the following day leave for pisa. there they visit the house and garden of the said uncle racah, mr montefiore observing, that it is a good garden, but a small house; thence they continue their journey to sienna. "i had a dispute," he says, "with the postmaster at a place called bobzena, and was compelled to go to the governor, who sent with me two gendarmes to settle the affair." "the road to viterbo," he observes, "i found very dangerous; the country terribly dreary, wild and mountainous, with terrific caverns and great forests." "on the th of january," he continues, "we became greatly alarmed by the vicinity of robbers on the road, and i had to walk upwards of seven miles behind the carriage until we arrived at rome, whither we had been escorted by two gendarmes." "in rome," he says, "we saw this time in the church of st john, the gate of bronze said to be that of the temple of jerusalem; we also revisited the workshop of canova, his studio, and saw all that a traveller could possibly see when under the guidance of a clever cicerone. "we left rome on the th of february, and passed a man lying dead on the road; he had been murdered in the night. this incident damped our spirits and rendered the journey, which would otherwise have been delightful, rather _triste_." on the rd of april they arrive at frankfort-on-the-main; in may they are again in london, and on the st inst., mr montefiore, dismissing from his mind (for the time) all impressions of gay france and smiling italy, is to be found in the house of mourning, expressing his sympathy with the bereaved, and rendering comfort by the material help which he offers in the hour of need. it is in the house of a devoted minister of his congregation, the rev. hazan shalom, that we find him now performing the duties of a lavadore, preparing the dead for its last resting-place. the pleasures of his last journey, and the change of scene and climate appear to have greatly invigorated him, for we find him on another mournful occasion, exhibiting a degree of physical strength such as is seldom met with. his mother-in-law having been taken ill on saturday, the th of november, he went on foot from smithembottom to town, a walk of five hours, in order to avoid breaking one of the commandments, by riding in a carriage on the sabbath. unfortunately on his arrival, he found she had already expired. prompted by religious fervour and attachment to the family, he attended during the first seven days the house of mourning, where all the relatives of the deceased assembled, morning and evening, for devotional exercises, and, with a view of devoting the rest of the day to the furtherance of some good cause, he remained in the city to be present at all the meetings of the representatives of his community. in the month of december he went down to brighton to intercede with general bloomfield for three convicts. (the particulars of the case are not given in the diary), and on his return he resumed his usual financial pursuits. ( a.m.). he is elected president of the spanish and portuguese congregation. "i am resolved," he says, "to serve the office unbiassed, and to the best of my conscience." mr montefiore keeps his word faithfully, for he attends punctually all the meetings of the elders; and, on several occasions, goes about in a post-chaise to collect from his friends and acquaintances contributions towards the fund required for the hospital "beth holim" of his community. this was the year in which the political crisis came, when public meetings, in favour of parliamentary reform were held everywhere, and parliament passed six acts restricting public liberty. in the midst of these troubles, on the th of may, the princess victoria, daughter of the duke of kent, the fourth son of the king, was born at kensington palace. ( a.m.). the diary opens this year with observations on the life of man, and with a view of affording the reader an opportunity of reflecting on mr montefiore's character, i append a record of his pursuits such as we seldom meet with in a man in the prime of life, at the age of . in full enjoyment of health, wealth, and every pleasure a man could possibly desire, he thus writes on the first page:-- "he who builds his hopes in the air of men's fair looks, lives like a drunken sailor on the mast, ready with every nod to tumble down into the fatal bowels of the deep. "with moderate blessings be content, nor idly grasp at every shade, peace, competence, a life well spent, are blessings that can never fade; and he that weakly sighs for more augments his misery, not his store." chapter iv. - . daily life--death of his brother abraham--an early panama canal project. mr montefiore's occupations may best be described in his own words, and may furnish a useful hint to those who neglect to keep an account of the way in which their time is spent. he writes:-- "with god's blessing,--rise, say prayers at o'clock. breakfast at . attend the stock exchange, if in london, . dinner, . read, write, and learn, if possible, hebrew and french, . read bible and say prayers, . then retire. "monday and thursday mornings attend the synagogue. tuesday and thursday evenings for visiting." "i attended," he says, "many meetings at the city of london tavern, also several charitable meetings at bevis marks, in connection with the spanish and portuguese synagogue; sometimes passing the whole day there from ten in the morning till half-past eleven at night (january , ), excepting two hours for dinner in the committee room; answered in the evening petitions from poor women, and also made frequent visits to the villa real school." in the course of the year he went to cambridge and to norwich, visiting many of the colleges, the fitzwilliam museum, and other interesting institutions, and on february the th he attended the funeral sermon of his late majesty george the third (who died on the th of january). he often went to his farm, near tinley lodge, and sometimes for special recreation to the english opera, together with his wife and members of the family, always finding time for work and pleasure alike. "mr n. m. rothschild," he records in an entry, "being taken ill, i stayed with him several days at stamford hill." subsequently mr montefiore had some very important business in connection with a loan, and experienced much uneasiness, owing to a riot among the soldiers of the third regiment of the guards, which, no doubt, affected the financial world. he frequently went to the house of commons and the house of lords to ascertain the state of politics, and the progress of the jews emancipation bill in particular; for the roman catholic emancipation bill, which, side-by-side with parliamentary reform, and the demand for free trade, was at that time agitating the public mind, naturally prompted the jews to bring before the house their own grievances. mr montefiore also visited the female freemasons' charity, and generously supported the craft which, as has been said, has had a being "ever since symmetry began and harmony displayed her charms." _october ._--an important event in his financial career takes place: he gives up his counting-house. ( a.m.)--the first day of this year corresponding with the hebrew date, tebet , on which his father, he writes, entered into eternal glory, th of january ( a.m.), he repairs morning and evening to the house of prayer, offering up the customary prayer in memory of the dead. "i visited his tomb, distributing gifts to the poor and needy, and on my return passed the whole of the day in fasting and religious meditation." the next entries refer to his frequent visits to the hospital, "beth holim," going to see king george iv. at drury lane, dining with the directors of the atlas fire assurance company at the albion, going afterwards with the lord mayor of dublin to covent garden theatre to see his majesty again, his excursions to the country, together with his wife, and their visits to finchley lodge farm, where they sometimes pass the day together. on his return to london, he attends, as in the preceding year, the meetings of the elders of his community and those of the communal institutions. on th may they set out for scotland. of this tour mrs montefiore kept an interesting journal, which not only describes the state of the country and the mode of travelling sixty six years ago, but shows her good temper under difficulties, her gratitude to providence for the blessings they enjoyed, and for their safety after apparent danger, as also her keen appreciation of the beauties of nature and art. it contains, however, no information likely to be serviceable to the present generation travelling in scotland. in october we meet them again in london, in the house of prayer, offering up thanks for their safe return from scotland. during the rest of the year mr montefiore resumed his usual occupations, always combining the work of finance with that intended for the welfare of his community and charitable institutions of all classes of society, while mrs montefiore devoted herself to responding to every appeal for help commensurately with the merit of the case, comforting every sufferer by her kind acts of sympathy, and promoting peace and harmony among those whose friendship seemed likely to be interrupted. an incident which, at the time, afforded mr montefiore special gratification, he refers to as follows:-- "i was present, on the feast of haunkah (the anniversary of the victory of the maccabees), at a discourse delivered by the spiritual head of the congregation, in the college of the spanish and portuguese hebrew community. the interest was greatly enhanced by the completion of the study of one of their theological books in the presence of all the students. the latter evinced great love for their study, and appeared well acquainted with the subject to which the lecturer referred." mrs montefiore presented each student with a generous gift, as an encouragement to continued zeal in their work. ( a.m.).--he agrees to rent east cliff lodge for one year from the th of april, for £ clear, and signs the agreement on th february. on the eve of the day of atonement, in the presence of his assembled friends, he completes, by adding the last verse in his own handwriting, a scroll of the pentateuch, for the use of the synagogue, offering on the following day £ for the benefit of various charitable institutions of his community as a token of his appreciation of the synagogue service. the depressed state of trade in this and the preceding year, owing to serious apprehensions of war, had caused a great diminution in the importation and manufacture of goods, so that much anxiety prevailed. referring to this subject, mr montefiore makes an entry to the effect that a statement had been made in high quarters by the duke of wellington, that peace would be maintained, in consequence of which, says mr montefiore, all the public funds rose. ( a.m.).--opens with a joyous event in the family. his brother horatio, on the first of january, marries a daughter of david mocatta, thus allying more closely the two most prominent families in the hebrew community. _august th._--mr and mrs montefiore leave england for the third time for france, germany, and italy. the entry this day refers to something which happened to him seventeen years previously ( ), (for obvious reasons i do not give the name, which is written in full in the diary):--"n. n. robbed me of all and more than i had. blessed be the almighty, that he has not suffered my enemies to triumph over me." on their arrival at rome they find mr abraham montefiore very ill; much worse, mr montefiore says, than they had expected. his critical state induces them to remain with him to the end of the year. about the same time, his brother horatio was elected an elder in his synagogue: "affording him many opportunities," mr montefiore observes, "to make himself useful to the congregation." ( a.m.).--his brother abraham continues very ill, but montefiore can remain with him no longer, his presence being much required in london. _february th._--mr and mrs montefiore arrive in london, and on the th he again goes to the stock exchange, this being the first time for more than a year that he has done so. _july th._--the deed of settlement of the alliance life assurance company is read to the general court. on august th he has the gratification of affixing his name to it. "on the same day," he says, evidently with much pleasure, "i have received many applications for shares of the imperial continental gas association." the diary introduces the subject of insurance companies by quoting the words of suetonius. "suetonius conjectures," mr montefiore writes on the first page of the book, "that the emperor claudius was the original projector of insurances on ships and merchandise." "the first instances of the practice recorded in modern history," he observes, "occur in , in consequence of the extensive wool trade between england and the netherlands; though it was probably in use before that period, and seems to have been introduced by the jews in ." "it is treated of in the laws of oleron, relating to sea affairs, as early as the year ." "about the period of the great fire in london, , an office was established for insuring houses from fire." this information is probably no novelty to the reader, but my object in quoting it is to show how attentively mr montefiore studied every subject connected with his financial and other pursuits. we have in the college library a great variety of books bearing on insurance offices, all of which, it appears, he had at some time consulted for information. of both the above companies he was elected president, offices which he held to the last moment of his life. they are now numbered among the most prosperous companies in england. his presence at the board was always a cause of the highest satisfaction, not only to the directors and shareholders, all of whom appreciated his sound judgment, cautious disposition and energy in the promotion and welfare of the company, but also to all the officers and employees of the respective offices. in conversing with his friends on this subject, he used to say, "when our companies prosper, i wish to see everyone employed by us, from the highest to the lowest, derive some benefit from them in proportion to the position he occupies in the office." he also strongly advocated the promotion of harmony and friendliness among the officers of the companies, for which purpose, he used annually to give them an excellent dinner in one of the large hotels, inviting several of his personal friends to join them. when travelling on the continent, he invariably made a point of visiting every one of the branches of the imperial gas association, making strict enquiries on every subject connected with the operations, and inviting all the officers to his table. i have frequently (after the year ) accompanied him on such occasions, and often wondered at his minute knowledge of every item entered in the books of the respective offices. he often gave proof, in the last years of his life, of his special interest in the prosperity of these companies by the exertions he would make in signing every document sent down to him at ramsgate for that purpose, even when he appeared to experience a difficulty in holding a pen. he strongly objected to a system of giving high dividends to the shareholders. "let us be satisfied," he used to say, "with five per cent., so that we may always rest in the full enjoyment of undisturbed life on the firm rock of security,"--the emblem represented on the office seal of the alliance. on august the th of that year he received a letter from genoa stating that his brother abraham was getting worse, and on saturday, the th, he received the sad news of his death, which took place at lyons whilst on his way back from cannes. "it was only in the month of january last," mr montefiore says of his brother, "that when his medical attendant recommended him to take a sea voyage, he agreed to go with me to jerusalem, if i would hire a ship to take us there." "seize, mortal," mr montefiore continues, quoting the words of the poet: "seize the transient hour, improve each moment as it flies; life a short summer--man a flower; he dies, alas! how soon he dies." ( a.m.).--the lessons he sets for himself this year are given in quotations from authors, the selections showing the reflex of the impressions made on his mind by current events. the first is an italian proverb: "chi parla semina, chi tace racolta," corresponding to the english, "the talker sows, the silent reaps." those which follow are from our own moralists:-- "a wise man will desire no more than what he may get justly, use soberly, distribute cheerfully, and live upon contentedly." "he that loveth a book will never want a faithful friend, a wholesome counsellor, a cheerful companion, or an effective comforter." "the studies afford nourishment to our youth, delight to our old age, adorn prosperity, supply a refuge in adversity, and are a constant source of pleasure at home; they are no impediment while abroad, and attend us in the night season, in our travels, and in our retirement." "he may be well content that need not borrow nor flatter." he attends this year regularly all the meetings of eight companies or associations: the alliance british and foreign life and fire assurance, the alliance marine assurance, the imperial continental gas association, the provincial bank of ireland, the imperial brazilian mining, the chilian and peruvian mining, the irish manufactory, and the british colonial silk company. with all this, no doubt often very exciting work, he still finds time for attending all the meetings of charitable institutions of which he is a member, more especially those of his own community; while he is often met in the house of mourning performing duties sometimes most painful and distressing to a sympathising heart. _february th._--he attends for the first time the general board of the provincial bank of ireland. being now considered an authority of high standing in the financial world, various offers were made to him by promoters to join their companies or become one of their directors. among these undertakings is one which i will name on account of the interest every man of business now takes in it. i allude to a company which had for its object the cutting of a ship canal for uniting the atlantic and pacific oceans. he refused the directorship of that gigantic undertaking, which, after having been abandoned for nearly sixty years, was again taken up, under the name of the panama canal, by m. de lesseps. thirty years later mr montefiore also refused to take a leading part or directorship in the suez canal company, which m. de lesseps had offered him when in egypt. i happened to be present at the time when m. de lesseps called on him with that object. it was in the year , when mr montefiore had become sir moses montefiore, and was enjoying the hospitality of his late highness said pasha, who gave him one of his palaces to reside in during his stay at alexandria. m. de lesseps spoke to him for several hours on the subject, but he could not be persuaded that so great an undertaking was destined to be a pecuniary success. _may th._--mr and mrs montefiore leave for paris. on their return they proceed in july to oxford; and, at the end of the same month, we see them in ireland, whither mr montefiore went as a member of the deputation sent by the provincial bank. in recognition of the services rendered to the board by himself and the other members of the deputation, a resolution was passed, a copy of which is here subjoined. "provincial bank of ireland, "_friday, september th, _. "at a meeting of the court--present:--john morris, esq., in the chair; m. attwood, esq., m. p.; h. a. douglas, esq.; s. a. madgan, esq.; j. t. thorp, esq.; jas. brogdon, esq., m. p.; j. r. macqueen, esq., m. p.; c. e. prescott, esq.; s. n. ward, esq. "resolved unanimously, that the cordial thanks of the court are due to messrs medley, montefiore, and blount for the zeal and ability they have evinced in the management of the business committed to their care, the result of which has fully realised the expectations of the court, and will conduce most essentially to the prosperity of the company. "the chairman is requested to communicate the resolution to the gentlemen of the deputation on their return from ireland." ( a.m.).--the diary begins with the prayer, "renew in me, o lord, the right spirit." for the information of the general reader i quote a short statement from some historical records of the state of financial transactions in this and the previous year which will explain the importance of the entries mr montefiore made in these years, referring to monetary transactions. on the th of january there is an entry stating "the government will lend the merchants five millions of exchequer bills, and the bank directors have agreed to advance the money. they will not fund till june or july, and then only five or six millions." "this," mr montefiore thinks, "is much in favour of stocks." one of his acquaintance died suddenly at this time, an unfortunate event which he considered was the fatal result of large speculations. "these two years," the historian says, "were characterised by an extraordinary activity in all departments of trade and commerce. mr huskisson, a minister who was a high authority on commercial matters, originated several important measures, especially those relating to the repeal of all duties on goods passing between great britain and ireland, an alteration in the duties affecting the silk manufacture, and the repeal of the combination laws and of the law against the emigration of artisans; while the executive formed commercial treaties, on the reciprocity system, with various countries in europe, and, acknowledging the independence of the revolted spanish colonies in america, drew them as additional customers into the british market. capital now so far exceeded the ordinary means of its employment, that many joint-stock companies were formed as a means of giving it a wider scope. some of these associations professed objects which were by long established usage the proper business of individuals alone, and others involved hazardous and visionary projects to be carried into effect in remote countries. the depressed state of trade in and had led to a diminished importation and production of goods, and was succeeded by an advance of prices in . the consequence was a sudden and unusually large demand and a powerful reaction of supply, which did not cease till production had far exceeded the bounds of moderation. through the facilities afforded by a large issue of paper money, the delusion was kept up longer than it would otherwise have been. the first symptom of something wrong was the turning of the exchange against england. a diminution of issues at the bank followed. merchants began to experience difficulties in meeting pecuniary obligations. then took place a run upon the banks, some of which, both in london and the country, were obliged to stop payment. between october and february , fifty-nine commissions of bankruptcy were issued against english country banks, and four times the number of private compositions were calculated to have taken place during the same period. while merchants and manufacturers were without credit, their inferiors were without employment, and distress reached almost every class of the community. some liberal pecuniary measures on the part of the bank of england helped in a short time, rather by inspiring confidence than by actual disbursement of money, to retrieve in some measure the embarrassed circumstances of the country. "on the same day," mr montefiore says, "when the death of an unfortunate speculator caused a general gloom to prevail in the financial world, i was asked by a gentleman if i had the courage to join him in a speculation, my reply was i would see to-morrow." "i fear," mr montefiore observes, "this day's awful lesson is quite lost upon him." the entries i am now giving are very brief, sometimes abrupt, showing (probably) the excited state of affairs in the political and financial world, which appear to have induced him to form a resolution to withdraw entirely from all the turmoil of london. _march th._--heard there will be no war. the ministers' plan of funding and repaying six millions of the bank has lowered the funds. _march th._--attended the meeting of the schools; meeting of the society for granting marriage portions to orphans (spanish and portuguese hebrew community). _march th._--the king of portugal died; the emperor of austria dangerously ill; our good king much better. _april th._--dined with mr n. m. rothschild; met there prince esterhazy, duke of st albans, his brother and two sisters, lady augusta cotton, a son of lord coventry, and the earl of lauderdale. _april th._--the emperor nicholas insists upon the turks evacuating moldavia. _april th._--attended meeting of the elders (sp. and port. synagogue); signed cheques, dividends of the alliance, sixteen shillings per share. _june th._--war commences again in india, after bhurtpore had been stormed by lord combermere and peace made with the burmese, when they had to pay £ , sterling, and cede a great extent of the territory. during the following three months he again devotes much time to communal affairs, attending committees of schools and charitable institutions. _october th._--political events of great importance attract his attention. he calls with mr n. m. rothschild on prince esterhazy, who says that canning and villele are trying every means to settle a representative constitution for spain. _october nd._--the entry states, "received an express that the differences between the russians and turks are amicably settled." _october th._--he frequently attends meetings of the elders in this and the following month, also orders blankets for distribution among the poor. _december th._--the king sends a message to the house to the effect that five hundred troops would be sent to portugal. _december th._--the king of france's speech is considered very warlike. the diary concludes with the following memorandum:-- "by the blessings of god, prepare for a trip to jerusalem. get letters of introduction from lord auckland for malta, and from j. alexander for constantinople. study italian, french, and hebrew." chapter v. . first journey to jerusalem. the reader having accompanied mr and mrs montefiore through the first period of their life and work, and seen them deservedly raised to a position enabling them, if so disposed, to take a prominent part in important public movements, i shall now describe all the incidents of note in connection with their pursuits in the second period of their lives. in the year they decided to visit jerusalem. their sole reason for this determination was a wish to visit the holy land, a land with which their race is connected by so many associations, and of which the name is kept in loving remembrance in the prayers recited daily by every true israelite. mrs montefiore has given a most interesting account of that journey in her private journal, printed, but not published, and the following narrative is based upon the entries made therein, and in the diaries of mr montefiore. for the better understanding of those extracts which bear upon politics, it may not be out of place to briefly recapitulate the circumstances of the one important event that occurred in the administration of viscount goderich (mr robinson), who succeeded canning as premier under george iv. this event was the battle of navarino, which was followed by the establishment of greek independence. the cause of greece was supported, from different motives (see brewer's "hume"), by russia, france, and england. these powers had their squadrons in the levant, the english being under the command of sir edward codrington. war had not yet been declared; the turkish and egyptian fleet, under ibrahim pasha, lay in the bay of navarino, and there was an understanding that it should remain till the affairs of greece were arranged. as the turks attempted to violate this agreement a general engagement ensued, and the turkish and egyptian fleets were completely destroyed in the course of a few hours. by this impolitic act england and france played into the hands of russia, who was anxious to weaken the power of turkey, and thus they gave some help towards the long-cherished object of her ambition--the possession of constantinople. on may st, ( - a.m.), mr and mrs montefiore repaired to synagogue as was their custom early in the morning before undertaking any important work, for the purpose of invoking the blessing of divine providence on this their first and long-projected journey to jerusalem. fortified with letters of introduction, in the first instance, to admiral codrington, then commanding on the mediterranean station, and taking with them their own carriages, they travelled _viâ_ dover, calais, turin, milan, florence, and rome to naples. here a nephew of mr amschel rothschild assisted them in obtaining a vessel to take them to malta, where they visited the plantations of the silk company on the ditch of porto reale. there were about mulberry trees at this place, as well as about at sal marson, "all looking healthy. we were present," says mrs montefiore, "at a dinner given by us in the palace to the men, women, and children, who were and had been employed by the silk company, to the number of . the hall was beautifully decorated with shrubs and flowers, and 'welcome' was written in large letters at the top of the room. there were many joints of beef, a sheep roasted whole, macaroni, rice, bread, cheese, water melons, and good wine. everyone had as much as he could eat and drink. the broken victuals and wine were afterwards distributed among the poor to the number of thirty. a band of music then entered the hall, and all present danced, as happy as people could be." at the palace mr montefiore delivered lord auckland's and lord strangford's letters to the governor, the hon. f. c. ponsonby, who advised him to go to the east in a ship of war, on account of the greek pirates. amidst numerous kind and flattering attentions from the residents, amongst whom were sir john stoddart, mr and mrs st john, captain roberts, colonel bathurst, and miss hamilton, amidst amusements and excursions to gozo and marfa, mr and mrs montefiore did not forget on thursday, the nd of august, the fast which was kept on the day of the anniversary of the destruction of the temple in jerusalem. "thank god," he says in his diary, "we are quite well after breaking our fast, which we did at . , several stars being then visible. the day has been dreadfully hot and fatiguing. my poor wife suffered so much that i endeavoured to persuade her to break her fast about four o'clock, but she would not. i felt extremely weak, but was free from headache." the next day, captain anderson of the _leonidas_ called and agreed to take mr and mrs montefiore and two servants to alexandria, for a consideration of £ , and to wait there twenty days, and then take them to jaffa. at this stage mrs montefiore was taken ill, but owing to the kind attention of lady stoddart, and the assistance of mr milan, the governor's medical adviser, she soon recovered. mr and mrs montefiore now embarked on board the _leonidas_, and sailed under convoy of the _garnet_, with four other vessels to alexandria. from here they proceeded to cairo and the pyramids, where, by the courtesy of mr salt, the british consul general, mr montefiore had the honour of being presented to mohhammad 'ali pasha in full divan. mr maltass, the vice consul, acted as interpreter, the pacha speaking turkish and his visitor french. "we were graciously received," mr montefiore says, "and remained in conversation three quarters of an hour. we had coffee with him. he spoke much of his wishes to improve his people, enquired where i was going, if i was pleased with egypt, and paid me some compliments. after the interview i rode to the obelisk. on my return i called on mr salt. i found him much alarmed at the non-arrival of a despatch which had been sent by an english sloop of war. the porte had refused the mediation, and the english admiral had orders to act. mr salt was to see the pasha in the morning, and would then set off for alexandria. the pasha wrote to him saying that mr canning had died on the nd." the party now returned to alexandria, where they heard conflicting news with regard to the possibility of war. meanwhile they visited all places of interest, especially the synagogues, where the services appeared somewhat strange to them. special mention is made of the synagogue of signor fua, which they visited on new year's day, many of the tunes sung there being the same as those used in the london synagogues. the portion of the sacred scriptures was admirably read there by a young boy, "more in the german manner than in the portuguese." the scroll of the pentateuch was in a wooden case, over which was the cloak, and the president called up as many as twenty to hear the law read to them. the day of atonement and the tabernacle holidays had to be spent here in consequence of the impossibility of obtaining means of proceeding further. "i have still every desire," says mr montefiore, "to proceed to jerusalem, but cannot find any person willing to go with me. although the plague was at acre, the whole of syria in revolt, the christians fleeing to the mountains for safety, the question of peace or war still undecided, he himself ill, and mrs montefiore by no means recovered from her recent attack, he nevertheless determined at all risks to proceed to jaffa and jerusalem." "i find," he observed to his anxious wife, "my health and strength failing me so fast in this city, that i deem it now prudent to flee from it, even at the chance of encountering the 'greek pirates.'" he engaged for this purpose the _henry williams_, a brig of tons, under captain jones, to take them to jaffa and bring them back for £ . "i think," he says, "i more ardently desire to leave egypt than ever our forefathers did. no one will ever recite the passover service" (which gives an account of the exodus from egypt) "with more true devotion than i shall do, when it pleases providence to restore me to my own country, and redeem me and my dear wife from this horrible land of misery and plague, the hand of god being still upon it." these are expressions to which most persons in egypt might frequently give utterance, when in a state of great pain and irritation, tormented by thousands of mosquitoes, and more especially when living in small confined apartments like those of the casino then occupied by mr montefiore. only those who have been in egypt fifty or sixty years ago can form an idea of the discomfort a traveller then had to put up with, and this was naturally keenly felt by those who, like mr montefiore, had been used to every comfort and attention in an english home. _tuesday, october th._--they arrive at jaffa. the governor at first refused to allow any franks to land, and ordered captain jones off, but the british consul having procured permission for them, they landed at mid-day. they found the road level and very sandy, lined with prickly pear, pomegranate, fig, orange, and lemon trees, the finest they had ever seen. on reaching ramlah, mr montefiore was so fatigued he could scarcely dismount; almost too weak to walk. _wednesday, october th._--they left ramlah at a.m., and entered the gate of david at jerusalem at p.m. on approaching the holy city they dismount, manifesting their grief at the sight of jerusalem in ruins, as mourners do when bewailing the loss of some dear relative. mr and mrs montefiore then offered up a fervent prayer, giving thanks to god for having brought them safely to jerusalem, the great and long desired object of their journey, and praying for his blessing on all they loved. they then repaired to the house of mr joseph amzalak, while the gentlemen who accompanied them took up their quarters in the greek convent. _thursday, october th._--they attend synagogue at break of day in the house of their host. "thanks to providence," mr montefiore says, "i feel better, though still very weak." they receive visits from the head and representatives of the spanish hebrew community, also from the head and representatives of the german hebrew community, all making the kindest offers of their services. great complaints were made of poverty in jerusalem, and oppression by the governors, who were for ever calling for more money. "there are," they said, "fifty portuguese families, consisting of about individuals; forty german families, or persons; and near elderly widows in great distress." mr and mrs montefiore subsequently went to see the foundation stones of the ancient temple, generally called the "western wall"; also to a house, from the roof of which they had a fine view of the mosque of omar, which is built on the site of solomon's temple. on their return they called on the rev. hahám moses soozin (the spiritual head of the portuguese community), but as he happened to be out, they went to take coffee with the rev. rabbi mendel, who occupied a like position in the german community. "he had prepared an excellent room for us," writes mr montefiore, "but our kind host would not allow us to leave him." during their absence from home the governor sent to say, that he expected mr montefiore to come and take coffee, and that he regretted that mr montefiore should have gone to the jews: if he did not like going to the convent, he would have given him a house in the city. mr montefiore, on hearing the message, said, "i hope i shall ever live and die in the society of my brethren of israel." _friday, th._--this being the mohammedan sabbath, the governor was at the mosque, and mr montefiore could not call on him. mrs montefiore, accompanied by some ladies and travelling companions, went to see the tomb of rachel. mr montefiore and his host, mr amzalak, proceeded to a college bearing the name of "etz-khayim" (tree of life), for the cultivation of theological studies. it belongs to the portuguese community, and was established years ago by an english gentleman of the name of "franco." mr montefiore then went to the ancient burial ground, where he obtained some terra santa to take home with him. on his return to the house of his host, he found every member of the family prepared to welcome the sabbath. the apartments were beautifully clean and ready one hour before the time fixed for the commencement of prayers. after having attended synagogue, they had an excellent dinner, their host and hostess being most kind and chatty. "i was in better spirits," said mr montefiore, "than i had been for months." _saturday, october th._--they again attended the house of god. mr montefiore took the opportunity to offer a special prayer in grateful recognition of the great mercy it had pleased heaven to bestow upon him and his wife, in permitting them to behold the land of promise. the president of the congregation requested mr montefiore not to make any offering of a large amount, otherwise the local authorities might hear of it, and would still further raise their taxes. at o'clock they called on the rev. hahám moses soozin, after which they went to dine with the rev. rabbi mendel. here mr montefiore expressed his hope that both the german and portuguese communities would always remain united in the blessed bonds of harmony. in the afternoon he paid his respects to the governor at the palace. the governor offered him coffee and other refreshments, and was extremely civil and friendly. on mr montefiore's expressing a wish to see jerusalem again, his excellency said he would be happy to let him have his guard. mr montefiore sent him a valuable telescope as a souvenir of the pleasant interviews, while hoping that the governor might behave better to the jews in future. his excellency, in return, as a token of his appreciation of mr montefiore's visit, affixed the visa to his passport in most flattering terms. as these were very peculiar, i append a translation. "we declare that to-day arrived at jerusalem our friend the english gentleman, mr montefiore. he has visited all the holy places, and all the grandees of the town, as well as several of lesser note, who have been highly gratified by making his acquaintance, he being a person of the greatest merit, and unequalled among the nation for propriety and amiability of manners; and having ourselves experienced the highest pleasure in his society we have written this to testify our sense of his politeness. "given in the last day of rubic-el-owal, . "el hha'jj háfiz mohhammad ráshid sathashour (or selhhoor) hassa, _governor of jerusalem_." "no city in the world," mr montefiore observes in his diary, "can have a finer situation than this; nor is there a better climate;" and he concludes his record of his day's proceedings by wishing "many happy returns of the day to his dear judith." the th of october being his wife's birthday, which was generally signalised, whether at home or abroad, by the distribution of numerous gifts to the poor and to the charitable institutions, it was, as a matter of course, thus observed in the holy city, and in an unusually liberal spirit. _sunday, october st._--their short sojourn in jerusalem was now concluded. mr montefiore rose at half-past two in the morning, and joined a number of persons who had been sitting up all night in the house of his host praying for his safe return, and for the welfare of all friends and lovers of zion. both the rev. moses soozin and the rev. rabbi mendel, accompanied by more than one hundred of the principal inhabitants, came to see them off. at . they took leave of their kind host and hostess, who had most liberally housed and fed them without asking for the smallest remuneration, and had loaded them with cakes, wine, &c., for their journey. after a charming ride of over five hours between the mountains they came to the first well at the commencement of the plains, and arrived at the greek convent of ramlah. the road was very stony, rough, and steep, but no precipices; on the sides of the mountains were olives and fruit trees; the valleys well cultivated, the plain sandy. they saw nothing of aboo-goosh, who was then the terror of the land, but they went rather in fear of him. _tuesday, rd._--they started from ramlah at a.m., and reached jaffa at . , where they stayed a day, and then embarked on board the _henry williams_. the next day, being the anniversary of mr montefiore's birthday, he makes an entry of the event in his diary in the following words:-- "this day i begin a new era. i fully intend to dedicate much more time to the welfare of the poor, and to attend synagogue as regularly as possible on monday, thursday, and saturday." _thursday, october th._--they were hailed about . p.m. by seven large boats, turkish men-of-war, full of soldiers, who mistook them for greeks. these boats came alongside and continued very close, appearing to entertain great suspicions of them, as several greek vessels had been cruising off the port during the day. at dawn, however, they were convinced of their mistake. the following day, when close to the harbour of alexandria, the travellers saw a turkish corvette blown up. it had been used as a training ship for the pasha's midshipmen, and it was supposed that two hundred persons perished. this awful occurrence greatly terrified them. they offered up additional thanks to heaven for having hitherto held them under its merciful protection. at . a.m. they returned to the harbour of alexandria, went on shore, and paid a visit to mr and mrs barker, where they met the austrian consul. they also called on other friends, who were pleasantly surprised to see them return so speedily, having been uneasy about them on account of the many greek vessels which had been off the harbour for some time past. in the evening they went on board the _leonidas_, where they purposed remaining. _saturday, october th._--mr and mrs barker, captain richard of the _pelorus_, messrs bell and harris, paid them a visit, bringing the news that the pasha had received an account of the british admiral having fired on a turkish ship, obliging her to put back into port. mr barker said that the pasha had told him on the previous night that he expected war, that it would be one of religion, and would last fifty years. "these were the words," mr montefiore writes in his diary, "mr salt had uttered to me on the th of september. captain richards also thought there would be war. six vessels came into the harbour, and every one had been plundered by greek pirates. a fine genoese sloop which they passed on thursday near rosetta had been boarded in the evening and robbed; two other ships were also plundered in sight of the harbour of alexandria on the same day, and although witnessed by the men-of-war, the wind prevented any of them giving chase." "in truth," mr montefiore says, "i have every reason to believe that for the last three months we are the only persons, sailing without a convoy, who have escaped." _tuesday, october th._--they went on shore to be present at the naming of mr s. m. fua's infant son. the women who generally attend on festive as well as on mournful occasions, made a horrid noise, which, however, appeared to please the egyptian guests very much. mr montefiore called on mr barker, and the latter gave him the firman from the pasha, which was to facilitate his travelling in egypt. mr barker also begged of him, in the event of mr salt's death, to use his influence to obtain for him the post of consul general. mr salt, it afterwards appeared, must have been already dead when mr barker made this request, but, in all probability, he did not like to break the sad news to one just coming from a place of festivity. "i little expected," says mr montefiore, "when i took leave of him on the th of this month, previous to my departure for jerusalem, that it would be the last time i should see him. upon my enquiring then of him if i could do anything for him in the holy city, he thanked me, and said, 'only pray for me.' to the will of god we must all submit." _wednesday, october st._--the pasha has this day made a proclamation in alexandria, calling upon all true mussulmans to come forward immediately for the protection of their religion, and to commence work at the fortification instantly. capt. richards, who paid mr and mrs montefiore a late visit in the evening, said that he should sail the next day after the funeral. he had just come from the pasha, who told him that the grand signor (the sultan) had given orders to proceed to sea at all hazards. _thursday, november st._--mr montefiore attended the funeral of mr salt. all the foreign consuls were present in full uniform, also capt. richards of the _pelorus_, with his officers, and many others--merchants, captains, &c. "the procession," he writes, "was headed by two handsome horses of the pasha, without riders, then followed twelve of his janizaris (yenitjeri), twelve english marines, with arms reversed, and the english naval officers. the coffin was carried by six british sailors, and the pall was supported by six consuls, mr barker acting as chief mourner, and being followed by other consuls, merchants, captains, &c. mr salt was buried in the garden attached to his cottage, the latin convent having refused him burial, although his wife is interred there, he being a protestant." after the funeral service, the marines fired three rounds. the _pelorus_ fired minute guns during the procession. the distance was nearly half-a-mile, and the dust and heat were so unbearable that mr montefiore says, "i was apprehensive of getting the fever." _friday, nd._--a turkish corvette brings news that the allied admirals off navarino had, a fortnight before, sent word to ibrahim pasha to send the egyptian fleet to alexandria and the ottoman fleet to constantinople, which he had refused to do. the allied fleet then entered the ports in defiance of all the batteries, destroyed thirteen of the pasha's finest ships, and thirty-two of the sultan's, with a reported loss of or lives on the side of the turks. the allied fleet then sailed from navarino, probably for constantinople. all the franks in alexandria are in the greatest alarm, dreading the revenge of the soldiers and turks. _saturday, november rd._--mr barker sent a note with an extract of the admiral's letter to him, confirming yesterday's news. the battle was fought on the th october, the turks being said to have been the aggressors. the turco-egyptian fleet was annihilated, with a loss of men. "we are extremely uneasy," mr montefiore says, "at the prospect of not being allowed to sail next tuesday with the french convoy, the french captain having refused to give instructions to, or to take charge of, any but french ships. he said we might sail at the same time, and if we could keep up with him, he would defend us, but he could not stop one moment, or shorten sail for us to keep company. mr barker has promised to go on board the _commodore_ and solicit the captain, as a personal favour, to direct the schooner to give us instructions. _sunday, november th._--mr barker has been with the pasha, who spoke lightly of the loss of his fleet, and said he would soon have another. his sentiments continued unchanged with regard to the franks, and he pledged himself for their security; he said it was contrary to the mooslim religion to destroy christians, and in the event of the sultan permitting such violence, he could not be called a good mooslim afterwards. "a poor satisfaction for those he murdered," writes mr montefiore. _monday, november th._--they went on shore to take leave of all their friends. mr barker gave mr montefiore a letter to lord dudley, soliciting the post of consul-general. he advised capt. anderson, as a friend, not to start, and the person who had chartered the captain's vessel also insisted on her waiting for a proper convoy, as the french schooner had refused to be delayed at sea for any but french ships. mr barker advised mr montefiore to go by one of the french vessels. "they had the conscience," mr montefiore says, "to ask , francs. capt. anderson, however, has resolved to go, and we shall go with him." chapter vi. - . mr and mrs montefiore leave alexandria--a sea voyage sixty years ago. _wednesday, november th, ._--mr and mrs montefiore left egypt. at a.m. they were out of the harbour, sailing under the protection of the french schooner _la dauphinoise_, capt. auvray, the convoy consisting of four french, one austrian, three english, and one russian vessel. _tuesday, wednesday, and thursday._--they proceeded with some difficulty, but on friday, november , all on board thought they would be able to enter the harbour of malta, as the weather was favourable, and captain anderson had resolved to make the attempt, although the sun had already set. in about two hours they were so near the shore that they could see the lights distinctly, and they could not have been more than a mile from the mouth of the port. all were extremely happy, expecting to anchor within an hour. "how frail are human joys," exclaims mr montefiore; "most suddenly the wind had changed again to the west, and commenced blowing in a terrific manner. thus, in an instant, were our hopes gone, and we were blown off the land, a tremendous sea obliging us to take to our beds. god only knows when we shall reach malta." _saturday, december ._--"the last was a dreadful night," he writes, "it blew almost a hurricane: a frightful sea: the ship rolled and pitched so as to occasion serious alarm to all on board. poor judith suffered severely. the captain had never in his life experienced a worse night, and to prevent our being blown further off malta, he carried a press of sail. i shall never forget the night, but on each sabbath eve shall recollect with gratitude god's mercy in saving us from destruction. this morning, at daybreak, we were five miles off malta, having retained this situation by tacking backwards and forwards during the night. the weather continued rough and stormy, but thanks be to the almighty god, we anchored safely in the quarantine harbour at half-past seven, after a long and boisterous voyage of twenty-four days." in commemoration of this merciful event, it became a custom of mr montefiore, from the year in which it took place, to the last year of his life, to read on the first night of the passover festival, the entry he then made in his journal, consisting of several appropriate verses from the psalms of david. "sir john stoddart wrote me a very friendly note, and came to the waterside to see us. after dinner we left the _leonidas_, having spent more than three months in captain anderson's company, and slept sixty-eight nights on board his ship. he was most attentive and obliging, and we left him with regret." at five minutes past five they entered the lazaretto. _sunday, december nd._--the governor sent his private secretary to thank them for a turtle which they had brought him as a present, and to enquire after their health, requesting particularly to be informed how the news of the battle of navarino had been received at alexandria. mr montefiore replied by a special letter. sir john stoddart, the chief judge, with his daughter and mr maxwell, came to pay them a visit, but they were not allowed to approach within two yards of them. captains anderson and jones called and brought the news that the _martha_, captain smart, had come into harbour; they had been plundered and dreadfully ill-treated by the greeks. in the course of their stay at malta, mr and mrs montefiore had the pleasure of receiving a visit from captain lewis davies of the _rose_, the hero of navarino; they had met him before at the houses of mr barker and the late mr salt in alexandria. he remained with them a full hour, giving a most interesting description of the battle. after so long an absence abroad, mr montefiore, one might have thought, would have been longing to be back in england to take a rest, but he has no such idea; on the contrary, he is already planning another tour in connection with business. on sunday, december th, he writes, "i much wish it may be in my power, after our return to england, to see vienna, and visit our gas establishments at berlin, hanover, rotterdam, and ghent. i shall strive to do so, provided i succeed in reaching london by the end of february. as soon as we get pratique, we shall endeavour to procure a vessel for palermo, remain there a couple of days, thence to naples, where i hope to get letters from our dear mother and friends." in the course of this narrative we shall have frequent opportunities of witnessing a peculiar characteristic of his. when he had achieved some great work, and was yet engaged in affixing his signature to a report on the same, whilst all his fellow-workers were exhausted with fatigue, his restless activity would impel him to begin a fresh scheme for the alleviation of distress or for the cause of humanity, notwithstanding his own exertions, and in spite of many nights of anxiety which may have attended his former enterprise. _thursday, december th._--this being the th anniversary of the victory of the maccabees, mr and mrs montefiore celebrated it by special prayers and thanksgivings, an additional number of lights being burnt in honour of the occasion. a russian officer, who happened to be their neighbour in the lazaretto, spoke in glowing terms of the bravery of jewish soldiers in russia, and of their wonderful endurance in the days of want and distress so often experienced during the war. when mr (then sir moses) montefiore appeared before the emperor nicholas in the year to plead the cause of his brethren, he had the satisfaction of hearing similar remarks from his majesty's lips. _friday, th december._--lady stoddart and her son paid them a visit; captain and mrs copeland also came to see them. the captain said there was great probability of war, adding that the franks had escaped from constantinople, and that the ambassadors were expected to leave immediately. _monday, december th._--they visited every part of the lazaretto, and found the hospital clean, and in excellent order, but untenanted. they also went to see the english cemetery, where those who die whilst in quarantine or on board ship in the harbour are buried. about a dozen graves are always kept ready for immediate use. describing the process of fumigating letters and papers, which they saw that day, mr montefiore says: "the letters are opened and placed in an iron closet, or on an iron grid; a saucepan containing burning bran and sulphur is then placed on the ground beneath them, and the closet is shut for fifteen minutes. they are then taken out again, and the process is complete." _tuesday, december th._--several vessels came into the quarantine harbour, and mr montefiore had an interesting conversation with mr de wimmer, a "lieutenant au corps de chasseurs d'ordonnance de s.m. l'empereur de toutes les russies," who had been with the emperor alexander at the time of his death. they also received a letter from monsieur peynado correa, informing them that the governor had confirmed the constitution given to the jews by sir thomas maitland. _wednesday, december th._--a ship arrived from constantinople, having performed the journey in twelve days. it brought the news that the ambassadors had left the same day, and that all ships of the allied powers were put under embargo. while at dinner mr montefiore received a polite note from mr greig, containing the welcome intelligence that they should have pratique on the next day. "this indulgence," mr montefiore observes, "is extremely kind on the part of the governor, although we have been very comfortable, and had not one irksome hour during the whole time we have been confined in the lazaretto." _thursday, december th._--they left the lazaretto. _saturday, december nd._--mr montefiore, accompanied by sir john stoddart, called on admiral codrington. he had a very polite reception both from the admiral and lady codrington. the admiral said he had been very much interested in the account which mr montefiore sent him of the manner in which the pasha received the news of the battle of navarino, and took much pains to explain his motives for commencing hostilities. he said the ministers did not seem aware of all the instructions he had received from stratford canning. in reply to mr montefiore's enquiry, the admiral said that if the turks would not listen to his speaking-trumpet, he would have to make use of the cannon. he had on several occasions made signal for battle before the th of october, but his good star had attended him, and he had been prevented; the first time by adverse winds, and on the second occasion the french fleet came up in time to over-awe the turks, and they returned. the pasha had expressed his intention of throwing off his allegiance to the porte, and professed great friendship for the french admiral, commanding his son, ibrahim pasha, to follow his directions; he also wished to write to the english himself afterwards. admiral codrington did not give the pasha credit for much sincerity. he then spoke about the greek pirates and greek government, and promised mr montefiore a passage to naples, after which the latter took his leave. _sunday, december rd._--they took a walk over the silk company's estate, which they had visited early in the autumn. since that time about young trees had been transplanted, new walls had been erected, ditches cut, and ground prepared for the reception of french and neapolitan shrubs. they were disappointed to learn that the sale of the garden produce scarcely brought enough to cover the expense of sending it to market, fruit and vegetables being so plentiful and cheap. the orange trees were almost breaking down under their load of fruit, which scarcely paid for the gathering. the "nopal" or prickly pears have been rooted up, as well as most of the vines and figs. a few young nopals have been planted, and some preparation made for experiments in cochineal. mr montefiore writes: "the ditches discovered on the south side of the valley have evidently been ancient tombs. those on the hill, round and near the palace, were no doubt planted with trees, and there is every reason to believe that they may be found running in every direction on the estate." sir edward codrington offered them a convoy for the next day, but mr montefiore requested him to permit the _mastiff_, captain copeland, to take them to naples, which request was kindly granted. _sunday, december th._--in the evening the admiral sent his secretary to mr montefiore with the letters, requesting that he would deliver them personally--one to lord burghersh at florence, and another to the duke of clarence. _monday, december st._--"a very tempestuous day," he writes; "the wind is so high that it is impossible for any vessel to get out of the harbour. we must have patience, and wait a little longer. i feel rather better," he adds, "but my neck still continues troublesome." this being the last day of the civil year, a feeling of deep thankfulness prompts him to end his diary with a prayer similar to the one he uttered on the conclusion of the jewish year. the homeward journey was not marked by any incidents which call for special description. wherever the travellers halted they followed the daily itinerary, which, once settled, was never departed from, and it was as follows:--first they repaired to synagogue, then they went to the principal jewish communal schools and institutions, and in the course of the afternoon exchanged visits with friends or with those to whom they had letters of introduction, whilst the local sights were by no means forgotten. _friday, january th, ._--the _mastiff_, having left malta on the nd of january, was towed into the harbour of naples, where they anchored. mr and mrs montefiore proceeded at once to the hotel, where they met baron and baroness amschel rothschild, their handsome son, baron charles rothschild, and baroness charlotte rothschild. a few days later they visited herculaneum and pompeii. _wednesday, january th._--mrs montefiore dined at baron charles', but mr montefiore was not well enough to accompany her. it was a large dinner party, and the guests included the austrian ambassador with his wife, the duke and duchess d'ascoli, the duke and duchess theodore, sir henry and lady lushington, and others. _thursday, january th._--mr montefiore was still obliged to keep his room the whole day. captain copeland gave an entertainment on board the _mastiff_ to baroness charlotte rothschild, mrs montefiore, and barons charles and anselm rothschild, who afterwards dined with mr montefiore. in the evening mrs montefiore accompanied baroness charlotte to a ball at the sardinian embassy, to which both she and mr montefiore had been invited by the marquis and marchioness di s. saturius. mrs montefiore said there were about five hundred of the nobility present, who had been invited in honour of the princess salerno, a daughter of the emperor of austria, whom she saw there enjoying a waltz. _friday, january th._--the duke and duchess d'ascoli paid mrs montefiore a long visit. the duchess appeared to take great interest in the holy land, making many enquiries on subjects connected with sacred scripture. when she had obtained all the information mrs montefiore could give her, she asked to see the curiosities which the latter had brought with her. mrs montefiore produced the whole of her collection. the duchess seemed especially pleased with a shell engraved with historical subjects by a bethlehem artist. mrs montefiore requested her acceptance of it, and the duchess appeared much gratified. _sunday, january th._--mr montefiore called on the secretary of the british legation, with whom he left the admiral's letter for lord burghersh. _thursday, january th._--we find them at rome, visiting some of the principal studios of the sculptors, albertus thorwaldsen, canova, his successor cincinnato baruzzi, and others. at the studio of guiseppe pacetti in the via sisterno they saw an ancient statue of a negress with flowers, for which mr montefiore intended to make an offer. _friday, january th._--they visited the vatican, and all the museums, galleries, and places of interest. _sunday, january th._--in the course of the day they received a deputation from the community, who informed them that there were in rome of their brethren, of whom the majority were poor, and mr montefiore requested their acceptance of his and mrs montefiore's offerings to alleviate the distress. he purchased the female figure, in black marble, representing abundance, which he had seen on the previous thursday in the via sisterno, with the intention of placing it in the hall of his house at park lane. the next day they left rome. _friday, february st._--they reached leghorn safely, where mr montefiore at once offered up the following prayer:-- "praise and most humble and sincere thanks to the giver of all good, the creator of heaven and earth, for all his manifold mercies towards me, for having preserved me from so many perils and brought me safe to the city of my birth, and in the enjoyment of one of the greatest blessings providence has bestowed on me, the company of my dear judith, the companion and sharer of all my danger." _saturday, february nd._--they visited the synagogue. it was crowded. the state of mr montefiore's health not being as satisfactory as he could have wished, he sent for a physician. _sunday, february rd._--they remained in the hotel, mr montefiore not feeling well. "were it not," he writes, "for the extreme anxiety i feel to see my dear mother, i should, without the slightest hesitation, resolve upon remaining in italy for six months at the baths of casciana, about twenty miles from here. i find my complaint gets worse every day. god help me!" _monday, february th._--they visit the schools. a deputation from the institution "or tora," consisting of messrs joseph uzielli, abram pardo, michael buznah, and salomoni mortara, received them. "i was much delighted," says mr montefiore, "with the appearance and behaviour of the boys, who have made great progress in their studies. most of the seniors, although not more than fourteen, are perfect masters of the hebrew language, and can write in the same on any subject of their studies that may be given them. they receive a most liberal education, even music and drawing. there are about sixty boys; some few pay six francs a month. after the portion of the pentateuch is read on sabbath in the synagogue, the boys draw lots which one should read the portion from the prophets. all must therefore be well prepared." mr montefiore next went to a school open to all children of poor jews who are in leghorn. there were about boys present. they are taught reading, writing, and arithmetic on the lancastrian principle. they then proceeded to the girls' schools, where, in addition to the above subjects, children are taught needlework and straw-plaiting for bonnets. some of the girls, not more than eight or nine years old, translated the hebrew prayers. mr and mrs montefiore, in token of the satisfaction they had felt at the inspection of the schools, left generous presents for the pupils. they then journeyed through la spezia, chiavari, genoa, novi, turin, suza, lanslebourg, maltaveme, sava, les echelles, lyons, la palisse, and neuville, in their own carriage, then on to paris and calais, where they arrived on wednesday. "i am still," mr montefiore says, "very unwell indeed. i feel that some disorder is making daily and rapid strides; am most anxious to reach home for the benefit of rest and quiet. the newspapers appear very warlike, and i think there can be but little doubt as to the truth of their reports. i hope i shall not be induced to enter into any large speculation; never having been endowed with courage in my younger days, it would now be nothing less than downright folly. may heaven guard me from my friends as well as from my enemies." chapter vii. - . arrival in england--illness of mr montefiore-the struggle for jewish emancipation. _thursday, february th._--they arrived safely in dover harbour, and had the pleasure of seeing some of their near relatives who had come down to welcome them. they proceeded next day to their home in london, where they immediately paid a visit to mr montefiore's mother. having discharged this pleasing duty, they repaired to the admiralty, to leave the letters which had been entrusted by admiral codrington to mr montefiore for delivery. they reached their home at five o'clock, again to enjoy their sabbath, a day of hallowed peace and rest, at park lane. the following morning they attended synagogue to offer up prayers for their safe return, and were received by the ecclesiastical authorities and representatives of the community with manifestations of pleasure at their reappearance among them. later in the day mr montefiore waited on the duke of clarence to deliver into his hands the letter from the admiral. mr montefiore returned much pleased with the audience he had had with his royal highness. the great object which mr and mrs montefiore had in view, when setting out for the holy land, had so far been accomplished, that they had made a sojourn of three days in the city of jerusalem, a gratification, however, which they had been permitted to enjoy only in return for unusually great sacrifices. mr montefiore now placed himself under the care of an eminent physician, who for a long time visited him almost daily. as his doctor did not, however, forbid mr montefiore's leaving the house or following his usual pursuits, he went regularly, except on the sabbath and festivals, to the city, attending the boards of the alliance marine and alliance life and fire offices, the imperial continental gas association, the silk company, and those of all his various communal and charitable institutions. his physician would often accompany him on his way to the city. in accordance with the injunction in deut. xxiii. , "that which has gone out of thy lips thou shalt keep and perform," he endeavoured to fulfil the promises he had made in egypt, jaffa, and malta. he spoke to sir robert farquhar in favour of mr barker's appointment as consul general in egypt in place of the late mr salt. he gave signor damiani's letter to mr george canning, first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, soliciting him to appoint young damiana british consul at jaffa, in succession to his father. finally, he called on dr lee of doctors' commons, leaving the manuscript, "the story of gaiffa," which the author had requested him, when at malta, to take there. he had the satisfaction of hearing afterwards that his friendly intercession on behalf of the applicants had been partially successful. he was now called upon to fulfil a promise of a mournful nature, which, previously to his setting out for the holy land, he had made at the request of the ecclesiastical chief of his community. _ th sivan_ a.m.--"it was sunday morning, the st of june , when the rev. hazan de sola informed me that it had pleased heaven to call to eternal glory our most worthy haham meldola, this morning suddenly, and that he had appointed me his executor conjointly with two other gentlemen. "tuesday has been a very fatiguing day. at half-past eight i was at mansell street attending as lavador. i took care to see that all the rev. haham's requests were strictly complied with. at twelve the funeral cortege proceeded to bevis marks. the rev. dr hirschel preached an excellent discourse over the coffin at the old burial ground. the body was carried by all the representatives of the congregation. i assisted in lowering it into the grave. i subsequently returned to the house of the mourners, there joining the assembly at vesper prayers. it was seven o'clock when i left." mr montefiore frequently called at the house of the bereaved relatives, conveying to them his sympathy and making friendly offers of his services. always feeling an interest in objects connected with the holy land, he went to look at the drawings and sketches made by mr thomas wyse, jun. (son-in-law of lucien bonaparte), during his stay in that part of the world. some of them he found beautiful and faithful representations of views in and about jerusalem. but what engages his mind most now is the desirability of procuring the necessary means for the support of educational institutions in the holy land. the spread of education and the establishment of schools and colleges have justly been regarded by all enlightened nations as a barometer of civilisation, a sign of the pulsation of life in the heart of a people, and the gladdening light and comforting joy for both rich and poor. but all who are acquainted with the history of the jews, both ancient and modern, will readily admit that no other nation or class of people have ever shown their appreciation of it under more unfavourable circumstances and at a greater sacrifice. they never relaxed their exertions to benefit by education, notwithstanding the numerous and painful checks from which their progress has often suffered. as the grain of seed under the rough and stony surface, trodden down by the heavy steps of the wanderer, only after turning and twisting in many directions, finally sends forth its tender blade into the pure atmosphere and reviving light of the sun, so the seed of intellect in the brain of the jew had to pass through many trials and troubles before its first shoot was permitted to show itself and to thrive in the beneficent rays of liberty. an opportunity presented itself to mr montefiore to assist the good cause of education by the arrival of a special messenger from jerusalem, sent to draw his attention to an important case referring to a legacy bequeathed to a theological college in the holy city. this messenger, the rev. a. j., who was a member of the college in question belonging to the spanish and portuguese community in jerusalem, said that he was sent by the representatives of that institution to make their case known to the head of the spanish and portuguese community in london, and to receive £ consols from a certain person. the interest of that stock having been bequeathed to the said college by two friends of zion residing in england, the representatives should have received the same in regular remittances. the person mentioned, however, being the only surviving trustee, had sold the stock, and had for some years discontinued the remittance of dividends. mr montefiore gave the messenger a most polite and friendly reception, and called on two gentlemen who, he knew, would take an interest in the case, asking them to associate themselves with him in furtherance of the above object. a few days later he gave an entertainment at park lane, inviting most of the leading and influential members of the community to meet the messenger from jerusalem, who, it was here suggested, should be asked to deliver a discourse in the portuguese synagogue. the rev. a. j. consented to do so, and gave an interesting address to the community in pure biblical hebrew. mr montefiore went with his friends to the solicitor to hear the trustee's answer to the bill filed in chancery, and he promised to give them his opinion on the subject in a few days. whilst awaiting the solicitor's opinion, the rev. a. j. was taken seriously ill, and was received into the hospital of the spanish and portuguese community, where at mr montefiore's expense he was visited by the most eminent physicians. eventually he recovered. ten days later the rev. a. j. sent for j. m. b., a particular friend of the trustee, to whom he made the following proposition:--"that the trustee should pay him (the rev. a. j.) his expenses and all law charges, and also £ down, the balance to be invested in the names of trustees, and the present trustee to enjoy the interest during his lifetime, the capital at his decease reverting to jerusalem." j. m. b. promised to communicate the offer to his friend. the solicitor informed mr montefiore that this gentleman's attorney had returned to england, and would lose no time in giving an answer to the messenger's amendment bill in the court of chancery. some time afterwards mr montefiore met by appointment with two other friends at the house of the messenger, leaving him the power of attorney, to act for the recovery of the funds. three months later, however, he and two friends had to undertake the very unpleasant task of informing the rev. gentleman that, in their opinion, he would not be able to obtain any money from the trustee, and a sum of money had to be given him to enable him to return to jerusalem. with a sorrowful heart at the result of his mission he left england. "but never," he writes in a letter addressed to mr montefiore from jerusalem, "will the recollection of the great kindness, sympathy, and attention which i have met from yourself and my many friends be effaced from my memory." this misappropriation of trust funds intended for poor students in the holy city roused the utmost indignation in the community. it was deemed a sacrilege, and the strongest terms of reprobation were expressed against the individual who had thus outraged the feelings of humanity. "there can be no doubt," said mr montefiore many years later, speaking on the same subject, "that trusts connected with charitable or strictly religious institutions are more liable than others to be, if not strictly speaking misappropriated, at least misdirected, though it may probably be unintentional, more especially when the religious views of the trustees differ from those of the testator. the trust in this particular instance being connected with the study of a language held in esteem by all religious denominations, the act becomes much aggravated, nay, unpardonable." the fervent attachment which mr montefiore evinced to the holy land did not in any way interfere with his devotion to england. i have already pointed out to the reader the great zeal which he manifested for the defence of his country when serving as a volunteer, and on all occasions he continued to declare that he was ever ready to fulfil his duties by going on active service. in common with his brethren in all parts of the world, he felt it most painfully that, in a country like england, where so many well-meaning citizens evinced their sympathy with the sufferers from oppression, he as a jew should still be debarred from many of those rights and privileges to which every loyal subject is fully entitled. the sacrifices which the jews all over europe had made during the war of , by shedding their blood in defence of the country in which they lived, and by their liberal contributions to the funds for the relief of the wounded, and the support of the soldiers' widows and orphans, had been acknowledged and appreciated. in holland and france the jews were fully emancipated, filling high municipal offices in their respective districts, whereas in england the jews who, since the year , when the ministry was compelled to withdraw the naturalisation act, after it had passed the house of lords, had been in vain endeavouring to secure their civil rights, thought that the time had now arrived when they might hope to be more successful in the just demands they made upon an enlightened assembly of legislators in both houses of parliament. on june th mr montefiore went with mr i. l. goldsmid to the duke of norfolk to meet various committees of dissenters and catholics, for the purpose of consulting as to the best mode of obtaining privileges for the jews. they there met messrs blount, c. butler (catholics), foa, bowany, and aspenhill (dissenters), and interchanged views on the subject of obtaining relief from all religious disabilities. similar meetings were held in other localities which were attended by several members of the community, the result being, as is well known, the repeal of the test and corporation act. greatly encouraged by the result of these meetings, mr montefiore, conjointly with mr n. m. rothschild, mr i. l. goldsmid, and others, pursued with great energy the object in view. in the month of august, mr and mrs montefiore set out for a little excursion to exeter, bath, and other places, for the purpose of giving mr montefiore a short respite from the fatigue entailed upon him by his onerous duties. we find them again at park lane about the end of that month. the diary of continues to record the great exertions made by mr montefiore and other members of his community to attain their civil rights. he attends besides to all his various duties, and has headed the volume by the three following lessons for his own guidance:-- "be content with what god has allotted you, and you are rich." "to learn, listen. to be safe, be silent." "no man can be happy who does not devote at least five or six hours daily to some useful employment." on sunday, nd february, he writes: "mr isaac l. goldsmid paid me a long visit, consulting as to the best mode of procuring general toleration for the jews. judith and self took a ride to see hannah rothschild and her husband. we had a long conversation on the subject of liberty for the jews. he said he would shortly go to the lord chancellor and consult him on the matter. hannah said if he did not, she would. "the spirit manifested here by mrs rothschild, and the brief but impressive language she used, reminded me most strikingly of her sister, mrs montefiore." mr montefiore called the next day on mr i. l. goldsmid and mr moses mocatta, and conversed with them on the present state of the jews. subsequently he went with mr n. m. rothschild to sir james mackintosh, to request him to bring a bill into parliament to allow aliens (jews) to hold freehold land and to vote for members of parliament. in the cause of emancipation friendly dinners and entertainments were occasionally given for the purpose of affording friends of religious and civil liberty an opportunity of exchanging their views on the subject. to many of these, given by n. m. rothschild at piccadilly, mr and mrs montefiore were invited. at one of them they met the duke and duchess of st albans, lady louisa beauclerk, the hon. shaw stewart, lord and lady kinnwell, sir william and lady rowly, the spanish ambassador and his wife, the brazilian ambassador, sir charles beresford, sir william abdy, mr george harrison, mr kelly addenston. "twenty-three," says mr montefiore, "sat down to table. moschelles came in the evening, played on the piano, and accompanied miss rothschild. it was near twelve before the party broke up." mr montefiore was highly gratified with the result of the conversations he had with several influential noblemen on the subject he had so much at heart. on a similar occasion at the house of mr john pearce, st swithin's lane, he met a number of gentlemen interested in the emancipation of the jews. he there spoke to daniel o'connell and his son, to the o'gorman mahon, i. l. goldsmid, young attwood, samuel gurney and his son, fowell buxton, charles pearce, pearce mahony, and dr hume. o'connell and the o'gorman were very chatty. on the th of march, mr and mrs montefiore called on mr n. m. rothschild. they read there the petition of the jews to both houses of parliament prepared by mr tooke, and "both hannah and rothschild," he observes, "approve of it." on the evening of the same day he attended a meeting of deputies from the several london synagogues held at the mocattas', in russell square. mr mocatta was elected chairman, and joseph cohen honorary secretary. there were also present dr joshua van oven, lyon samuel, levy solomon, hart micholls, david brandon, moses montefiore, jun. mr isaac lyon goldsmid, who had written a letter to the chairman, was sent for. he came in shortly afterwards, and laid before the meeting a statement of the favourable prospect of obtaining the removal of the jewish disabilities. "it was half-past ten," says mr montefiore, "before we separated, first passing a vote of thanks to mr i. l. goldsmid and to our chairman." a few days later mr i. l. goldsmid informed him of what had passed between mr n. m. rothschild and the lord chancellor on tuesday, th march. he went to the house of lords with mr rothschild. the chancellor was very polite, and regretted that he had not time that day to go into the business, but requested him to come the following wednesday at half-past four. chapter viii. . lady hester stanhope--her eccentricities--parliament and the jews. on his return to park lane from the house of lords he found that mr pope (upper marylebone) had brought letters from the holy city for him and lord stanhope, the purport of which was to endeavour to recover a debt against lady hester stanhope, of djouni, or "the tower of lebanon," as it is generally called, near zidon in the holy land. i had the privilege of spending several very pleasant days with lady hester stanhope in that tower. my visit to her has been mentioned in a book entitled "the memoirs of lady hester stanhope, as related by herself in conversation with her physician, &c.," pp. and . i may therefore be justified in expressing an opinion on the merits of her case. lady hester stanhope, the niece of mr pitt, chancellor of the exchequer in , undertook the self-imposed and benevolent task of educating the maronite, druze, and mahommedan children. it was her pleasing endeavour to help, according to her means, every distressed person requiring relief, to disseminate feelings of humanity among husbands, who in the east treated their wives like slaves, and even to expostulate with emirs and pachas if they happened to disregard the laws of justice in the performance of their duties. she reprimanded abdallah pasha for his cruel treatment of his household, and particularly for having caused one of his wives to be brutally disfigured for some wrong which he thought she had done him. for these her good qualities she was held in high regard by all classes of society, not only in syria, but also among all the nomadic tribes of the desert. any traveller wishing to proceed to palmyra unmolested by the marauding bedouins of the desert, had only to provide himself with a tezkeree (kind of passport) from lady hester stanhope, and he was not only at liberty to move about safely in any direction he pleased, but was welcomed with the utmost cordiality by every chief on the road. lady hester was very fond of biblical studies, and of entering into discussions on these matters, although very few of those who visited her were competent to guide her in these studies. in consequence of this she imbibed some strange notions, among others, the belief that there existed only three correct bible manuscripts in the world; unfortunately of the three she believed in, one is of doubtful authenticity, and one contains only the new testament. she was greatly astonished when i told her that many correct bible manuscripts exist, and on hearing my description of the celebrated farkhi bible manuscript at damascus, which has been valued at £ , she became quite excited, and declared her intention of going as soon as possible to damascus to inspect this treasure. when conversing with her on religious subjects, her ideas at first appeared peculiar, but on hearing the reasons she gave for them, one could not but appreciate her noble intentions. she abhorred the idea of cruelty to any dumb creature. having convinced herself that the jewish mode of slaughtering animals for consumption is less cruel than any other, and that the examination of the meat prescribed by the jewish law is most beneficial from a sanitary point of view, she adopted both, and kept for the purpose a person at djouni, competent to perform these duties in her household. one day she invited me to accompany her to her stables; here two beautiful horses, one grey, and the other chestnut, came towards her, and laid their heads on her shoulder. she called my attention to the peculiar formation of their backs, which showed a tendency to rise in two places at a slight distance from each other, leaving room for the rider to sit between them as in a turkish saddle. according to the certificate she held from the person who sold them, they were descended from a famous sire in a stud belonging to one of the kaleefahs. "one of these," she said, "might well be suitable for such a man (referring to the much hoped for emissary of peace) when entering the city known by the name of the 'city of peace,' on his mission of humanity, and the other for myself, when co-operating with him in the work of establishing tranquillity and happiness among the inhabitants of syria." she complained of her words being often misinterpreted by strangers who came to visit her, hence her great reluctance to admit travellers into her presence. mr montefiore, mr hope, and lord stanhope would have done all in their power to satisfy the party who sent the letters to england, as well as to co-operate with lady hester stanhope in all her benevolent exertions, but it had been suggested to them to communicate first with the consul at beyrout, before taking any decisive steps in the matter, and the letters from the holy land had to be laid aside for a time. returning again to mr montefiore's exertions for emancipation, it should be mentioned that he went to a dinner given by mr i. l. goldsmid to meet lords lansdowne, suffield, and auckland, the dutch minister, the american minister, daniel o'connell and his son, p. mahony, the o'gorman mahon, thos. wyse, tooke, fowell buxton, &c. he spoke to all of them on the subject he had so much at heart. the o'gorman was very sociable; he wished to see the portuguese synagogue, also to have the opportunity of presenting the jews' petition to parliament. on the st of april, mr montefiore accompanied mr n. m. rothschild to the house of lords. on their entry they were informed that the lord chancellor had just sent word that he would not come down to the house that day. lowdham however promised them to make an appointment for the following monday. on his return from the house mr montefiore repaired to the city, to attend the anniversary dinner of the jews' hospital at the city of london tavern. mr bing, the member for middlesex, took the chair. j. alexander, t. a. curtis, and j. m. pearce were present, and made excellent speeches in favour of civil and religious liberty. a few days later he went again with mr n. m. rothschild to the house of lords to see lord lyndhurst, but it being five o'clock, his lordship was obliged to go into the house immediately, promising however, to see them on the following wednesday. they saw the duke of wellington, who said he wished to see mr rothschild on wednesday, on his own private affairs. on the appointed day they again went to the house of lords to see the lord chancellor. he said they were at the time so occupied with the catholic business, they could attend to nothing else. he advised them to remain quiet till this was settled, but if they thought it more to their own interest to bring the matter forward immediately, to set lord holland to do so, and he would support him, as he considered it right that the jews should be relieved from their present disabilities; at the same time they must be guided by public opinion. they assured the lord chancellor they would be entirely guided by his advice, and would do nothing for the present. he said he would consult the duke of wellington, and would write to mr rothschild what had best be done. on leaving the house, mr montefiore called on mr i. l. goldsmid to tell him what had passed. the th of april was one of those days which he spent in attending to his companies and associations. he then called on messrs garry & curtis to solicit a presentation to christ's hospital for captain anderson's boy. attended the irish bank, and in the evening was present, together with mrs montefiore, at a dinner given by mr fairlie of york terrace. they found there "a most splendid party and elegant entertainment." they met lord fife, sir herbert and lady taylor, sir thomas clark, sir john ogleby, mr towncan, mr p. and his wife, mr j. pearce, bank director, colonel blackburn and his wife, sir james shaw, and sir thomas, an indian general, who had been confined in irons for three years and four months at seringapatam. they had the opportunity of hearing the opinion of most of the party on the subject of civil and religious liberty, and it proved in every case highly satisfactory. what occupied mr montefiore's mind this day more than other subjects was his intended presentation to the king at the approaching levee. mr edward blount said he believed it would be sufficient if the duke of norfolk merely sent his card with mr montefiore's to the lord chancellor's office, but he would enquire further of the duke. mr montefiore, however, differed from him, and did not wish to be introduced at the levee in that way, unless mr blount was so convinced of its propriety as to be introduced in the same way with him. the next day mr blount showed him a note he had received from sir george naylor of the herald's office, who said that any gentleman introduced at the levee by a peer who has the privilege of the _entrée_, has his name announced by the lord-in-waiting in the usual manner, the peer standing at the same time near the king. in this way mr blount was to be introduced, and mr montefiore was to accompany him. the duke of norfolk, mr blount said, would send mr montefiore's card with his own to the lord chamberlain's office. there is an incident of a touching nature recorded in his diary about this time. "on the th april i called on mrs zaccaria laurence at bury court, and gave her the receipt for the further share of the residue of the estate of my much respected grandmother, esther hannah montefiore. with gratitude i recall to my mind her words to me on her deathbed. she lamented not having left me more in her will, and added, 'god bless you, and god will bless you.' peace be to her memory. o that i may follow her excellent and most exemplary conduct, and may my deathbed be as happy as it pleased providence to make hers. amen." on april th, accompanied by mr n. m. rothschild, he attended a meeting of the deputies at mr m. samuels' house, leman street. there were present messrs moses mocatta, joseph cohen, michells, van-oven, goodman, levy salamon, david and joseph brandon, moses montefiore, i. l. goldsmid, s. samuel, and john m. pearce. after a long debate it was resolved that pearce should prepare a petition, and that they should then meet again. a few days later he called with mr moses mocatta on mr pearce, to read and make alterations in the proposed petition of the jews to parliament. the feast of the passover was now approaching. those who know the distance from park lane to bevis marks in the city, will appreciate mr and mrs montefiore's zeal which led them to walk from their own home in all weather to the spanish and portuguese synagogue in bevis marks. as they always desired to be in their places even before the prayers commenced, they were obliged to leave home at a very early hour of the morning. after the conclusion of the service, which lasted about two hours and a half, they breakfasted with one of the officers of the synagogue, and then proceeded to pay visits to all their friends in the vicinity. it was often nearly four o'clock when they again walked back to park lane, where in the evening they entertained the members of their family and several friends at dinner. the second day of the festival was passed in the same manner. few would now willingly undergo such fatigue, but mr and mrs montefiore's religious fervour and warm attachment to their friends would not allow them to plead weariness as an excuse either for not joining their community in the house of prayer, or for neglecting their friends. they continued this practice until their advanced age and uncertain state of health no longer permitted it. chapter ix. - . mr montefiore presented to the king--spanish and portuguese jews in london in . immediately after the passover festival mr montefiore was present at an important meeting, convened by the elders of the spanish and portuguese congregation, to consider the propriety of introducing the english language for the delivery of sermons and addresses in the synagogues and colleges. the debate was very long and stormy, as many members of the congregation were greatly attached to the spanish tongue, in which their ancestors in many cases had made their names famous. this is scarcely to be wondered at, when we consider that the jews at one time were highly esteemed in spain. from the works of abbot bartolocci de cellens, we learn that they were regarded among the learned as scholars, and among financiers as honorable, intelligent, and enterprising men; and that they filled high offices in colleges and universities, as well as in the councils of kings and assemblies of merchants and bankers. we must, therefore, not be surprised that they still clung to that language in spite of the terrible persecutions which drove them from the spanish peninsula, but which do not seem to have weakened the affection they felt for their native land. the language of the country must always constitute the strongest bond of union between that country and its people, although intelligent men emigrating to a land where all are treated with justice and humanity, must consider it their first duty to make themselves thoroughly acquainted with its language. in a land where justice and humanity are unknown, however, or hidden under the dark shadows of prejudice, ignorance, and fanaticism; where some of the children of the land would scarcely dare to speak of it as "my fatherland" or "my mother country," because it disowns those who would designate it by these terms; in such a land the language is often disliked by its oppressed children themselves, who long for some other country where they may learn to forget the injustice they have encountered there. yet, as it may appear, this was not the case with the spanish jews. although the many years of prosperity which they had enjoyed in spain had terminated in persecutions, almost unparalleled in history; although thousands of them perished under the terrible reign of the inquisition, in the awful tortures of the "auto da fé," and the rest were finally banished in the year , yet, as their continued use of the spanish language seems to prove, they only remembered their days of happiness in that land. even those who settled in turkey, morocco, algiers, egypt, palestine, austria, or holland, still used the spanish language in their prayer-books, bibles, and codes of communal laws. such was also the case with the jews who settled in england. though they had all gladly adopted the language of the land which they had made their home under the sway of a just and enlightened monarch, they still clung to the spanish tongue as that of their fatherland, and were loth to banish its use entirely. but in all the schools and colleges in england so much time was in those days devoted to the various branches of english study, that little was left for the acquirement of what was now to them a foreign language. the rising jewish generation was, therefore, not well acquainted with the language into which the prayers had been translated, and hence the desire of several members of the community to replace it by the english tongue. the struggle between the two parties--those advanced in years, who naturally wished to adhere to the old ways, and the young and energetic members, who desired to adopt the innovation--proved long and hard. finally, a resolution was carried by eighteen votes to eleven, "to have all religious discourses delivered in the synagogues in english, and also henceforth to have all proclamations made in the same tongue." the meeting, which opened its deliberations at a.m., did not adjourn until half-past four. on tuesday, april th, mr montefiore called at the lord chamberlain's office and left his card, on which he had written, "to be presented by the duke of norfolk." after communicating with mr n. m. rothschild, he went, accompanied by messrs i. l. goldsmid and moses mocatta, to mr pearce to consider some points in connection with the petition, and subsequently resolved to consult lord brougham and dr lushington on the matter. later in the day he went with mr n. m. rothschild and i. l. goldsmid to see the lord chancellor, who recommended their presenting the petition either through lord bexley or lord holland; he preferred the former, as the latter, he thought, would make some sensation. when presented, he said, they would see how it was received; if quietly, they could immediately bring in a bill. in the event of its occasioning any unpleasant feeling, they would not attempt to advance farther that session, more particularly as the public, and even the king himself, were not yet reconciled to the measure in favour of the catholics. mr montefiore and mr rothschild afterwards spoke with lord bexley, and explained their wishes to him. he appeared to be doubtful of their obtaining all the privileges that year, but said he would speak to the chancellor, and see them again the following thursday. mr montefiore dined that day with mrs rothschild, at whose house he met several political friends, as well as mr i. l. goldsmid, who told him that lord auckland had requested the marquis of lansdowne to introduce him (mr goldsmid) at the levee. _wednesday, april th._--he gives the following particulars of his first presentation to the king:-- "at p.m. mr g. blount, with his son and his nephew sir edward blount, bart., came for me. i accompanied them to the levee. our carriage fell into the rank about the middle of bond street. it was twenty minutes past two when we reached st james palace. we entered the first room, and gave a card to the page-in-waiting--'mr montefiore, presented by the duke of norfolk.' there appeared to be four or five hundred persons in the waiting-room, mostly naval and military officers in full uniform, also many bishops, clergymen, and barristers. the crush was most fatiguing and annoying. it was four o'clock when we reached the second room. here, as only a few were admitted at a time, we were much more at our ease. in the third room the king was seated about ten paces from the entrance, surrounded by, or rather having on each side of him, his grand officers. six or seven persons entered at a time; those who had been introduced before merely gave their cards to the lord-in-waiting, made their bow, and passed on. when i reached his majesty, i gave my card to the lord-in-waiting, who was standing on his right hand, and who announced in a distinct voice, 'mr montefiore, presented to your majesty by the duke of norfolk.' i thereupon bent my left knee to the ground. the king very graciously smiled, and held out his right hand to me, which i kissed. i then rose, and made my bow, and passed on. we passed the king from left to right, and not as i expected from right to left. we were only permitted to remain a few minutes in the audience room. "colonel french was standing a few paces from his majesty, on the right; he spoke with me in a very friendly manner. i was much pleased with the gracious reception i met with. it was twenty-five minutes past four when we left the audience room. we then had to get through a great crowd before we could reach the doors of the palace." on the following day mr montefiore, together with messrs rothschild and goldsmid, went to lord bexley, and gave him their petition to read. he read it over, and said he would speak to lord eldon and the bishops, and would see them the next day. he recommended that mr thomas baring should bring the bill into the commons. in the course of the afternoon he called at new court, and there heard the report of the duke of wellington's going out of office, also of the funding of eight millions of exchequer bills, important topics for consideration to the financiers of the day. mr montefiore, however, did not allow this news to disturb his peace of mind, for we find him the same evening accompanying his wife to a grand fancy dress ball given by mr goldsmid on the occasion of the coming of age of his eldest son. on returning home after the ball, a little incident occurred as a consequence of the rumours of a change of ministry. their coachman, considering himself somewhat of a politician, took the opportunity, while they were at the ball, of entering one of the neighbouring taverns, where the reported change in the ministry was being discussed in a lively manner by a large number of his friends. it appears that during the excitement of the debate he had indulged too much in "the cup that cheers," but, unfortunately, does inebriate, although whether from joy or grief at the anticipated change does not transpire; anyhow, the result was that on attempting to drive mr and mrs montefiore back from the ball he was found totally incapable of guiding the horses, and, notwithstanding the efforts made by the footman to come to his assistance, they had to leave the carriage before arriving at their destination, and complete the journey on foot. the next morning mr montefiore proceeded, in company with messrs goldsmid and rothschild, to the house of lords, where they spoke to lord bexley. he had not yet had an opportunity of conversing with lord eldon or the bishops on the subject of the jews' petition, but said he would endeavour to do so before tuesday, on which day he agreed to meet them again. he had conferred with the chancellor, who said the duke would not make it a government measure, but expressed himself in favour of it. the arrival of the baroness anselm de rothschild and her brother lionel from paris took mr and mrs montefiore to piccadilly. but mr montefiore allowed himself no relaxation in the furtherance of the great cause he had at heart. on sunday, th of may, he attended in the morning a meeting of the elders, which lasted from eleven o'clock till a quarter to five. in the evening he was present at a meeting of the deputies of several synagogues at mr mocatta's residence in russell square, where after considerable discussion the petition was finally agreed to, and was to be signed the next day. mr montefiore, in his diary, gives a further account of the matter. "i accompanied mr rothschild," he says, "to the house of lords. lord bexley had already left, so we proceeded to his own house. he said he had spoken with lord eldon and several of the bishops, and ascertained that they had no objection to a bill to omit the words, 'on the true faith of a christian,' introduced into the dissenters' act last session. what would be its effect in law he could not state; he would, however, confer with lord brougham and dr lushington. he suggested some slight alteration in the wording of the petition. we are to bring it back to him signed on thursday, and he has promised to present it. he again recommended that sir thos. baring should present it the commons." at the meeting of the deputies they at first objected to the petition as altered by lord bexley, but finally agreed to sign it. mr montefiore then went, with messrs rothschild and goldsmid, to lord bexley with the petition. the latter thought that everything would be granted to the jews except seats in parliament. before he could present it, he said, he must confer once more with the lord chancellor and the duke of wellington. lord bexley further said, that he would have to see dr lushington the next day, but as that would be saturday, mr montefiore declined attending. a few days later lord bexley stated distinctly that the duke of wellington would decidedly oppose any application the jews might make this year in parliament, but would not pledge himself as to next session. dr lushington and lords bexley and holland strongly advised a delay till next year. mr montefiore, in his diary, gives some account of a dinner at which he and mrs montefiore were present, given by mr n. m. rothschild to mr mahoney, in payment of a wager which he had lost to that gentleman, on the subject of the agitation for the removal of the jewish disabilities. he says: "the party included many important personages. many of the nobility with whom we conversed on the subject expressed themselves much in favour of the bill. the lords darnley, lauderdale, and glenelg, sir robert farquhar, and messrs spring-rice, jennings, otway, cave, and horace twiss, whom we met there, were most zealous for the success of the cause. admiral sir ed. codrington and a russian prince, who were among the guests, discussed the subject with great warmth until a late hour." it was the month of june, and mr montefiore required relief, even if only for a short time, from this incessant mental work, accompanied as it often was by the anxiety which falls to the lot of most prominent men in the financial world. he therefore gladly accepted for mrs montefiore and himself an invitation to make a tour in the isle of wight with the baron and baroness anselm de rothschild, and messrs nathaniel and meyer de rothschild. the genial atmosphere of the island, and the cheerful conversation of their friends and relatives, coupled with the polite attention he received from sir john campbell, the governor, and his officers, soon made mr montefiore forget for a while banks, insurance offices, stock exchanges, and gas associations, whether in england, france, or germany. the time for resuming his usual business pursuits now arrived, and his own words show how well every hour of his day was employed. " a.m. at st james' palace to thank colonel boten for the general post book he left for me. . . at alliance and marine. . attended committee of irish bank till . . . signed policies at marine. called on mr rothschild at new court; solicited him to speak with wertheimer the printer to take n. n.'s son as apprentice. . . attended board of gas till nearly . a special meeting of directors summoned for next thursday to receive the report of the special committee." at the close of the year mr montefiore was invited by a friend to go to paris, to be present at the bidding for a new french loan, but he thought proper to decline, remaining firm in his resolution not to further extend his financial operations. he deemed it important to enter that year in his diary a kind of census of the spanish and portuguese jews in london--another proof of the great desire he felt to make himself thoroughly acquainted with the affairs of his community. i bring it under the notice of the reader whom it may interest, to enable him to compare it with the census of that community at the present day. privileged members and their families, about unprivileged members and their families, " persons receiving relief from the synagogues, " ---- total, in consequence of unsuccessful speculations in connection with political changes in england, france, and spain, there was a general panic in the financial world at the beginning of , but mr montefiore, by cautious foresight and firm resolution, had withstood all temptations and remained unaffected by it. referring to this panic, he says, on finding several persons very depressed: "i have a thousand times given them my opinion on that subject, and can only regret that they have not benefited by it. i am most uneasy and unhappy about them; god only knows what the result of this state of things will be." after entering into further details, he concludes by observing, "at all events i stand relieved from reproach, having so repeatedly cautioned them against what appeared to me a desperate situation." there are several entries, important as historical records, concerning the steps taken in the jewish emancipation movement. on the th january he consulted m. mocatta and i. l. goldsmid respecting the application to parliament in favour of removing the disabilities of the jews. on the st january he attended a meeting of the deputies of the synagogues at the house of moses mocatta; there were twelve present, besides mr i. l. goldsmid and mr thomas m. pearce. they read the opinions of dr lushington and mr humphries on the present state of the civil disabilities of the jews. it was resolved to petition parliament for the removal of the said disabilities, and to request messrs n. m. rothschild, i. l. goldsmid, and moses montefiore to see the duke of wellington on the subject. the following day mr montefiore received a note from mr i. l. goldsmid, requesting that he would endeavour to see mr n. m. rothschild, and persuade him to go that day at twelve to the duke of wellington. accordingly he went out in his carriage with the intention of proceeding to stamford hill. mr montefiore here introduces a little incident which may perhaps please some of my readers, and i give it in his own words-- "on reaching newington, i met n. m. rothschild in his carriage. lionel and anthony were with him; the two latter got into my chariot, and i drove with the former to prince esterhazy, whither he was proceeding with the intention of conferring with him on the subject of emancipation in austria. "on our arrival i remained for some time with anthony in the prince's dining-room. an elderly gentleman, who had the appearance of a catholic priest, was taking his lunch there. when he had finished his repast, he moved to one of the windows, and kneeling down, continued in that position for about ten minutes, apparently deeply engaged in his devotions. he then rose, and bowing to us, left the room." "i fear," observes mr montefiore, "that some of my brethren would have hesitated to have even put their hats on to say the blessing after their meal, instead of acting as this good man did." chapter x. . interview with the duke of wellington in furtherance of the jewish cause--the duke's dilatory tactics--laying the foundation-stone of the synagogue at hereson. resuming the thread of our narrative, we find that mr n. m. rothschild promised to see the duke of wellington. on the th of february this interview with the duke took place. mr n. m. rothschild, having addressed him on financial subjects connected with the affairs of government, said to him, "god has given your grace power to do good--i would entreat you to do something for the jews," to which the duke replied, that god bestowed benefits moderately, but that he would read over the petition that day, and mr n. m. rothschild might call any morning for his answer. mr rothschild then began to speak of prince polignac, the minister of charles x. (who, a few months later, had to fly from the country with all the other members of the ministry, in consequence of the conflicts in paris between the populace and the army), but the duke instantly stopped him, saying he did not wish to know anything of foreign politics. "the next day," writes mr montefiore, "charles grant declined to present the petition in favour of the jews, and mr n. m. rothschild thought it would be better to defer calling on the duke for his answer, as, he was much plagued by the unsettled state of parties in the house of commons. this determination, however," observes mr montefiore, "is greatly against the wishes of i. l. goldsmid and those whom he has consulted on the subject." _february th._--mr montefiore went with messrs n. m. rothschild, i. l. goldsmid, and lionel rothschild to the duke, who told them that he would not commit the government on the question of the jews, and advised them to defer their application to parliament, or, if they did not, he said, it must be at their own risk, and he would make no promise. mr montefiore thought the answer on the whole favourable, that is, that the duke had no determined prejudice against the removal of the civil disabilities of the jews, but would, nevertheless, take no active steps in their favour. should the commons suffer it to pass quietly, mr montefiore had no doubt the duke would take no part against them. the th of the same month mr montefiore says: "robert grant gave notice last night in the house of commons that he would on monday next present a petition in favour of the jews." it was accordingly presented on february nd. it was tolerably well received, w. ward and d. o'connell speaking in its favour, sir r. inglis against it. a few months later mr grant desired to be informed whether the jews insisted on obtaining the privilege of sitting in parliament, and if they would refuse all other privileges if this was not obtained. it was mr montefiore's opinion that they should take what they could get. _april th._--mr n. m. rothschild and his son lionel came to report that they had seen mr herries, who informed them that the government had determined to consult dr lushington and r. grant on the following morning. i. l. goldsmid, they said, had declared he should prefer losing all, than to give up parliament. "i," observed mr montefiore in return, "decidedly differ with him; we should accept all we can get." two days later he writes: "i returned from the house of commons delighted with the speeches of robert grant, mr macaulay, sir james mackintosh, lord morpeth, and mr w. smith, in our favour. sir robert inglis, the chancellor of the exchequer, and the solicitor-general (sugden) were against us. the numbers were--for, ; against, ,--majority, . we called to congratulate n. m. rothschild and hannah on the result of last night's debate." on the st, at a dinner given by mr i. l. goldsmid, he met lord holland, sir robert wilson, a. j. robarts, ---- tooke, john abel smith, macaulay, easthope, robinson (the member for worcester), dr lushington, and lord nugent, all of them most friendly to the cause. on a previous occasion, at a meeting held at the house of mr moses mocatta, mr montefiore, i. l. goldsmid, d. brandon, j. m. pearce, and others being present, it was resolved to advertise that petitions to both houses in favour of the jews were lying for signature at several places as named. for his own community, the spanish and portuguese, and for the german jewish congregation, he worked with equal zeal. on the th we find him, together with several other members of a committee appointed for that purpose, visiting the houses of all the jewish poor. "we were," he says, "from soon after in the morning till p.m. about petticoat lane and the alleys, courts, &c. we there visited the rooms of about persons. to we gave cards to obtain relief from the general committee on thursday. we witnessed many very distressing scenes: parents surrounded by children, frequently six or seven, seldom less than two or three, with little or no fire or food, and scarcely a rag to cover them; without bed or blanket, but merely a sack or rug for the night, a bed being almost out of the question. few had more than one room, however large the family. the rent was from s. d. to s. per week. of those who had two rooms, the upper one was most miserable, scarcely an article of furniture. in fact, the distress and suffering appeared so great, that although we had agreed, according to a resolution of the general committee, only to give cards, we could not refrain from giving what money we had in our pockets. we only met with six or eight cases of sickness, which is really surprising, considering their destitute condition." he attends a meeting of the elders, where he strongly supports a resolution for the delivery of a moral discourse every alternate saturday afternoon in the synagogue; he is also present at a meeting of the society for the cultivation of the hebrew language and its literature, where he offers encouragement to those who excel in literary work. mr montefiore seeks the society of learned and distinguished men of all classes, and is elected on the rd of july a member of the "athenæum." in the month of july he sets out, in company with his wife, on a tour through france, holland, belgium, and germany. in september we find them again in england, and mr montefiore is presented by the duke of norfolk to the king at the levee, "on his return from the continent." it was in this year that mr and mrs montefiore first visited east cliff lodge, which was about to be sold by auction. they felt a great desire to purchase it, although much out of repair. after discussing with his wife the probable price it would fetch, he said, "if, please god, i should be the purchaser, it is my intention to go but seldom to london, and after two or three years to reside entirely at ramsgate. i would build a small but handsome synagogue, and engage a good and clever man as reader." leaving the limit of his offer with an agent in broadstairs, mr and mrs montefiore left ramsgate and proceeded on a journey to the continent. whilst in berlin they received information that the estate had been bought by the duchess of st albans. "it fetched so much more," he says, "than i had anticipated, that i can only regret it was thought so valuable." he, however, soon recovered from his disappointment, and took a suite of rooms for business purposes in the new house of the alliance marine assurance. politics again caused considerable uneasiness in the financial world. dr hume informed mr montefiore that the duke of wellington and all the ministers had resigned, and that the duke would communicate the fact to the lords on that day at four o'clock, the king having accepted their resignation. mr montefiore, notwithstanding, did not for a moment cease in his exertions on behalf of the emancipation, and on november th, he and mr mocatta signed the jews' petition to both houses, it being the same petition as that of last year. serious disturbances having taken place, he left london, at the request of his wife, without entering into any speculations, and proceeded to hastings, where they remained till the end of december. we find an entry at the conclusion of his diary for that year, to the effect that he had resolved to persuade a few of his friends, as well as two gentlemen well versed in the law of moses and hebrew and theological literature, to dine with them regularly every week, for the purpose of conversing on those subjects. the year ( - a.m.) presents the reader with a record of events equally stirring and important in their career. political, financial, or communal matters follow each other rapidly, continually occupying the thoughts of mr and mrs montefiore, until the day when they succeeded in becoming the owners of east cliff lodge, the much wished for estate in ramsgate, after which they devoted for several months the greater portion of their time to settling and arranging all matters connected with their new property. early in the year is the following entry: "the irish bank is under considerable alarm owing to a letter published by daniel o'connell, threatening, in the event of the press being assailed, to cause a run on the banks, so that in a week's time there shall not be a single bank-note in circulation." this exciting entry is followed by one referring to the holy land. "the rev. enoch sundel of jerusalem brought letters of introduction to enable him to proceed to the west indies and america, in the interests of the holy land; a noble cause, which the rev. dr hirschel, who accompanied him to park lane, strongly advocates." a little later comes a report that the duke of wellington will be appointed commander-in-chief; the french will have war: prince esterhazy said, "france had offered to disarm if the other powers would do the same." mr montefiore then turns from the apprehensions of war abroad to enter into the struggle for emancipation at home. "robert grant, lord holland, the lord chancellor, and others of the administration," he says, "all advise us to put off the 'jewish relief bill' till next session, the ministers having so much important business now on hand. at all events, robert grant is desirous of seeing the same gentlemen who were with him last year on monday next." mr montefiore then went to mr mocatta, who had called a meeting of the committee of deputies for next day, and proceeded with mr i.l. goldsmid, by appointment, to dr lushington. [illustration: east cliff lodge, ramsgate. _see vol. i., page ._] dr lushington advised that the same bill should be brought forward again, that the jews should not accept less than all privileges, and that no application for an audience should be made to earl grey, lest he should recommend deferring the measure. mr montefiore informed dr lushington that he was sure the deputies, if asked, would gladly accept anything the government might offer, however short of the repeal of all their disabilities. lord holland, who was afterwards consulted by mr i.l. goldsmid, concurred in opinion with dr lushington. mr montefiore here observes that mr i.l. goldsmid was greatly displeased with the deputies, saying that he did not care about the measure, and would establish a new synagogue with the assistance of the young men; he would alter the present form of prayer to that in use in the synagogue at hamburg. thus it often happens that two parties, both with the best intentions, will, according to certain impressions made on their minds, differ more or less in their mode of obtaining an object dear alike to the hearts of both; and unless some equally zealous, yet impartial, friend steps in to remove or lessen the cause of their dissension, grave consequences, to the disadvantage of both, commonly follow. "ireland," says mr montefiore, "is in a very disturbed state, and the continent ripe for war." under these circumstances he thought he could not do better than leave london, the seat of financial struggles, and go to ramsgate. there he completed the purchase of east cliff lodge, with twenty-four acres of land belonging to the estate, henceforth his marine residence to the day of his death. so much interest being centred in this spot, i give many entries made on the subject. "i met john cumming; he signed the conveyance of east cliff to me. i paid him" (the purchase money and the value of the furniture), "after he had executed all the deeds. i also paid messrs dawes and chatfield for the conveyance, &c., £ , s. d. may the almighty bless and preserve my dear judith and myself to enjoy the possession of it for many years, that we may also have the happiness of seeing our intended synagogue completed, and always have a large congregation." they engaged mr a. d. mocatta as architect; he submitted drawings for the synagogue, which were at once put into the hands of the builders. the architect estimated the cost for erecting the synagogue at between £ and £ , exclusive of the interior, which was to cost £ or £ . the work was commenced, and on the th of july the excavations for the foundation walls were complete. "please heaven," said mr montefiore to his wife as they walked round the adjoining field, "to-morrow night, after sabbath, we shall have the happiness of placing the two first bricks preparatory to our laying the foundation stone on the eve of the new moon of tamooz," a.m. ( th august ). in accordance with this arrangement, they proceeded to hereson the next evening at nine o'clock, accompanied by mrs justina cohen, her daughter lucy, and mr benjamin gomperz. on the ground they were met by cresford the builder, with his nephew, also grundy with his son, and craven his partner. everything having been properly prepared, mr montefiore covered the part on which the wall near the holy ark for the reception of the sacred scrolls of the pentateuch was to be built, with _terra santa_, which they had brought with them from jerusalem. upon this mr montefiore, having spread some mortar, fixed four bricks. mrs montefiore, mrs cohen, miss lucy cohen, and mr gomperz each spread some _terra santa_, and fixed two bricks, praying the almighty to prosper the undertaking and bless them. the following is the account given by mr montefiore of the ceremony of laying the foundation stone. "_tuesday, th august._--new moon of tamooz. after reading my prayers and reciting the psalms cxiii. and cxviii., i called at seven a.m. on david mocatta, the architect, and informed him that we should lay the first stone at eight o'clock. we walked to hereson, and with the blessing of the almighty, we laid the first stone of a holy synagogue, assisted by our dear and honoured mother, by abby gompertz, her daughter juliana, solomon and sarah sebag, rebecca salomons, justina cohen, and her daughter lucy, louis cohen, floretta, his wife, and their son henry, nathaniel lindo, david mocatta, my dear judith, and myself. the builders were also present. after the stone was placed, we deposited in a hole, made in it for that purpose, a glass bottle containing the inscription, signed by myself and my dear judith; a large stone was then placed above it, they were then firmly riveted together with iron bolts and boiling lead. louis cohen, solomon sebag, rebecca, and i went afterwards into the cottage, and read the psalms known by the hebrew name of hallel (special praise). they all breakfasted with us at the albion hotel, where we were joined by adelaide israel, whose delicate state of health would not permit her to witness the ceremony." mr montefiore gives the following: "this day, th august, five and twenty years ago, in , j. e. d. robbed me of all i possessed in the world, and left me deeply in debt; but it pleased the almighty in his great mercy to enable me in the course of a few years to pay everyone who had been a sufferer through me to the full extent of their loss." chapter xi. - . lord brougham and the jews--the jewish poor in london--mr montefiore hands his broker's medal to his brother--dedication of the synagogue at hereson--the lords reject the jewish disabilities bill. on his return to london he called on mr wood at the earl marshal's office, and paid him £ , s. d., the fees on the grant for having the word jerusalem in hebrew characters in his crest. in october his friends brought him the account of the reform bill having been thrown out at its second reading by the lords--majority, . mr montefiore, on hearing that lord-chancellor brougham had spoken in a very illiberal spirit of the jews, observed, "so much for whig friends." still he did not despair, and entertained the belief that their just cause would ultimately meet with better success. a month later he attended an important meeting of the board of representatives of the spanish and portuguese community, established to watch over the general sanitary condition of the poor of the congregation. he generously contributed to the funds to enable the board to purchase warm clothing, blankets, &c., for the poor. in the same year he completed the purchase, and took possession of, a cottage and garden near the site on which his synagogue was being erected. the rev. dr hirschel having submitted for his approval a number of circular letters addressed to the hebrew communities in america, wherein he reminds them of their duty to support their indigent brethren in the holy land, mr montefiore affixes his name to each letter as requested by the chief rabbi, in token of his appreciation of the good cause. among the entries referring again to financial matters is the following interesting record:-- "on the st of january i was admitted a sworn broker of the city of london. this day, th may , i signed over my medal to my brother horatio, free; it cost me £ . may heaven prosper his endeavours with it." on the th of the same month he gave £ to be handed to the lord mayor for the transfer of the said medal. happily in our days it is less difficult for a jew to become a sworn broker. a gentle breeze of justice for all human beings alike has begun to disperse the dark clouds of prejudice and oppression, and the more the light of wisdom and truth illumines the world, the greater will be the happiness and loyalty of those who have hitherto been deprived of the rights of ordinary citizens. on wednesday evening, the th of june ( - a.m.), corresponding this year to the hebrew date of the anniversary of their wedding day, they took possession of east cliff lodge, mr montefiore having, in accordance with an injunction of the sacred scriptures (deuteronomy vi. ), previously affixed mezuzas (phylacteries) to all the doors. mr and mrs montefiore had intended to have an inscription placed over the entrance to the synagogue. it appears, however, that the idea was finally abandoned, though there is a square moulding over the door, and a parallelogram on the northern wall of the synagogue purposely made for it. i once asked him the reason of this omission, and from his reply i gathered that he did not wish the building to unduly attract the attention of strangers. the modest appearance of the synagogue as it now stands, having neither steeple nor turret, windows in the walls nor arches over the door, evidently confirms this idea. mr h. lehren, of amsterdam, a gentleman well known for the interest he took in promoting the welfare of the inhabitants of jerusalem, had appealed to him this year for his intercession in a lawsuit which brought him to england, and mr montefiore gladly helped him by his personal exertions to accomplish his object. mr lehren, thus encouraged, asked of mr montefiore yet another favour, which was to permit his name to be enlisted in the ranks of the "friends of zion." mr montefiore, in answer, assured mr lehren that his heart had ever been filled with a love for jerusalem, and that he had been a staunch supporter of a resolution, recently adopted at a committee consisting of members of his congregation, to the effect that £ should be sent annually to the holy land as a contribution to the fund intended for the support of the poor. mr lehren expressed great satisfaction at what he had heard, and enquired in what proportion the above amount would be distributed among the four holy cities. mr montefiore informed him that the committee had divided the sum into thirty shares, of which they gave twelve to jerusalem, seven to safed, six to hebron, and five to tiberias. to complete the number of sacred scrolls which mr montefiore wished to deposit in his synagogue, he made a purchase of one particularly recommended to him, and also procured prayer-books for the members of the congregation. in this year, , mr and mrs montefiore had the happiness of seeing their heartfelt wish realised in the completion of the synagogue at hereson. invitations were sent out on the rd of may to the ecclesiastical chiefs of both the spanish and portuguese and the german congregations; to the readers, wardens, and other officers of the synagogue; to presidents and representatives of all important institutions, and to more than two hundred private friends and acquaintances, requesting the honour of their company at the dedication of the synagogue at ramsgate on sunday, the th of june, at o'clock, and at dinner after the ceremony at east cliff lodge. bands of music and first-class singers were engaged, lamps for the illumination of the gardens were ordered, fireworks and balloons tastefully prepared, and a large temporary room erected, occupying the whole quadrangle of the court at east cliff lodge. handsome chandeliers and large tablets beautifully inscribed with the prayer for the royal family were ordered for the synagogue. [illustration: view of interior of ramsgate synagogue, taken from the ladies' gallery. _see vol. i., page ._] the morning of the th was ushered in by a deluge of rain and a heavy gale of wind, much to the mortification of the visitors. mr montefiore and his brother horatio, who had brought a silver cup and spice-box as a present for the synagogue, went together to ramsgate, and engaged all the sedan chairs in the town to take the ladies from the public road to the synagogue, and ordered several loads of sand to cover the walk. about two o'clock the rev. dr hirschel arrived. the rain was actually falling in torrents at the moment, but he consoled mr and mrs montefiore, saying, "all things must not go as we wish, since the destruction of the temple in jerusalem." he had, however, scarcely been in the house ten minutes when the clouds dispersed and the sun appeared. at ten o'clock, when they had a rehearsal in the synagogue, all were much out of spirits at the deplorable appearance of the weather; but by three the rain had ceased, and the evening proved delightful. the dedication commenced at six o'clock. the founder and his friends brought the sacred scrolls of the law to the door of the synagogue, where, standing, they chanted: "open unto us the gates of righteousness, we will enter them and praise the lord." "this is the gate of the lord, the righteous shall enter therein." the doors being then opened, they said on entering: "how goodly are thy tents, o jacob! thy tabernacle, o israel! o lord, i have ever loved the habitation of thy house and the dwelling-place of thy glory. we will come unto thy tabernacle and worship at thy footstool." they then advanced, and the readers and choristers sang, "blessed be he who cometh in the name of the lord: we will bless ye from the house of the lord," and other verses from the sacred scriptures bearing on the same subject. the procession then went round the almember in the synagogue seven times, during each circuit one of the seven psalms--xclxi., xxx., xxiv., lxxxiv., cxxii., cxxx., c.--being chanted, after which mr montefiore ascended the pulpit and offered up a hebrew prayer, of which the following is a translation:-- "almighty god! whose eyes are upon all the ways of the sons of men, and by whose will their paths are established; wherewith shall i come before thee, how shall i acknowledge the kindness thou hast shown me from my youth? how great the goodness thou hast vouchsafed unto me, in granting the fulfilment of the ardent desire thou didst awaken in my heart and in that of the companion of my life, to visit the inheritance of our forefathers, to traverse the sea and behold the holy land, a land which is under thy special providence. thou hast protected us on our departure and aided our return: our steps failed not, we have passed through the land, our feet have stood within thy gates, o jerusalem! from the sight of our own eyes are we conscious of the refulgent light that once shone brightly on our country, and which yet faintly glimmers, though she has become desolate. thou hast inspired us with a contrite spirit to perceive and declare thy almighty power over all the inhabitants of the world, therefore has thy servant found in his heart to offer this public thanksgiving for thy past bounties, and earnestly to implore thy future protection in this humble sanctuary. out of thine own gifts i dedicated it to thee as a freewill offering and a lasting testimony to show forth thy loving-kindness in the morning and thy faithfulness every night. o lord god of israel! incline thine ear to the prayer of thy servant. bless, i beseech thee, my revered and honoured mother, grant her length of days in the fulness of joy, and happiness with me, my beloved wife, my brothers and sisters, and with all their descendants, even unto the third and fourth generation. strengthen our hearts to observe thy precepts at all times. truly nothing has failed of that of which thou hast forewarned us through moses thy servant, for we have broken thy covenant and not observed thy commandments; so are we surely convinced that we shall receive from thee the promised good, and our days will be renewed as of old; thou wilt fulfil thy words unto ezekiel thy prophet, that 'the nations shall know that i the lord rebuild the ruined places and plant that which was desolate; i the lord have spoken it; i will do it.' let our prayer and supplication, which we offer towards thy chosen city, ascend to heaven, thy dwelling-place. gather together our dispersed in our days and in the lifetime of the whole house of israel, that all nations, even from the ends of the earth, shall approach thee, to call, all of them, on the name of the lord, and the lord shall be king over all the earth. then the lord alone shall be acknowledged, and his name be one. amen." mr montefiore, having concluded the prayer, descended from the pulpit, and the congregation chanted several hebrew hymns. the prayer for the royal family was then said, and the service concluded with psalm cl. "at eight o'clock," writes mr montefiore, "the dedication finished, all delighted with the ceremony as well as with the music. may heaven's blessing attend it." at nine about eighty-two sat down to dinner. the gardens were beautifully illuminated, and during dessert a band played in the tent. the next morning mr montefiore accompanied dr herschel to the synagogue, followed by all their friends and visitors. after prayers they returned to east cliff lodge, where the time was spent in receiving the congratulations of their friends. the day was brought to a close by a most agreeable entertainment, a description of which i give in his own words. "soon after nine in the evening our company began to assemble, consisting of all our neighbours as well as our own party. the wind had been exceedingly high, almost too much for the lamps to keep alight. providence kindly allayed it, and the night was beautifully calm. our garden was splendidly illuminated; we had a band of twenty-four performers on the lawn and another in the dining-room. all our rooms were filled, many visitors strolling about the grounds to witness the illumination. before eleven the fireworks were displayed, and exceeded our most sanguine expectations; the company was delighted. this over, the tent-room was opened for supper; it made a splendid appearance. all seemed happy and gratified; dancing was kept up till about two o'clock. the gardens looked magnificent, nothing could have added to the grandeur of the scene. i glory in the occasion, and that the almighty has most bountifully provided us with the means. to my dear and much-valued wife i am indebted for the success of the entertainment. we can never forget the two last days." the next day his mother and the greater number of relatives and friends left ramsgate, and in the month of july we find mr and mrs montefiore again in london, mr montefiore following his usual vocations, though only for a short time; for on the th of the same month there is an entry in his diary dated east cliff, which gives striking evidence of the love and veneration he felt for the sacred edifice he had raised to the honour and glory of god. "we had the happiness," he writes, "of attending our synagogue morning, afternoon, and evening. thanks to heaven for a very happy day. our synagogue looked like paradise. i pointed out to my dear judith the spot, not more than ten or fifteen steps from the synagogue, in which i should like my mortal remains to rest when it shall please the almighty to take my soul to eternal glory, should i depart this world at or near east cliff." his wife consented. their love was great, and they did not wish even in death to be parted. mr montefiore's attention having now been drawn to the urgency of continued exertions in the furtherance of the emancipation bill, he requested mr g. r. dawson to intercede with his brother-in-law, sir robert peel, to withdraw his opposition to the bill, and also took other steps in the interest of the cause. a bill was again brought before the committee of the whole house of commons, "that it is expedient to remove all civil disabilities affecting her majesty's subjects of the jewish religion with the like exceptions as are provided by the catholic emancipation act of , with reference to her majesty's subjects professing the roman catholic religion." the second reading was carried by a majority of ; it was also read a third time, but in the upper house, where the duke of sussex presented a petition signed by inhabitants of westminster in favour of the jews, the bill was thrown out by a majority of . mr montefiore continued to take the greatest interest in all important meetings of various committees, especially in those of his own community. referring to one of the latter charged with the appointment of a lecturer, mr montefiore says: "the committee recommended a salary of £ a year, but afterwards reduced it to £ . the resolution, however, was amended, and only £ was granted." the particulars of this salary are interesting when compared with a salary to which a competent lecturer of the present day may consider himself fully entitled. it sounds strange to hear of fixing the salary for the services of a gentleman who has completed a university education, combined with special studies of theology, much lower than that which is generally offered to an upper servant in a gentleman's house. it can only be explained by the supposition that the candidate may have been simultaneously filling another and more lucrative office, which did not interfere with his duties as lecturer. chapter xii. - . illness of mr montefiore--his recovery--sir david salomons proposed as sheriff--visit of the duchess of kent and princess victoria to ramsgate--mr montefiore's hospitals--naming of the vessel _britannia_ by mrs montefiore--a loan of fifteen millions. in the year much anxiety was felt for mr montefiore by his friends in consequence of a severe illness by which he was attacked. for several months he was under the treatment of eminent surgeons, and on his recovery his strength was so low, that a journey to the south of france was deemed necessary. he accordingly left england, accompanied by his devoted wife, who had during his whole illness tended him with loving care. mr ashton rey, one of his medical advisers, in a letter he once wrote to mr montefiore, observed that mrs montefiore was one of the best wives he had ever seen, never moving from her husband's bedside day or night except to snatch a few hours' necessary repose. they remained abroad till august, the change of air having had the desired effect upon him, and on his arrival at east cliff he was again in the enjoyment of his usual health. they were both much disappointed on their return to hear the result of the jewish disabilities bill, which, after having been passed in the lower house, had been sent to the upper house, where it was lost by votes against . but still they did not lose courage, and hoped for the ultimate victory of the good cause. there is only one entry after this referring to political matters. it is to the effect that mr n. m. rothschild had been with the duke of wellington and advised him to form a liberal government, and to consent to some reforms; saying to his grace that he must go with the world, for the world would not go with him. on the last page of the diary he writes: "this night ( st december) brings me to the end of my book as well as to that of the year . when i reflect on the situation i was in during a long period of this year, languishing on a bed of sickness, in severe pain and affliction, on the eve of undergoing a dangerous operation, how can i be sufficiently thankful to the almighty for manifold blessings i now enjoy, saved by his great mercy from the grave." praying for a continuation of former mercies, he concludes with a copy of the th psalm. the year will ever be noted in the history of civilisation as one in which the dawning light of liberty began to inspire comfort in the hearts of the unwearied strugglers for equal rights for the jews. on may the th mr montefiore writes: "i called at downing street on the right hon. spring-rice, chancellor of the exchequer. i was immediately admitted, and received by him in the most friendly manner. i thanked him for having at my request appointed jacob montefiore one of her majesty's commissioners for the colonisation of south australia. the chancellor spoke of the many new schemes now afloat of companies with small capital, and said he would always be glad to see me." a month later he went to the guildhall, and heard david salomons proposed to the livery as one of the sheriffs for london and middlesex. sir john campbell having introduced a measure, the sheriffs declaration bill, which by the repeal of the test and corporation act in enabled a jew to enter into the office without violating his own religious convictions, mr david salomons was elected without opposition and "made a very good speech," mr montefiore observes, "in returning thanks." the arrival in ramsgate of the duchess of kent and princess victoria (her present majesty) is described by mr montefiore as follows:-- "this (september th) is a very busy day. at ten i was at the town hall; at the committee and many of the inhabitants, both on horse and on foot, went to the extremity of the parish to receive their royal highnesses the duchess of kent and princess victoria. the deputy of the town and myself headed the procession; we walked by the side of the royal carriage bareheaded all the way to albion house. thousands of people were in the streets, the houses all gaily ornamented with flags and boughs of trees. the duchess, on entering the house, sent sir george conroy to request that the gentlemen of the committee would come in to receive her thanks for their attention. i went in among the number, and was introduced. she expressed herself delighted; the princess was also much pleased. they had appointed to-morrow at eleven o'clock to receive the address. about four i again joined the committee at the head of the pier. sir william curtis was most polite. the belgian ambassador, with whom i had dined at n. m. rothschild's, was also there, and introduced me to sir john conroy. soon after five one of the king's steamers entered the harbour with the king and queen of the belgians. several members of the committee went on board to welcome them on their arrival, i among the number. they had had a very rough passage from calais. the king appeared greatly altered, looking very old, the queen is young and pleasant looking. they proceeded on foot to the albion hotel. the town was handsomely decorated and the principal streets illuminated, but the wind was so high as to put out most of the lamps." the next morning at half-past ten mr montefiore went to the town hall, and accompanied sir william curtis, mr warren, mr tomson (the deputy), colonel clarke, and about a dozen more to albion house, to present to the duchess of kent and princess victoria the address from the inhabitants and visitors of ramsgate and its vicinity. they were all introduced, and were most kindly received by the royal party. the duchess honoured the committee with a gracious reply, which she read. the committee then returned to the town hall, and prepared an address to the king and queen of the belgians, and at one o'clock walked to the albion hotel. they were introduced and very graciously received, the king speaking to mr montefiore and several other members of the committee. the king read a reply to the address, and after a few minutes the committee withdrew, much gratified with their reception. subsequently mr and mrs montefiore attended a ball given by the master of the ceremonies at the albion hotel, where they met many acquaintances. sir john conroy was particularly polite to them. mr montefiore offered him the use of the key of his grounds for the duchess, which he accepted with pleasure. accordingly both mr and mrs montefiore called the next day on the duchess, and left a key there for the use of her royal highness, sir john conroy and his family. on wednesday, october st. the duchess, accompanied by one of her ladies of honour, and attended by a footman, made use of the key, and walked through their grounds. sir john conroy, meeting mr montefiore next day at burgess' library, said that the duchess regretted that his gardener had suddenly disappeared yesterday, which had prevented her sending to inform mrs montefiore that she was in the grounds as she had wished to have done. her royal highness having repeated her visits to his grounds, mr montefiore ordered an opening to be made in the field on the side next to broadstairs for the convenience of the duchess. in recognition of this attention he received the following note from sir john conroy:-- "sir john conroy presents his compliments, and in obedience to a command he has just received from the duchess of kent, hastens to acquaint mr montefiore that her royal highness is exceedingly gratified and obliged by his attention in making a new access to his charming grounds from broadstairs for her convenience, but her royal highness fears she has given a great deal of trouble. "ramsgate, _ th october _. there were several incidents which afforded them much gratification this year. mrs montefiore was invited to name a new steamer. "this morning," writes mr montefiore on july , "we embarked from the custom house stairs on board the _harlequin_, to witness the launch of a new steamship built by fletcher & fearnaly. on reaching the dockyard near limehouse, mr woolverly attwood and judith went on shore; i followed with horatio at half-past one. my dear wife named the ship by throwing a bottle of wine against the side of the vessel at the moment she left the stocks and plunged into the water. 'may every success,' she said, 'attend the _britannia_.' we then went on board the _royal sovereign_. there was a large party; about a hundred sat down to dinner. several members of parliament with their ladies were present, g. r. dawson, medley, t. m. pearce, pepys, and col. lawrence. many speeches, all drinking my dear wife's health." another entry refers to his having been admitted to the freedom of the merchant taylors company. mr montefiore received a letter from mr matthias attwood, informing him that he had proposed his name at the court of the above company for admission to the freedom and livery of the same. the proposition, said mr attwood, was carried unanimously, many of the members expressing the high respect they entertained for mr montefiore's personal character. on the th of november he was accordingly admitted and sworn a freeman of the said company. "matthias attwood," says mr montefiore, "has acted with the greatest kindness in procuring me this honour, i being the first jew admitted to their company. at the next meeting of the court i am to be made one of the livery." a printed slip of a newspaper is affixed to one of the leaves of the diary, referring to a loan raised under the authority of the act and of william iv., cap. , for the compensation to owners of slaves; it reads as follows:-- "the parties to the contract for the £ , , loan are n. m. rothschild and moses montefiore on the one part, and lord melbourne, mr f. spring-rice, lord seymour, and messrs w. h. old, r. steward, and r. more, on the other; witnesses, messrs james pattison, governor, and t. a. curtis, deputy-governor of the bank of england." there is another slip attached to it, showing the interest on this loan to have been lower than several preceding ones. the interest on the loan of was £ , s. d., and of , £ , s. second loan of , £ , s. d.; , £ , s. d.; , £ , s. d.; , £ , s. d.; , £ , s. d.; and on the present loan, £ , s. d. the particulars of that loan are given in the _money market and city intelligence_, dated monday evening, rd august : "the bidding for the west indian loan took place this morning. mr rothschild and his friends waited upon lord melbourne and the chancellor at ten o'clock. mr rothschild's tender, the only one prepared, the other lists having been withdrawn, was then opened, when that gentleman's bidding was found to be s. d. in long annuities. the offer having been declined, the sealed minimum of ministers, as previously arranged, was opened, and it appeared they were not willing to give more than s. d. of annuities in addition to £ consols and £ redeemed per cents, for every £ in money subscribed. it was for mr rothschild, therefore, either to agree to those terms or to abandon the contract. that gentleman and his friends retired for a short time to consult on the subject, and finally agreed to accept them. an important concession was, however, obtained in regard to the discount for paying up the instalments, which is to be at the rate of per cent. on the payment, as in all former contracts for loans, and gives a bonus of £ , s. d. in favour of the contractors. the subscribers to the loan have now an inducement which did not exist under the arrangement at first proposed, for completing the instalments and turning their omnium into stock. though it is an advantage, therefore, to them, it is considered somewhat against the present price of consols, as a large supply may at any time be thrown upon the market. the chancellor of the exchequer assured the gentlemen who attended the bidding, that all means would be taken on his part to bring back into circulation the money that might come into his hands beyond the amount called for to meet the west indian claims. on the subject of debentures (they are not named in the contract specially) against which, as a security not yet created, there were many objections, it is agreed that they shall be at all times made receivable to the instalments of the loan. when the terms were first made known, the scrip bore a premium of - / to per cent., but they produced a decline in consols, which went back to , a fall of nearly per cent. at the highest price of the morning. a large amount of business was done both in the stock and in the scrip; the fluctuations in them were not, however, very considerable afterwards. the following are the concluding quotations:-- "consols for the account, - / to ----; omnium - / , premium; exchequer bills, s. to s. premium." on the same day he makes the following entry in his journal: "i accompanied n. m. r. pattison and j. a. curtis to the city; called at the alliance, irish bank, &c.; at six we dined, and took our fast, &c., this being the anniversary of the destruction of the temple in jerusalem." few financiers, perhaps would feel inclined, after all the excitement incidental to the successful contracting of a loan for £ , , , to comply with so exacting a religious observance as a fast of twenty-four hours duration. with a mind pre-occupied with business details, the rise and fall of the public funds, and other matters, such an observance must be more than ordinarily trying. nevertheless mr montefiore would not, on this occasion any more than any other, allow worldly interests to prevail over religious duties. the loan for the abolition of slavery reminded him of the words of the prophet isaiah (ch. lii., v. ) to israel: "ye have sold yourselves for nought, and ye shall be redeemed without money," and attuned his mind to reflection on the former glory of zion and its present state of sorrow. on the nd of november we find a record of his having paid £ to the blue coat school to constitute him one of the governors. the manner in which he was led to take this step is noteworthy. a young man who was a complete stranger to them, wrote and implored mr and mrs montefiore to take his wife and child under their protection. he acknowledged that, as a stranger and one professing a different religion, he had no claim whatever to make such a request, but he had heard so much of their kind-heartedness that he felt sure they would not refuse to accede to the dying prayer of one who was driven by unmerited misfortunes to despair and suicide. sir moses enquired into the case, and finding that the poor man had really deserved a better fate, he assisted the widow in her distressing position, and bought the governorship, as recorded, for the express purpose of being able to provide for the boy. there is another entry of his having attended a meeting of the committee of the cock court alm's houses, which he had erected and presented to the spanish and portuguese community. his object in attending was to remind the elders to rebuild some of the houses on one side of the court, at an expense not exceeding £ , the funds in hand being £ . turning to politics, he mentions a dinner party at sir robert campbell's, where mr and mrs montefiore met the duke and duchess of cleveland, lord and lady darlington, lady augusta powlett, colonel lushington, and other friends of emancipation. the reader having seen mr and mrs montefiore in the circle of royalty and high nobility, i will ask him to accompany me into the circle of their own family and friends. on november th i was invited to a dinner party given by one of his relatives in london, the late mr louis cohen. it was here that i met mr and mrs montefiore for the first time. during the course of the evening i had many opportunities of conversing with them, and before parting, they invited me to spend a week with them at east cliff lodge, ramsgate. a few days later i was informed that a place had been taken for me to ramsgate, at the spread eagle, gracechurch street, in the name of mr montefiore. there is a special entry of this little journey, which i copy. _thursday, rd december ._--"walked with judith to gracechurch street. we met louis and florette (the late mr louis cohen, of south street, finsbury, their nephew, and his wife) and dr loewe. we all went with the tally-ho at three o'clock; they having the whole inside, and i riding outside on the box seat. we took tea at sittingbourne, and proceeded from canterbury about ten o'clock by the night stage coach with post horses to east cliff. "i found it extremely cold; it was near one when we arrived at east cliff, thanks to heaven, in safety, and found all well. our library looked delightfully comfortable, with a good fire and lamps. i was almost perishing with cold. we took tea, &c., and when our visitors retired to their chambers it was near two o'clock." the inconvenient mode of travelling at that time did not prevent his making such journeys whenever required, and however much he may have suffered by taking his seat outside the coach (which he evidently always did from politeness to his visitors), his comfortable home soon made him forget the unpleasantness of a long cold ride. during my stay in east cliff, the time of the party was generally devoted either to little excursions in the neighbourhood, or to conversations on literary subjects. sometimes mr and mrs montefiore entertained us by giving their reminiscences of travels in italy, france, and egypt. there was a kind of charm which the visitor felt in their company; a very short time after his arrival a delightful sensation of comfort overcame him, and soon made him feel at home. the amiability of both the hostess and host made the days pass agreeably and rapidly, and they were always loth to retire when the midnight hour was announced. mrs montefiore showed us all the curiosities she brought with her from egypt, and told us how much she had been entertained in that country by the number of languages spoken around her. there was an amusing incident that day, which particularly induced her to speak on the study of languages. mr montefiore had laid a wager with her to the effect that if, at a stated time, she would be able to pass an examination by him in italian grammar, he would give her a cheque for £ . she was fortunate enough to acquit herself most creditably in our presence, and received the amount in question. mr montefiore was delighted at the perseverance and ability displayed by his wife, and she was truly happy to have again succeeded (as she always did) in obtaining the approbation of her husband. the conversation of the visitors being frequently in french and german, many an hour was spent in reading letters and poems addressed to mr and mrs montefiore in these languages. mrs montefiore, however, was not content with the study of modern languages, and expressed a wish to acquire also a knowledge of eastern languages, especially of turkish and arabic. to give her an idea of the grammatical construction of the latter, i used to write out lessons for her, and she at once commenced to learn them. the following morning she surprised the whole party by saying by heart every turkish and arabic word that i had written out. it was amusing to all of us, and to mr montefiore a cause of great delight, to notice the zeal with which she took up the subject. one day she produced from her cabinet a scarabæus and a little egyptian clay figure, which had been given to her by mr salt, the english consul in egypt. both the scarabæus and the little figure had hieroglyphical inscriptions, and she requested me to give her a translation of the same. in compliance with her request i explained the inscriptions, and gave her a short account of the rosetta stone and the works of young and champollion and other egyptologists. i concluded my visit to east cliff lodge on the th of december. mr montefiore requested me to draw up a plan for some future travels in the holy land; i promised to comply with his wish, and then took leave. there is an entry of this date in the diary, in which he says: "if my dear judith consents to our again visiting the holy land, i should be glad to obtain the company of the doctor on our pilgrimage." a few days later i sent him the plan for the journey, also a second copy of the translation which i had made of the hieroglyphical inscription on the osiris or sepulchral figure. he acknowledged the receipt of the same in two letters, one written in mrs montefiore's handwriting, the other in his own. mr montefiore subsequently told me that his wife now commenced to take a special interest in antiquities, enriching her cabinet with curiosities whenever an opportunity presented itself. the year is also noted for the particular interest which mr montefiore took in the affairs of his own community. he was elected president of the london committee of deputies of british jews, his predecessor, mr moses mocatta, having resigned the office. [illustration: hand-written letter] chapter xiii. - . death of mr n. m. rothschild--mr montefiore visits dublin--becomes the first jewish member of the royal society--death of william iv.--mr montefiore elected sheriff. in the diary for , the first entry is on the th july, which is accounted for by its being the second journal for that year, the one containing his entries for the early months having been lost. on the date mentioned he records his grief at the death of an aunt to whom he was much attached, and for whom he entertained a sincere respect. about this time he was also much affected by the illness of mr n. m. rothschild, and on the th we find him busily engaged in making preparations for a journey to frankfort-on-the-main, on purpose to visit this "kind friend." only ten months ago they had together signed the contract for the loan of £ , , , and now they were to see each other for the last time. mr montefiore writes: "we arrived there in time to see him alive, but death was fast approaching. at four o'clock on the same day ( th july) his brother, anselm, asked him to say prayers, which he did, and all present joined him; he then kissed his wife and said 'good night' quite distinctly. at five he breathed his last, and passed away without the slightest struggle. i was with him the whole time, and remained in the room an hour after all the others had left it. i had thus the melancholy satisfaction of paying the last respect to his remains. oh! may this mournful sight remind me of the nothingness of this world's grandeur, and may i daily become more prepared for a blessed eternity! he was a good friend to me and my dear judith in our early life. peace to his memory. hannah (his wife) did not leave him for a moment during his illness, and remained in the room for some time after his death, returning there again the same evening." on the day of the funeral, which took place in london, mr montefiore writes: "i remained at the burial ground above an hour after the mourners had left, and saw the grave of my kind and truly lamented friend arched over, filled up, and a large slab of yorkshire stone placed upon it. thus have i witnessed all that was mortal of my dear friend consigned to the earth; his spirit the almighty, in his great mercy, has taken to a better world, there to enjoy in glorious eternity the reward of his charitable actions." we will now, however, turn to more cheerful matters. on october th he writes: "i had the honour of receiving a card of invitation to dine with her royal highness the duchess of kent on tuesday next;" then, true to his motto, which bids him "think and thank," he adds, "praised be he from whom all honour and distinction flows." _tuesday, the th._ the words of his entry are as follows:--"i attended synagogue, and a little before seven went in our chariot to west cliff, where i had the honour of dining with their royal highnesses the duchess of kent and the princess victoria. the other guests were, sir john conroy, the dean of chester, mr justice gaselee, the rector of st lawrence, the hon. col. stopford and his wife, the ladies jane and charlotte seymour, and one other lady and gentleman. i took down the colonel's wife and sat opposite to the princess. there were thirteen at table, and it was impossible for it to have been more agreeable. i never felt myself more at ease at any dinner party within my recollection. the behaviour of the duchess was most kind and condescending, and all the party were extremely amiable and chatty. the entertainment was truly royal, and after dinner, when the gentlemen had joined the ladies in the drawing-room, where tea and coffee were served, the duchess again spoke to each of us. the princess sophia matilda was also present. i returned home quite enraptured with the very kind and obliging manner in which i had been distinguished by her royal highness." in the same year mr and mrs montefiore received the congratulations of their friends on a providential escape from the horrors of shipwreck. they had left margate in the _magnet_ at nine o'clock in the morning of the th october. the weather was foggy, but they thought it would soon clear up. they had only proceeded a short distance, however, when they got on to a sandbank, where they were obliged to remain for two hours, feeling the gravest anxiety all the time. at last the tide floated them off again, and they endeavoured to grope their way through the fog, passing several vessels, which were only visible when quite close upon them. mr montefiore was standing near the bow of the ship, when suddenly a steamer was seen to be quite close to them, and before it was possible to avoid her, she struck their bow with a dreadful crash. mr montefiore threw himself on deck to escape injury. the screams of the people on board both boats were terrible. it was soon seen that the _red rover_, the vessel they had encountered, was sinking fast. her passengers and crew lost no time in getting on board the _magnet_, and in five minutes the _red rover_ was engulfed in the sea, which was immediately covered with spars, boxes, and other wreckage. the alarm was dreadful. the _magnet_, having sustained serious damage, her situation was most critical. she was making a great deal of water, and the pumps were instantly set to work, while the vessel made for the shore. happily they were boarded by a fishing smack and taken to sheerness, where they landed, but where, unfortunately, their troubles did not end. no sort of conveyance was to be found in sheerness, and they were obliged to go by boat to chatham, and thence in a post-chaise to town. it was nearly p.m. when the marine office was reached. "my poor dear wife," writes mr montefiore, "conducted herself with her usual admirable courage. we were, in all probability, never in our lives in more imminent danger. god be praised for his great mercy for granting us his protection." at seven o'clock the next morning mr montefiore proceeds to the synagogue, where he renders thanks to the almighty. at the same time he gives £ in charity--£ for the portuguese and £ for the german poor in london, and £ for the poor of jerusalem. the journal of this year contains but few entries relating to politics. in the session of the ministry, in their attempt to carry several important measures of reform, were defeated in the house of lords, but succeeded in passing an act enabling dissenters to be married otherwise than by the established clergy. bills were also passed for commuting tithes into a corn-rent charge payable in money, and for a general registry of births, deaths, and marriages. the second reading of the bill for the removal of civil disabilities from his majesty's jewish subjects was postponed in the house of lords. the jews were, however, satisfied with the progress their cause had hitherto made, and they considered themselves justified in hoping for a speedy and complete emancipation. the election of mr david salomons as sheriff of london and middlesex, and alderman for the ward of aldgate, took place about this time. the particulars i shall give of the next few years will show the progress of good feeling between the jews and their fellow-citizens, and, in particular, the esteem in which mr montefiore was held by men of all sects. on the st of january we meet mr montefiore in dublin, whither he had gone with a deputation from the provincial bank of ireland (in london). "my companions, messrs th. masterman and james marshall," he writes, "accompanied me to the new house of our agency, and we were present at the commencement of business. we remained there till five o'clock, and found that all was conducted comfortably." he then called with the directors on lord morpeth and other influential persons, in the interests of their business. whilst in ireland he gave handsome donations to various charitable institutions, including £ to the dublin bluecoat school. he also visited the synagogue, where he made generous offerings. on the th he is again in london, receiving the thanks of the board of directors of the irish bank for the valuable services he and his colleagues had rendered by their visit to ireland. on the rd february, at the royal society, he is introduced to the vice-president, the earl of burlington, by mr w. h. pepys, mr montefiore being the only jewish member as yet admitted. writing in his journal on the subject, he says: "i think i may be proud of the honour of enrolling my name in the same book which has already been signed by several of the kings of england." in march mr montefiore had a deed of gift prepared by t. m. pearce, conferring the "upper french farm" on his brother horatio and his children. he also returns £ to a friend who had repaid that sum which he had borrowed from him in the year to commence business with; mr montefiore observing that he was more than repaid in witnessing his friend's success. on the th of the same month i find the first entry referring to an offer of the shrievalty of london and middlesex. mr a. h. thornborough called on mr montefiore, saying he was deputed by some of the most influential members of the corporation of london to offer him the shrievalty at the ensuing election, if he would accept the office. mr montefiore candidly stated that he was not desirous of the honour, but if he were elected, he wished to be free either to accept or decline it; he also stated that he could not attend church, but had no objection to send his money, and at all the city feasts he must be allowed to have his own meat, dishes, &c. to all of which mr thornborough said there could be no possible objection. it was nearly twelve o'clock before he left. "i suppose," writes mr montefiore, "i shall hear nothing more of the business, but whatever is, is for the best. praise be to god alone." till the nd of june there is no entry of any importance in the diary, but on that day the death of the king of england (william iv.) is recorded, and a further reference is made to the subject of the shrievalty. mr montefiore says, "this morning at a.m. it pleased the almighty to call to a better world our beloved king william iv. oaths of allegiance were taken to-day by the members of both houses of parliament to the queen alexandrina victoria. may her reign be long, glorious, and happy. amen." after entering various particulars relating to his financial transactions, and to some visits which he paid to different friends and relations, he writes: "mr lucas, one of the aldermen, having written to me yesterday to ascertain my intention respecting the proposal made to me some time ago to be sheriff next year, i requested he would inform the parties that i did not give my consent to my being proposed to the livery, and in the event of its being done, and of my being elected, i most distinctly stated that i considered myself perfectly free either to accept or decline the honour." on the nd of june he wrote a note to l. lucas, begging him to inform mr thornborough that his state of health would not allow him to accept the office of sheriff if the citizens of london did him the honour to elect him. he also acquainted t. m. pearce with his intention of declining the shrievalty in the event of its being conferred on him. it appears, however, that many friends and relatives spoke to him on the subject, and prevailed on him to accept the office if elected. on the th june mr huffam called to bring the news that mr montefiore had been unanimously elected sheriff of london and middlesex. he had been proposed by mr t. a. curtis, governor of the bank of england, the resolution being seconded by mr samuel gurney. mr huffam said that both gentlemen had spoken most highly of him, and that there were over four hundred persons present. in the evening, mr montefiore, accompanied by his good wife, paid a visit to his mother, to tell her of the honour he had received from the livery of london, and to ask and receive her blessing on his undertaking. he then prayed for the blessing of heaven, so to guide his conduct that he might discharge the duties of the office to the satisfaction of his own conscience, to the gratification of the citizens, and to the honour of the jews. he received congratulations from numerous friends and relatives, which seemed however to give him but little satisfaction. the following extract from his diary will show why this was so:--"i shall have the greatest difficulties to contend with," he writes, "in the execution of my duty; difficulties which i shall meet with at the very outset. the day i enter on my office is the commencement of our new year. i shall therefore have to walk to westminster instead of going in my state carriage, nor, i fear, shall i be able to dine with my friends at the inauguration dinner which, from time immemorial, is given on the th of september. i shall, however, endeavour to persuade my colleague to change the day to the th of october. some of our readers will perhaps smile at his difficulties, but when his friends observed how differently other persons would act in a similar position, he used to say: "very well, i will not deviate from the injunctions of my religion; let them call me a bigot if they like; it is immaterial to me what others do or think in this respect. god has given man the free will to act as he may think proper. he has set before him life and death, blessing and curse (deut. ch. xxx, v. ). i follow the advice given in holy writ, and choose that which is considered life, which is accounted a blessing." his first visit in the city was to messrs t. a. curtis and samuel gurney, to thank the former for having proposed the resolution for his election, and the latter for having seconded it. he then received congratulations from messrs pearce, thornborough, and wire at the alliance office, and appointed mr wire as his under-sheriff. on the same day he addressed a formal letter of thanks to "the worthy and independent livery of london." the next day messrs thornborough, lucas, and carrol called, and it was agreed to have the sheriffs' inauguration dinner on the th october instead of the th september. sir james duke, one of the outgoing sheriffs, also came, and was most friendly. he offered mr montefiore every assistance, and invited him to dine at the old bailey on thursday, the th july. two days later he attended with his colleague, mr george carrol, a meeting of the subscribers to the sheriffs' fund, at the city of london coffee house, ludgate hill, where he was introduced to mr sheriff johnson, who was in the chair. there he also met sir james duke, mr wire, mr anderson, the governor of bridewell, and other gentlemen, and a committee was appointed to prepare a plan for a more extensive employment of the funds of the above-named charity. both sheriffs were most polite to messrs carrol and montefiore, and invited them to be present on all occasions at the sessions in the old bailey, when they were also to breakfast and dine with them. _july the th._--mr t. a. curtis kindly accompanied mr montefiore to the court of aldermen, where both he and mr george carrol signed bonds engaging to take upon themselves the office of sheriff, under penalty of £ fine. "the lord mayor," writes mr montefiore, "and every alderman present shook hands with me, each paid me some neat compliment, and every attention was shown to my religious feelings." at a meeting of the livery, where a resolution to send an address to the queen was proposed by mr david salomons and carried unanimously, twelve of the livery were appointed to present the same, amongst whom, besides the lord mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen, were messrs david salomons, g. carrol, and m. montefiore. _july th._--mr montefiore went to the old bailey at half-past eight, and breakfasted with the under sheriff, mr g. carrol, and other gentlemen. the sheriffs and aldermen came in a little before ten, at which time baron vaughan, baron alderson, and the lord mayor also came. he was introduced, and received by all in a very friendly manner, and then went with them into court. at eleven he went with sheriff johnson and mr george carrol over every part of newgate. "it was half-past one before we had finished our tour of inspection. i find my new post will give me very serious occupation, and much more trouble than i had expected, but i hope the blessing of heaven will attend my endeavours to fulfil its various duties to the satisfaction of my fellow-citizens." this did, however, not prevent him from turning his mind, when necessary, also to the affairs of his own community. he accompanied t. m. pearce to downing street, and had an interview with mr lister, the registrar-general. "we agreed," he says, "that it would not be safe for jews to marry by licence under the present marriage bill, and that they must give twenty-one days' notice to the registrar." on the same day he dined at five with the lord mayor, sheriffs, and other distinguished persons at the old bailey. "a capital dinner," he observes, "dessert and wine; i had part of a fowl which had been sent from home." every one was most attentive to him. the judges and the lord mayor left at seven, but the sheriffs stayed till eight o'clock. chapter xiv. . the jews' marriage bill--mr montefiore at the queen's drawing-room--his inauguration as sheriff. on july th he called on the chief rabbi to discuss the marriage laws, a subject which was causing much uneasiness in the community. he was detained there so long that it became too late for him to attend the committee meeting at the irish bank. he wrote a letter to the archbishop of dublin on the subject of the jews' marriage bill, requesting him to take charge of it in the house of lords. in the course of the day he received a card of invitation to a dinner of the merchant taylors company from j. allison, the new master, with a most friendly note, requesting him to name the dishes he would wish to have placed before him. on july th mr montefiore went with a member of the board of deputies to consult t. m. pearce on the subject of the jews' marriage bill, and in the evening attended a meeting of the deputies, at which it was resolved to petition the house of lords in favour of the measure. he writes: "i am most firmly resolved not to give up the smallest part of our religious forms and privileges to obtain civil rights." one of the members of the board also gave notice of a motion for "a more popular election of the deputies." on july th mr montefiore met t. m. pearce at the house of lords. mr blake, the legal adviser of the archbishop of dublin, made several important alterations in the bill, which, in mr montefiore's opinion, greatly improved it. he then called at downing street to see mr spring-rice, but that gentleman had just left town for cambridge. mr montefiore immediately resolved to go and see him there. at p.m. he again met pearce, also mr buxton, at the house of lords. the archbishop of dublin and several other lords had declined to propose the second reading of the marriage act bill. mr buxton exerted himself greatly, and spoke to several peers in his presence without success. at last he prevailed on lord glenelg to promise that he would speak with lord duncannon, and would give notice the next day. in accordance with his resolution, mr montefiore went the same day by the "cambridge mail" to see mr spring-rice. on his return he went to the house of lords with pearce and saw lord glenelg. "but," writes mr montefiore, "he would have nothing to do with the bill, and pearce could get no peer to move the second reading, consequently, the bill will be lost, and with it all the expenses, £ ." _wednesday, july ._--he attended the queen's first levee at st james' palace; it was very crowded. he was one of the deputation of the livery of london, by whom an address of congratulation was to be presented to her majesty. the lord mayor introduced them. mr montefiore was afterwards presented a second time. on his card was written, "mr montefiore, presented by the duke of norfolk." "the queen," he observes, "looked very pretty and most interesting." "may she be happy!" is his prayer to heaven. it was after four o'clock when he left the palace. he had spoken to a great number of acquaintances there. the next day he went with mrs montefiore to st james' palace to attend the queen's drawing-room. mrs montefiore was presented to her majesty by the countess of albemarle, and was most graciously received. "i followed her," writes mr montefiore. "the queen smiled good-humouredly at me, and the duchess of kent said she was pleased to see us. no reception at a drawing-room could have been more flattering." at five o'clock he went to dine at the merchant taylors hall. mr alliston, the master, was most civil and kind to him, and to mr george carrol. it was a most splendid banquet, about one hundred and twenty sat down to table. the entertainment was given by the merchant taylors to the skinners company, in accordance with an old custom, which owed its origin to the following occurrence. a difference having arisen between the two companies, it was referred to the lord mayor, who decided that "they were both wrong and both right," and decreed that each company should annually entertain the other at a dinner. this has been kept up, without a single exception, ever since the lord mayor gave his verdict, which was more than three hundred years ago. "nothing," says mr montefiore, "could have been more magnificent than the entertainment. i sat next to mr charles culling smith, the duke of wellington's brother-in-law, and my health and that of mr george carrol was drunk." mr montefiore now wished to go to ramsgate for a few days' rest, but before leaving town he sent a letter to the master, wardens, and assistants of the worshipful company of merchant taylors, requesting the use of their hall for the inauguration dinner in october. in august we find him again in london, attending a dinner of the skinners' company, where he meets mr attwood and his colleague mr george carrol, also several friends belonging to the merchant taylors' company. his health is proposed, and he returns thanks. one of the party, dr knox, the master of the skinners' company's school at tonbridge, expressed himself in very flattering terms to mr montefiore after the entertainment, but observed that he ought not to be one of the court assistants, as the latter had to protect their church. mr montefiore, in reply, assured him that he would never ask anything of the company that they might not be willing to grant. dr knox appeared fully satisfied with what he heard, and continued the conversation in a friendly spirit. on the th of august there is a very affectionate entry, dated from tonbridge, and referring to his brother, horatio montefiore. "horatio," he writes, "joined us this morning at breakfast; he left ramsgate and his family last evening, and travelled all night. at eleven o'clock my dear judith, horatio, mr ridge, and myself went in the britzka to tinley lodge, upper french farm. the houses, barns, stables, and outhouses had all been put in the most substantial and complete repair, and looked extremely well, as did the land. with the full and willing consent of my dear wife, i informed horatio that i made him a present of the estate, and after him to his children, strictly entailing it on the eldest son from generation to generation, and recommended him to grant shetfield, the present tenant, a lease at a moderate rent for fourteen years, say at £ . horatio appeared well pleased with the gift." this entry is followed by another equally pleasing. he dined with his sister-in-law, mrs hannah rothschild, and met there, among others, the count and countess ludolf. in the course of conversation, the count said that several english physicians had offered to go to naples, where the cholera was then raging, and assist in relieving the sufferers, but, unfortunately, they had no funds. mr montefiore, upon hearing this, immediately promised £ for the purpose, and of course kept his word. in the following record of a visit paid by mr and mrs montefiore to h.r.h. the princess sophia matilda during her stay at ramsgate, we find one of the many gratifying instances of the esteem in which they were both held by the highest in the land. on september the th he writes:--"at three we went in our britzka with post horses, through a torrent of rain, to west cliff house, by appointment, to visit h.r.h. the princess sophia matilda. she received us most kindly, and was very chatty. she spoke on many different subjects, including the slave trade and the prevailing epidemics; also of her proposed visit to brighton, which she hoped would agree with her. we then spoke of the queen and the duchess of kent. judith said she hoped the queen would build a palace at ramsgate. her royal highness replied, she could not recommend the expense, as it would be talked of a hundred years after; it was all very well just at first. we remained more than half-an-hour, and on our taking leave, her royal highness shook hands with judith most kindly, and said she was happy in having made her acquaintance. during our visit she also spoke of her brother, the late king, and on each occasion the tears came into her eyes. she appeared in very good health, and fond of retirement." on the th of september mr montefiore writes:--"her royal highness the princess sophia matilda paid judith a visit yesterday, and remained with her an hour and a half. she had first appointed to come on friday if i had been at home, then on monday or tuesday, but judith wrote that we were going to london in the middle of the week, and would be happy to see her royal highness on saturday. she was most gracious and agreeable." _wednesday, september th._--mr montefiore called at the mansion house and saw the lord mayor and mr croft, who accepted the new sheriffs' invitation for wednesday, the th october. according to an ancient custom mr montefiore, as sheriff, should have dined with the lord mayor on friday, the th, but he apologized for his inability to do so on account of the sabbath commencing in the evening. _thursday, the th._--"i cannot," he says, "but reflect with gratitude on the almighty's goodness to me: may he bless my endeavours to be useful." he then gives the following account of the day's proceedings:--"at ten i entered our state carriage, mr wire having come for me in his, and we drove to cavendish square, where mr george carrol in his state carriage took the lead, he being the senior sheriff, on account of his having been proposed to the livery by the lord mayor. we proceeded to the merchant taylors' hall, where we found sixteen of their members, and sixteen of the spectacle makers, besides some few friends of mr george carrol. the following gentlemen were also present:--barons lionel, nathaniel, and anthony de rothschild, messrs t. a. curtis, benjamin cohen, isaac cohen, solomon cohen, s. m. samuel, john helbert, and m. davidson, the six last named being the brothers and brothers-in-law of my dear wife. at one o'clock we went in grand procession to the guildhall, accompanied by a band of music. at two we were sworn into office, and about three i returned to park lane. i changed my official costume for plain clothes, and went at half-past five to cavendish square. mr george carrol then accompanied me to the london tavern, and we dined with sir james duke and mr sheriff johnson." _monday, nd october._--mr montefiore and his colleague went to newgate. in the afternoon they proceeded to windsor, and inscribed their names in the duchess of kent's visitors' book. the next day mr montefiore called on the lord mayor, who introduced him to alderman cowan, the lord mayor elect; he also attended the hustings at the guildhall in his violet gown, the lord mayor and mr george carrol being present. he afterwards settled, with messrs maynard, carrol, and wire, the toasts and the grace before dinner, and proceeded with these gentlemen to the lord mayor to submit them for his approval. this having been obtained, he went to the merchant taylors' hall to see that the arrangement of the tables was satisfactory. the inauguration dinner of the new sheriffs took place at the merchant taylors' hall in threadneedle street. the number of guests who sat down to dinner was not less than four hundred; and the lord mayor presided. after the cloth was removed, the usual toasts were proposed by the lord mayor, and the two sheriffs returned thanks, each in a separate speech. mr sheriff montefiore said: "my lord mayor, my lords and gentlemen, if i consulted my own feelings of diffidence on this occasion, i confess i should have remained silent, and have allowed my friend and colleague to return our united thanks for the honour conferred on us by the distinguished company. but as custom demands that i should say a few words, i rise to express briefly, and i fear imperfectly, my feelings of gratitude for the flattering manner in which my health has been proposed, and the warm and affectionate greeting with which it has been received. new to the high and important office i have been called upon by the kind wishes of my fellow-citizens to fill, it will readily be conceived that i cannot be acquainted with all its various duties. but i can assure you it shall be my study to understand their nature, and my earnest endeavour to fulfil them in such a manner as to justify my fellow-citizens in the choice they have made. although i cannot pretend to say that i will do what your late sheriffs have done, still less to surpass them in their efforts to be useful, yet i hope, so far, to imitate their example as to show my anxiety to transmit to my successors the functions of my office unimpaired in their usefulness, and its privileges undiminished in their value. believing that it is not a political office, and yet that it has duties both to the queen and to the public, i hope, in the execution of those duties, to swerve neither to the right nor the left, but on the one hand to uphold the rightful prerogatives of the crown, and on the other to support the just liberties of the people. called upon by the free, intelligent, and wealthy citizens of this great city to fill so important an office, i trust that i shall never be found wanting in any efforts to prove that the great privilege of electing their own sheriffs may be safely entrusted to the people. may i add that in choosing the humble individual before you to fill so important an office, they have shown that private character, when based on integrity, will secure public honour and respect? nor is it less gratifying to find that, though professing a different faith from the major it of my fellow-citizens, yet this has presented no barrier to my desire of being useful to them in a situation to which my forefathers would in vain have aspired; and i hail this as a proof that those prejudices are passing away, and will pass away, which prevent our feelings from being as widely social, as just, as comprehensive in their effect as the most amiable and best-instructed mind can desire. nor can i forget, while alluding to kindly feelings, how much i am indebted to those friends who, unasked and unsolicited, proposed and elected me to the office which now gives me the opportunity of addressing you. to them, to you, to the livery at large, i again tender my thanks, and i beg to assure you that, whatever may be necessary to enhance the high, respectability of my office, to support its splendour, to maintain its rights, to add to its honour, and to make it more useful to my fellow-citizens--if it can be made more useful--i will attempt, and with your countenance and support, i trust, accomplish. thus acting, i shall hope to receive the only reward i seek--the thanks of my fellow-citizens, and the approbation of my own conscience." the attorney-general in replying to the toast, "the health of her majesty's ministers," given by the lord mayor, alluded to mr montefiore in the following words:--"there could be no more honourable or important office than that of sheriff, and although mr montefiore differed in faith from the established religion, there could be no doubt that he would discharge the duties which devolved on him with equal credit to himself and advantage to the city. he (the attorney-general) was one of those who thought that the only qualification which should exist for such offices was that the holder should be a good citizen; and he recollected with no small degree of satisfaction, that it was he who had brought in the bill, a measure that passed through the legislature by, he might say, the unanimous vote of both houses of parliament, which entitled mr montefiore to occupy the position he then held. he was happy to say that the ancient prejudices, founded on difference of religious belief, were fast wearing away, and he only hoped the time was at hand when objections on such grounds would altogether cease to operate. it was the desire of her majesty's government to promote such a state of things by all the means in their power; and for his own part, his opinion was that, so far from injuring the constitution, it would tend materially to uphold and strengthen it." mr and mrs montefiore returned to park lane at two o'clock from the inauguration dinner, much pleased with the reception they had met with from their fellow-citizens. chapter xv. . death of mr montefiore's uncle--mr montefiore rides in the lord mayor's procession--is knighted--his speech at the lord mayor's banquet--presents petition on behalf of the jews to parliament. we may now consider mr montefiore as almost entirely occupied with the discharge of the duties of his office as sheriff. we shall give here the entries he made referring to the subject, some of which are particularly interesting. from the following entry one can form an idea of the way in which he spent his days during his year of office:-- " . a.m., left park lane; o'clock, breakfasted at the old bailey; , attended the recorder into the court, was present at a meeting of the subscribers to the sheriffs' fund, met the lord mayor at the guildhall, and attended the hustings. at . went back to the old bailey, had lunch there, re-entered court, and remained there till near five, then returned to park lane. accompanied by my wife, proceeded at . to the mansion house, where we dined with the lord mayor and lady mayoress, and a very large and elegant party; had music, and singing and dancing; returned home at one o'clock." on the th of october mr montefiore in his turn gave a dinner to the lord mayor and lady mayoress, the sheriffs and aldermen and their ladies, after which mrs montefiore held a reception, which was followed by a concert. the next day he went to newgate, and saw the prisoners who had just been received. he went through the male and female wards, and spoke to many of the prisoners. he then proceeded to whitecross prison, and gave mr barrett, the governor, a cheque for £ for distribution among such cases of distress as he thought most deserving. there are entries in the diary which show that on many occasions mr montefiore did not leave the old bailey before nine o'clock in the evening. "sometimes," he remarks, "the duties of shrievalty cause me much trouble." but however numerous or onerous his duties may have been, they never prevented his leaving the old bailey in time to attend synagogue, on the eve of the sabbath and festivals, the judges in court always, in the most kind manner, giving him permission to do so. about that time one of his near relatives happening to be dangerously ill, he more than once, after having performed the daily duties of his office, and been present at an entertainment which lasted till midnight or later, instead of returning home, proceeded to the house of sickness, where he watched at the bedside of the patient till morning. on monday, november th, his uncle died. "i have always," mr montefiore said, "regarded him as a second father, but i must not grieve at his being taken from us, for he is gone to receive the reward of a well-spent life in a better world; very many of his relatives will miss his kind liberality." mr montefiore remained with the family that day for a considerable time, but had afterwards to leave them to attend to the necessary preparations for the important day of the th of november. if the many thousands of spectators who fill the streets and occupy the balconies and windows on lord mayor's day, and witness the glorious institutions of the livery of the largest and most wealthy city of the world, and to gaze at the magnificent cavalcade preceding the state carriage of the lord mayor, think that the aldermen, sheriffs, and under-sheriffs have but to mount their chargers, and be comfortably seated in the saddle, to receive the shouts of approbation from the multitude, they are in error. as the glorious entry of a victorious army on its return from the field of battle requires previous organisation, so as to ensure the perfect regularity of the marching and evolution of each respective battalion, even thus does the entry into the metropolis of the assembly of citizens, almost equal in number to a powerful army, require much previous organisation. mr montefiore, in order to prepare himself for the duties he would have to perform at the forthcoming procession, went to davis' riding school, where he met the lord mayor and the lord mayor elect, as also most of the aldermen, sheriffs, and court of common council. they each had a horse appointed for their use. a troop of artillerymen, with their horses, headed by colonel jones, were also present. after trying the horses they went through the plan of the procession, and it was five o'clock before they returned home. on november th he called at the mansion house, attended the court of hustings in the guildhall, went with the lord mayor, the lord mayor elect, and mr george carrol to the entertainment committee, and then to downing street to see the lord chancellor. on finding him absent he went to his house, where he met with a most friendly reception. in the evening he went to the house of his late uncle. while the lavadores were performing their mournful duties, he and his wife read, in an adjoining room, the prayers which his lamented uncle had selected during his extreme illness. greatly fatigued, they both returned to park lane, with the intention of retiring to rest. they had scarcely been home an hour when mr montefiore's colleague, mr george carrol, called. the cause of his coming at so late an hour, that gentleman said, was his desire to be the first to inform him that lord john russell had that day acquainted the city remembrancer with his intention of recommending her majesty to bestow a baronetcy on the lord mayor, and to confer the honour of knighthood on the sheriffs. "it was very kind," mr montefiore said, "of carrol to come, and to acquaint me with the pleasing news, for which i am very grateful to the almighty." on wednesday, the th november, he left home soon after eight in the morning, and was at the mansion house at nine. it was half-past when the lord mayor elect made his appearance; there was a large party assembled. at ten they set out in procession for the guildhall, where alderman cowan was sworn into office; the hall was very full. mr montefiore introduced chevalier benthausen and two russian noblemen to the lord mayor, and then left the hall. he then went to the alliance marine, attended the board of the alliance life and fire assurance company, returned to the guildhall, and thence repaired again to the house of mourning, to attend the funeral of his late uncle. at six he was again at the mansion house, to be present at the farewell dinner of the retiring lord mayor. many aldermen, he says, were present; also the companies of the two lord mayors. at half-past nine he went for the third time to the mourners to read prayers with them, and afterwards he and his wife took up their quarters for the night at their chambers at the marine office in the city. "a very fatiguing day," he says, "and one in which i have seen the last of a dear and near relative. i hope i may imitate his virtues." _thursday, th of november._--"with unspeakable but heartfelt gratitude to the almighty god," he writes, "i note the occurrences of the day, a day that can never be forgotten by me; it is a proud one: with the exception of the day i had the happiness of dedicating our synagogue at ramsgate, and the day of my wedding, the proudest day of my life. i trust the honour conferred by our most gracious queen on myself and my dear judith may prove the harbinger of future good to the jews generally, and though i am sensible of my unworthiness, yet i pray the almighty to lead and guide me in the proper path, that i may observe and keep his holy law. "at half-past eight i went to the mansion house, at nine set off in grand procession to london bridge; there i embarked with the lord mayor, &c., for westminster. the new lord mayor was presented to the judges in several courts. we then returned the same way to the mansion house. i went to the marine. my dear judith was beautifully dressed, but very unwell. we went to the mansion house, and soon left there in procession. our state carriage being in advance, i got out at temple bar, and the carriage went on with judith to the guildhall. i mounted on horseback, with my brother sheriffs, some aldermen, and members of the common council. after many of the royal carriages had passed, we set forward two and two before the queen. on her arrival in the hall she reposed herself for some time. the recorder then read the address, to which she replied. the lord mayor was introduced, and made a baronet; the aldermen were introduced, and then the sheriffs were knighted, first george carrol. on my kneeling to the queen, she placed a sword on my left shoulder and said, 'rise, sir moses.' i cannot express all i felt on this occasion. i had, besides, the pleasure of seeing my banner with 'jerusalem' floating proudly in the hall. i hope my dear mother will be pleased. the entertainment was most magnificent, but my poor wife dreadfully ill." _friday, november th._--the new knight, now sir moses, proceeded to buckingham palace to enter his name in the duchess of kent's visiting-book. on his return he received numerous visits of congratulation. he then went to the house of the mourners in the city, and also visited his mother. _saturday, november th._--although sir moses might have gone on that day to a place of worship near park lane, he preferred walking to the city on the first sabbath after the honour of knighthood had been conferred upon him, to return thanks to the almighty in the ancient spanish and portuguese synagogue in bevis marks, a structure which commemorates the first step towards religious liberty in england, and which had from his earliest days been an object of love and veneration to him. he started from home early in the morning, and joined the congregation before nine o'clock. after service he attended an entertainment given by one of his friends on the occasion of his son attaining his thirteenth year (the age which constitutes religious majority). the remainder of the day he passed in visiting his relatives, and again attending the synagogue to join in prayers with the mourners. on sunday, november th, he went to newgate, where he found all well; his colleagues had already been there three hours. he then went to the residences of the duke of cambridge, the princess sophia matilda, the duchess of gloucester, the duke of sussex, the princess sophia, and princess augusta, and entered his and lady montefiore's names in their visitors' books. on his return to park lane he dined with his wife, and spent a pleasant evening in reading and writing. "one of our old-fashioned happy east cliff evenings," he says. on monday, november th, he attended the general meetings of some of his companies, and in the evening dined with the directors of the imperial continental gas association. the next day he was actively engaged in performing the duties of his office, attending the lord mayor at the court of hustings, and afterwards making arrangements with his under-sheriff respecting the invitations for the dinner on the th inst. having sent fifty invitations, and received but twenty-eight tickets, "i passed the whole day," he says, "in a state of much anxiety as to the best mode of acting. at last i have determined to seat the ladies, and send the gentlemen tickets for the council chamber, should they be unable to find seats in the hall. i most sincerely hope i may give no offence, as i am sure none was intended; my desire to oblige the family has brought me into this dilemma." on thursday, the th of november, sir moses walked to the city in the morning, called at the alliance, guildhall, and mansion house, returning home at two o'clock. a few minutes before four, he and lady montefiore started in their state carriage, with the servants in full livery, for the guildhall. "we called," he says, "at cavendish square, and followed sir george and lady carrol in their state carriage to the guildhall. at five the lord mayor and lady mayoress made their appearance long after many of her majesty's ministers had arrived. we sat down to dinner soon after six. the hall presented a splendid appearance; there were between eleven and twelve hundred present, including nearly all the ambassadors, ministers, and judges." the health of the sheriffs was not drunk till long after the ladies had left the table. each of them returned thanks, sir moses doing so in the following words:-- "my excellent friend and colleague has so fully expressed my sentiments and feelings, that i ought, perhaps, to apologise for trespassing on your attention, but as this is the first time i have had the honour of addressing so large an assembly of distinguished guests and of my fellow-citizens, i cannot resist the temptation of offering you my congratulations on the auspicious event which has distinguished the commencement of our year of office. the recent visit of our most gracious queen to this ancient hall, the kindness which induced her majesty to present herself, at the earliest possible period, to her faithful subjects of this great and opulent city, must have made a deep impression on every heart, must have strongly rooted the feelings of loyalty with which britons naturally regard their sovereign; and, if i may judge of others by myself, must have awed all emotions save those of fervent hope and prayer, that the reign of our now youthful queen may be long and peaceful, and that her greatest glories may be connected with the universal education of her subjects, the diffusion of the most comprehensive principles of benevolence, charity, and love--principles which shall unite all in a desire to accomplish the proud wish that england may possess and exercise the great prerogative of teaching other nations how to live. what we have seen is a proof, in my opinion, that we are fairly on our way to the full completion of the wish: for do not the recent events demonstrate to us, and will they not demonstrate far beyond the precincts of our city, that the purest freedom, and the warmest attachment to religion, may co-exist, and may safely co-exist, with the forms of monarchy and with feelings of affection to the sovereign, especially when that sovereign evinces the dispositions which we all recognise in our amiable, youthful, and illustrious queen? let, then, other countries boast of natural advantages, denied perhaps to ours, let our pride be in our civil advantages, in the security of our person and property, under a system of law and government which, whatever be its defects--and what is perfect on earth?--is at least as near to perfection as any government that has existed, or does now exist. but i am carried away by my feelings from the main object i had in view in rising to address you. that object was to tender you my thanks, warm from the heart, for the honour you have conferred on myself and colleague. i can sincerely say that the kindness of our fellow-citizens is a full reward for the performance of our duties, and will be a full inducement to devote ourselves cheerfully to the service of those who, unasked, have placed us in a position of so much trust and honour. we feel satisfied that in the performance of our duties we shall not betray the trust reposed in us, nor tarnish the honour of the corporation. no; it will be our pride and pleasure to enhance the dignity of our office, in order that the distinction it confers may be more and more an object of laudable ambition to the most worthy and opulent of our fellow-citizens. connected with the corporation by high office, i feel a deep interest in its prosperity; and i pray that it may long exist to prove that popular corporate institutions are a bulwark to the throne, while they offer to the people a security for the preservation of their laws, and pure administration of justice." sir moses was much pleased with the manifest approbation of the sentiments he expressed. "lord glenelg," he says, "spoke in a very friendly manner with me, as did the lord lieutenant of ireland. the vice-chancellor also made a very complimentary speech, saying he hoped to see me enjoy high city honours." most of the time of sir moses was now occupied in the discharge of the duties imposed on him by his office, which included his attendance at numerous meetings, dinners, and balls. some of them are recorded in the diary. in making an entry of the polish ball, which took place on the st of november, he says: "we left home at nine o'clock, and got to the guildhall with great care between eleven and twelve. the hall was crowded, and presented a splendid appearance. there were above people present, including the lord mayor, the duke and duchess of somerset, miss burdett-coutts, mr p. m. stewart, lord dudley coutts stewart, &c. all were most friendly. in consequence of the absence of the lady mayoress, lady carrol and my wife did the honours. it was quite a fairy scene; i never saw anything like it before, and i daresay it will be some time before we again witness so brilliant an assembly. before the hall became crowded, i was much pleased with the effect of my crest and arms, which had been chalked in colours on the floor, the crest with the word 'jerusalem' in hebrew being nearest the throne." from the hall of splendour our attention is directed to the home of misery. we find him next visiting the whitecross street prison. "i went," he says, "over the whole building, and found unfortunate individuals confined within its walls. the men's wards were very unclean, but the women's extremely clean; there were only twenty-four females. the day rooms of the male prisoners were crowded with visitors. the prisoners were in good health, not more than seventeen in the infirmary, and all only slight cases of cold." on monday, the th of november, he went at half-past eight in his state carriage to the mansion house, and at . he and his colleague accompanied the lord mayor, in grand state, to open the first session in his lordship's mayoralty at the old bailey. on the th he attended a meeting of the deputies of british jews, and a sub-committee was appointed to endeavour to get mr baines--the originator of a bill for the purpose of altering the declaration contained in the act george iv., cap. , to be made by persons on their admission to municipal offices--to obtain an extension of its provisions to the jews. the bill, as it then stood, limited the indulgence to quakers and moravians. when, on the following day, the lord mayor, accompanied by the sheriffs, attended the meeting of the first common council, mr david salamons presented a petition, calling on the court to petition both the houses of parliament to amend mr baines' bill. "charles pearson," sir moses says, "proposed the motion, which was carried unanimously." on the rd of december, sir moses was particularly requested by mr david salamons, to go with him to h.r.h. the duke of sussex, to inform him of their intentions respecting mr baines' bill; but his royal highness was not well enough to see them. on the same day, barons lionel and nathaniel rothschild called on sir moses, to say that sir robert peel had appointed the following monday to see a deputation of the jews. in accordance with that appointment they called, with mr david salamons, on sir moses, the next day at the old bailey, and requested him to go with them to sir robert peel; but, as it was expected that the recorder would pass the sentences at twelve, he could not leave the courts. the recorder, however, did not make his appearance till three o'clock, and then made great difficulty before permitting him and sir george carrol to go to the house of commons with the petition, positively refusing to allow their under-sheriffs to accompany them, under the penalty of a fine. at about five o'clock sir moses and sir george carrol proceeded in their state carriages with their servants to the guildhall for the remembrancer, who went with them to the house of commons with the three petitions. on entering the house, led by the sergeant-at-arms with the mace, the speaker said: "sir george carrol and sir moses montefiore, what have you there?" "a petition from the lord mayor and common council to the honourable house," replied sir george. "you may withdraw," returned the speaker. they then withdrew in the same manner as they had advanced, bowing three times. they took their seats under the gallery, and listened to the debate on mr baines' bill. "i very much regret," sir moses says, "that we, the jews, allowed the house to divide." a week later, on december th, after having gone over every part of newgate prison, and spoken with the prisoners, both male and female, he called, on his way back to park lane, on dr sims at cavendish square, to inform him that lord john russell would see that the jews were relieved from the effect of the resolution passed by the london university, as to the examination of candidates for the degree of bachelor of arts, &c. he then accompanied messrs isaac cohen and david salamons to kensington. the duke of sussex saw them immediately, and was most kind. he approved of the jews getting a bill into the house of commons to relieve them from the declaration on taking municipal offices, but not before the bill relieving the quakers had passed the lords. on sunday, th december, he wrote a letter to lord melbourne to solicit the honour of an interview, previously to the municipal corporation declaration bill going into committee. in the course of an hour his lordship sent him a note in his own handwriting, saying he would be glad to see him the next day at half-past three, at downing street. sir moses immediately communicated with messrs david salamons and i. l. goldsmid, and requested them to accompany him there on the following day. agreeably to this intimation they were at the appointed time in downing street. lord melbourne received them at once, the marquis of lansdowne being with him. both of them, sir moses says, were very polite, but gave them to understand that they could not include the jews in the present bill, as they would not be able to carry it through the lords. on the same day he was officially informed of his having been elected president for the year of the jews' free school, but the duties of the shrievalty prevented his accepting the honour. after calling at newgate and whitecross street prison, and speaking to all the prisoners, he attended at doctors commons to administer the will of his late uncle. on december th he wrote a letter to mr alteston, master of the merchant taylors' company, offering to give £ as a prize to the best hebrew scholar in the company's schools, as a token of his appreciation of the benevolence of the company. the diary of the year concludes with an entry referring to a banquet given at the london coffee house by the commercial travellers' society, under the presidency of sir chapman marshall, at which sir moses was present. two hundred persons sat down to table, among whom £ was collected for the benefit of the institution. this entry is followed by an account of a narrow escape of sir moses and lady montefiore. "we have been much alarmed," he writes, "by some person firing a pistol at us, near welling, on the road from rochester to london; happily it missed both horses and carriage; the postboy was much frightened." chapter xvi. . destruction of the royal exchange--city traditions--"jews' walk"--sir moses dines at lambeth palace. the diary of , like that of the preceding year, abounds in descriptions of sir moses' official duties, as well as records of events. _january th._--early in the morning, before he was dressed, sir moses was informed that the royal exchange had been burnt down in the night. he at once rode to the alliance, and found the news true; only the walls of the exchange were still standing. "i called at the mansion house," he says, "and accompanied a deputation of the gresham company to see the ruins; the loss of books, papers, and securities is said to be immense. in the evening i repaired again to the mansion house to attend a court of aldermen, which sat till after ten. it was a full meeting; the town clerk and all the law officers of the city were present. there were long and grave discussions respecting the making of a new city seal, the old one, as it was thought, having been destroyed in the fire at the royal exchange." on january th he was present at a meeting of the elders of his community at bevis marks. the resignation of the deputies was received, and a resolution passed, that "for the future deputies be elected by the elders and seat-holders, generally known by the appellation of 'yehidim,' and out of either body." after the meeting he called at newgate, and went over the female wards and the infirmary. it may interest some of my readers to hear that the ancient custom of presenting each of the sheriffs with three does by the crown is still kept up. when sir moses was told that those intended for him were at richmond, he sent a person (authorised by the ecclesiastical board) to kill the does in accordance with the jewish custom, and then distribute them among his friends. he attended the first dinner given by the new lord mayor at the mansion house on the th. the next day he dined at the london tavern with the city committee for general purposes, and in the evening was present at a ball for the benefit of the watch and clock makers' institution. on the th, sir moses, in his turn, gave a dinner to the vice-chancellor, and there were also present, sir l. shadwell and lady shadwell, the common sergeant and his wife, sir john conroy and his daughters, mr j. a. curtis and his daughters, the baron and baroness de rothschild, baron nathaniel and baroness louisa de rothschild, and many other guests of distinction. the following extracts from the diaries show the nature of sir moses' multifarious duties at this time:-- "_february nd._--was sworn in as commissioner of the london lieutenancy, consisting mostly of the court of aldermen and their deputies, the directors of the bank of england and of the east india company. "_february th._--proceeded with my colleague, the city remembrancer, and alderman venables to the house of commons, to present two petitions; one respecting the night watch, and the other respecting a new street from farringdon street. "_february th._--attended the meeting of the sub-committees of the several synagogues at p.m. it was within a few minutes of twelve when the meeting broke up. "_february th._--attended the queen's levee. was presented to her majesty by lord john russell, and had the honour of kissing hands, after which i drove to my mother, that she might see the state carriage and liveries. "_february th._--present at the court of common council, where they voted the freedom of the city of london to mr stephenson, the american minister, to be presented to him in a gold box of the value of guineas. the following evening i went to kensington palace to a soiree given by the duke of sussex to the members of the royal society. the rooms were crowded. spoke with a great many persons i knew, mr spring-rice, the dean of chester, and others." _february nd._--on the occasion of the funeral of a friend which he attended, sir moses observes: "it was a funeral such as i much approve. i think no funeral should have more than eight mourning coaches, and the coachmen should wear neither cloaks nor bands; in fact, in my opinion, the less pomp on such an occasion the better." in the evening he dined at the london orphan society; "took my own cold beef," he says. the duke of cambridge presided. the collection amounted to £ . _february th._--after having been occupied all day with the duties of his office, he went in the evening to a meeting of conference of all the synagogues, to consider the subject of the constitution of the new board of deputies. "there was a full meeting," he says, "and we remained in debate till after eleven o'clock. the conference was carried on in the most friendly manner; and, with some alterations, the resolutions of the great synagogue were agreed to." i give these entries referring to the board of deputies in the interest of those of my readers of the hebrew community in england who may wish to trace the development and progress of that institution. the th of march is a day which will be remembered with much gratification by the promoters of civil and religious liberty. the occurrence noted in the diary will always remind them of the lesson, never to neglect an opportunity of serving a good cause when it presents itself. when returning, in company with the lord mayor and sir george carrol, from the court of hustings to the place where the words "jews' walk" were written up, sir moses mentioned to the lord mayor that many persons had complained that, in these enlightened times, the walls of the guildhall should be disgraced by such a mark of intolerance as the tablet bearing the above inscription. the lord mayor very kindly ordered it to be taken down immediately. the same tablet was subsequently given to sir moses by the lord mayor, and is now preserved in lady montefiore's theological college in ramsgate as a souvenir of bygone times. march th records an instance of the danger to which, as sheriff, he was sometimes exposed in the discharge of his official duties, as also his sympathy with others who equally endangered their lives in the service of the livery. sir moses attended on that day a committee of criminal justice, and accompanied them all over the gaol; later he and his colleague had to be present at the inquest on a prisoner who had died of fever. "i am sorry to say," he remarks, "that something like typhoid fever is prevailing in the prison; the matrons and turnkeys are greatly alarmed." on his return home he sent a dozen of port to the keeper of newgate and a dozen to the matron. wishing for a day's repose, he and lady montefiore repaired to their favourite spot, smithambottom. "the appearance of the red lion" (the inn in which they usually took up their abode), he says, "we found much altered for the worse. the house, its inmates, and furniture, all wear a decayed look; they have very little custom there. caroline paget, daughter of pearce the landlord, having heard of our arrival, came immediately to see us. she is also much altered; time, poverty, and care have made sad havoc with her appearance. fourteen years have passed since we were last in pearce's house, and we viewed the place with mingled feelings of pleasure and pain. in spite of the gloom of the house, i dearly like the place, and shall be most grateful to providence to be permitted the enjoyment of frequent walks over the downs. but we must see what we can do for the pearces." he assisted both father and daughter by providing for their immediate wants, and, on his return to town, procured, not without great personal exertion, a presentation to the blue coat school for caroline paget's daughter. as president of the jews' free school, sir moses took the chair at a dinner given at the london tavern in aid of that institution. he was supported on his right and left by sir george carrol, mr t. a. curtis, the governor of the bank; mr m. attwood, m. p.; mr david salamons, mr jno. alteston, mr edward fletcher, mr t. m. pearce, mr aston key, mr nugent daniel, mr f. h. goldsmid, mr b. cohen, mr isaac cohen, mr under-sheriff wire, and a large company of friends. some excellent addresses were delivered by sir moses and others of the gentlemen present. in the entry he made of the proceedings, he observes, "i did my best, and had the pleasure to find the company was satisfied, for £ was collected." it was nearly twelve when he left the london tavern in company with sir george carrol, and went to hanover square rooms, where they met their ladies at the polish ball. on the rd of april he was summoned to the guildhall to a court of lieutenancy to take the oath and subscribe to the declaration; but he could not do so, and therefore did not attend. in the evening he was present at the conference of the deputies from all the synagogues, who, he says, would not agree to reconsider their former resolution. on april th lady montefiore had a narrow escape from what might have proved a most serious accident. she had promised to dine with her sister, mrs hannah de rothschild (sir moses, owing to his official duties, was unable to accompany her). while driving to piccadilly the horses took fright, broke the pole and harness, and much injured the carriage. fortunately no one was hurt. the next day sir moses and lady montefiore attended the queen's drawing-room, accompanied by sir george and lady carrol, mr and mrs maynard, and mr and mrs wire, all in their state carriages. the ladies of the party were presented by the marchioness of lansdowne. the queen and the duchess of kent were most gracious to sir moses and lady montefiore. on april th he writes: "i was at the old bailey at . , and breakfasted at nine; attended the common-sergeant into the new court; at ten i attended the chief-justice tindall to the old court. the common-sergeant having left the new court, i accompanied baron parke into it. being the eve of passover, i had to my regret to leave the old bailey at five o'clock. it caused great inconvenience, there being a judge in each court, and most important trials being on, not likely to be finished before to-morrow evening." it was the duty of the sheriffs to attend on the following day, first at the old bailey, then on the lord mayor in state at the court of aldermen, to witness the swearing in of the new alderman (magnay), then to accompany him in state to the mansion house to dine with his lordship and a large party. on the following monday and tuesday he had again to attend the lord mayor and lady mayoress in state to receive the blue coat boys at the mansion house, then to be present at a sermon at the hospital, and to return and dine with the lord mayor, the aldermen, &c., it being easter monday, a public day. they were also expected on the following morning again to breakfast at the mansion house. sir moses, however, observes, "my duty to god, and my respect for our holy religion, are above all other duties, and i must give up my official occupations for these days," a resolve which he acted upon. after having attended the levee of the queen, which was held on wednesday, nd may, sir moses proceeded to the london tavern to be present at the anniversary festival of the city of london school for the benefit of the children of the indigent, under the presidency of the duke of wellington. there was a very large and representative gathering, and the amount collected and handed to his grace, including the steward's fines, was £ . _thursday, may rd._--sir moses attended a state dinner, which the lord mayor gave the judges, at the mansion house. the entries continue as follows:-- _monday, may th._--presided at the dinner of the spanish and portuguese hebrew schools; persons were present, and mr samuel gurney addressed the assembly before the children left. _may th._--attended a meeting at the city of london tavern for the abolition of slavery, and in the evening joined sir george carrol at a dinner of the city dispensary, given at the same place. the same evening he also went to lady cottenham's party. _may th._--dined with the corporation of the sons of the clergy. it was a very large assembly, and sir moses' donations amounted to £ . mr justice parke introduced him to the archbishop of canterbury, who most politely invited him for tuesday, the nd inst. _may th._--gave a grand dinner at park lane to the lord mayor and the lady mayoress, sir george and lady carrol, and the aldermen. several friends and relatives were also present at this dinner. _may th._--attended the court of hustings, and at sir moses' request the lord mayor consented to adjourn it over the th inst., to enable him to go to ramsgate for the holy days. he went to the old bailey, and in the evening was present at the anniversary dinner in aid of the magdalen hospital, mr justice parke being in the chair. he was informed that the sheriffs had received the "entrée" from the duke of argyll during their shrievalty. _thursday, may th._--sir george and lady carrol came in their state carriage to park lane, in order to go with sir moses and lady montefiore to the queen's drawing-room. this being the queen's birthday, the drawing-room was very crowded, and the ladies had some difficulty in reaching the palace. it was five o'clock when they returned to park lane. sir moses then called at buckingham palace, where he placed his and lady montefiore's name in the duchess of kent's visitors' book. in the evening he dined with lord john russell, and there met the lord chancellor, the judges, the master of the rolls, lord morpeth, the city members, the lord mayor, and his colleague as sheriff. afterwards he attended, with lady montefiore, the marchioness of lansdowne's party. "nothing," he observes, "could have been more splendid." _friday, may th._--at five o'clock he went to a dinner at the mansion house, given by the lord mayor to the bishops. there were sixteen bishops present, besides several aldermen, the sheriffs, and about half-a-dozen ladies. the bishop of exeter asked for an introduction to sir moses, and was extremely civil to him. after six the company adjourned to the dining-room, but sir moses withdrew and returned to park lane, it being near the time for the commencement of sabbath. _monday, may st._--he went in full court dress, in his state carriage, with his servants in full state liveries, to dine at lambeth palace with the archbishop of canterbury. on his way he called for the recorder, who went with him. "it is impossible," says sir moses, "to describe the magnificence and splendour of the palace, and equally so the great kindness and urbanity shown to me by the primate. about forty sat down to table, including the duke of sussex, the duke of cambridge, prince george, several bishops, the lord mayor, john capel, jno. alteston, and many aldermen. the duke of sussex told me he would send me an invitation for the th inst. after dinner i requested of his royal highness a card for my dear wife and lady carrol, which he kindly promised me. the recorder returned home with me, appearing much pleased at the reception he had met with." chapter xvii. . another petition to parliament--sir moses intercedes successfully for the life of a convict--death of lady montefiore's brother. _wednesday, may rd._--sir moses and lady montefiore drove to kensington palace, and put their names in the visitors' book of the duke of sussex; they then called on the archbishop of canterbury and left cards there. in the evening sir moses attended the anniversary dinner of the north london university hospital, lord brougham in the chair. "i sat next to him on his right," he writes. "there was a large collection, mr i. l. goldsmid alone bringing £ ." _thursday, may th._--the two sheriffs proceeded in their state carriages to the guildhall to attend a meeting of the common council. in the afternoon they drove to the house of commons, and presented two petitions respecting the rebuilding of the royal exchange and the registering of voters. at five they sat down to a dinner at bellamy's, having invited several members, sir matthew wood being in the chair. sir moses returned to park lane at seven o'clock, and then accompanied lady montefiore to an entertainment given by one of their relatives. _friday, may th._--he again went to the house of commons with his colleague, and presented a petition from the city, returning to park lane before the commencement of sabbath. _may th._--in the morning sir moses walked to the st alban's synagogue, and on his way back called on mr n. m. de rothschild. on the evening of the same day he attended the anniversary meeting of the society for the management and distribution of the literary fund, the marquis of lansdowne in the chair, supported by the marquis of northampton, the chancellor of the exchequer, and many literary celebrities, including thomas moore, bulwer, and dickens. the president paid the sheriffs a handsome compliment in proposing their healths. messrs rothschild had requested sir moses to give £ in their names, which, he remarked, was extremely well received. _may th._--he went in the forenoon to the vestry of the spanish and portuguese hebrew community, it being the day appointed for the election of their deputies. the ballot was to close at three o'clock, and he was subsequently told that he had been elected. _may th._--on his way to the city sir moses called on his colleague, and gave him an invitation he had received from the duke of sussex for himself and lady carrol. they then went to the lord mayor and invited him to take the chair at their dinner on the th june, at the merchant taylors' hall, which he agreed to do. sir moses writes: "he had not yet received his invitation from the duke of sussex, and seemed rather uneasy about it." _may th._--as this was the first day of the pentecost festival, sir moses walked to the city, and attended service in the synagogue there. on his return to park lane he walked with lady montefiore to the king's arms, kensington, where they had taken rooms the day before, and where they found a cold collation spread for them. this last, as well as both their court dresses, had been conveyed there from park lane on the preceding day. "from our sitting-room," sir moses writes, "we had an excellent view of the company going to the palace, as well as of the queen and her attendants in three royal carriages, escorted by a troop of horse guards. after ten o'clock dear judith went to the palace in a sedan chair, and i walked there. there were many hundred carriages, and thousands of persons. the appearance of the rooms, galleries, and company was magnificent beyond description. the duke of sussex received the company, and spoke very kindly to judith and myself. in the second chamber lady cecilia underwood was at the door, and greeted us most kindly. the queen was also in this room, and near to her the duchess of kent and the other members of the royal family. on our making our bow to the queen, she smiled most graciously, and the duchess left her side, came out of the circle, and spoke to us. she said she was pleased to see us, and enquired whether we had lately been to ramsgate. this was a most distinguished honour, and we were highly gratified with the same. we remained at the palace till one o'clock, then returned in same way as we came to the hotel. we changed our dresses and walked home, where we arrived dreadfully fatigued, but highly delighted with our reception." _wednesday, june th._--sir moses and lady montefiore went to richmond, where they met the duke of cambridge whilst walking in the gardens. he came up and spoke to them, and was extremely polite. the duke was walking with the bishop of winchester, who had come to richmond to preside at some charitable meeting. sir moses only learned after he and lady montefiore had left the gardens the purpose for which the bishop was there, so he returned and begged to be allowed to contribute his mite, giving at the same time £ , with which they seemed greatly pleased. on thursday, june th, he had to be present in his official robes at st paul's cathedral; lady montefiore was with him. "we witnessed," he says, "the most splendid of sights: nearly six thousand charity children, and double that number of poor men and women. the duke of cambridge, lord eldon, the lord mayor and sheriffs, and many others were present. later in the day sir george carrol and i attended the anniversary dinner of the society of patrons of charity schools. the lord mayor was in the chair, and the bishop of rochester on his right, the latter being extremely civil to me and speaking in the most friendly manner. sir frederick pollock, who was on my left, made a beautiful speech: he said he had been educated at st paul's school and sent thence to college, after leaving which he had been obliged to work hard, his talents being the only patrimony he possessed." _friday, june th._--sir moses attended the queen's levee. "her majesty," he writes, "appeared in very good spirits; nearly all the company wore stars, orders, or ribbons." _june th._--he dined at the merchant taylors' hall. there were present the duke of cambridge, prince george, the archbishop of armagh, the bishop of exeter, lord londonderry, and many other noblemen--in all, about two hundred. several ladies were in the gallery, lady montefiore among the number. _june th._--sir moses attended a meeting at the city of london tavern, for the benefit of the london fever hospital; lord devon in the chair. it was not well attended, but the collection was good. he was afterwards present at a dinner given by the sheriffs to the judges. justice allan parke sat next to him, and the vice-chancellor next to sir george carrol, who was in the chair. _friday, june th._--sir moses left home at twelve o'clock in his state carriage, the servants in full livery, and himself in black court dress, sword and chain. he called on the recorder, who accompanied him to the mansion house, where a luncheon was prepared. at one o'clock the lord mayor in his half-state carriage with four horses and outriders, the sheriffs in their state carriages, and some of the aldermen in theirs, set out in procession for the swan tavern, stratford. they held there a court of conservancy for the county of essex, after which they proceeded to blackwall, and crossed the water in the city state barge, which was decorated in grand style with banners and flags. at four they held a court for the county of kent, at the crown and sceptre, and dined there. _june th._--sir moses accompanied the common sergeant to the court at the old bailey, after which he attended the lord mayor at the mansion house, and proceeded in state to the borough town hall, where a court of conservancy was held for the county of surrey. thence the procession moved on towards the swan hotel, near westminster bridge, where a court was held for the county of middlesex. "afterwards," says sir moses, "we drove to the city, and i left the recorder at the old bailey. then i joined the lord mayor and sir george carrol, and held a court of hustings." _thursday, june st._--after spending the morning at the old bailey, he went with lady montefiore to the queen's drawing-room, sir george and lady carrol accompanying them in their state carriage. on june nd sir moses and lady montefiore went to ramsgate for a few days, where they celebrated the anniversary of the dedication of their synagogue, and that of their wedding day, returning three days later to london. the time having arrived for the election of sheriffs for the ensuing year, sir moses went in his state carriage to the mansion house, thence in procession with the lord mayor in his state carriage (drawn by six horses with six footmen walking before him) and sir george carrol in his state equipage, to the guildhall. "about six hundred of the livery were present," he says, "and the show of hands was in favour of josiah wilson and a. moore, but a poll was demanded for alderman johnson and thomas ward." _tuesday, june th._--the recorder passed the sentences at the old bailey, and "thanks to heaven!" sir moses exclaims, "the sessions ended at one o'clock." the numbers at the close of the poll for sheriffs that day were: ward, ; wilson, ; johnson, ; and moore, . in the evening sir moses and lady montefiore dined with the vice-chancellor and lady shadwell, where they met lady and miss denman, baron and baroness bolland, and justice coleridge. _june th._--sir moses attended a meeting of the common council, where it was resolved to invite the foreign ministers to a dinner at the guildhall. on returning home in the evening he found the park sparkling with lamps from booths and tents, erected in preparation for the coronation festival. he at once gave orders to have the balcony of his house propped and got ready for the illumination. "the park," he writes, "was all life and bustle, brilliantly illuminated, and the booths thronged with people. i understand that dancing was carried on in most of the booths, and that refreshments of all kinds and qualities were to be had." _june th._--lord john russell gave a grand dinner on this day to the lord chancellor, the judges, the members for the city of london, and the sheriffs. being sabbath, sir moses did not accept the invitation, but called there and left his card. during the day, he and lady montefiore walked in the park, and were much amused by the fair. afterwards they watched the scene from their drawing-room window. thousands of people took part in the amusements, and as soon as it was dark, the whole park was again brilliantly illuminated. on the th sir moses had to attend an entertainment at the guildhall, given by the corporation to distinguished foreigners, and representatives of sovereigns at the coronation. the duke of sussex and many others of the highest nobility were present, but sir moses only remained there until they were seated at dinner, and then left in his state carriage. _july th._--accompanied by his under-sheriff, mr wire, and mr maynard, he went to the home office to intercede on behalf of a prisoner named rickie. the man was a soldier, who had always borne an excellent character, but, in a state of drunkenness, had fired at an officer and killed him. rickie had been condemned and sentenced to death. sir moses and his friends were soon admitted to an audience with lord john russell, to whom they fully explained the subject. his lordship said he would like to see them again. _wednesday, july th._--sir moses went in full state to the queen's levee, calling on his way at cavendish square for sir george carrol. "it was very splendid," he writes. "the queen looked very happy and beautiful; she was most gracious, as was also the duke of sussex." on his return home he went with lady montefiore to a splendid fête at gunnersbury park, the seat of the baroness rothschild. about five hundred persons were present, including foreign princes of distinction, the ambassadors, the duke of sussex, prince george of cambridge, the duchess of cambridge, the dukes of wellington and somerset, and most of the highest nobility of the land. the proceedings commenced with a concert, at which several great artistes, including grisi, lablache, tamburini, and rubini performed. this was succeeded by a déjeuner, and in the evening a grand ball was given in a magnificent tent erected for the purpose. the gardens were illuminated with six thousand variegated lamps. the company remained until near midnight, all the guests complimenting the rothschild family most highly on their taste and hospitality. _saturday, july st._--sir moses went by appointment to the home office, and had an interview with lord john russell and mr phillips, sir george carrol, mr maynard, and mr clark being also present. his lordship informed them that he had "consulted the legal advisers of the crown, and they had decided that rickie's sentence could not be commuted. the sheriffs must therefore fix the day for his execution." _monday, july d._--the prince and princess of schwarzenberg invited sir moses and lady montefiore to a breakfast at richmond, which sir moses describes as a magnificent fête. "on our arrival at the castle," he says, "prince esterhazy, at lady montefiore's request, very kindly introduced us to the princess of schwarzenberg, our beautiful hostess. i never witnessed a more splendid party. in the evening seven hundred sat down to dinner, and there was every luxury that could be imagined. the princess walked round the rooms to see that all her guests were seated comfortably before she would take her own seat. the duke of sussex, the duchess of cambridge, prince george and princess mary of cambridge, all the foreign princes in london, and great part of the english nobility were present. the gardens were beautifully illuminated, and a grand display of fireworks concluded the entertainment. it was near midnight when we left, but the place was so crowded that we had great difficulty in reaching the hotel where we had taken rooms." _tuesday, july th._--after the enjoyment of the previous day's fête came a day of great sorrow for them, lady montefiore sustaining a severe loss in the death of her brother, mr joseph cohen. this occurrence caused the deepest grief to herself and every member of the family. on the same day sir moses was obliged to attend at newgate to speak with rickie, a reprieve having, after all, been sent to him by lord john russell. _thursday, july th._--sir moses went to the funeral of his brother-in-law, while lady montefiore remained with the ladies of the family. the funeral was largely attended by friends and relatives, mr cohen having been highly esteemed by all who knew him. sir moses had then to interview prisoners at newgate, which occupied him three hours. having fulfilled this duty, he returned to the house of the mourners, where he was present at evening prayers. he remained there with lady montefiore till ten o'clock. _monday, july th._--sir moses accompanied mr pearce to the house of lords, and was present at the committee on the royal exchange bill; the clause affecting the alliance was not inserted in the bill. _tuesday, july st._--this being a fast-day, in memory of the destruction of the temple at jerusalem, he attended the service held in prescot street at the residence of the late mr cohen. he remained there till twelve o'clock, when prayers were concluded. he then walked to the guildhall, and attended the court of hustings with the lord mayor and sir george carrol, this being the last that these two sheriffs would hold. subsequently he attended the court of aldermen, the irish bank, and the alliance marine office. at seven o'clock he again repaired to prescot street, where he joined the mourners and a large congregation in the recital of evening prayers, after which they all broke the fast, and enjoyed a good breakfast. the reader will no doubt feel surprised at the amount of work sir moses was able to accomplish on a fast-day, when for twenty-four hours neither a crumb of bread nor a drop of water passed his lips; but we shall yet have many other instances of his extraordinary powers of endurance. the next day, august st, we find him at a public gathering which took place at the london tavern. the meeting was called to consider the erection of a public monument as a memorial of the achievements of lord nelson. the duke of wellington was in the chair, and the great room was crowded to overflowing. the amount collected was about £ , of which sir moses gave £ , s., in addition to £ which he had given previously. _friday, august rd._--he visited whitecross street prison and newgate. he there met lady harriet de blanquiere of hampton court palace. she had seen rickie, and expressed a hope that his sentence might be commuted to transportation. the th of august of this year was an important day for sir moses, as the prospect of a speedy release from his official duties as sheriff enabled him to make the following entry in his diary. "now," he writes, "with the blessing of the almighty we will commence preparations for revisiting the holy land." _sunday, august th._--the first meeting of the new board of deputies of british jews taking place on this day, sir moses attended as president. he appears to have apprehended some difficulty in managing the new board. _wednesday, august th._--at eight o'clock in the morning he left home for the old bailey. he and his colleague accompanied the recorder and alderman sir c. marshall into court at nine, when sentence was pronounced on several prisoners. "a most solemn and affecting scene," sir moses remarks. "sir j. carrol and i went into the prison, and spoke with most of them afterwards. we then went to the alliance, and from there to canonbury place, to intercede with two ladies who had prosecuted their servant for robbery, but they gave her such a bad character that we could not further interfere." chapter xviii. . bartholomew fair--sir moses earns the thanks of the city--preparations for a second journey to the holy land--the journey--adventures on road and river in france. on monday, september rd, sir moses went in full state to join his colleague, and proceeded with him to the mansion house. the lord mayor, in his state coach, drawn by six horses, and preceded by a body of police, went with the sheriffs, and the city marshal on horseback, to smithfield, and proclaimed "bartholomew fair." sir moses observes, "there were not so many booths and shows as in former years, but all were crowded to excess." _thursday, september th._--he attended the dedication of the new synagogue at great st helens. "it is," he says, "a most splendid edifice, and does the greatest credit to all concerned in the building. the music and psalms on the occasion were very similar to those used at the dedication of my own synagogue at ramsgate." the following day he and lady montefiore went to spend a couple of days at gunnersbury with their sister, mrs n. m. de rothschild. in the entry he makes of the sabbath, sir moses writes: "we all assembled in the library, where louise rothschild read the sabbath morning service aloud exceedingly well. at three o'clock we lunched, and then walked in the garden, after which we re-entered the house and recited the afternoon prayers. about eight we were seated at dinner. there were twenty-four at table, including the duke and duchess of cambridge, prince george and the princess mary, two foreign princes with a lady, and col. jones, who accompanied them. there were also present sir c. bagot, lord and lady cawdor, and miss wellesley, baron bulow, monsieur didel, and lady maryborough. the entertainment, or rather the banquet, was magnificent, and the guests did not leave till after eleven. wester on the guitar, and benedict on the piano, amused the company at the conclusion of the dinner, and louise sang one song beautifully. we left about twelve and returned home." _tuesday, september th._--"my dear judith," he writes, "with the baronesses charlotte, anselm, and lionel de rothschild, came to the session house at three o'clock, and sat on the bench till near five, but no trial of interest took place. a few minutes later i joined the dinner in the hall, as it was the last time i should have to visit the old bailey in my capacity as sheriff of london and middlesex. there were present: alderman lawson, in the chair; common-sergeant s. arabin, ed. blount, john masterman, henry alexander, matthias attwood, h. de castro, g. h. mine, mr maynard, mr wire, sir george carrol, and two or three others. it was a most pleasant party; a kind of leave-taking dinner, and the sheriffs had the gratification of hearing that their conduct during their year of office had given general satisfaction. it was impossible to leave the room without a feeling of regret at parting from very pleasant acquaintances whom we were so little likely to see again. very quickly has the year flown away, with its pleasures and fatigues, leaving only the satisfaction of having accomplished our arduous duties to the best of our abilities." _wednesday, september th._--he went early to the old bailey, and breakfasted there, as he had generally done during the year when his attendance was required. "these early repasts," he observes, "have been, without exception, most comfortable; although they preceded long days of confinement in a hot and close court, they have left pleasing remembrances of the many marks of attention and kindness shown to me by the city judges who used to join these early meals." after this, his last breakfast there, he accompanied lady carrol, her daughters, and some other visitors round the prison and cells. he then left some money for the prisoners, and conducted the judges and a large party into the dining-room, after which he bade adieu to the old bailey, "i expect," he says, "for ever." he then returned home and prepared for the holy days which were to commence the same evening. on monday, october st, the following official notice appeared:-- "cowen, mayor.--in a meeting or assembly of the mayor, aldermen, and liverymen of the several companies of the city of london, in common council assembled, at the guildhall of the said city, on saturday, the th day of september . resolved unanimously, that the thanks of this common hall are eminently due, and are hereby given, to sir george carrol and sir moses montefiore, knights, sheriffs of this city, and sheriffs of the county of middlesex, for the past year, for the splendour with which they have maintained the dignity of that high office; for their hospitality; for the punctuality, zeal, and judgment with which they have executed their various official duties; for their munificent and constant support of the charities which adorn the metropolis; for their humanity to the prisoners entrusted to their care; for their various efforts to preserve, unimpaired, the privileges of this city; and for their universal courtesy to all their fellow-citizens. "woodthorpe." the particulars of that meeting are thus given:--"mr timothy curtis, the governor of the bank of england, came forward to move a vote of thanks to the late sheriffs, sir george carrol and sir moses montefiore, for the dignity, splendour, humanity, and hospitality with which they had distinguished themselves in the high situation to which they had been chosen by the unanimous voice of their fellow-citizens. mr gurney, in seconding the motion of thanks, said he rejoiced that the day had arrived when the citizens could be served by any one, whatever his religious opinions might be." mr t. curtis then read the following letter--a letter of thanks to the livery--from sir moses montefiore, in the course of which he said:-- "i need not tell you that many of the duties of office myself and colleague have just passed through are of a painful nature. we have often been called upon to witness scenes of agony occasioned by want and crime. some of this distress, however painful, we could not alleviate; but we have endeavoured to mitigate the sufferings of the prisoners, and to open to them better and happier courses of life, as far as public justice and the necessarily strict rules of a prison would permit. "if, on the one hand, there have been scenes of distress to witness, on the other i have found many sources of unmingled gratification. i have had opportunities of forming friendships with the members of the corporation, and of cementing a friendship of long standing with my excellent colleague--friendships which i am sure, as regards my own wishes, will still remain, and cause me to look back on the past year as one of the happiest of my life." whilst these proceedings took place at the guildhall, sir moses was fasting and reciting prayers with his community in the ancient and venerable synagogue called "the gate of heaven," as the day on which the meeting took place happened to be the day of atonement, appointed in the bible as a day of repentance and prayer for the forgiveness of sins. the fast does not seem to have affected sir moses' health or spirits in the least, as we find him attending service again in the house of prayer at twenty minutes before seven the next morning. his devotions concluded, he takes an early opportunity of visiting his friends and enquiring how they have passed the previous day. the same evening he dined with his mother, who, he writes, "was, thanks to heaven, pretty well after her fast." _monday, october st._--he called on mr curtis, the governor of the bank of england, to thank him for proposing the vote of thanks to the sheriffs; also on mr gurney, who seconded the vote. later in the day he accompanied sir george carrol to westminster, and at three o'clock the lord mayor, aldermen, the recorder, and sheriffs elect came there to receive her majesty's approval of the newly elected sheriffs. the recorder in his address to the bench again highly complimented sir george and sir moses on the efficient manner in which they discharged their duties. sir moses then returned in great haste to the city, having summoned a meeting at the alliance office at four, for the election of a solicitor to the board of deputies. at five o'clock he had to attend the new sheriffs' inauguration dinner at the london tavern. "there were persons present," he says, "the lord mayor in the chair. we had the foremost places, next to the new sheriffs, and our health was drunk in a most complimentary manner." _wednesday, october rd._--sir moses and lady montefiore went to ramsgate, where they spent the tabernacle holidays very happily, surrounded by relatives and friends whom they had invited for the occasion. on the th they returned again to london. here they had the satisfaction of finding letters of introduction from lord palmerston to her majesty's ambassadors and consuls in paris, florence, rome, naples, malta, alexandria, and constantinople, as also to the admiral on the mediterranean station, which sir moses had asked for through mr spring-rice. _monday, october nd._--at a meeting of the deputies of the british jews, sir moses resigned the presidency on account of his going abroad. the next day he called at the foreign office to thank lord palmerston for the letters of introduction he had so kindly sent; he also called on mr spring-rice, who was very friendly, and promised him a letter to the governor of malta, at the same time requesting sir moses to write to him from the east. a few days later he received several letters from baron lionel de rothschild, which baron anthony, at the request of baron anselm de rothschild, had procured for him from the french ministry, to the french admiral on the mediterranean station, and to their ministers and consuls. before leaving england sir moses sent for his solicitor to read over the will he had prepared, and which he signed in his presence, and in the presence of another gentleman whom he had brought as witness. i notice this item in the entries of his diary to show the completeness of all his arrangements. there is a book entitled "notes from a private journal of a visit to egypt and palestine by way of italy and the mediterranean," written by lady montefiore, and printed in the year : a second edition was printed shortly before the death of sir moses. both, having only been intended for private circulation among friends, are unpublished. the account of the journey which i give here is taken partly from sir moses' and lady montefiore's diaries, and partly from my own, which i kept when travelling with them, with a view of supplying the reader with information on subjects which they have omitted to write down. _thursday, november st._--"we have finished," sir moses writes, "all the preparations for our journey, and have taken leave of all our dear relatives. i have left to benjamin cohen the key of a box in which there are portuguese bonds which i have destined for the poor of the holy land; if necessary he is to sell them for me. after that we set out from park lane in our travelling carriage with four post horses, attended by our servants. may the blessing of the almighty accompany us. we stopped a short time at kennington for the blessing of our dear mother, whom i pray god to protect, that we may have the happiness to find her in health on our return, and then proceeded as far as sittingbourne, where we remained overnight." travelling _viâ_ strasburg and avignon they reached lyons, where they rested for sabbath. thus far their way had been through the most lovely scenery, but their enjoyment was marred by the inclemency of the weather, and the difficulty of the roads, which lay for the most part at the sides or on the top of high steep mountains, close to immense precipices or rushing rivers, which were swollen by the torrents of water streaming down the sides of the mountains from the melting snow. "my dear judith," says sir moses, "was often so frightened that she persisted in getting out of the carriage, although the snow was deep on the ground. our courier and the postillions had to walk a great part of the way, and to lead the horses, as the ice had made the roads so slippery. i certainly would not recommend this season for travelling." from lyons they took the steamboat to avignon, thinking this mode of travelling would be an improvement on the roads, but they were mistaken. the boat was to start at six o'clock in the morning. the moon still shone brightly, but the gale was so strong that for some time the captain was doubtful whether he should start. after much consideration he decided to venture. the boat went at a good speed until they came to the first bridge, where it was found that the river was so swollen that it did not seem possible to pass under. the vessel was moored to the bank by the side of the bridge, and the captain proceeded in a small boat to measure the height of the arch. it was pronounced to be just sufficient; the funnel was lowered nearly flat. sir moses says he was certain there was not six inches between the top of the funnel and the bridge; the smallest wave might have dashed their boat against it, and they might have been drowned. twice more they had to undergo this anxiety; all the passengers were panic stricken. "i must confess," says sir moses, "i would rather be in the open sea in a hurricane." the second day's journey was not so bad, as during the night the river had fallen a foot, and they reached avignon in safety. "but i am mortified," he writes, "to find that, though there are many jews in this place, there is no synagogue. no meat, prepared according to jewish law, can be procured. we could manage with fish and vegetables, but i exceedingly regret not being able to join public worship on sabbath. tomorrow will be the first time we have omitted so doing since we left london, and shall be happy if it is the last." leaving avignon, they proceeded, _viâ_ marseilles, toulon, and cannes, to nice. writing from here, sir moses says: "we find the climate here very different to that of england, the sun even now, at the end of december, being almost too powerful to be pleasant. notwithstanding all the advantages nice may afford, nothing would induce me to live here. i was shocked and grieved to hear that our brethren are treated in the most intolerant manner, not being allowed even to educate their children for any profession. i was told that when the king and queen of sardinia visited nice in , all classes of the inhabitants, jews among the number, tried to show their loyalty, by sending deputations to present addresses, but the king refused to receive the deputation from the jews. they then addressed him through the minister of state, and solicited permission to erect an obelisk in commemoration of the royal visit, and the joy they felt, in common with their fellow-subjects, at seeing their king and queen. after some time this humble petition was granted, and the column stands now in the city, bearing a hebrew and italian inscription." amongst the many friends and acquaintances they had met at this place, there was one of some historical importance, isaak samuel avigdor, who, on account of his knowledge of the french and italian languages, acted as one of the secretaries to the french synhedrion under napoleon i., in the year . at the last session of that assembly he had moved a resolution to the effect that "the jews in france, germany, and italy do now forget all the misfortunes (_i.e._, persecution) which befell them, and only engrave in their hearts the kind acts which have been done towards them, and that they acknowledge with deep gratitude the kind reception which the popes and other representatives of the catholic church had given them at a time when barbarity, prejudice, and ignorance had persecuted and expelled them from society." the resolution was unanimously adopted, and entered in the minutes of the proceedings. unfortunately, pius vii., the pope who declared that he represented aaron, the prophet of god, cannot be numbered among those who protected the jews. immediately after the restoration of the bourbons, in the year , as soon as he was able to resume the government of the papal states, he re-established the inquisition. monsieur avigdor had the mortification of witnessing the distressing consequences of the pope's new edicts. the jews in rome were obliged to quit the houses which, under the french government, they had been permitted to own in all parts of the city, and return to the ghetto. they had to give up counting-houses and other places of business which they had in the corso. in vain did they offer large sums of money to induce the minister of state to withdraw his order. the applications made by numerous deputations from jewish communitiesin various towns likewise proved fruitless. they were even forced to attend sermons preached in the churches for the purpose of their conversion, heavy fines being imposed upon all those who absented themselves; and those who were detected either asleep, or not paying sufficient attention to the sermon, were unceremoniously aroused by one of the priests. i noticed during my stay in rome a hebrew inscription over the entrance of one of these churches (chiesa della divina pietà), which runs as follows: "i have spread out my hands all the day unto a rebellious people, which walketh in a way that was not good, after their own thoughts, a people that provoketh me to anger continually to my face." (isaiah lxv., and ) mr avigdor often spoke on the above subject to sir moses and lady montefiore. he related some interesting incidents in connection with the synhedrion, how the members were put to much inconvenience on the first day of the opening of their sessions, the day fixed by the emperor being their sabbath. mr avigdor pressed sir moses and lady montefiore to prolong their stay in nice, but they were anxious to proceed, without unnecessary delay, on their projected pilgrimage, and they left on the st of december. chapter xix. . genoa, carrara, leghorn, and rome--disquieting rumours--quarantine precautions--arrival at alexandria--travel in the holy land. they reached genoa on january nd, , and after a few days' rest, continued their journey to carrara. on the following day, the dottore a. passani, an advocate of carrara, called, and brought sir moses several of his father's letters, some dated as far back as ; they were all in italian, and beautifully written. both sir moses and lady montefiore were much pleased at the sight of the handwriting of their father, and would have been glad if the gentleman had been willing to part with them, but it appears he desired to preserve them himself as souvenirs of the late mr montefiore. on their way to rome they visited leghorn, a period of eleven years having elapsed since their last sojourn in that place, and made special arrangements there for having the graves of their kind god-parents, moses and esther racah, kept in proper order. "i was desirous," writes sir moses, "once more to offer up prayers in the synagogue so near to the house in which i was born; we therefore drove to synagogue, where my dear judith and i humbly thanked the almighty for all his great goodness to us. we left leghorn on the th january; it was a beautiful day, the sun smiling on us, and returned to carrara, where we wished to purchase some more souvenirs of italy, and also gave orders to vincenzo bonami for our coat-of-arms to be executed in marble for east cliff lodge." on the th january we find them at florence, where they remained until the nd february. it appears that the climate there did not agree with either lady montefiore or sir moses. they had to take medical advice, and dr usiglio strongly dissuaded them from going to jerusalem, advising them on the contrary to return to england before the hot season. but they were reluctant to give up their cherished object, and, trusting in god, who had always protected them, they started for rome, where they arrived on the th february. "i am informed," observes sir moses, "that there are jews here, two-thirds poor. four times a year, are obliged to attend a sermon preached in church for their conversion. leo xii. had deprived them of their privilege of keeping shops and warehouses out of the ghetto. but the present most excellent pontiff, gregory xvi., has permitted them to have warehouses in the city. he frequently sends them money from his own purse, and is always willing to give an audience to their deputies and to attend to their requests. "yesterday we were shown some very rich and splendid silk damask, embroidered in silver and gold, for hangings for the synagogue, holy ark, and pulpit. there are many silver bells, crowns, and chains, enriched with precious stones, for the scrolls of the holy law, and in the synagogue there are beautiful marbles, mosaics, and columns." sir moses and lady montefiore did not prolong their stay in rome. on the th february they quitted the city for naples, remaining there till march nd, when they again returned to rome, apartments having been previously taken for them at via della fontanella di borghese. it was now nearly four years since i had first the pleasure of meeting sir moses and lady montefiore in london. i had since that time been travelling in egypt, nubia, ethiopia, syria, and the holy land, and had during these travels the gratification to receive some letters from sir moses. it was therefore a very pleasant surprise for me to meet them in rome and to visit with them the museums, picture galleries, and most places of importance. they spoke to me of their intended pilgrimage to jerusalem, and invited me to accompany them. having had many opportunities when in eyn zetoon, upper galilee, during the revolt of the druses, to become fully acquainted with the character and peculiarities of the various classes of inhabitants of the land, i felt a great interest in all measures that could be devised for the improvement of their condition; and, anticipating good results from sir moses' visit to the holy land, i gladly accepted the invitation. on the th march they received a letter from the baroness james de rothschild, in which she informed them that intelligence had been received from the austrian consul of great military preparations being made in alexandria, and that war would not long be delayed between the pasha of egypt and the sultan. sir moses and lady montefiore, nothing daunted by the news, determined not to relinquish their plans. they were frequently visited by the abbate farrari and monsignor bruti, two ecclesiastics of liberal ideas and agreeable manners, who kept them _au fait_ of all interesting ceremonies and festivals in the church, presenting them with tickets for the best places on all important occasions. signor pietro rittig, of coblenz, having called their attention to one of his pictures in the museum of modern painters, entitled "students in the academy of painting," they bought it, together with several others, namely, "a greek girl," by isidore; "a buffalo," by linden; "a mandolino," by cavalleri; "two peasants," by pelletti, and others. signor salvadore taglicozzo recommended an eminent scribe, to whom sir moses gave the order to write a pentateuch scroll for him, also to procure a richly embroidered mantle for it. during the passover festival they attended synagogue, which was very crowded and splendidly decorated. they were much struck by the presence of several gendarmes and soldiers. two, with fixed bayonets, were placed opposite the ark containing the sacred scrolls of law; each time one of the latter was removed or returned, they presented arms as a mark of respect. sir moses remembered having seen something similar in the great synagogue of leghorn, yet it had always appeared strange to him that in a building bearing the appellation, "temple of peace," the representatives of war should be on duty, carrying with them implements of destruction: the altar of the lord being considered according to an injunction of holy writ, as desecrated by the mere touch of a sword. _friday, april th._--we left rome, embarking on the following sunday in the _sesostris_ for malta, where we arrived on the th. sir moses and lady montefiore, requiring some rest after the voyage, resolved to remain there a few days. he called on the governor, sir henry bouverie, to present to him his letter of introduction from mr spring-rice, also on admiral sir robert stopford, and on many friends whose acquaintance they had made on a former visit to malta. he had not long returned to the hotel when an invitation came from the governor for sir moses, lady montefiore, and myself to dine at the palace on the following saturday. to spend her time usefully and agreeably, lady montefiore applied herself with much diligence to the study of arabic, and both she and sir moses read daily three psalms in hebrew, which they requested me to translate into english, and explain. the old agent of the silk company called on them, and also captain austen of the _bellerophon_, with his wife and daughter. the representatives of the hebrew community in the island came to pay their respects, and report on the affairs of the synagogue. _april th._--they attended divine service, after which they paid a few visits, and returned to their hotel, where they remained till the evening, when they proceeded to the palace. the sabbath not being yet terminated, lady montefiore went in a sedan-chair, while sir moses and i walked. the governor was in full uniform, wearing all his orders. about twenty-four sat down to table, amongst whom were the duke of devonshire (just out of quarantine, on his return from constantinople), admiral sir robert stopford and his family, captain hyde parker, sir hector gray, secretary of government, lady stopford's sister with her daughter, the duke's physician, and many military officers. admiral stopford took lady montefiore down to dinner, and promised to do all in his power to obtain a steamboat to take them to jaffa. both sir moses and lady montefiore were much pleased with their reception at the palace. _monday nd._--sir moses and i dined with sir hector grey; it was a gentleman's party. the governor, the admiral and his son, the duke of devonshire, sir john lewis, mr frere (uncle of the late sir bartle frere), mr bourchier (who was private secretary to sir frederick c. ponsonby, governor of the island in ), captain best, captain goulbourne, and two other gentlemen were present. on wednesday we all dined with the admiral, and met there sir john and lady mackenzie, captain cosnier, captain fisher, and several other naval officers of distinction. lady stopford held a reception afterwards, which was well attended. _sunday, april th._--the french consul sent us the _journal de smyrne_, in which it was stated that accounts had been received that the plague had broken out in jerusalem, and that the mortality in that city had already reached from forty to fifty per day. in another number of the same paper information was given to the effect that letters had been received from cairo that hostilities had commenced in syria. though very little credit was attached to these articles they gave us all some uneasiness, and in consequence of a renewed report of the plague, sir moses and lady montefiore went to the quarantine harbour, where they saw the captain of the _blazer_, lately arrived from beyrout. he informed them that mr and mrs freemantle were in fort manuel, after returning from the holy land. sir moses and lady montefiore then called on mr and mrs freemantle, who informed them that while they were in jerusalem the plague was raging there, and they had to perform eighteen days quarantine before entering beyrout, but they believed the city to be now healthy, although sir moses would probably find jerusalem shut up, as the warm weather would bring back the plague. they gave a most distressing account of the jews under the present government. all were more or less ill-treated, many being actually in slavery. mr freemantle said that the jews were looking most anxiously for the arrival of sir moses. _friday, may rd._--sir moses took leave of the admiral, and then went to the palace, and there met h.r.h. prince george of cambridge, who received him most kindly, and they had a friendly conversation. soon after twelve, having taken leave of his remaining friends, sir moses went with lady montefiore to the quarantine harbour, thence in a boat to the _megara_, a steam vessel. captain goldsmith, the commander, received them on board, and at two o'clock we left the harbour for alexandria. _wednesday, may th._--this morning, soon after six, land was discovered, the masts of the ships in the harbour being the first objects caught sight of. a pilot came on board about eight. as we entered the port the french steamer for marseilles left, so that we just missed the opportunity of sending letters by her. we were much amused at the great precautions taken by the people who came alongside in the boat belonging to the board of health. they received our bill of health, which we had brought from malta, with a pair of tongs, every one alarmed lest he should touch it; it was opened with the aid of the tongs and a thin iron rod; but as soon as they saw that it was a clean bill, certifying that at the date of our leaving malta was free from plague and every other contagious distemper, the officers came on board with colonel campbell's janissary. sir moses and lady montefiore now landed, proceeding to an hotel, where they remained overnight; and the next morning we all rode off to the custom house, opposite to which we found the _megara's_ boat, which captain goldsmith had politely sent to take us on board. sir moses took particular note of the pasha's troops. there were on the quay about a thousand soldiers; they all appeared to him to be quite little boys, scarce able to carry a musket; he did not believe any were above fourteen years old, while some seemed not more than nine. "if the troops are all like these," he said, "heaven help mohhammad ali!" _saturday, may th._--at an early hour the anchor was cast in the bay of beyrout, but we remained on board ship till the evening, when the commander conducted us on shore in his boat. as the boat left the ship all the company on board, comprising officers and men, saluted sir moses and lady montefiore with many huzzas. we repaired to the house selected for us by mr niven moore, the british consul, and in the morning sir moses paid his respects to the governor, mohamed bey, who received him most politely. he asked him for letters of introduction to the governors of several towns which it was probable we should visit, also his assistance to procure horses for us, all of which he promised. we then went to the english consul, who sent in the course of the day his janissary to attend sir moses while we continued in beyrout. several representatives of the hebrew community called to welcome them, and many letters from jerusalem, hebron, safed, and tiberias were handed to them by special messenger. they have all been anxiously looking forward to their arrival in the holy land, "but our visit," sir moses observed, "is not the most timely for our comfort, pleasure, or safety; the political state of the country is most unsatisfactory and uncertain; a single day may bring about a complete change in the government of syria and palestine. the forces of the sultan have certainly crossed the frontier, and ibrahim pasha will positively resist any further advance. mohhammad ali has sent his son every man he had at his disposal." _monday, th._--sir moses and lady montefiore rode on horseback to the synagogue, which was very full in honour of their visit. we were told that there were sixty jewish families in beyrout, none of them rich. during the day they received visits from the rev. mr and mrs thompson of the american mission, and also from many ladies and gentlemen of the jewish community. mr ed. kilbee, of the firm of kilbee, haugh & co., bankers, came to inform sir moses that he could find no one to take charge of the money for jerusalem. sir moses immediately wrote to the governor to request that he would provide him with messengers to carry the money to safed, tiberias, and jerusalem. the governor wrote a very civil answer, but regretted he could not comply with this request. he then addressed himself to the british consul, but no answer reached him that day. the next morning the consul's dragoman came with a message that he had been with the governor, who was extremely sorry not to be able to provide us with an escort, but the roads were not so unsafe as reported, and he hoped a large party, well armed like ours, would travel with safety. sir moses was much troubled in making the arrangements, to divide the money into smaller parcels, putting these into bags and baskets, altogether eleven. this we were obliged to do ourselves. mr kilbee passed some time with us, giving us much encouragement, though he was unable to find any person who would risk taking the money, either to safed, tiberias, jerusalem, or hebron, in spite of the most tempting offers. sir moses imploring the protection of the almighty, we set forward on our pilgrimage at p.m. the way was over sand and through stony lanes, which opened on a sandy plain; we rested at beer hássán, till our luggage came up. there were fourteen mules and three horses, besides several donkeys for the moukeries. having taken some coffee we proceeded on our way. the scenery was beautiful, especially the mountains of lebanon, many of the highest being covered with snow. at eight we reached khán kháldáh, the "mutatio heldua," according to pococke, in the jerusalem itinerary. "thanks to heaven," says sir moses, "we rested well in our tent, and set forward on our journey the next day, may th, at five. we rode on till one, then reposed till three o'clock under a mulberry tree; they were cutting off the young boughs and gathering the leaves. the road ran on the sands and rocks close to the sea. at three we sent off our tents and baggage to náhr el kasmiyah, said to be three hours' distance, and we followed. before reaching sidon, we were met by many jews, the representatives of congregations; they said they had been waiting three hours for us. they accompanied us to the tomb of zebulon, where we recited prayers. we then took leave of our brethren and continued riding till seven o'clock, when i was so fatigued i could go no further. a mat was spread in a garden near the water, and i gladly threw myself upon it. we sent a man to order our tents to be brought back. in about an hour great screams were heard; we sent to see what was the matter, when it was ascertained that the cries proceeded from our messenger who had gone for the tent. he said he had been attacked, severely beaten, and his donkey almost killed. this intelligence alarmed dr loewe very much for the safety of our lives, to say nothing of our luggage. he remained walking round our mats during the night, with his loaded pistols, judith and i having ours under our heads. about midnight we with difficulty persuaded two men to ride after our luggage to see what had become of it; they returned at three in the morning with the news of its being all safe. our road after passing sidon was like going through a beautiful garden. at a short distance on our right we had a view of the sea, on our left mountains; they were pretty well cultivated--wheat, barley, figs and mulberries; but few can imagine the anxiety we suffered during the night, when we were exposed to the winds of heaven." _thursday, may th._--we started at a.m., and rode till nine, after which we reposed for some time. we met three persons sent from safed with letters from the spiritual head of the community to welcome us; he was at tiberias, and prevented by indisposition from coming to meet us. we rested in a beautiful valley, noticing much cattle, small cows, calves, and a number of goats. we then crossed the náhr el kasmiyah, a river which divides the lot of asher from that of dan. there was a heavy dew in the night. sir moses was much fatigued, and still felt the bad effects of having slept exposed to the night air on the previous day. the next morning was cloudy; we started at five o'clock, riding over mountains and through fertile valleys till ten. while resting, we received a letter by a private messenger from the three representatives of the hebrew congregation at safed, where each had prepared his own house for our use, and was waiting to receive us. about two hours later we caught the first glimpse of safed. the town looked very beautiful, being situate on the summit of the mountain, which was crowned with beautiful olive trees of immense growth and great age. chapter xx. . reception at safed--sad condition of the people--sir moses' project for the cultivation of the land in palestine by the jews--death of the chief rabbi of the german congregation in jerusalem--tiberias. after four hours' ride we met two of the chiefs of the portuguese community, sent to escort us as a guard of honour. on reaching half-way up the mountain, the ecclesiastical chief of the german hebrew community, accompanied by many of his congregation, came to welcome us. he is an old man of benevolent countenance. i dismounted, giving the chief my horse to ride. this special mark of respect i showed to him in commemoration of the holy resignation manifested by the venerable chief only a year before on the occasion of the revolt of the druses against mohhammad ali. these marauders, having pillaged and maltreated the whole community, wished to enforce from them an additional sum of five hundred turkish purses or £ , a sum which of course the hebrews could not produce. the druses thereupon bound the aged chief hand and foot, and laying the edge of a naked sword upon his neck, threatened to instantly sever his head if the demanded sum were not handed over without delay. the good man did not ask them to spare his life, which he would willingly sacrifice to save his community; all he requested of them was to allow a little clean water to be poured over his hands, that he might recite a prayer and acknowledge the justice of god in all his ways. at this a heartrending cry burst from all present, and even the druses themselves appear to have been touched. they withdrew the sword and entered upon some arrangements with the community, who had to borrow the required amount from some of the convents. i had been to see him the day after this occurrence, and found him reciting his morning prayers as calmly as if nothing had happened. sir moses in his description of the journey continues--"as we were descending the mountain a man, who had been placed there to give notice to the inhabitants of our approach, fired a musket, and the salute was answered by our party, who discharged their guns and pistols. our firing had a cheerful effect, as the echo was taken up by the distant hills. we were soon met by signor mirrachi (ecclesiastical chief of the portuguese community) with a great number of his congregation. he expressed his regret that i would not accept the house he had prepared for us. the scene became most interesting. men, women, and children covered the sides and top of the hill as well as the roofs of all houses; but i was nearly dead with fatigue." as soon as sir moses and lady montefiore reached their apartments, preparations were made for the sabbath, but sir moses had not the strength to walk to synagogue. he had for some time expressed uneasiness lest we should not reach the town before sunset, yet he had the happiness of seeing the sun above the horizon, after we had entered our house. by special invitation ten gentlemen were soon with him in his room, and the evening service was commenced, but he could scarcely stand, and as soon as prayers were ended he retired. the following day sir moses being still too unwell to leave his bed, numbers of visitors called to enquire after his health, all expressing their regret at his indisposition. during the next two days, on which the festival of pentecost was celebrated, sir moses recovered sufficiently to accompany lady montefiore to the portuguese synagogue, where a sacred scroll of great antiquity is preserved. on sir moses being called to the rostrum to pronounce the blessing, the portion of the day was read to him out of the above scroll. on the following day, sir moses and lady montefiore received visits from the governor, judge, and all other dignitaries of the place. some of the druses also intimated their desire to come and pay their respects, but upon my suggestion this was declined, it being considered undesirable to encourage their presence in safed. having been amongst the sufferers at the time of their invasion of this place the year before, i surmised the object they had in view, in seeking to come with their friends to see the english pilgrims. _tuesday, may st._--sir moses now occupied himself in obtaining information as to the actual state of the jews in this city, as well as the probable prospect of success for his project, viz., to encourage the jews and enable them to gain a livelihood by the cultivation of the land. they had frequent interviews with t. and n. drucker, two clever and enterprising men, father and son, who had come originally from poland, and had possessed a handsome fortune. they had brought with them a printing press, and had printed prayer-books. they had also begun to print a bible, when the druses came, destroyed their press, robbed them of all their property, and beat them most unmercifully, breaking the father's thigh, so that he barely escaped with his life. _wednesday, may nd._--all the afternoon was spent both by sir moses and lady montefiore in seeing people, in listening to their complaints and sorrows, and also in obtaining information respecting the cultivation of land. the german and portuguese chief rabbis came, and after some conversation, sir moses decided to distribute personally the money he had brought for the relief of the sufferers by the earthquake, according to the number of souls. a spanish dollar was given to every man, woman, and child over thirteen, while two dollars were given to the blind, and no distinction was made between portuguese and german. the money sent from london soon after the earthquake had been distributed by the portuguese, who gave the greatest part to those learned in our holy law, leaving but little for all the other sufferers, which sir moses considered unjust. the spiritual head of the german congregation, the rev. a. dob, said that the money was divided amongst their congregation according to the amount of loss sustained by each individual. nor did the german committee ever retain one penny more for themselves than for the other members of the congregation. "this," said sir moses, "appears to me the most honest way of acting." the portuguese gentlemen, however, in justification of their own course of action in this matter, explained that those who are engaged in imparting religious instruction to the community, taking charge of all their institutions, devoting their time to the interest of the rising generation, having no business or occupation that would adequately secure their maintenance, ought naturally to have some additional share in the offerings of their wealthier brethren abroad, offerings intended not only for the relief of distress, but also for the preservation of a religious community. the same, they said, would be done in europe, where the teachers in schools and colleges, or the managers of communal institutions, happen to be without income or salary for their maintenance. sir moses having inspected the new buildings, regretted to find that most of them were but poor miserable hovels, built over the ruins of the old ones, high up the hill, close to the edge of the mountain, so that the slightest shock of earthquake would bury the inhabitants one above the other without hope of escape. the houses were built on the side of the mountain, row above row. on inquiring the reason of this, he was informed that by building over the old houses they were saved the expense of making excavations, these being already there; they had no fear of earthquakes, all they dreaded being the mooslemin inhabitants and the visits of the druses. _thursday, may rd._--at ten we rode to djermek, a village two hours distant, to the farm of israel drucker, one of his tenants having a son who was to be received that day into the covenant of abraham. sir moses and lady montefiore had been invited to act as god-parents to the child. on reaching the house sir moses and lady montefiore were most respectfully saluted, and the ceremony was immediately performed. we then sat down for a short time to partake of some refreshment; and, having offered presents and congratulations to the parents of the infant, we descended the mountain, to visit the tomb of r. simeon ben yókháï, in miroon. there we were met by the principal inhabitants of safed. we then visited the tomb of hillel, celebrated in jewish history for his great learning and for his noble character and humility. "one of the most interesting sights," says sir moses, "i have seen in the holy land. there is one cave within the other, a spring of the clearest water flowing through both; it appears to spring from the spot where the mortal remains of hillel repose. in the vicinity of the tomb we saw a splendid marble portal of a synagogue now in ruins; the marble was handsomely carved, and many of the stones adjoining the portal were still standing, all of them being of great size." _friday, may th._--sir moses was again engaged from nine to six with the distribution of the money. he also gave special donations to the heads of schools and colleges, and endeavoured to alleviate the distress among the poor of all non-israelitish communities. sir moses found his brethren most anxious to be employed and to earn their own bread. they appeared to prefer the cultivation of land as the most likely means to raise them from their present destitute condition. there were a few jews who had some interest with mussulmans in cultivating some small farms about three or four hours from safed, but their means were so limited that they could ill afford to keep a pair of oxen to till the ground. there was no lack of spirit, and sir moses thought that some trifling assistance from the proper persons in europe would speedily restore health and plenty, should such be the will of heaven. on the same day we received the sad tidings of the death of the rev. israel, chief rabbi of the german congregation in jerusalem, which had taken place at tiberias on the nd inst. it had been his intention to come to sir moses to welcome him and lady montefiore on their entry into the holy land. he was renowned for his great learning and noble character, which he had so often manifested in the performance of his official duties, as spiritual guide of the community; and being a disciple of the celebrated rabbi eliahu wilna, he was held in high esteem by all the congregations in the four holy cities. both sir moses and lady montefiore were much affected by the mournful event, and lost no time in considering what steps should be taken to evince their sympathy with the bereaved family. the following day being sabbath, they attended divine service, afterwards receiving numerous visits from the inhabitants of the place. one gentleman from tiberias gave a most melancholy account of the state of the country; he assured them that the roads to jerusalem were very unsafe, and the plague actually in the city. only a few days before the holidays the son-in-law of the late rev. israel, and his servant, had died of it. the visits they received from the druses caused us much uneasiness, as we apprehended an attack from their body to plunder not only us, but all jews in the town; and we should have proceeded early the next morning to tiberias had we not feared such a course would give the appearance of flight. the heads of the portuguese and german congregations came to pay their respects to sir moses and lady montefiore. two of these gentlemen, the rev. abraham shoshana and samuel aboo, were land owners in a neighbouring village, and gave their opinion on the subject of agriculture. sir moses, referring in his diary, to their conversation, says: "from all information i have been able to gather, the land in this neighbourhood appears to be particularly favourable for agricultural speculation. there are groves of olive trees, i should think, more than five hundred years old, vineyards, much pasture, plenty of wells and abundance of excellent water; also fig trees, walnuts, almonds, mulberries, &c., and rich fields of wheat, barley, and lentils; in fact it is a land that would produce almost everything in abundance, with very little skill and labour. i am sure if the plan i have in contemplation should succeed, it will be the means of introducing happiness and plenty into the holy land. in the first instance, i shall apply to mohhammad ali for a grant of land for fifty years; some one or two hundred villages; giving him an increased rent of from ten to twenty per cent., and paying the whole in money annually at alexandria, but the land and villages to be free, during the whole term, from every tax or rate either of pasha or governor of the several districts; and liberty being accorded to dispose of the produce in any quarter of the globe. this grant obtained, i shall, please heaven, on my return to england, form a company for the cultivation of the land and the encouragement of our brethren in europe to return to palestine. many jews now emigrate to new south wales, canada, &c.; but in the holy land they would find a greater certainty of success; here they will find wells already dug, olives and vines already planted, and a land so rich as to require little manure. by degrees i hope to induce the return of thousands of our brethren to the land of israel. i am sure they would be happy in the enjoyment of the observance of our holy religion, in a manner which is impossible in europe." the scene we witnessed yesterday amply repaid us for the fatigues of the journey. we saw nearly every individual inhabitant of safed. sir moses gave to each at least one spanish dollar, and some fathers of families received eight or ten dollars. to those persons who came to meet him and lady montefiore at náhr el rasmiyah, fifteen hours' journey from safed, and who, when invited to sleep in the tent, preferred, from their intense love to the country, to sleep in the open air of the holy land, he made handsome presents. "i hope," said sir moses in the course of conversation, "that the money i have had the pleasure of distributing yesterday, will produce some comfort and give assistance to the jews in safed, especially in their present forlorn situation. their sufferings during the last five years must have been truly deplorable. first the plundering of the inhabitants, then the earthquake, and finally the attack by the druses, to fill the cup of their misfortune. at the present moment the ruins of the town present an awful spectacle of destruction; the few miserable hovels they have erected are for the most part little better than caves, more fit for the beast of the field than for human beings. many are merely four mud walls, with a mat for a roof. i think the poverty of the jews in safed to be great beyond anything that can be imagined either in england or on the continent of europe; it must be seen to be credited. i am informed, and do believe, that many are actually starving, and that great numbers died last year of hunger. nearly all are stamped with want and wretchedness, though many of them are tall men and have handsome features. the women are very pretty; they have large black eyes, are of refined manners, and exhibit much intelligence in their conversation. i have found all the men anxious to be employed in agriculture." _monday, may th._--we repaired early in the morning to the house of the spiritual head of the german congregation, where we attended divine service. his wife, who had prepared quite a treat for us, consisting of coffee, sweetmeats, wine and cakes, gave us a most hearty welcome. in the presence of the reverend gentleman sir moses engaged one of the scribes to write a scroll of the pentateuch for his synagogue at ramsgate. the first sheet of the parchment was at once prepared, and he had the happiness of writing the first three words. sir moses on his return affixed his signature to an arabic letter, which he had requested me to prepare at the urgent entreaties of all the inhabitants, praying the governor of st jean d'acre to send them some soldiers for their protection. on the same day at half-past twelve we set out on our way to tiberias. in spite of sir moses' entreaties for them to return, we were accompanied for about half-an-hour by the principal authorities and most of the people of the town, who, in taking leave, called down upon sir moses and lady montefiore all the blessings of heaven. we passed through a beautiful country, a very long descent, winding round hills covered with olives, figs, and pomegranates. in the plain we saw the richest land imaginable, though but a very small part of it was under cultivation, large fields being covered with thistles five and six feet high. the path was rocky and difficult. after riding three hours we reached the plain, and dismounting near a stream of water reposed for an hour. our road then lay near the foot of the mountains; it was one continual ascent and descent. when we were about two hours' ride from tiberias, while saying the afternoon prayers, we heard the sound of the dárábuca (turkish drum), with shouts of joy, and soon beheld a large party coming to meet us, dancing and singing. they joined us in prayer, and when we had finished, the head of the german congregation bade us welcome in glowing terms. we then proceeded on our way, the people dancing and running before us, playing on the drum and fife, and singing in hebrew in a general chorus. the spiritual heads of both german and portuguese communities and the principal representatives of all scholastic and charitable institutions of the town now joined our cavalcade. they were all singing in arabic and hebrew, to express their delight at our visit to their city. we had gone but a short distance when we were met by the mooselim or governor, well mounted and armed, and attended by about a dozen officers and servants. he told sir moses he came to offer him his services and to do him honour, and that in this holy land he respected persons of all religions. he directed his soldiers to skirmish up and down the sides of the mountain, charging and retreating for our amusement. the cadi (judge) and his son also joined our party, paying sir moses and lady montefiore many compliments. "the evening," says lady montefiore, "was beautiful, and the gaiety of the scene beyond my feeble powers of description; the music, singing, and dancing of the people, the firing of guns, the horsemen at full gallop up and down the steep sides of the mountain, discharging their pistols, throwing the jareed, stopping their horses when at full speed, and then riding round our party; and now, as we approached the town, the moon shone brightly on the lake; it was a complete fairy scene. at a short distance from the town we were met by a great concourse of people, men, women, and children, many bearing large torches. they formed, as it were, a lane on either side for us to pass through, the same merriment, music, singing, and dancing continuing. we found the whole town illuminated, it was as light as in the day; we were saluted on all sides with expressions of joy and heartfelt wishes. not only were the streets crowded, but even the roofs of houses were covered with gaily-attired females. all cheered us as we passed, joining in the chorus, 'they are come, they are come, our happiness is come.' never will the scene be effaced from our memory." we proceeded to the house of rev. h. n. abu-el-afia, which he had prepared for our reception. here the governor and good people took their leave, thinking we must need repose after so much fatigue. all appeared greatly pleased, mussulmans as well as jews. the house looked very clean and comfortable, with good sized rooms neatly furnished in the turkish style. mrs abu-el-afia, a pretty and clever woman, made us partake of some coffee and sherbet, which was soon followed by a good supper. chapter xxi. . invitation from the portuguese congregation at jerusalem--sanitary measures in the holy city--the wives of the governor of tiberias visit lady montefiore--a pleasant journey--arrival at jerusalem. _tuesday, may th._--the heat was very great. sir moses and lady montefiore did not leave the house till nine o'clock, when they went for a little while to the shore of the lake. sir moses received letters from the heads of the portuguese congregation at jerusalem, dated ten days back, informing him that they had prepared a house for him, but were sorry they could not come out of the town to receive him, as there was a cordon round the city. they did not mention one word as to the state of the city, but in two other letters brought by the same messenger, we learned that many jews, whose names they gave, had died of the plague, all the individuals in four houses being stricken with it. in conversation with the messenger, the latter informed sir moses that the plague was in jerusalem and in all the villages surrounding it; also at gaza and jaffa, adding that sir moses might cut off his head if he had not spoken the truth. sir moses determined to despatch a messenger to mr w. t. young, the british consul at jerusalem. on applying to the governor of tiberias to let him have a messenger with a good horse, he immediately sent us a fine, handsome fellow, armed with pistols, sabre, &c. sir moses gave him the letters, and he started instantly, at three o'clock in the afternoon. the governor sent early in the morning to say that he wished to come and pay his respects; at the same time he sent a small, very beautiful gazelle for lady montefiore, which was there considered a valuable present. sir moses and lady montefiore, having appointed twelve o'clock for the interview, he came punctually at that hour, accompanied by the judge of the town and some half dozen of their officers. pipes, coffee, and sherbet were handed round. the governor was most friendly. he said he had made that day a holiday in the town in honour of their visit, which had given joy and peace to all the inhabitants, and that sir moses might command his services in any way he pleased. houses, servants, horses, &c., all were at his disposal. he much regretted being obliged to leave the town himself with some soldiers he had collected, who had to join ibrahim pasha. he would be away about twenty days, but had desired his secretary to attend to any request sir moses might make in his absence. he added a hope that sir moses would come and settle in that part of the world, as the jews were in great need of a chief or leader; they could then take land and engage in agriculture. soon after he left, lady montefiore received an invitation from the governor's wives to come and dine with them, saying that they had had a lamb killed and prepared for the occasion by a person specially sent by the jewish authorities of the place. lady montefiore was anxious to accept the invitation that she might see the interior of the harem, but it was thought she had better not go, and an apology was sent, she pleading fatigue from the journey. the jews all agree in acknowledging that the present governor is an excellent friend to them. the judge is not friendly to them, but the governor prevents him from doing them any mischief. the representatives of the german and portuguese congregations, each attended by about twenty of their members, paid them visits, remaining for about an hour in earnest conversation. they promised to have ready, by the next day, statistical accounts of their communities, which sir moses desired to have for his special guidance in the distribution of the money he had brought for them. _wednesday, may th._--the heat during the night was most oppressive. most of the inhabitants placed their mattresses either on the roofs of their houses or in the yards, and slept in the open air. in the morning, before five, we rode on horseback to the hot baths, about half-an-hour's distance from the town. these are natural hot springs. sir moses did not find them sulphurous, but rather salt. they are situated close to the lake, but the hot spring has its source in the mountains. ibrahim pasha had erected a handsome building, with some rooms for the use of bathers. the large bath, which is circular, would accommodate one hundred persons. there are also two chambers with handsome marble baths. there is a room, commanding a beautiful view of the lake and distant mountains, where, after having taken the bath, one can enjoy an hour's rest, and partake of coffee and sherbet prepared by the attendants there. on their return from the bath they visited the tombs of some distinguished teachers in israel, whose resting-places were pointed out by the gentlemen who accompanied them. in the course of the day the governor's wives sent to say they wished to have the pleasure of paying lady montefiore a visit. they also sent for her acceptance a fine large sheep. lady montefiore, in her diary, gives full particulars of the visit. the governor, she was told, had four wives, but only three of them came. they were attended by a black girl, and by a man as their guard, as well as by the mother of the governor's youngest wife. the first wife, who is considered to be, and is also called, "the great lady," was a pleasing and intelligent woman; the other two were somewhat younger, but equally good-looking, the age of the youngest being about eighteen, and the eldest thirty. all of them were exceedingly good-tempered. when sir moses asked them if they could read, the eldest one replied in the negative, "but," said she, "the agha intends marrying another lady, so that she may teach us to do so; we shall all be pleased if he does." they became very chatty, and were most desirous that lady montefiore should visit them, and go on the water with them to the bath. "the great lady" smoked a chibouk, but did not offer it to the others. lady montefiore made each of them a present of a neat gold ring set with mosaics, with which they were much pleased. they said it was the first visit they had ever paid; they were not even allowed to visit their own brothers, but the agha was so pleased with lady montefiore, that he wished his wives to see her. the ladies remained two hours, and i had to act as interpreter. about fifty members of the portuguese community came to see us, and we had a long conversation with them on the subject of the cultivation of land in the vicinity of the town. many members of the german congregation arrived at the same time to pay their respects to sir moses and lady montefiore, and also joined our conversation on the subject. the early marriages, which are customary in the east amongst all classes of society, were warmly discussed by all present. to europeans the custom appears strange, and a great drawback to the promotion of happiness among the contracting parties, as well as to society in general. orientals, on the contrary, think it most desirable to preserve a custom which they consider beneficial, and conducive to the happiness of families. _thursday, may th._--on this day the distribution of money took place. sir moses and lady montefiore themselves put their gifts into the hand of every man, woman, and child of the hebrew, as well as of the mussulman and christian congregations. their labour was not finished before ten in the evening, the trouble and fatigue of the distribution being exceptionally great, in consequence of the lists containing the names and descriptions of the recipients not having been correctly prepared. of the sheep brought to lady montefiore by the governor's wives, sir moses distributed to the descendants of aaron those parts which, according to an injunction of holy writ, belong to them, a proceeding which afforded much gratification both to donor and the recipients. _friday, may st._--another visit was paid to the different localities in which the tombs of the renowned teachers in israel had been pointed out to them. in the afternoon they attended the portuguese synagogue, and in the evening, after the sabbath repast, hundreds of members of the community sat down in the spacious courtyard in order to enjoy a full view of the honoured pilgrims, who were singing psalms and sabbath hymns. the evening was beautiful; the whole place was illuminated with variegated lamps, and the oriental holiday attire of the many ladies who surrounded the fountain of cool and refreshing water, made the scene charming and picturesque in the extreme. the next day they attended divine service in the german synagogue, and were present at the naming of a child, the son of a distinguished member of the community, to whom they had been requested to act as god-parents. in the afternoon, having attended service in the russian place of worship, they visited the heads of that congregation, and spent the evening at home in receiving the numerous friends who called on them. _sunday, june nd._--at half-past p.m. we left tiberias. hundreds of persons came to see us off, and followed us. the officers of the governor (he having gone with some troops to damascus), with about a dozen soldiers and some attendants, also accompanied us for nearly half-an-hour. we rode for two hours and a half over the hills. towards the west the land was very rich, and sown with wheat, barley, and oats, but not well cultivated. we pitched our tents at eyn louba. the effect of the numerous glowworms and fireflies in the darkness of the night was extremely beautiful. late in the evening a messenger arrived from caiffa, bringing sir moses a letter from beyrout. there had been no battle, but both parties were in daily expectation of hostilities. the plague, it was reported, had broken out in damascus, and the country, both around that city and beyrout, had begun to be in a very disturbed state. several travellers had been robbed, but the post still passed. all vessels from alexandria had to perform quarantine; most of the villages in palestine were infected with the plague. _monday, june rd._--we started at five and halted at . for the mules with our luggage. we were not travelling the usual way, as we wished to avoid the villages as much as possible. we were then near the highest point of mount tabor; we had crossed some of the richest land imaginable, and seen many fig and almond trees, pomegranates, prickly pears, &c. we reposed under an almond tree till our luggage came up. the servants had mistaken the way, and one of the janissaries was obliged to go in search of them. we set forward again at eight, and rode till . p.m. we then rested near a rivulet, in the shade of a small cavern in the front of the mountain, commanding an extensive view of the rich plain, nearly the whole of which was in a state of cultivation. almost all the crops were cut. on the mountain above us, jacob and laban made their league together, and called it gál-éd. we started again at p.m., and rode till seven, when we pitched our tents in a very pretty orchard of fig-trees and pomegranates, the latter covered with blossoms. _tuesday, june th._--after taking a cup of coffee, we set off at five in the morning from djouni, riding through a lovely country of mountains, hills, dales, valleys, and plains, all truly splendid, and in the highest state of cultivation (wheat, barley, oats, &c.). we passed many towns and villages, but did not enter them. this part of the country appeared well populated. the inhabitants were good farmers, and possessed horses, cows, oxen, sheep, and goats in great abundance. there were also olive and mulberry trees of very great age, apparently many centuries old, and there was more skill displayed in their cutting than we had hitherto noticed in the holy land. it was a complete garden. "i have never seen," sir moses observed, "any country so rich and beautiful. we rested under a grove of fig-trees, in a garden surrounded by the most magnificent scenery; the spot might well have been termed, 'a garden of eden, a very paradise.'" we amused ourselves by discussing the writings of hillel the elder, and reading extracts from the works of maimonides. at two we proceeded on our journey till six. the road was very rocky, and the ride, especially the descent to nablous, the ancient city of shéchém, exceedingly difficult. we encamped close to the well of jacob. many of our brethren came from the city to welcome us, and brought with them some fine poultry and fruit, which they requested sir moses and lady montefiore to accept. they did not enter our tents, as we were fearful of contagion. sir moses had, eight or ten days previously, sent them a number of printed forms, for the purpose of inserting under particular headings any statistical information they could give respecting their own community. these he now requested them to let him have, as he desired to distribute some money among those who stood in need of assistance. fortunately they had already prepared the papers required, and it did not take long to send a messenger to the synagogue, who brought them without delay. _wednesday, june th._--we visited the tomb of joseph, and copied the inscription on the wall. we said our prayers there, and proceeded to the village of awarta, where we copied the samaritan and arabic inscriptions on the tombs of phineas, eleazar, and ithamar, the sons of aaron the high priest. we also visited the tombs said to be those of the seventy elders, and then continued our way to jerusalem. at twelve o'clock we rejoined our attendants, who had already prepared various refreshments for us in a tent pitched for our accommodation, near a well called "eyn" or khán lebbán. we were much fatigued, and the heat was excessive. while we were partaking of our repast, many persons, travellers and others, came to water their beasts. some of the mussulmans, after performing their ablutions at the well, said their prayers, and a number of young women, with pitchers on their heads, came from the neighbourhood to fetch the cool water from the inexhaustible spring of laban. at four o'clock we left this pleasing scene, and ascended a high mountain by a desperately stoney road, on the edge of precipices. on the summit we were surprised at finding a very lovely plain, well cultivated, and with many gardens, containing fig, olive, and almond trees, as well as vines. we erected our tents at six o'clock in the corner of a field near the village of snidgil. both on that and the previous day we met many families, jews, christians, and mussulmans, flying from jerusalem to escape the plague; the accounts which they gave us were extremely alarming. _thursday, june th._--we were on horseback at half-past four in the morning. the day was cool and pleasant. our road lay between the mountains, in a narrow pass, formed by the dry bed of a torrent, with gardens on each side. the mountains were cultivated in terraces, and planted to the summit with vines and olives--"a lovely scene," sir moses observed. indeed it would have been impossible to travel through a richer or more beautiful country. we stopped to rest and take some refreshments, and started again, ascending an extremely barren mountain, and at two o'clock reached shabia, or gibeah, the commencement of the scene of destruction. we dismounted, and read some of the lamentations of jeremiah, then continued our journey till three o'clock, when we had the first view of jerusalem. dismounting once again, we recited the usual prayers. hearing that the plague was yet in the city, sir moses deemed it prudent not to enter. we therefore passed the walls and went up the mount of olives, where we pitched our tents on a spot commanding a magnificent view of the holy city and mosque of omar, near the tomb of "huldah" the prophetess. for two hours before reaching jerusalem, the road by which we travelled was stoney and deserted. not a blade of grass or a tree was visible. "most fervently do i pray," sir moses remarked, "that the wilderness of zion may again be like eden, and her desert like the garden of the lord." _friday, june th._--before sir moses was up, the governor of the city came to pay him his respects, and waited till he was ready to receive him, which he did under one of the olive trees, as we had declared ourselves in quarantine. the governor was exceedingly friendly, and offered to accompany sir moses to the jordan, dead sea, and hebron, and to do him any service in his power; he also sent a present of five sheep. all the representatives of the portuguese and german congregations, accompanied by crowds of their members, came up to give a heartfelt welcome to their future champion and his excellent wife, bringing with them numerous presents of choice wines, fruit, and cakes, besides articles of rich embroidery. _saturday, june th._--we recited our prayers under the shade of an olive tree, directly opposite the spot where stood the temple of solomon. our situation commanded a splendid view of every part of the city and the surrounding mountains. our happy moments were unfortunately disturbed by the wailing of the mohammedan mourning women who followed no less than four funerals. in the course of the day all the leading members of the community came to visit us. when sir moses spoke to them on the desirability of procuring work for the poor, the majority of those present expressed themselves in favour of agriculture. in the evening, while sitting in our tent, a jackal stole noiselessly in. sir moses and lady montefiore were a little alarmed at the incident, which recalled to their minds the words of the prophet, "for this our heart is faint, for these things our eyes are dim, because of the mountain of zion, which is desolate, the foxes (jackals) walk upon it" (lamentations v. , ). in the course of conversation with mr young, the english consul, the latter expressed his approval of the jews being employed in agriculture. he advised beginning in a small way, so as not to excite the suspicions of mohhammad ali. mrs young gave lady montefiore some distressing accounts of the poverty of the people, and pointed out the necessity of at once finding them some means of earning a livelihood. money, the consul said, was very scarce in jerusalem; he had lost by every bill he had cashed for travellers. five weeks previously he had sent his servant to beyrout for £ , and he was fearful he had either been robbed of the money, or else had run away with it. _sunday, june th._--more than three hundred visitors came to see sir moses and lady montefiore. the governor also called again to say that he was very anxious they should enter the city, that the people might have an opportunity of showing their esteem for them. sir moses, in reply, said that he and lady montefiore would visit the city on the following wednesday. the governor then arranged that he would come himself with some soldiers to conduct them, that they might run no risk, and begged sir moses would ride his horse. _monday, june th._--we rose early and rode round the walls of the city, and through the valley of jehoshaphat. having descended mount zion, we passed the pool of siloam, and crossing the bridge over the brook kidron, visited all the important tombs and monuments in the valley. we then read our psalms, and returned to our tents for breakfast. again hundreds of visitors arrived, amongst whom were four scotch clergymen, who were making a tour in the holy land to enquire into the state of the jews there; they intended going through poland for the same purpose. the following day, being the anniversary of sir moses and lady montefiore's wedding, they gave a special feast to all their attendants, which prompted the janissaries, guides, and moukaries to sing praises of the devout pilgrims, and invoke heavenly blessings on their benefactors. chapter xxii. . the tomb of david--spread of the plague--mussulman fanaticism--suspicious conduct of the governor of jerusalem--nayani, beth dagon, jaffa, em-khalet, and tantura. _tuesday, june th._--we rode before breakfast through the valley of jehoshaphat, then to the tomb of king david. the keeper of the place produced an order from ibrahim pasha, which prohibited the entrance of europeans to the tomb. we addressed a letter to the governor, informing him that the keeper would not admit us. a short time afterwards the governor arrived. he approved of the conduct of the keeper, but thought, nevertheless, that the pasha's order did not refer to a gentleman who, like sir moses, was the bearer of letters of introduction from the highest authorities in the land, and, leading the way, he invited us all to follow him to the tomb. it was a spacious vaulted chamber, supported in the centre by a column. at the further end we saw a trellised window, on the right of which was an arched folding door. being led to the spot, we beheld through the lattice the tomb, covered with richly embroidered carpets. in the centre was an arabic inscription, "this is the tomb of our lord david," on either side of which were the double triangles known by the name of "the shield of david." on one corner of the tomb hung a rich silk sash and a pistol, the offerings of ibrahim pasha. the governor, addressing sir moses and lady montefiore, said, "i will now leave you to your religious devotions," and then left the place. we recited several psalms, and went away much gratified with the opportunity which we had had of visiting the sacred spot. on our return we visited the cave of jeremiah and the tombs of the kings. in the evening a number of people came up to pass the night on the mount of olives, so as to be ready in the morning to join the procession which had been arranged for our entry into the city. many of our brethren from hebron, including the spiritual heads and representatives of their congregations, came to offer us their congratulations, and to accompany us the next day to the synagogue. in the evening a large number of friends, and students from the colleges, assembled round our tents, to recite the evening prayers in front of the place formerly occupied by solomon's temple. _wednesday, th._--we rose before four o'clock. the governor offered to attend us at daybreak, but sir moses said he would let him know when we were ready. at six o'clock sir moses sent for the governor, who came attended by the representatives of the several congregations, a number of soldiers, and many of his officers and servants. they took coffee, pipes, etc., and after sitting down some time we set out at eight o'clock in procession. sir moses rode a beautiful white arabian horse, which the governor had sent him the day before; lady montefiore rode her own. we entered the city by the gate of the tribes, and passed through most of the streets, which were crowded with men, women, and children, the governor having made it a holiday. we proceeded to the portuguese synagogue, where the governor left us. his officers and men remained with us till we again reached the mount of olives. the synagogue was beautifully decorated, and attended by as many of the congregation as space would permit. special prayers were offered up by the ecclesiastical chief, who invoked the blessings of heaven on the pious pilgrims. at the conclusion of the service we received a hearty welcome to the holy city from all present. we then went to the german synagogue, where a similar service was held, addresses delivered, and prayers offered up for the friends of zion, after which we proceeded to the western wall, and recited there the usual prayers in the presence of a large assembly. having thanked the representatives of the several communities, we repaired to the house of the governor, lady montefiore awaiting our return in the synagogue of the late mr lehren. sir moses then rejoined lady montefiore, and paid a visit to mr and mrs young and some other friends, returning to the mount of olives about four o'clock p.m. the record of this day in his diary concludes with the following words, expressive of the grateful sentiments which filled his heart:-- "the lord god of israel be praised and thanked for permitting our feet to stand a second time within thy gates, o jerusalem, may the city soon be rebuilt, in our days. amen." "i believe," he continues, "the whole population was looking at us, and bestowing blessings on us." _thursday, th._--we were engaged all day in speaking to persons who came with petitions. some of sir moses' friends, fearing the ravages of the plague, informed him of their intention to accompany him to hebron. a man to whom we had spoken, only a few days previously, had since died of the plague, so that their apprehensions of serious danger seemed to be fully justified. sir moses distributed the money he had brought with him from england, and made arrangements for the further distribution of £ , which he promised to send either from beyrout or alexandria. _friday, th._--with feelings of deep regret we left the mount of olives for hebron, and after three hours' journey reached rachel's tomb. seeing that it was greatly out of repair and going fast to ruin, lady montefiore gave directions for an estimate for its restoration to be made. half way to hebron we rested for an hour near a fortress and a great reservoir. our route lay through a mountainous country, little cultivated. on the summit of a mountain at some distance we saw the tombs of nathan the prophet and gad the seer. about an hour's ride from hebron we were met by the representatives of the hebrew community, accompanied by hundreds of their members, many of whom danced and sang psalms to manifest their delight. they preceded us to the place where we pitched our tents, in an olive grove near the town. the vicinity of the town was beautiful, very mountainous, but covered with vines, olives, and pomegranates. we attended the portuguese synagogue, and then returned to our tent. _saturday, th._--early in the morning, the representatives of the community came to accompany us to synagogue, where both sir moses and lady montefiore were received with the highest respect. at the conclusion of the service the same gentlemen accompanied us back to our encampment. whilst at breakfast the governor was announced; he brought with him a present of four sheep. as we kept ourselves in quarantine, and our place of encampment was surrounded by a cordon, sir moses and lady montefiore could not receive him in the tent. after having finished their repast, however, they went out to him, although they did not consider it advisable to accept his present, as he had not paid the pilgrims the attention due to them on their arrival. the governor, feeling that he had not acted as he should have done, offered profound apologies, but blamed the community for not having given him due notice of their arrival. in consideration of his polite excuses, his present was accepted. when he offered his services, sir moses asked whether he could take us to the cave of machpelah, but he could not give a favourable reply. we had visitors the whole day. _sunday, th._--there were assembled in front of our tents no fewer than two hundred people, men, women, and children, including all the representatives of the congregation, together with their wives and children. they presented us with certificates entitling us to free seats in their several synagogues, both portuguese and german. they also requested sir moses and lady montefiore to accept the presidency of their charities and schools. the governor also paid them another visit, as a special mark of respect, repeating his apologies for not having come to meet them, and volunteering his services during our visits to the holy places. after he left, the whole congregation united in prayers for the evening service. the scene was most interesting. numerous presents had again been sent by various members of the community; also a jar of fresh butter and another of honey, by the sheik of the place. after the prayers, the four sheep which the governor had sent were prepared for the repast. the parts appropriated to the descendants of aaron, the high priest, were given to them, the hind quarters were presented to the mussulman and druse attendants and moukaries, and the forequarters to poor jewish families. all present appeared happy. singing, playing, dancing, and performances with sword and gun, afforded amusement to old and young, to druse, mussulman, christian, and jew. _monday, june th._--the governor and sheik having, on the previous day, promised to accompany us to the cave of machpelah, they came this morning before nine o'clock, together with their attendants. after having partaken of coffee and sherbet, with the usual accompaniment of a chibouk, we set out for the tombs of our forefathers, abraham, isaac, and jacob. many members of the hebrew community followed us. on reaching the steps of the mosque, even before we had dismounted, there was a great cry against us entering. we nevertheless ascended the steps, and entered the passage leading to the interior of the mosque. it was filled with people, all screaming and threatening us with sticks. but the situation soon became much more serious. the mussulmans began to beat back those of the jews who had followed us, and the screams were truly frightful. the soldiers of the governor of beyrout and the janissary from mr moore, the english consul, behaved admirably; they struck right and left with all their might, and the entrance gate was soon closed. we remained inside, and following the governor, attempted to enter the mosque, but we were for some time prevented by the cries of the people, which were greatly increased by a dervish, who threw himself before the door, shrieking in a most frightful manner, and calling on the people not to allow us to enter. sir moses, however, drew lady montefiore along past him, and we made good our entrance; but, perceiving that we were in great danger, the mosque being filled with at least five hundred persons, many of whom were armed with sticks, sir moses did not deem it prudent to remain. we therefore immediately passed through the opposite door, and left the mosque by a different gate to the one through which we had entered. the only objects we saw in the passage deserving notice were two large stones in the wall; they were similar to those in the western wall at jerusalem, at least nine yards long and one yard broad. we also saw an iron gate which, we thought, might perhaps lead to the cave, but sir moses felt certain that they were determined we should not enter to see any part of it. the governor appeared in great alarm, and had not the least influence with the people. "to say the truth," sir moses remarked, "i did not see him make any exertions for our safety." he accompanied us to our tents, making many apologies for the unhappy result of our visit; but sir moses would not speak to him, as he (the governor) was bound in honour and duty not to have subjected us to such an insult. we were scarcely in our tents before many people came running to us from the jews' quarter, saying that the mussulmans were beating them most unmercifully, and they were fearful of being murdered. sir moses received letters from the representatives of the community, one of whom had been so severely beaten that he was obliged to write from his bed. several others called who had also been very much ill-used. we feared that perhaps we should also be attacked as soon as it was dark, although sir moses felt no serious apprehension, should such an event take place, as we had seventeen people with us, many of them well armed. nevertheless, as we strongly recommended it, he wrote a letter to the governor of jerusalem, acquainting him with what had occurred, and requesting him to send a few men as a guard. sir moses and lady montefiore then attended both the german and portuguese synagogues, and distributed their benevolent gifts to the men, women, and children in the same way as at safed and tiberias. we then returned to our tents, took our dinner, and afterwards received many visitors. having looked to our arms and said our prayers, we retired to rest, "confiding," sir moses observed, "in the protection of heaven." _tuesday, june th._--our tents and luggage having been placed on our mules, we left the olive ground, followed by the heads of the community and many of our brethren. a few minutes later we were joined by the governor of the town and the sheik, with his officers. they again made many apologies for the occurrences of the previous day, and accompanied us on our road for half-an-hour. the jews also followed us, singing psalms. sir moses entreated them to leave us, which they did, after bestowing thousands of blessings on him and on lady montefiore. in less than a quarter of an hour we met the janissary whom sir moses had sent to the governor of jerusalem. he came at full gallop, and had several horsemen with him. he brought sir moses an answer from the governor, who had sent him twenty brave fellows, all well mounted and armed. we waited a few moments till they all came up. they were commanded by an agha, who promised to defend us with his blood and that of his men. sir moses then requested our co-religionists to return to the town, giving them numerous tokens of his love for the holy city of abraham "the beloved." (this latter attribute the mussulmans always attach to the name of abraham.) they departed with many blessings for their devoted friends and protectors. the soldiers, janissaries, moukaries, and our own attendants continued feasting and firing their muskets the whole night, and making so desperate a noise as to render sleep impossible. sir moses afterwards learned that the governor of hebron had already commenced showing his authority, much to the advantage of the jews. having heard that one of them had been ill-treated by a mussulman, the governor immediately caused the offender to be severely punished in his presence as a caution to the mussulmans against again committing a similar offence. _wednesday, june th._--we left our encampment at seven, reaching the tombs of nathan the prophet and gad the seer at half-past nine. our guards amused us on the way with a complete sham fight with lance, sabre, musket, and pistol, advancing and retreating at full gallop. they were all capital horsemen, and it was a most pleasing and lively sight. we read our prayers at the tombs, which are situated near the village of halhool. our road lay between the mountains, a continuous desert, until we reached the plain. sir moses there discharged our escort, made presents to the agha and every one of his soldiers, and sent a letter of thanks to the governor of jerusalem, accompanied by a valuable telescope. we encamped for the night near the village of zaccariah, and started again the next morning at six. _thursday, th._--we proceeded _viâ_ nayani to beth dagon, near ashdod, and reached jaffa the next day. we encamped on the sands close to the sea. the british and russian consuls soon after called, bringing with them the sad intelligence that the plague was in the town and neighbourhood. the superintendent of the quarantine then came to see sir moses, and gave him a certificate which, we thought, would enable us to proceed to beyrout without performing quarantine. the cadi and the governor of the town also called to pay their respects. the latter, being the brother of the governor of jerusalem, was particularly attentive, and sent presents of sheep and various kinds of fruit. we left jaffa on sunday, reached the village of emkhalet in the evening, and encamped in a large and beautiful plain near mount carmel. the next day we started at two o'clock in the morning, and at seven arrived at cæsarea, where once stood the proud city of herod. it must have been a place of great magnificence, to judge from the splendid remains of the granite columns; there is also every appearance of its having had a fine harbour, most beautifully situated. it is now, with the exception of some portions of the wall which formerly surrounded the city, little more than an immense pile of ruins. we had a very pleasant ride nearly the whole way, on the sands close to the sea. we left emkhalet early in the morning. it was very dark, and we ran great risk of serious accident, having to pass many deep holes, like wells, in which the corn is laid up for the year. these were at that time being filled in, so that they were left uncovered. we breakfasted and rested till twelve, when we again set forward and encamped in the evening at tantura, the ancient city of dor, of which we read in the first book of kings that it was inhabited by the son-in-law of king solomon. we left our tents a few minutes after one o'clock. we had a pleasant ride, great part of the way through a beautiful plain between mount carmel and the sea. we passed not far from some splendid ruins of a castle and town. on proceeding to the spot, we found it to be "athlit," some of the arabs called it "atlik," the castellum perigrinorum frequently mentioned by the crusaders. there are still many arches and vaults to be seen, as well as some granite pillars. the remains of a church also attract the traveller's attention; by the style of its architecture it is supposed to be of christian origin. there are some stones in the walls round the building as large as, and similar to, those in the western wall at jerusalem. chapter xxiii. . encampment near mount carmel--state of the country--child marriages in the portuguese community at haifa--arrival in beyrout. at p.m. we reached the quarantine cordon at the foot of mount carmel, a narrow pass between the sea and the mountain, about two miles from haifa, where we had intended to rest, fully relying on our certificate from the superintendent of the quarantine at jaffa. having always kept ourselves in quarantine since we left beyrout, and lodged in our own tents, avoiding all villages, we expected to have been allowed to pass without any detention, but to our great mortification the officer in command informed sir moses that, having come to his cordon, he and his party must perform quarantine, but that he might send a messenger to the governor of beyrout, under whose orders he acted. this sir moses at once did, and having addressed an arabic letter to him, he charged one of the soldiers of his suite to take it to the governor with all possible speed. in the meanwhile, the superintendent suggested that we should have all our things dipped twice into the sea, once on that day, and after seven days a second time. some members of the hebrew community came to us and promised to bring us all the provisions we might require during our stay in quarantine, and we became reconciled to our detention. mr young, the british consul in jerusalem, when forwarding to sir moses his letters from england, took the opportunity of adding some information respecting the state of the holy city, which was far from satisfactory. he also informed sir moses that several of his friends had been attacked by serious illness. mr kilby, of beyrout, sent a report, in which he said that war was inevitable, that all the country was in a disturbed state and the roads infested with robbers. several assassinations had taken place even at beyrout, and he recommended us to apply to the governor of acre for an escort. "last week," he wrote, "two jews left beyrout with three hundred dollars for hebron, which had been sent from amsterdam for the congregations; they were stopped near kasmia, robbed of the money and dreadfully beaten, one of them being shot in the struggle. although severely injured, the wounded man contrived to reach sidon, but died there." "how wonderful are the ways of heaven!" observed sir moses. "the second night after we left beyrout we thought ourselves most unfortunate in being compelled to sleep in the open air, as we were too fatigued to reach our tents and luggage, which were already at kasmia. had we continued our journey and succeeded in reaching that place, we should in all probability have shared the same fate as the other two jews." a messenger had also been robbed, and had lost several of his fingers by a sword cut. signor m. di a. finzi, the british consular agent at st jean d'acre, came to present his respects to sir moses, and brought some valuable information respecting agriculture in the environs of tiberias and safed. this gentleman had acted most benevolently towards the unfortunate people who had been attacked by druses. the british consul of haifa also came to see sir moses, and reported that ibrahim pasha had advanced on aleppo. it was rumoured that there had been some fighting, and all the troops in quarantine had received orders to leave the next day and join ibrahim pasha. all the country was in a most disturbed state, and the jews of safed were so much alarmed, that they fled from their homes and had reached haifa in a very distressed condition. the people at safed had received information that the druses were coming to pillage the place. the governor of the town had left it with the few soldiers he had under his command. every one appeared very uneasy at the unprotected state of the country, as a hundred men from the mountains could, with the greatest facility, have plundered every town and village in palestine. on the previous evening the governor of acre had brought his thirty-five wives to the carmellite convent as a place of security; he remained there overnight and left in the morning. the convent was just above the spot where the quarantine ground was situated. _thursday, th june._--even the discomforts of a detention in quarantine were sometimes varied by pleasing incidents, such as making the acquaintance of distinguished travellers. in this case we had the pleasure of becoming acquainted with several eminent men, including the rev. dr alex. keith and dr black, who happened to be performing their quarantine in the same locality. these gentlemen called on sir moses, and he returned their visit the next day. the time passed so agreeably to all that these visits were frequently renewed. the superior of the convent on mount carmel addressed a very polite letter to sir moses, regretting that our being in quarantine prevented his having the pleasure of receiving us in his convent, but making an offer of his services, and sending a present of the best wine of mount lebanon. _saturday, june th._--the day was spent in repose, with prayers and reading the sacred scriptures. being so close to mount carmel, our thoughts naturally turned to the prophet elijah; and in addition to the usual sabbath prayers, sir moses read to us the th chapter of st kings in a most solemn manner, and with such fervour that every one present was deeply affected. in the course of the day the messenger returned, bringing the following reply to sir moses' letter:--"the governor cannot allow a shorter quarantine than seven days." in the evening, after the conclusion of sabbath, letters from mr kilbee were opened, containing the correspondence from england. there had been disturbances in some of the manufacturing towns at home and in paris; the melbourne ministry had resigned, but had again accepted office. this was all the news we received from england, but mr kilbee added unsatisfactory intelligence from beyrout. he wrote that the druses had plundered damascus, and the whole country was in a state little short of rebellion, and that poor lady hester stanhope had died on the night of the st inst., having been without medical aid or the attendance of any european. mr moore, the british consul, and the rev. mr thomson had been to her house on the rd, and they buried her the same night by moonlight. the accounts which the messenger brought from beyrout of the disturbed state of the country induced some of our men to beg sir moses to discharge them, as they were fearful of continuing the journey, and all appeared much alarmed. both sir moses and lady montefiore were undecided by which way they should proceed to alexandria, as they were unwilling to go by sea, the boats from haifa to alexandria being very small; nor did they wish to risk an attack of the druses by going to beyrout. _sunday, june th._--we heard heavy firing at acre, about two hours' ride from here, which caused some uneasiness; but at ten o'clock the guardians informed us that ibrahim pasha had defeated the sultan's army near aleppo, and had taken many prisoners. the firing of cannon at acre was in celebration of the victory. sir moses feared it was but a proof of hostilities having actually commenced. many gifts arrived daily from the agha of the place, from the superior of the convent, and from several sheiks in the neighbourhood; and as sir moses invariably returned handsome presents to these parties, as well as to their servants, it is not surprising that, in every town and village which they visited, the gifts they received were so numerous. the chief of the quarantine visited us with the physician, and requested me to feel the pulses of every one of our party, including sir moses and lady montefiore, and to declare on my honour whether they were in good health. they evidently mistook me for a doctor of medicine, and i gladly complied with their request. i felt the pulse of everyone, and reported it to be in a most satisfactory state. during this examination sir moses was in a state of great uneasiness, as the least indisposition would have subjected him and the rest of the party to an addition of forty days extra quarantine at the least, which he prayed heaven to avert, as he feared it would make us all seriously ill. the same evening drs keith and black came to our tents and acquainted us with the news they had just received from haifa. the road to beyrout by the sea shore was infested with thieves, and the road they had intended to take, through nablous, was quite impassable; they had therefore determined to proceed by sea, and intended leaving at six o'clock the next morning. sir moses, however, relying on the almighty's protection, decided to go by land with mr finzi, the english consular agent at acre, who had offered to accompany us. _monday, july st._--"we left with a grateful heart," writes sir moses, "the place of our encampment in the morning, and were accompanied by the superintendent of the quarantine, the british consul at haifa, and signor finzi, who rode with us as far as the synagogue in haifa. they wished to wait for us there, and then accompany us to acre, but i thanked them for their intentions and begged them not to do so; they therefore took leave of us with many good wishes." we entered the synagogue, which was but a small and mean looking room, and after divine service sir moses and lady montefiore distributed gifts to the poor to the same amount he had given in the other towns. he expressed his displeasure to the portuguese community for allowing marriages among such very young people to take place, and begged them to follow the example of their co-religionists in jerusalem, who allowed no such early marriages as those which must have taken place in haifa. of the few german jewish families whom he saw there he spoke in terms which showed his great satisfaction with them. _tuesday, july nd._--we set off this morning at two. our road for three hours lay through a well cultivated plain, but after that we had to cross a steep and rugged mountain. at seven o'clock we stopped in a beautifully situated spot to rest. we sat down under a fine tree in a garden which commanded an extensive sea view, but we were informed that snakes had been seen in the garden, so we started again at p.m. our road led over a mountain pass, one of the most difficult, sir moses said, he had ever seen. the pass ran many hundred feet above the sea and close to the edge of a precipice nearly all the way. on descending into the plain we found it well cultivated, being almost covered with white mulberry trees. we noticed several women engaged in stripping them of their foliage, whilst others were winding the silk off the cocoons. at three o'clock we reached the fountain, "ain el gaml," or "sebeel iskandrooni," and from there to "ain el medfooni;" the road was again very rocky and in some parts precipitous. lady montefiore being an excellent rider, galloped along rather heedlessly, and her horse rushed right into the sea. apprehending danger, i galloped after and succeeded in overtaking her, and in seizing the bridle of her horse. in doing so my own horse stumbled and threw me rather heavily, but fortunately the fall was not attended by any serious consequences. the waters of the fountain just named bear a great reputation among the natives in that neighbourhood for their healing qualities, and numerous invalids may always be found there, who come for the cure of their various ailments. at six we encamped near the famous fountain known by the name of "râs el-'ain," where the ruins of its great aqueduct leading to "el ma'-shûk" (an isolated hill in the plain) and the ancient tyre were still to be seen. this fountain and those previously named were considered by several writers of the middle ages to be identical with those alluded to by king solomon in the song of songs (iv. ): "a fountain of gardens, a well of living waters, and streams from lebanon." _july rd._--we rose about one o'clock, set off at three, and reached "nahr el kasimiyah" at five. when we had crossed the river of that name, we saw a wolf under some rocks, about thirty yards distant. one of our guards fired immediately, but only succeeded in frightening it, and it ran away. the shock of the musket threw the man off his horse! "so much for guards!" exclaimed sir moses. "this was one of the three men we took from acre, on account of the dangerous condition which the roads were reported to be in." afterwards we saw four beautiful young deer bounding along the sea shore, and the british consular agent hurried on in the hope of getting a shot at them; but he was disappointed, much to the satisfaction of the soldier who had been so unsuccessful in attempting to kill the wolf. he slyly observed that he was pleased to find some one equally clever in the party; nevertheless, he continued, "our will was good, even if we failed in the deed." we rested at "el kantare." during the day we came across quantities of wheat that was being cut and carried, and observed many men in the fields, but they were all druses. they were the only able-bodied men we had seen engaged in agriculture during the whole of our tour. the crops were everywhere most abundant, and of excellent quality. indian corn and tobacco covered much land, and had likewise a most promising appearance. sir moses now sent a messenger to mr kilbee, of beyrout, requesting him to engage a house for us. we started at four, and reached bassatin towards the evening, where we encamped for the night. on the road we met three men, who were recognised as belonging to the sect of the metouáli by the peculiar turbans which they wore. our guides begged them to let us have a little water to drink, but this they refused to do. as it is a most unusual thing in the east not to allow a traveller to quench his thirst, they were ultimately compelled to hand us their jars of water, though not before some unpleasant arguments as to their right of giving or withholding had taken place. our people, having slaked their thirst, returned the jars to the metouális, who took them, and immediately dashed them against the stones, where they were shattered to pieces. the strangers assigned as their excuse for doing so, that their religion forbade their using any vessel after it had been touched by a person of a different creed. _july th._--we rose soon after midnight, and started at two o'clock. our road lay for some distance along the sands, close to the sea, and over rocks, from which we obtained fine views of the distant mountains. we reached "chadi" at eight, and reposed there till p.m., when we again set forward, and proceeded as far as "bir khassan," a small tavern on the road side. here we recited a prayer of thanks for our safe return. a number of our brethren came to meet us, and in their company we continued our journey to beyrout, which place we reached at eight o'clock. the afternoon's ride had been extremely beautiful, our route taking us through what seemed a succession of gardens. sir moses, however, felt very weak, and thought he could not have endured another day's journey. we found a house, which had formerly been inhabited by the rev. mr thomson, comfortably prepared for us. _friday, july th._--_beyrout._--sir moses received a visit from the governor of the town, who said he was happy to see us safely returned, as he had been uneasy on our account. "indeed," he observed, "you displayed more courage than prudence in attempting such a journey under existing circumstances, and i am delighted to think you met with so little inconvenience." he also gave us the official account he had received of the victory. he said , prisoners had been captured, besides pieces of cannon, and , stands of arms, the killed and wounded on both sides being . the victory had been most decisive, and the whole of the turkish army was annihilated. "before this battle," the governor continued, "the country was in a state little short of open rebellion. there being no troops left to keep the druses in check, they came down from the mountains, and pillaged the towns at their pleasure. many of the inhabitants of damascus and safed fled to beyrout and acre for refuge." the residence which sir moses and lady montefiore occupied was so pleasant, that it contributed greatly towards their recovery from the fatigue and excitement of the journey. the house stood very high, in the midst of a beautiful garden. it was about three quarters of an hour's ride from the town, and commanded beautiful views of the sea, the adjacent country, and the mountains of lebanon. the gardens in the neighbourhood were mostly filled with mulberry trees (white) for the cultivation of silk-worms, and, at a short distance, we noticed several sand hills. these hills move progressively, and destroy the country in their course by burning the land and trees. of many fig trees only the tops remain visible. in the evening several visitors belonging to the hebrew community arrived, and joined in divine service for the sabbath. _july th._--the austrian steamer from jaffa arrived, bringing reports that russia had chartered transports to convey , troops from odessa to constantinople. _july th._--many visitors came to offer their congratulations on our safe return from the journey; among others, mr moore, the british consul, who told us that english, french, and austrian steamers were expected with further information respecting the political state of egypt, turkey, and syria. chapter xxiv. . on board the _acheron_--sir moses' plans on behalf of the jews in palestine--interview with boghoz bey--proposed joint stock banks in the east. _monday, july th._--we sent the greater part of our luggage on board the _acheron_, under the command of captain kennedy, and prepared to start at a moment's notice. sir moses occupied himself with writing letters to mr young, the british consul at jerusalem, to whom he sent money for distribution among the indigent christians of the holy city, as well as for their burial ground. to mr joseph amsaleg he sent £ for the poor of the hebrew communities, and to the rev. mr thomson he sent a donation for the christian poor of beyrout, as well as a souvenir for himself, in consideration of the accommodation afforded to sir moses in his house. to the poor of safed he gave, through r. moses schmerling, , piastres, and to those of hebron he gave, through nissan drucker, , piastres, being the amount he had promised for these two holy cities. the following day sir moses concluded his arrangements with the representatives of the hebrew community in beyrout, respecting the distribution of his gifts for their synagogue and poor. this being accomplished, his work for the day was over. "i am now anxious," said sir moses, "to have an interview with the pasha at alexandria, for the purpose of claiming of his highness security for the persons and property of the jews in palestine, and particularly for those at safed and tiberias where they are continually exposed to insult, robbery, and murder. i have also several other requests to make of him, viz., that he will order the walls of tiberias to be repaired; that he will admit the evidence of jews in cases brought before the judges or governors of the land; that he will permit land and villages to be rented on a lease of fifty years, free from all taxes or claims of governors, the rent to be paid at alexandria; that he will allow me to send people to assist and instruct the jews in a better mode of cultivating land, the olive, the vine, cotton, and mulberries, as well as the breeding of sheep; finally, that he will give me a firman to open banks in beyrout, jaffa, jerusalem, and cairo. i sincerely pray," he continued, "that my journey to the holy land may prove beneficial to the jews; not only to those who are already there, but to many others who may come to settle in the holy cities, either from love for the land of promise, or from a desire to quit countries where persecution prevents their living in peace. i shall then be amply repaid for the fatigue and anxiety of my journey." _july th._--sir moses had been extremely unwell on tuesday and confined to his room, but feeling a little better the next morning, he gave orders for our immediate departure, as the english consul had informed us of the arrival of the indian mail packet, adding that we must embark at once, as the boat would get under weigh about noon. having taken leave of all our friends, we proceeded to the wharf, where captain kennedy's boat took us on board the _acheron_. we were under weigh at seven o'clock. the weather was extremely sultry, and a terrible swell, with a head wind, contributed greatly to the discomfort of all on board. _july th._--at five o'clock in the morning we had a sight of land off rosetta, and at half-past nine we passed the egyptian fleet; fourteen ships under full sail, standing to the east, about twelve miles from alexandria. they made a very imposing appearance. all had new sails; they kept an equal distance ship from ship, a cable and a half's length apart ( feet), and formed an excellent line. the second ship, with a flag at the foremast, was the vice-admiral's. the admiral was in the centre of the line, which consisted of eleven line of battleships with three tiers of guns, two large frigates, and one large corvette. the rear-admiral's flag was at the mizzen of the last ship. we anchored safely in the harbour of alexandria at a.m. the men-of-war in the harbour were all dressed with flags, and over the houses of the consuls floated the flags of their several nations. the captain took us on shore in his boat, and at one o'clock we reached the hotel. the first news we learned on our arrival was that the sultan was dead, and that his son and successor had accorded the dominion of egypt to mohhammad ali and his successors. sir moses called on colonel campbell, but he had to wait some time before seeing him, as the colonel was with the pasha. the colonel willingly consented to introduce sir moses to boghoz bey, and fixed four o'clock for the purpose. colonel campbell said he would call for sir moses, and bring one of his horses for him. the colonel was punctual, and we rode together to the residence of boghoz bey. sir moses gave him his three requests in writing, and he promised to lay them before mohhammad ali and explain them to him. the bey appeared well inclined to forward his requests, and offered to present him to the pasha either the same evening or the next morning. sir moses fixed nine o'clock the next day, although colonel campbell wished it to be the same evening, sir moses was, however, desirous that the pasha should have time to consider and talk over the matter with his minister before the interview, and it being near sabbath, he knew not how to get there. _july th._--we rose at five in the morning; recited the sabbath morning prayers. about half-past seven we proceeded to the pasha's palace. the sardinian consul kindly lent sir moses his sedan chair, the only one to be found in egypt at that time. we could not ride in a carriage on account of the sabbath. sir moses was in full uniform, and wore his sheriff's chain. the palace was situated about half-an-hour's distance from the hotel de l'europe, and commanded an extensive view of both harbours, as well as the outer roads. the pasha's fleet was in full sail nearly opposite to his window. sir moses gives the following account of his interview with the pasha:-- "i had to wait," he writes, "for colonel campbell in one of the attendance rooms, being before the time i had appointed to meet him; he came very punctually at nine o'clock. we were immediately admitted to the presence of mohhammad ali. he received me standing, then taking his seat on the divan, he motioned me to a seat on his right hand, dr loewe next to me, and colonel campbell on the left of the pasha. his highness gave me a very gracious reception, and spoke on each of my requests. referring to the one for renting land of him in palestine, he said he had no land there, but any contract i might make with the mussulmans should have his approval, and he would send it to constantinople for confirmation. "on repeating that i had been led to believe that his highness possessed land there, from information i had received when in the country, he replied that if i could point out the parts belonging to him, i could have them. "he said he would be glad to see the land better cultivated, and i might send proper persons with agricultural implements. "i then spoke to him on the subject of the jews being admitted as witnesses at safed, tiberias, and hebron, in the same manner as in jerusalem. he first said that on account of their religion they could not be permitted to give evidence against mussulmans, but on my again repeating that they were so permitted in jerusalem, he replied that jews and christians should be treated alike, and there should be no difference between them. "i then spoke to him as to the rebuilding of the wall round the town of tiberias, which had been destroyed by the earthquake. i said there were plenty of stones on the spot, and people willing to do the work free of expense, as the inhabitants were at present so much exposed to robbers. at first he misunderstood me, and asked which wall it was that the jews wished to repair. i explained to him that both mussulmans and jews were equally anxious that the city wall should be repaired: both had written and spoken to me on the subject whilst i was at tiberias, begging me to represent to him the present insecure state of the city; all that was required was his order to have the work done. he said he would order a report to be made immediately to him, and the wall repaired. "i told him that in the cultivation of land, security was necessary for both land and person, and i hoped they would have it. this he also promised. "i then spoke of establishing joint stock banks with a capital of £ , , sterling, with power to increase it, if necessary. his eyes sparkled at this; he appeared delighted, and assured me the bank should have his protection, and he should be happy to see it established. "i mentioned the branches: alexandria, beyrout, damascus, jaffa, jerusalem, and cairo. "i said i was happy to see him looking so well; he did not appear to me older than when i had the honour of being presented to him at cairo in . this is really the fact. i then congratulated him on the fine appearance of his fleet, which i had passed yesterday. he replied, 'at present it is very small.' "i presented him with a bronze medal of our most gracious queen, struck by the city of london to commemorate her majesty's visit to the guildhall on the th of november . he appeared pleased, examined it attentively on both sides, asked me if it was a good likeness of the queen, then thanked me for it. i took leave, and returned to the hotel the same way i came, being followed the whole way by crowds of curious people. "boghoz bey, the pasha's minister of commerce, had read over and explained my requests to him on, the previous evening, that he might be fully aware of the object of my visit to him. being anxious to have mohhammad ali's answers in writing, which he said boghoz bey should give me, as he had been present at our interview, i called on the bey, but he had not returned from the palace. "between four and five i walked there with dr loewe. boghoz bey received me most politely, and said as i had not put my signature to the written requests, he could not give me an answer in writing, but he hoped i was perfectly satisfied with what mohhammad ali had promised me this morning. he added that as soon as i had made my several requests in writing, and signed them, he would write me the answer, agreeably with the pasha's words, as he had accorded me all i required. "i thanked him, and immediately after the conclusion of sabbath i wrote, and sent the several requests to boghoz bey, properly signed in the form of letters." numbers of visitors came to pay their respects to sir moses and lady montefiore, and offered congratulations on their safe return from palestine. mr waghorn (the originator of the short overland route between england and india), read to sir moses the letters he had just addressed to lord palmerston, mr hobhouse, and the _times_ newspaper on the subject. the heat was intense, and we were so terribly persecuted by insects that the pleasure of our interesting discussions was greatly marred. sir moses indeed observed that he could not live in egypt, even to be king of the land. _sunday, july th._--a deputation from the hebrew community, headed by their ecclesiastical chief, and the representatives of their schools and charitable institutions, waited on sir moses to report on the state of their synagogues, &c. sir moses, with his usual liberality, contributed towards the funds of all their charities. he then requested me to wait on boghoz bey to receive the letter which the minister had promised him. accompanied by lady montefiore, sir moses afterwards paid some visits, and took leave of all who had called on them; and, this being accomplished, they proceeded to the harbour, where a boat belonging to the pasha was waiting to take them on board the _acheron_. the peculiar phraseology of the conversation i held with boghoz bey, partly in arabic and partly in turkish, made it desirable to give sir moses, on my return, an exact translation of it in writing, but it may be briefly related as follows. after the usual exchange of compliments, i endeavoured to obtain a definite answer to the letter addressed by sir moses to the pasha, but the bey did not care to express himself on any other subject than that of the proposed bank, and the elaborate manner in which he sought to induce sir moses to establish the bank without delay, the enticing promises of protection, patronage, and personal profit which he held out, left no room for doubt as to the interest he took in the scheme. i, on my part, enumerated in detail all the points to which sir moses attached so much importance, and the concessions which he asked in favour of religious toleration, justice, and the practice of agriculture and the establishment of colonies. upon my pressing for an early reply, the bey again endeavoured to gain time, and for that purpose changed the subject by opening a religious discussion, taking for his theme the interpretation of the prophet's words, "and the eternal shall be king over all the earth; on that day there shall be one lord, and his name one." he seemed to be under the impression that this would be an earthly king. i soon succeeded in allaying his fears, and convincing him that the words of the prophet zachariah referred to the king of kings, the almighty in heaven. eventually he fixed ten o'clock as the time for receiving my reply, and after a repetition of the customary eastern complimentary phrases i withdrew. it had struck me that the strange question the minister had put to me regarding the expectation of having one king over all the world, had been brought to his mind by the promoters of the colony which he told me intended to settle in syria. possibly they might have been informed of sir moses' plans, and made some remarks which had come to the ears of the minister. i therefore deemed it right to reassure him on the subject, so that no one should for a moment be led to believe that sir moses had any other object in view than that distinctly stated in his letter to the pasha. i went once more to boghoz bey, but not finding him at home, proceeded at once to the palace. on my arrival there, i went to the secretary's hall and wrote a few lines, stating that i had come to see his excellency boghoz bey for the promised reply, intending to send it in to him, notwithstanding his being with the pasha. as i was in the act of handing the note to one of the attendants, the minister came out saying, "come, my friend, immediately with me to his highness." after having made my first and second bow, boghoz bey said to the pasha, "this is the very person," alluding probably to the subject of their recent conversation. the pasha smiled. artim bey then said, "you will hear word for word just as i said to you yesterday." the pasha--"i received the letter from sir moses just this very moment, that is, the official letter, and i shall send him two letters in reply, one which will reach him when he will be performing quarantine in malta; acknowledging the receipt of his letter, and informing him that i will take steps to ascertain all particulars respecting the land he wishes to take on lease; but with regard to the protection of the people, the admission of evidence given by jewish witnesses, and the repair of the wall of tiberias, i shall immediately give orders. the latter shall be done, whether the stones and materials are to be found there or not, whether people will come forward willing to work or not; all will be done. i shall also write to sir moses in the same letter respecting the establishment of banks; all will be satisfactory. the second letter, in which all particulars respecting the contract, and the pointing out of land which belongs to me, or which i shall have to take for sir moses from others, he will receive as soon as we shall have obtained all the required information. be sure of all i have told you." i thereupon said: "but perhaps his highness would be so gracious as to give me even these few words in writing." upon this both boghoz bey and artim bey at once began: "my dear l., yesterday was your sabbath and to-day is ours; i know you are strict in the observance of your religious tenets, therefore we beg you will not insist on our writing." the pasha smiled, so did all present. boghoz bey made several observations to the pasha respecting our conversation of yesterday. having expressed my thanks to the pasha, in the name of sir moses, i withdrew from his presence. at p.m. the _acheron_ left the harbour. our bill of health from alexandria stated, "with regard to the health of the place, occasional cases of plague occur in this town." this was signed by john wingfield larking, her britannic majesty's consul. we were naturally all glad to quit the place. chapter xxv. . arrival at malta--home again--boghoz bey returns no answer--touching appeal from the persecuted jews of damascus and rhodes--revival of the old calumny about killing christians to put their blood in passover cakes. _july th._--about ten o'clock at night we entered the quarantine harbour at malta, where we were ordered to remain till august th. to be confined for twenty days, during the hot summer months, with three hundred pilgrims, at fort manoel, was already a cause of great discomfort to sir moses and lady montefiore, but the circumstances were here made especially painful to them by the loss of a faithful servant, whose death occurred during their stay in the lazaretto. in addition to this they received news that the turkish fleet had been delivered up to mohhammad ali, in alexandria, by kapoudan pasha; that the sultan was dead, and , russian troops had arrived at constantinople. this change in the political horizon frustrated almost all sir moses and lady montefiore's hopes of seeing their schemes for the amelioration of the condition of syria realised. there was no chance now of receiving letters from mohhammad ali. _august th._--the captain of the lazaretto was there before five o'clock in the morning to give us _pratique_. sir moses and lady montefiore went to the synagogue, presented some ornaments for the ark, and various gifts to the officers. they also called on the governor, and after paying visits to sir hector grey and their many other friends, went on board our steamer the _lycurgus_. _august th._--about twelve o'clock the steamer moved out of the harbour, and we all bade farewell to the island. on saturday we cast anchor in the roads of leghorn. when leaving that place, sir moses remained looking at the city as long as it continued in sight. "heaven only knows," he said, "whether i have seen the place of my birth for the last time; the state of my health and my age would lead me to believe that i can scarcely hope to visit it again. may peace, happiness, and prosperity attend my relatives and all its other inhabitants!" _august th._--at marseilles, sir moses visited the gas-works, and expressed great pleasure at seeing the new gas holder and coal shed nearly finished. in the evening he invited all the gentlemen connected with the imperial continental gas association to take tea with him. _august th._--we left marseilles and proceeded _viâ_ aix, avignon, valence, and lyons to châlons. here we had an instance of the great attention which sir moses invariably paid to everything he saw. having noticed a man lighting the street lamps without the aid of a ladder, he sent for the man to come to our hotel, desiring him to bring with him the long stick he had used in lighting the lamps. the man came and showed it to him; it had a small lantern near the top, and was furnished with a hook. in explaining its use the man pointed out that the burners had no taps but valves, which were raised or lowered by the hook. "it appears to me," said sir moses, "a very simple and neat contrivance, a saving of time, and consequently expense, both in lighting and extinguishing the flame." he requested me to make an exact drawing of the stick, with the lantern and hook attached to it, and before leaving the hotel, made the man promise to bring him one of the burners to look at. _thursday, august nd._--we reached paris. baron anselm de rothschild, who had been with the king at eu, told sir moses that the pasha had refused to give up the turkish fleet, and the king would not compel him. sir moses called on mr bulwer, who informed him that the king would probably be in paris in five or six days, and wished sir moses to remain there, so as to be presented to him. mr bulwer also promised to take him to an evening party, to be given on september rd by marshal soult. but sir moses was longing to return to england, and would not prolong his stay. _august th._--we left the french capital for beauvais, where we remained over sabbath. on sunday we proceeded to boulogne, and on thursday, september th, we arrived safely at dover. sir moses and lady montefiore continued their journey on the same day to ramsgate, where they arrived in time to be present at the evening service in their synagogue, and to offer up fervent thanks to the most high for their safe return after so long an absence and so dangerous an excursion. the next day they left ramsgate for richmond, where they were received with most tender affection by their mother, sisters, and brothers, and every member of their family. on their return their correspondence with the east increased rapidly, and engaged much of their attention. messengers frequently arrived from jerusalem to entreat them to do what they possibly could to improve the condition of the jews there. both sir moses and lady montefiore took great pleasure in relieving, as far as in their power, every deserving case. at the end of december sir moses thought he might, without impropriety, remind his excellency boghoz bey, minister of finance in egypt, of the promise the viceroy had made him, when he was at alexandria, respecting the purchase of land in syria, and the establishment of banks there and in egypt. he addressed a letter to boghoz bey, recapitulating all the particulars which he had verbally explained to him and the pasha. weeks and months passed, and no reply came from egypt. sir moses meanwhile occupied himself with other subjects, thinking that perhaps another and more favourable opportunity might present itself for bringing the matter forward again. his duties in connection with his financial companies took up his time till about the month of march, when the report of an outrage in the east roused sorrow and indignation in the heart of every upright man. in a letter from the elders of the hebrew community in constantinople, addressed to messrs de rothschild in london, dated march the th, , we read:-- "independently of the tie which so strongly binds together the whole jewish community, of which you, gentlemen, are distinguished ornaments, having always been prominent in assisting our distressed brethren, whose appeals to you are not infrequent, your hearts cannot but be greatly moved to sympathise with two jewish communities (viz., that of damascus, under the egyptian jurisdiction, and that of rhodes, one of the ottoman states) oppressed by the tyrannies of the pashas who govern them. "these persecutions originated in calumnies, which the oppressors themselves have invented, and which have been long rankling in their hearts, to the prejudice of the jewish community. our brethren are accused of being accomplices in murder, in order to make their passover cakes with the blood of the murdered men--a thing in itself incredible, as being forbidden in our holy religion. this report has, however, found credence with the governing pashas of damascus and rhodes, and they have oppressed and incarcerated not only several old men and rabbins, but even a number of children, putting them to tortures, of which it makes men shudder to hear. such is the afflicting picture drawn in the letters of our persecuted brethren, of which, with deep regret, we hand you copies. "the community now addressing you, although implored by the sufferers to put an end to these persecutions, and to prevent, if possible, their recurrence, is deeply grieved to find itself incapacitated from affording any relief, in consequence of being subject to a government not on friendly terms with the pasha of egypt. "there remain, therefore, no means of salvation for the oppressed, except an appeal to your innate goodness and pity. we entreat you to interpose your valuable mediation, in such manner and with such persons as you may deem most desirable, for the safety of our unhappy brethren languishing in chains and in prison, so as to obtain, from the pasha of egypt, the liberation of the jews of damascus, and a compensation, not only from the governing pasha of damascus, commensurate with the excesses committed by him, but also from the consular agents at rhodes, who have oppressed persons not subject to them. "we, the rabbins and elders of this place, impressed with the urgency of the case, and moved by compassion for our brethren, and further induced by the report which is current throughout the world, of the generous and philanthropic sentiments which animate you and fill your hearts, ever open to the miseries of the oppressed, feel persuaded that you will exert yourselves to do all you possibly can, in these distressing circumstances. "(signed) i. camondo. salamon qm. mco. fua. samuel de n. treves. "the jews of damascus, addressing messrs abram conorte and aaron cohen, elders of the congregation at constantinople, after expressing their wishes for their health, say as follows:-- "to our deep regret, we address you these few lines to inform you of the continued state of misery in which our brethren, inhabitants of damascus, still remain, as communicated to you in my letter of the th of adar (february), forwarded to you by the steam-packet. we had hoped to advise you in this letter that the circumstances of the murder, respecting which the jewish community were calumniated, had been ascertained, but in this hope we have been sadly disappointed. we will now, therefore, repeat everything in detail, and it is this:-- "on wednesday, the st day of the month of adar (february) there disappeared from damascus a priest, who with his servant had dwelt for forty years in the city. he exercised the profession of physician, and visited the houses of catholics, jews, and armenians, for the purpose of vaccination. "the day following, viz., thursday, there came people into the jewish quarter to look for him, saying they had seen both him and his servant in that quarter on the previous day. in order to put into execution their conspiracy they seized a jewish barber, telling him that he must know all about the matter, and took him to the governor, who on hearing the accusation, immediately ordered him to receive five hundred stripes. he was also subjected to other cruelties. during the intervals between these inflictions he was urged to accuse all the jews as accomplices, and he, thinking by this means to relieve himself, accused messrs david, isaac, and aaron harari, joseph legnado, moses abulafia, moses becar juda, and joseph harari, as accomplices, who had offered him three hundred piastres to murder the above mentioned priest, inasmuch as the passover holidays were approaching, and they required blood for their cakes. he said that he did not, however, give ear to their instigations, and did not know what had happened to the priest and his servant. upon this the pasha caused the persons named to be arrested as instigators, and punished with blows and other torments of the most cruel nature; but as they were innocent they could not confirm as true that which was a calumny, and therefore, in contradiction, they asserted their innocence, appealing to the sacred writings, which strictly prohibit the jews from feeding upon _any_ blood, much less that of a fellow-creature, a thing totally repugnant to nature. nevertheless they were imprisoned with chains round their necks, and had daily inflicted on them the most severe beatings and cruelties, and were compelled to stand upright without food of any kind for fifty hours together. "subsequently the hebrew butchers were cited to appear; they were put in chains together with the rabbins jacob antubi, salomon harari, and asaria jalfon; and they too were beaten to such an extent that their flesh hung in pieces upon them; and these atrocities were perpetrated in order to induce them to confess that they used blood in making the passover cakes. they replied that, if such had been the case, many jewish proselytes would have published the fact. this, however, was not sufficient. "after this, the same governor went to the boy's college; he had the boys carried to prison, bound them with chains, and forbade the mothers to visit their imprisoned children, to whom only ten drachms of bread and a cup of water per day were allowed, the governor expecting that the fathers, for the sake of liberating their children, would confess the truth of the matter. "subsequently a jew, who was still at liberty, presented himself before the governor, stating that the calumny of our using blood for our passover cakes had been discussed before all the powers, who, after consulting their divines, had declared the falsehood of the charge; and he added that either others had killed the priest and his servant, or they had clandestinely absented themselves from the country, and that the barber, in order to save himself from persecution, had stated that which, was not true. "upon this the governor replied that, as he had accused other persons of killing them, he must know who the murderers were; and in order that he should confess, he was beaten to such an extent that he expired under the blows. "after this, the governor, with a body of six hundred men, proceeded to demolish the houses of his jewish subjects, hoping to find the bodies of the dead, but not finding anything, he returned, and again inflicted on his victims further castigations and torments, some of them too cruel and disgusting to be described. at last, being incapable of bearing further anguish, they said that the charge was true!!! "the governor, hearing this statement, asked them where they had secreted the blood of the murdered men, to which one of them replied, that it had been put into a bottle, and delivered to moses abulafia, who, however, declared he knew nothing of it. in order to make him confess he received a thousand stripes, but this infliction not extorting any confession from him, he was subjected to other insupportable tortures, which at length compelled him to declare that the bottle was at home in a chest of drawers. upon this the governor ordered him to be carried on the shoulders of four men (for he could not walk), that he might open the bureau. this was opened, but nothing was found in it, except a quantity of money which the governor seized, asking at the same time where the blood was. whereupon abulafia replied that he made the statement in order that the governor should see the money in the bureau, trusting by this means to escape. upon this the tortures were again repeated, and abulafia, to save himself, embraced the mohammedan religion. "in this manner they treated all the prisoners who have been for one month in this misery. in beyrout and in damascus the jews are not permitted to go out. "after this an individual came forward, and stated that by means of astrology he had discovered and ascertained that the seven individuals above named assassinated the priest, and that the servant was killed by raphael farkhi, nathan and aaron levy, mordecai farkhi, and asher of lisbon. the two first were immediately arrested, the others, it appears, sought safety in flight. "you will judge from this--the elders of damascus say--what sort of justice is administered by means of astrology, and how such justice is exercised. and there is no one who is moved to compassion in favour of the unfortunate victims. even bekhor negri, the governor's banker, unable to bear these afflictions, became a mussulman. "read this, dearest friends,--they continue,--to messrs camondo, hatteni, and carmona, in order that they may co-operate for the safety of our unfortunate and calumniated brethren, with such persons as they may deem most fitting. "the jews of rhodes describe their state of misery to the elders of the congregation in constantinople in the following statement:-- "a greek boy, about ten years old, son of an inhabitant of the country, is said to have been lost, and the christians have calumniated us by saying that we have killed him. all the european consuls came forward to demand an elucidation of the affair. they went in a body, with the exception of the austrian consul, to the pasha, and requested that he would entrust to them the conduct of the business, which request the pasha granted. they then summoned before them two greek women who dwelt near the city, who stated that on tuesday some jews were passing from the villages to the city, and that one of them had a greek boy with him. the consuls immediately cited the jew to appear before them, and questioned him on the subject. he replied that he could prove that during the whole of tuesday he was in the village, and did not come into the city until wednesday. he added, moreover, that even if this boy did enter the city by that road, and at the time the jews were going into it, it ought not therefore to be believed that the jews had killed him, as the road was the chief and public thoroughfare through which any one might pass. "these reasons were not admitted by the consuls, and the unfortunate jew was immediately put in irons, and tortured in a manner never yet seen or heard of. having been loaded with chains, many stripes were inflicted on him, red hot wires were run through his nose, burning bones applied to his head, and a heavy stone was laid upon his breast, so that he was reduced to the point of death; all this time his tormentors were accusing him, saying, 'you have stolen the greek boy, to deliver him up to the rabbi--confess at once, if you wish to save yourself." "their object was to calumniate our rabbi, and to take vengeance on all the community; and they stated openly that this was done for the purpose of exterminating the jews in rhodes, or to compel them to change their religion, so that they might be able to boast in europe of having converted an entire community. "meanwhile the poor jew cried out in the midst of these torments, praying for death as a relief, to which they replied, that he must confess to whom he had given the boy, and then he should be immediately set at liberty. the poor jew, oppressed by tortures beyond endurance, resorted to falsehood in order to save himself. he calumniated first one and then another, but many whom he accused had been absent from the town some time, which clearly proved that his assertions had no other object than to free himself from these tortures. nevertheless all those who could be found were immediately imprisoned, and subjected to insupportable torments, to extort from them the confession that they had delivered the boy to the chief rabbi, or to the elders of the community, and night and day they were tormented, because they would not accuse innocent persons. meanwhile, goaded by continual tortures, these poor creatures cried out and prayed that they might be killed rather than be subjected to the endurance of such anguish; especially seven of them, who anxiously courted death, and indeed were all but dead in consequence of these tortures. to increase the misery, the jewish quarter was closed and surrounded by guards, in order that none might go out, or learn what had happened to their unfortunate brethren. "you must know--they say--that during the day at such times as there is no one in the jewish quarter, the christians are going about endeavouring clandestinely to leave the dead body of a turk or christian in the court of some jewish house, for the purpose of having the individual brought before the governor, in order to give a colouring to their calumny. such is the misery that weighs upon our hearts and blinds our eyes. we have even been refused the favour of presenting a petition to the pasha of the city. "after three days spent in this wretchedness, they refused even to supply us with bread in our quarter, for our families shut up with us; but by dint of entreaty we have obtained, as a favour, the supply at high prices of salt fish and black bread. "from what we can gather from the europeans who are about the pasha, he acts in concert with the consuls, as he has done from the beginning. we except the austrian consul, who at first endeavoured to protect us, but who was at length compelled to join with the multitude." chapter xxvi. . indignation meetings in london--m. crÉmieux--lord palmerston's action--sir moses starts on a mission to the east--origin of the passover cake superstition. these communications, together with all the letters which had been addressed to sir moses on the same subject, were submitted to the consideration of the board of deputies and others at a meeting held at grosvenor gate, park lane, the residence of sir moses. there were present--mr joseph gutteres henriques, president; baron de rothschild, sir moses montefiore, messrs moses mocatta, i. l. goldsmid, jacob montefiore, isaac cohen, henry h. cohen, samuel bensusan, dr loewe, messrs louis lucas, a. a. goldsmid, louis cohen, h. de castro, haim guedalla, simon samuel, joel davis, david salamons, abraham levy, jonas levy, laurence myers, solomon cohen, barnard van oven, m.d., s. j. waley, and f. h. goldsmid. the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:-- "that this meeting has learned with extreme concern and disgust that there have been lately revived in the east those false and atrocious charges, so frequently brought against the jews during the middle ages, of committing murders in order to use the blood of the murdered as an ingredient in the food during the religious ceremony of passover, charges which, in those times, repeatedly served as a pretext for the robbery and massacre of persons of the jewish faith, but which have long disappeared from this part of the world, with the fierce and furious prejudices that gave them birth. "that this meeting is anxious to express its horror at finding that, on the ground of these abominable calumnies, numbers of jews have been seized at damascus and at rhodes; that many children have been imprisoned, and almost totally deprived of food; that of the adults seized, several have been tortured till they died, and others have been sentenced to death, and, it is believed, executed, although the only evidence of their guilt was the pretended confessions wrung by torture from their alleged accomplices. "that this meeting earnestly request the governments of england, france, and austria to remonstrate with those governments under which these atrocities have taken place, against their continuance. "that this meeting confidently relies on the sympathy and humanity of the british nation to exert its influence and authority to stay such abominable proceedings, and that the president, joseph gutteres henriques, esq.; the baron de rothschild, sir moses montefiore, and messrs i. l. goldsmid, jacob montefiore, david salamons, a. a. goldsmid, and f. h. goldsmid do form a deputation to request a conference on the subject with her majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs. "that these resolutions be advertised in the newspapers." a letter was read from the rev. dr hirschel, chief rabbi, expressive of his regret that his infirmities prevented his attendance at the meeting, and declaring his concern at the revival of such false and calumnious assertions, and his horror at such atrocious cruelties. the meeting was attended by monsieur crémieux, vice-president of the _consistoire central des israelites français_, who addressed the meeting, expressing his concurrence and sympathy in its proceedings. on april th the committee proceeded to downing street, and were most kindly received by lord palmerston. he promised to use his influence with mohhammad ali and the turkish government to put a stop to such atrocities. sir moses mentioned on this occasion, when lord palmerston was speaking of his visit to palestine, mr young's humanity at jerusalem, and also the fact that the jews were desirous of being employed in agricultural pursuits. on june th at a meeting of the deputies and representatives of all the synagogues, including the rev. dr hirschel, rev. d. meldola, monsieur crémieux, and rev. d. bibas, sir moses was requested to proceed, with monsieur crémieux, to alexandria and damascus, to which request he acceded. on june rd he attended a meeting at the great synagogue, where the resolutions adopted at the previous meeting (june th) were confirmed, and he declared his readiness to go. on the th of june he went with baron lionel de rothschild to the foreign office. lord palmerston was most friendly, and read to them the despatches to colonel hodges and lord ponsonby. that to colonel hodges was most strongly worded, calling on him to address mohhammad ali in writing to urge him to compensate the sufferers and remove those officers who had misconducted themselves in damascus. lord palmerston further said he would give sir moses letters to colonel hodges, telling him to afford him every protection and assistance, and desiring him to apply to mohhammad ali to give him (sir moses) every facility for the investigation of the affair. his lordship also added that he would give him any other letters he might require. on friday, july rd, there was a crowded and enthusiastic meeting in the egyptian hall at the mansion house, of bankers, merchants, and many influential and learned british christians, for the purpose of expressing their sympathy with the israelites, and their earnest wishes for the success of sir moses montefiore previous to his starting on the mission to the east. mr alderman thompson took the chair. the principal speakers were the lord mayor, sir chapman marshall, j. abel smith, john masterman, s. gurney, sir charles forbes, dr bowring, daniel o'connell, and the hon. and rev. noel. the result of the meeting was highly satisfactory. in the interval between these meetings sir moses attended the queen's drawing-room, and was most graciously addressed there by prince george of cambridge, who said he was glad to see him, and reminded him of his having met him at malta. at a meeting of the board of deputies on the th sir moses was unanimously elected their president, on the resignation of mr j. h. henriques. he attended the annual festival dinner of the jews' hospital, when the duke of sussex presided. on the th of june he went to the merchant taylors' hall to meet the duke of cambridge and prince george, the latter being made an honorary member of the company. taking special interest in the abolition of slavery, sir moses and lady montefiore both attended the grand meeting of the society for the abolition of the slave trade, when prince albert took the chair and addressed the company. on june th he was present at a meeting of the board of deputies of the british jews, and agreed to the addresses of congratulation prepared by the hon. secretary, to be sent to her majesty, prince albert, and the duchess of kent, on the occasion of the escape of the queen from the attempt made on her life in the park on the th of june. the address to her majesty was subsequently presented by him, as president of the board of deputies, accompanied by four other gentlemen, at st james' palace; and sir moses was then presented to the queen by the duke of norfolk, on his going to the east. the next day sir moses and the same four gentlemen presented the address to the duchess of kent, who received them most amiably, and enquired particularly after sir moses' health. he then proceeded with them to buckingham palace, and presented the address to prince albert, who also received them very graciously. sir moses, as the representative of the jews in the british empire, now commenced making his arrangements for the departure of the mission, and monsieur crémieux, as representative of the jews in france, took similar steps. sir moses selected for his companions mr d. w. wire (his former under-sheriff and afterwards lord mayor of london), dr madden, a distinguished author and well-known traveller in the east, and myself. monsieur crémieux engaged as his companion monsieur solomon munk, a distinguished savant of paris. before i proceed to give the account of the present mission, as taken from the entries in sir moses' diary and from my own personal observation, i deem it necessary to direct the attention of the reader to the origin of accusations similar to those made at damascus, which were brought against the jews in former times; and to point out the reason why, even to this day, they are not without effect in some of the most enlightened countries. tertullianus (j. septimus florens), one of the fathers of the church, who lived in the second century, complains in his work entitled "apologet. advers. gentes" (chap. ), of the adherents to the religion to which he himself belonged being accused of sacrificing and eating children. upon which, pamelius, in his commentary on the same chapter (which he dedicated to philip ii. and pope gregory viii.), observes, that the accusation has its origin in the misunderstanding of the sense of all those passages in the new testament which refer to the agapes. these verses have been taken by the uninitiated in their literal sense. the heathens at that time asserted that the christians used human blood at their passover. thus we find the origin of that horrible accusation in the first three centuries of the christian era; not until the thirteenth century was it brought against the jews, viz., in the year in fulda, in spain, in london, in bachrach, moravia, in munich. if these charges were true, it might be asked, how is it that the jews, who celebrated the passover festival fifteen hundred years before the christian era, had never been accused of such a crime before? the answer to this question is to be found in the history of the thirteenth century. it was in this century, when fanaticism and hatred of race prevailed, and when persecutions for witchcraft and the burning of heretics and sorcerers were of frequent occurrence, that it appeared opportune to bring against the jews the same accusation which had been formerly brought against the ancestors of their accusers, viz., the using of christian blood for the passover. the wealth of the jews in several parts of europe, as well as the high position to which they were raised in spain by the rulers of the land, had aroused the jealousy of their adversaries. the unfounded nature of the accusation against them was so palpable that the heads of the church deemed it necessary to defend and protect them. thus pope innocent iv. published a bull on the th of july , addressed to the heads of the church in france and germany, officially refuting the demoniacal accusation (s. baronitas annales eccles. ad annum , no. ). i give here a translation of it in order to afford the reader the opportunity of acquainting himself with the contents of that important document:-- "lyons, _ rd july _. "pope innocent, the servant of the servants of god, sends his apostolic greeting and blessing to the right reverend fathers, bishops, and archbishops in germany. "we have received from germany the sad news that in your towns and dioceses there is a wish to despoil the jews, in an illegal manner, of their property, and that, for this purpose, malicious counsels and different false accusations are brought against them. without considering that they were, in a certain way, entrusted with the care of the christian faith; that the command of holy scripture, 'thou shalt not commit murder,' was given to them; and that, by their law, they are forbidden to touch corpses on the passover, they are accused of eating in company the heart of a murdered child, and if the dead body of any human being is found, they are believed to be the murderers, although such practices are in direct contradiction to their laws. by such false accusations they are oppressed, and deprived of all their goods, although they have never been brought before any judge and found guilty, in spite of the privileges graciously granted them by the apostolic chair. this is against all human and divine law, and brings these said jews into a worse condition than that of their forefathers under the pharaohs of egypt, and forces them, in their misery, to leave the places where their fathers had been settled from time immemorial. in their fear of being exterminated entirely, they have sought the protection of the apostolic chair, and we hereby forbid every unjust oppression of the said jews, whose conversion we trust to the mercy of god, according to the promise of the prophet, that those of them who remain shall be saved; and we commend them to you, our brethren, through this apostolic letter, that you may show favour to them, and help them to their right, when they have been unjustly imprisoned; and that you in no case permit them to be oppressed for the said or similar causes. those who are guilty of molesting them in this way are to be punished by doing penance in the church, without regard to their station. "given at lyons, on the rd of july, in the fifth year of our pontificate." in the emperor rudolf of hapsburgh confirmed this bull, in a decree, sealed with his great seal, which is still to be seen in the archives of the town of cologne. the title of this decree is, "i, rudolphus, rex rom., do hereby confirm the privileges granted to the jews by popes gregory and innocent, and declare to be untrue, that which some christians say, that they do eat the heart of a dead child on the day of their passover." the contents of this decree are a literal translation of the bull given above. another bull issued by gregory, says, amongst other things:-- "gregory, &c.... following the example set us by our predecessors of blessed memory, calixt, cugen, alexander, cölöstin, honorius, and gregory, we agree to the prayer of the jews, and will hold the shield of our protection over them. we also strictly forbid, that any christian force them, against their will, to be baptised, as only those can be considered as christians who, from their own free will, accept baptism. nor shall any christian dare, without a judgment from us, to wound or to kill them, to deprive them of their money, or in any way to molest them in the privileges granted to them in the places where they live." the emperor concludes his decree with the following words: "we confirm and permit, in our royal mercy, by this act to the said jews, all and everything which was granted and given to them by the roman popes, so that they may live securely under the shadow of our protection, and that they shall not be condemned, in any case whatever, unless properly judged and found guilty by the righteous testimony of jews and christians." considering that m. achille laurent has published a book, in which he presumes to give what he calls a "procédure complète dirigée en contre des juifs de damas,"--a book which is replete with outbursts of hatred against the jews, and has, since its publication, unfortunately served almost as a text-book in the hands of their adversaries,--i think it desirable, in addition to the declaration of the pope given above, to introduce to the reader the names of some eminent christian scholars, who have but recently (since the accusations of kohling and geza roused the attention of the public) expressed their opinion in the works they have published; some of which were written by the special order of the courts of law in austria, and the universities of amsterdam, leyden, utrecht, and copenhagen. the right rev. bishop dr kopp, of fulda; the right. rev. dr j. h. reinkens, in bonn; professor dr franz delitzsch; professor dr a. dillman; professor dr g. ebers; professor dr h. l. fleischer, in leipzig; professor dr h. kalkar, in copenhagen; professor dr paul de lagarde, in göttingen; professor dr merx, in heidelberg; dr alois muller, in vienna; professor dr th. nöldecke, in straszburg; professor dr riehm, professor dr carl siegfried of vienna, professor dr b. stade of gieszen, professor dr sommer of königsberg, professor dr strack of berlin, and dr august wunsche of dresden. a book entitled, "christliche zeugnisse gegen die blutbeschuldigung der juden," published by walther and apolant, berlin, , gives a compilation of all the statements on the subject made by these authors, all proving the accusation to be a calumny. to take possession of the wealth accumulated by the industrious and sober habits of the jews, and to deprive them of the important positions which they had, by their uprightness and ability, obtained, was the object their adversaries had in view in raising this accusation in the thirteenth century, and the same object can be traced in the persecutions which, in the present century, in some parts of the world, continue to affect individuals, and sometimes even whole communities. _july th._--we proceeded to the london bridge wharf, where we were met by the members of the ecclesiastical courts, both of the german and portuguese congregations, and many others of our brethren. "i should think," sir moses observes in his diary, "there were more than one hundred jews waiting to see us set off, all giving us their blessing, and wishing us health, success, and a safe return. may the almighty hearken to their prayers, and grant their petition." it was blowing very hard when we reached gravesend, and we determined to land, which was not effected without some difficulty and inconvenience. sir moses and lady montefiore were much fatigued, having spent nearly the whole of the previous night in writing letters and arranging various important matters relative to the mission. _july th._--we went on board the _arrow_ a little before eight, and reached the french coast before eleven o'clock. the weather being squally and the sea rough, we and several others remained on board till the vessel could enter the port. we came to anchor, and continued to roll about till half-past four, when we landed in safety. _thursday, july th._--found our carriages, and servants all well at boulogne, and ready to receive us. having taken some refreshment, we proceeded to abbeville, and travelled all night, arriving shortly after mid-day in paris. during our stay there we had frequent interviews with the members of the rothschild family, who took a deep interest in our mission. a meeting of the consistoire de france on the subject was held at the house of baron anselm de rothschild, which i attended together with dr loewe and mr wire. monsieur crémieux made a fervent appeal to all present, and the result was very satisfactory. we left paris on the th july, together with dr madden, who had come from london to join us. monsieur and madame crémieux joined our party at avignon, and together we reached marseilles on the th. the grand rabbin, with the principal members of the community, immediately came to welcome us; afterwards we went on board the _minos_ to inspect our cabins. _tuesday, july st._--repaired early in the morning to the synagogue, and prayed for the safety and success of our mission. at . p.m. we went on board the _minos_; messrs palmer and taylor, of the imperial continental gas association, accompanied us. mr moore, the queen's messenger, and mr doyle, of the _chronicle_, were fellow passengers. the wind blew very fresh when first we started, but the evening was very fine. chapter xxvii. . arrival at leghorn--alexandria--sir moses' address to the pasha--action of the grand vizir. _july rd._--landed at leghorn, and went at once to the hotel du globe. many visitors called. a deputation from the synagogue came, and sir moses and lady montefiore asked to have the evening prayers read in the presence of all their brethren. they accordingly gave notice to the members of the community, who assembled in great numbers. before the service commenced we all joined them. subsequently the ecclesiastical chief opened the holy ark, and offered up a special prayer for the mission. at the conclusion of the service we returned to our ship, accompanied by the representatives of the community, and at four o'clock we left the harbour. _july th._--at ten we dropped anchor at civita vecchia. we had been advised in leghorn not to land in the city, as there had been some little movement against the israelites, occasioned by the writings of a priest called meyer, a converted jew. we were visited by signor scala and signor samuel alatri, a deputation from rome. their account was very unfavourable as to the opinion of the papal government, and murmurs, not loud but deep, were heard in rome. they strongly recommended our going from malta in an english steamboat to egypt. they related an incident which had taken place a few days previously, and caused them much uneasiness. a hebrew woman was delivered of a daughter by a christian midwife, who immediately baptized the child, and the authorities refused to restore her to the mother. at leghorn, just before passover, a woman had lost a child, and accused the jews of stealing it, but the governor put her in prison, saying she should remain there till the child was found. this had the desired effect, and the child was discovered the next day. we left civita vecchia at p.m. and anchored the following day at a.m. in the harbour of naples. baron charles de rothschild and his son came on board to see us, and to converse with us respecting the mission. it was nine when our captain and his companions returned, and we immediately started. _july th._--entered the harbour of malta at a.m.; landed, and went to dunford's hotel. subsequently paid our respects to the governor, at the palace, also to sir hector grey. _tuesday, july ._--rose at five. went to synagogue. having left cards at the palace and called on some friends, we went on board the _eurotas_ at half-past eleven. the sea was terribly rough and disagreeable. "those who have the happiness of remaining at home," said sir moses, "can have no idea of the miseries of the sea." _july th._--had some heavy squalls. while lady montefiore was sitting on deck, a lurch of the vessel threw her backwards with great force. both she and sir moses were much alarmed. the weather continued very rough. _july st._--were close in with falkner's island and the island of milo to the e.s.e.; every one was delighted with the change in the weather. the appearance of the islands was barren and monotonous. at five o'clock we cast anchor in the bay, pretty close to syra. the water here is extremely blue, and so clear that we could see the-bottom at a depth of sixty feet. we had made all preparations for immediately embarking on board the vessel which was to take us to alexandria, but we learnt, to our regret, that she had not yet arrived from athens. we were consequently compelled to remain on the _eurotas_. _august st._--at twelve left the _eurotas_ and went on board the _tancrede_, which had arrived in the night from athens, having made the voyage in seven and a half hours. we had very few passengers besides our own party,--one a brother of count capo d'istria. he had been imprisoned during eight months, and was being sent out of greece. a boat with soldiers remained close to the steamer till we left syra. _august nd._--in sight of candia, near cape soloman. the morning was fine, with a pleasant breeze. lady montefiore was well and in very good spirits, active and studious as ever. _tuesday, august th._--dropped anchor in the harbour of alexandria at a quarter to eight in the morning. the harbour was filled with ships of war, turkish and egyptian. we noticed particularly the _mahmudie_, guns, and two vessels of sixty-eight guns. we immediately went on shore to see the ecclesiastical chief of the hebrew community, and ascertain from him the latest news from damascus. later sir moses went to colonel hodges, the english consul general, who received him most politely. the colonel said he wished to go over the whole business with him. it had assumed, he said, a political character. sir moses would find monsieur cochelet, the french consul, very plausible, but very firm; another consul, he remarked, had been charged with taking bribes. colonel hodges recommended sir moses to keep clear of all parties, and requested him to call again in two hours. the colonel had seen, with much satisfaction, dr hirschel's letter addressed to sir moses previous to his departure from england, which had been translated into the arabic, turkish, armenian, and modern greek languages, for distribution in the east. he had shown it to mohhammad ali. at twelve colonel hodges accompanied sir moses to the french consul, where they met mons. crémieux. they afterwards called on mons. laurin, the austrian consul, with whom they saw the prussian consul. they finally called on the russian consul, who, however, happened to be asleep. _august th._--it was nearly two o'clock this morning before we could retire, having read over and arranged various documents. we rose soon after five, and at eight colonel hodges called to accompany us to the palace. sir moses was dressed in uniform, and the gentlemen who went with him wore either their court or official costume. messrs crémiere and munk did not join us, as their appearance before mohammad ali on that day was not considered advisable by monsieur cochelet, for reasons best known to himself. sir moses, who rode in the carriage with colonel hodges, read to him the petition which he had to present to the pasha. he said he approved of it and hoped it would be granted, but did not appear from his manner to think it would. on our arrival we were immediately ushered into the hall of audience. mohhammad ali was seated in the same spot as when last we had seen him. colonel hodges presented sir moses, saying he had the pleasure of presenting an old acquaintance of his highness. the pasha greeted sir moses very graciously, after which we were all introduced. colonel hodges then said that sir moses desired to present a petition to his highness on behalf of his government, to which the pasha gave a most gracious assent. sir moses addressed his highness as follows:-- "your highness,--we have heard in europe that false accusations have been brought against the israelites of damascus, who are the subjects of your highness, and that tortures and fearful sufferings have been inflicted upon them, in order to extract evidence against themselves. as it is well known that our religion not only does not approve the crime of which they are accused, but strictly commands us to abhor the use of blood in every form, we have been delegated by our co-religionists in the whole of europe, to implore your highness' justice for our brethren. it gives us the highest satisfaction to hear that your highness, as soon as informed of the tortures, gave orders to suspend them immediately. being firmly convinced that your highness, who has already earned such great renown in europe for bravery in war, wisdom in council, and tolerance towards all your subjects without distinction, will, with your usual benevolence, grant our request, we appear before your highness. we come, not in anger nor with hatred, but solely with the most earnest desire to have the truth made known. we therefore entreat your highness to grant us authority to go to damascus, and there to institute such enquiries as will lead to satisfactory information on the subject of this accusation, which has caused consternation to the jews of the whole world, and untold sufferings to the jewish population of damascus; that the information thus obtained may be officially authenticated by the governor of damascus and put before your highness. "we further beg that your highness will cause every facility to be given us for procuring evidence, and will grant absolute protection to the members of this mission, and perfect security to all who give evidence. "we entreat your highness to grant us permission to see and interrogate the accused as often as may be necessary, and that the authority and permission, which your highness will be pleased to grant us, may be, by a firman, registered in the archives, and sent officially to the governor of damascus, who shall cause its contents to be proclaimed in the streets of that town. "in conclusion, we beg to be permitted to state that the eyes of all europe are fixed on your highness, and that by your granting our prayer the whole civilised world will be much gratified. it is well understood that the great man, who has already earned such a glorious name, must love justice dearly. there cannot be a greater homage rendered to your highness' genius and benevolence, than this mission sent to you by the israelites of the whole world, to appeal for justice. it is the highest tribute paid to your genius, to your love of truth, and to your earnest desire to secure justice to all your subjects, that this mission addresses itself to your highness with the greatest confidence, and feels sure that its appeal will not have been in vain." the pasha had kept his eyes upon him the whole time. sir moses, when he had finished, requested that his interpreter might be permitted to read it to his highness in turkish. the pasha said it was too long; he would have it translated, and would then read it and give an answer. sir moses then begged that the heads of the petition might be read to him; he repeated, "it is long, it is long; shall be translated!" sir moses then stated that the petition referred to the jews of damascus, to which the pasha replied, "i know it." dr madden then presented an address of thanks on behalf of the society for the abolition of slavery. the pasha appeared pleased to be able to turn the conversation from the petition, and spoke at considerable length on the subject of slavery. sir moses tried, through colonel hodges, to bring his business again to the fore. an ineffectual attempt was made several times, when colonel hodges said sir moses should leave it to him. before leaving, sir moses told his highness that the english people were looking forward with great anxiety to his answer, for which he would wait on his highness in two days' time. the pasha told sir moses to come, and he should have it, adding that if it was an affair of justice, and sir moses had brought a french advocate with him for that purpose, then this could not be permitted. upon which colonel hodges informed the pasha that monsieur crémieux, though an advocate, had come solely from motives of humanity, and was himself a jew. sir moses, on his return, remarked that nothing could have been less satisfactory than this interview, very different from the two former occasions, when his highness was most friendly and chatty. sir moses now heard that monsieur cochelet, the french consul, had been with his highness for an hour and a half on the previous night. _august th._--we had many visitors; the captains of two english war-ships were of the number, and also captain lyons. sir moses, on receiving a message from colonel hodges, informing him that the pasha was going to the delta early on the following morning, immediately went to the consul. the latter read to him the letter he had sent to the pasha on the subject of the jews in damascus; it could not have been stronger. sir moses determined upon going to the pasha. it was nearly nine when he entered the palace. his reception was most affable and kind, very different from that of the previous day. sir moses said he had heard that his highness was going away. the pasha replied that he would be back on friday. _august th._--monsieur laurin sent a message to the effect that the pasha had told him that he would grant our request. colonel hodges called to confer with sir moses on the subject. _august th._--the grand vizier directed a letter to the pasha, of which the following is a translation:-- "his excellency, the ambassador of great britain, to the sublime porte, stated in a letter which he presented, that sir moses montefiore, mr david william wire, and dr madden, english subjects and distinguished members of society, also mr adolphe crémieux and dr louis loewe, form a distinguished deputation to the east, for the purpose of making a thorough investigation respecting the persecutions to which the jews have been subjected at damascus and the island of rhodes. the above-named ambassador asked that the members of the deputation should be treated with due respect, and should have every facility afforded them for accomplishing their mission. "this is the purpose of my writing to your highness. " gema-zil-akhar, . "reouf." we attended divine service morning and evening, and received visits from the leading members of the community. colonel hodges and monsieur laurin conferred a long time with us on the subject of the mission. _monday, august th._--sir moses, monsieur crémieux, monsieur munk, mr wire, and i went to monsieur laurin, who read to us all the papers and despatches respecting the damascus affair. we remained with him for more than three hours, making notes of all that appeared likely to serve our cause. from the following letters _subsequently_ addressed to sir moses by the rev. joseph marshall, chaplain of h.m.s. _castor_, lieutenant shadwell of the same ship, and the rev. schlientz, of malta, all referring to their visit to damascus on the th august, in the year , the reader will be able to gather important information respecting the accused. chapter xxviii. . authentic accounts of the circumstances attending the accusations against the jews--terrible sufferings of the accused--evidence of their innocence--witnesses in their favour bastinadoed to death. _copy of a letter from the rev. joseph marshall, chaplain of h.m.s. "castor."_ sir,--in reference to the enquiries you make concerning your brethren in damascus, i have much pleasure in informing you, that when i visited that city about the middle of last august, i took considerable pains in making myself acquainted with the nature of the charge preferred against them, the evidence on which it rested, the treatment to which they were exposed. the result of my enquiries i will briefly submit to you. that two men, the padre tommaso and his servant, are missing, is beyond dispute. there is not the least reason to believe that the servant is murdered or dead; there is but little evidence that the padre has been murdered, and not the slightest that he was murdered by jews; on the contrary, evidence _a priori_ is entirely in their favour, and that extorted by torture, if fairly considered, is equally so. however, as some others who have visited damascus have expressed a contrary opinion, i think it necessary to state, in a few words, some of the grounds upon which i establish mine. i need not allude to their ceremonial and moral law; both are equally abhorrent of the act imputed to them; but perhaps they were fanatics influenced by an inward light stronger than their law. fanaticism is not usually found among such men as soloman murad and meyer farki, with their compeers, the leading men of a highly respectable and wealthy community, as was evident from the appearance of their families even in distress. indeed i was answered by both moslem and franks, that the higher order of jews at damascus were less to be remarked for enthusiasm than coldness in religion. i have the same authority for believing that worldly competitions and commercial jealousy made it very improbable that they would unite so closely as the commission of such a crime would imply. what testimony is there then to overcome these probabilities? confession wrung from mortal agony and unsupported by circumstantial evidence. their enemies do, to be sure, appeal to certain circumstances, such as the identity of the extorted confession itself: true, i believe it to be so perfectly identical as to lose all character of independence. but there were other circumstances. there were animal remains found twenty-five days after the friar had disappeared, in a running sewer in closer proximity to a butcher's stall than to david arari's house. there was said also to be the mark of fire on the white marble pavement of the same gentleman's court. i saw it not, though the stone was pointed out. this mark, which did not exist, was supposed to be caused by the burning of the padre's clothes, but there were certain stains on a wall which might be blood; i thought they might be anything else rather. again, with the aforesaid animal remains there was found a piece of cloth such as might identify it with part of the friar's cap. is this circumstance consistent with the burning of his apparel, or did they spare that part only, which would most easily lead to detection? but there was another circumstance much dwelt on, viz., the posting of a notice at the barber's door, at too great a height for the friar's stature; therefore, evidently the work of a jew. i can positively say, it was at the natural height for such fixtures, within the reach of any middle-sized person, and with the slightest trouble might be placed there by anyone. but what was the object of the gigantic jew in posting the advertisement at all? he had taken it, it was _supposed_, from the synagogue door, where it was _supposed_ the friar had posted it. and for the purpose of destroying all trace of the friar having been in the jews' quarter, he transferred it to the barber's door, which was actually within the jews' quarter. he might, to be sure, have destroyed it and all trace of the padre at once; but this would have been an expedient too simple for the sagacity of this hebrew, which appears to have been in an inverse ratio to his bulk. the dulness of such reasoning defeats its malice. and this is all the evidence for the charge procured by the bastinadoing of one hundred and twenty persons, in several instances to death. i think its meagreness proves the negative, viz., that the poor victims had nothing really to confess; and this in addition to the positive evidence of those who died under the torture, sealing their testimony with their blood. but might not the accused have brought forward positive evidence in their favour? one person did come forward to prove that he had seen the friar in another part of the town subsequently to the date of the supposed murder. he was bastinadoed to death--a consummation not likely to encourage other witnesses to come forward; and indeed the jews assert that moslems of the first rank in damascus, if they dared speak, could have established an _alibi_ for them in many cases. to have anything like an adequate idea of what these unfortunate people suffered, after the heads of their families had been thrown into prison, you must be on the spot to hear, as one of themselves expressed it, "their hearts speaking." insults of all kinds heaped upon them by the refuse of mankind, their houses broken into and plundered with impunity, jewels torn from the persons of their female relatives, young children imprisoned and tortured with starvation, the son bastinadoed before the mother's eyes to make her betray her husband's place of concealment, the most exorbitant bribes demanded to permit the common necessaries of life to pass the gates of the prison for its bruised and wretched inhabitants. these, sir, were some of their sufferings, and of these i had undoubted evidence. surely the correspondent of the _times_, to whom you allude, if he had not confined himself while in damascus to frank society, and that, too, of a particular caste, would have seen and heard enough to make him hesitate before he declared his belief in the guilt of the jews, the mildness of their sufferings, and the mercy of their persecutors! had he gone to the house of david arari, he would have learned that _women_ had been tortured, and in vain. he might have seen with his own eyes the heroic conduct of the poor negro girl, a moslem and a slave, whom the torture could not force to bear false witness against the jew, her master. he might there also have learned that if madame arari had consented to sacrifice her daughter's virtue, she might have preserved her husband's person from violence, his property from plunder, and her people from slander. he might have ascertained the amount of sympathy and mercy which madame lagnado received at the hands of a european functionary, when she visited him on behalf of her husband, who died under the torture. had he visited signor merlato, the austrian consul, a man whom all christendom must respect, he might have satisfied his eyes respecting the barbarity of the torture, and that the sufferers had not at that time recovered from its effects. long after that period i saw men who, after the lapse of five months from the infliction of the bastinado, had their feet and legs swelled to a form as if produced by elephantiasis. the correspondent of the _times_, whose very just description of the state of syria and palestine lends an undue importance to his opinion on the case of the jews, would have been persuaded that there were cases in which foreign influence was used with the pasha to encourage the application of the torture when some old men, too feeble to survive for a moment the infliction of the bastinado, were subjected a second time to the torment of sleeplessness, under the bayonets of the egyptian soldiers. but it is indeed too unreasonable and unjust to lay on the pasha of damascus the whole blame of these proceedings, unequalled in atrocity since the days of the fourth antiochus. the guilt must be equally shared by those who delivered up an innocent people into his hands; indeed, their share is greater. he may plead that he was obliged to do these things by the nature of his office. the persecutors of the jews cannot even shelter themselves under such a plea as that. indeed, if they be blameless, then is the spanish inquisition blameless also; the auto-da-fé being, in the last result, certainly the result of the civil power. in short, the charges and recommendations of the jews against their persecutors are of such enormity as to make them, it is to be hoped, if they be conscious of their innocence, anxious that the whole matter should be sifted to the bottom by a process more rational than the bastinado, and before a judge less suspected of foreign influence than sheriff pasha. although i trust you will persevere in your meritorious exertions for the sake of humanity and truth, yet, as you ask my opinion as to the practicability or prudence of proceeding at once to damascus, i must say that i do not think it advisable. though damascus may have submitted to the sultan, and the emir béshir would be happy to grant you, if necessary, an escort through the mountains, yet i am afraid a short time must elapse before the people of damascus can be made aware of the important changes in their social condition, when the hatti sherif of gulhane shall be no longer to them a dead letter, when violence shall no longer usurp the place of justice, nor men endanger their lives by bearing witness to the truth. you will be able to return to syria in a few months under better auspices, and cover the slanderers of your people with confusion. the example of rhodes should give you encouragement. i was there last summer when the atrocious charge of the same malignity which was made against the jews of that place, resulted in like violence, and which, if tried by a similar process, would have led to the same results as at damascus. justice was done to them at constantinople, and they triumphed. in the same way will you find the cloud clearing away from damascus. indeed, there exists not at present the shadow of evidence against them, except you so call a most unnatural and suspicious identity of confession, to be found in all false accusations where torture has been applied, such as in trials for witchcraft. a remarkable instance of this you may have seen recorded in _chambers' journal_ a few months ago. it happened in the reign of james i. of england. the accused, if i rightly remember, was the "wise wife of kent." in the meantime, if this testimony of mine can be of any service in comforting your distressed people, i shall not consider i have visited damascus in vain. accept, sir, my best wishes and esteem, and believe me to be your very obedient servant, joseph marshall. to sir moses montefiore, bart, &c., &c., &c. _copy of a letter addressed to sir moses montefiore by lieutenant shadwell of h.m.s. "castor."_ h.m.s. _castor_, malta, _december th, _. sir,--in compliance with your request, i beg leave to submit to you some observations relative to the affairs of the jews at damascus, which i was enabled to make in my recent visit to that city, and also to lay before you the general impression on my mind at that time, as to the weight and credibility of the evidence addressed in support of the charges which have been advanced against them. my visit to damascus took place in the early part of the month of august of the present year, my fellow-travellers being the rev. mr marshall, chaplain of h.m.s. _castor_, and the rev. mr schlientz, of malta, and his lady. on the th of august, soon after my arrival at damascus, accompanied by mr marshall, i went to the jewish quarter of that city, and proceeded in the first instance to the house of david arari, one of the accused persons, who was then in confinement, and at whose house the father tommaso is said to have been murdered. we were shown into an apartment where the atrocious deed is said to have been committed. it is a small room to the left of the divan, with windows in front looking into the interior court, and high windows behind looking into the street. the latter circumstance is important as tending to throw doubts on the credibility of the accusation, as it is scarcely possible to conceive that any person could submit quietly to the pains of death without uttering cries for assistance, and that, if those cries had been uttered, they should not have been heard in the street outside. in the corresponding apartment on the other side of the divan, we were shown a stain of dirt upon the wall, which the zeal of the accusers branded with the imputation of being blood. this room was in a dismantled state, all the furniture having been removed, and the marble flooring torn up in order to search for bones or other remains of the supposed crime. we afterwards visited the house of mourad farki, mayer farki, and solomon farki. the two former, being accused of participating in the murder, were in confinement. we were shown the room where the murder of tommaso's servant is said to have been perpetrated, and saw the privy and the sewer in the street where the remains of the two are alleged to have been thrown. we also went to the house of halil said naivi, one of the accusers, and saw that individual. he is the keeper of a low grog-shop of disreputable character. it must be admitted that the nature of the man's calling does not afford any guarantee for the credibility of his testimony. on the following day, august , we went to visit the latin convent of the capuchins, of which father tommaso was an inmate. in the chapel is a tomb with an inscription to the following effect:-- "qui reposano le ossa de pre. tommaso da sardegna missionano cappuccino assassinato dagli ebrei il giorno di febrajo ." i will not be exactly certain whether the above is a literal copy of the inscription, having written it down from memory after my return home, but i can confidently state that it is substantially correct, especially in so far as concerns the use of the obnoxious word "assassinato." by this it will be seen that these enlightened capuchins, following the example of popular credulity, assume the murder of their colleague as a fact before it has been proved judicially. on the same day, in company with mr and mrs schlientz, we repeated our visit to the jewish quarter, and afterwards, having obtained permission from sheriff pasha through the british consul, mr werry, went to the seraglio to see the jewish prisoners. sixteen individuals were implicated in the charge of murder; of these, two had died under torture, four had absconded. one, mr picchioto, being, fortunately for himself, an austrian subject, was under the protection of the imperial consulate, the remaining nine were then in prison, and also a venerable rabbi. we were accompanied on our visit by the british consul's dragoman and a writer in the service of the pasha. the rooms in which the prisoners were confined were in the second floor of a large exterior building attached to the pasha's palace, principally used as a barrack. the apartment opened into a covered corridor or gallery running round the whole length of the building. none of the doors were closed, but sentries were planted at intervals along the gallery. the prisoners were almost all of them elderly men, and seemed very unhappy. mr schlientz, who is both an arabic and a hebrew scholar, spoke to several of them on the subject of religion, pointing out to them, in their affliction, the consolations of scriptures, which appeared greatly to excite the mirth of our attendants and other bystanders. the prisoners confined here were either six or seven in number, the remainder, amongst whom was the rabbi, were in custody in another part of the seraglio, in apartments on the ground floor. the chambers in which the prisoners were lodged were tolerably comfortable, and spacious enough to afford them the means of taking partial exercise. an obvious desire existed on the part of our attendants to represent matters in the most favourable light, and to convince us that the prisoners, in their confinement, were treated with the greatest leniency. i have been particular, at the risk of being thought tedious, in giving a circumstantial detail of our various visits, as it will impress upon this statement the stamp of authenticity, and at least serve to show that we were anxious by all the means in our power to arrive at a knowledge of the truth. in the course of these visits we had a great deal of conversation with the families and friends of the accused, persons who, far from appearing desirous of concealing anything, seemed on the contrary anxious to have everything fairly enquired into, and submitted to the most ample investigation. we saw several people who had been subjected to torture, amongst whom was one woman, a female servant of david arari; we saw their wounds yet unhealed, and heard from their own lips the description of the sufferings they had endured. the tortures to which they had been subjected were of the most cruel and disgraceful nature, and some of them even too disgusting to be mentioned with propriety. we also had, during our stay at damascus, many opportunities of discussing the question with various people with various shades of opinion, and of canvassing the evidence adduced in support of the charges. my own opinion, in which i may, i believe, also safely state my fellow-travellers fully concur, is that the jews of damascus are not guilty of the atrocious charges which have been preferred against them. my grounds for this opinion are simply this, that there is no admissible evidence to support the charge. i at once reject _in limine_, as repulsive to every principle of reason and equity, and as unworthy to be considered as legal evidence, all the admissions and confessions of the witnesses and accused persons which were extorted by torture or the fear of torture, however plausible they may seem, or however compatible with one another they may appear, particularly when i find them at variance with conflicting testimony on the one hand, and inconsistent with the general probabilities on the other. any absurdities, as the annals of witchcraft fully show, might be proved by the agency of torture. it was through fear of the application of this beauteous engine for the elucidation of the truth, that the inquisition extorted from galileo the admission that the doctrine of the earth's motion was heretical; yet, notwithstanding this confession, as that illustrious man observed on rising from his knees, "e pur si muove." so also might the unhappy jews of damascus, whilst yielding to bodily suffering and confessing their guilt, exclaim the moment afterwards, "but yet we are innocent." the whole of the pretended evidence against the prisoners was obtained either by torture or fear of torture, and the alleged agreement between the statements of the different witnesses, on which great stress has been laid, may easily be accounted for when it is considered how impossible it would be for people writhing under agonies of intense bodily suffering to give their evidence in a clear and connected manner, and how absolutely necessary it would be to extract their confession from them word by word, affirmatively or negatively--yes or no--through the agency of leading questions. on the other hand, the only two witnesses who appeared in favour of the jews were conveniently disposed of by being bastinadoed to death. these were a young man, who deposed to having spoken to tommaso and his servant on the evening of the alleged murder as they were proceeding from the jewish quarter, and the porter of the gate near the house of david arari, who stated that he had heard or seen nothing of the priest's remains being thrown into the sewer. the evidence was awkward, and not at all suited to the wishes of the prosecutors; and it proved fatal to the witnesses who gave it. but, exclaim those who argue in favour of the guilt of the jews, even although there is not sufficient legal evidence to convict them of the crimes laid to their charge, surely you must admit that, morally speaking, there can be no doubt that they are actually guilty. far from it. every reasonable consideration appears to my mind to throw discredit on the statements of their accusers, while the whole of the evidence teems with obvious and palpable improbabilities. for instance, to say nothing of the absence of any rational assignable motive which could induce frontier merchants--men of rank and influence among their own people--men of wealth and consideration among their neighbours--with everything to lose and nothing to gain, to conspire together to commit two such atrocious murders, is it likely for one moment, even if they did so, that they should be so utterly devoid of all common prudence, and so grossly infatuated, as to place themselves in the power of two such inferior persons as a barber and a servant as accomplices? and again, even on the hypothesis that they had been actuated by some such fanatical motive as has been imputed to them, is it at all probable that they would have selected for their victim an individual so certain to be missed as the father tommaso? from his long residence at damascus, and the nature of his calling, his absence was sure to be noticed. why not have selected for their victim some more obscure individual, on whom their barbarous fanaticism might have exercised their impious rites with impunity? bah! why waste time by pursuing the ridiculous absurdities of these suppositions any further? then, again, all the accusers, with halil said naivi at their head, were persons of low degree and disreputable character, whose testimony on any ordinary occasion would have been received with extreme caution; while the recollection of the pillaging and extortions to which the jewish families have been subjected, affords a clue to the motives which have instigated the persecutors. considerable importance has been attached to the finding of the bones, but it should be remembered that they were not discovered till twenty-five days after the disappearance of father tomasso; that the sewer where the bones were found was the common receptacle of all the filth and offal of the neighbourhood, and that considerable difference of opinion existed among the medical men by whom they were examined as to the fact of their being human bones at all; while there are strong grounds for believing in the existence of the most fraudulent collusion with reference to their discovery. in conclusion, to the reiteration of my already expressed opinion, i can merely add that i conceive the whole charge to be a base and odious calumny, unsupported by any credible testimony; a mere renewal of those disgusting persecutions which disgraced the annals of the dark ages, and one which would not for one moment be tolerated in the present day among a civilised and enlightened people. it is much to be regretted that the disturbed condition of the east at the period of your mission to alexandria prevented mohhammad ali from ordering a full and fair judicial enquiry into the whole of the proceedings of the damascus affair, as there is no doubt that the enemies of the jews will not be slow to represent the edict which mohhammad ali has accorded to your requests, as granted more through pressure of external political embarrassments than freely given as a mere matter of justice and righteous dealing; more as a political compromise of a difficult and troublesome question than as the solemn act of the government of the country, vindicating the jews from the aspersions which had been foully cast upon them, and branding with the stamp of official disapprobation those who had dared to utter them. you have, however, done all that circumstances permitted you to accomplish. in the present excited condition of these countries, your attempting to reach damascus would be highly dangerous, if not altogether impracticable; and even if you got there, i do not see how you could accomplish any good while the government is yet unsettled, and in the absence of any constituted authority to aid your efforts with the influence of the british government. "magna est veritas et prævalebit." go on and prosper in your righteous endeavours to protect the cause of innocence and truth. let us hope for better times, when the advancing tide of knowledge and civilisation will sweep away the last remains of ignorance and fanaticism, and the vindictive spirit of persecution flee at the scowl of the genius of truth. trusting you will excuse my having so long trespassed on your attention, i have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant, charles f. a. shadwell. the evidence of two such witnesses, given in an english court of justice, would surely have been considered decisive. chapter xxix. . affairs in the east--ultimatum from the powers--gloomy prospects of the mission--negotiations with the pasha--excitement in alexandria--illness of lady montefiore. _tuesday, august th._--we called on colonel hodges, who informed us of the arrival of a turkish steamer from constantinople. he said it must have brought the ultimatum of the four great powers to the pasha; that the door of negotiation was now not only shut, but locked, and the pasha must give an immediate answer. colonel hodges advised sir moses to act in the same way as he should do; if he (colonel hodges) left alexandria, sir moses should do the same, and also go to the same place as he did. he said he expected every hour some ships belonging to the english fleet, but did not wish sir moses to mention this fact. sir moses said this interview and conversation reminded him forcibly of those he had had in with the late mr salt, english consul general in cairo, but he felt even less uneasy than he did at that time, as he did not apprehend war, though things looked serious. _wednesday, august th._--a french war steamer arrived from toulon, and returned the same afternoon to smyrna; the reports were all very black. we called on colonel hodges, but seeing he was occupied on important business, we left him. mr thorburn called, and told us that mr larkin had summoned a meeting of all the british residents at his house at one o'clock, to inform them that the four great powers had sent their ultimatum to mohhammad ali. colonel hodges warned them to limit their credits as much as possible, and to prepare for the worst. the meeting occasioned much alarm. in the afternoon sir moses and lady montefiore, with their friends, visited the turkish line of battleship _mahmudie_, under colonel reale bey, who received them most politely, and showed them over his ship. on their return they found that one of their party had been taken ill. _august th._--mr and mrs tibaldi called, and sir moses and lady montefiore accompanied them to a small palace near the pasha's, where they were introduced to sa'eed bey, mohhammad ali's son, a very chatty and good-tempered young man about eighteen years of age. he understood english and spoke french well. he conversed about his studies, his horses, &c., and had his favourite grey led under the window where the party were assembled. mr thurburn was present. they afterwards went over the pasha's palace, were much pleased with the building, and admired the elegance with which it was furnished. in the evening monsieur and madame laurin, monsieur and madame crémieux, captain lyons, captain austin, and mr thurburn dined with us. they told sir moses that the count de walewski, a natural son of napoleon, had arrived from france, and it was confidently stated that he brought offers of men, money, and ships from the king of the french to the pasha. the news was credited in the town, and it was therefore supposed that the pasha would not accept the ultimatum of the powers, and a general war in europe as well as in the east would be the consequence. sir moses did not believe that this would be the case, but thought the affair would be arranged satisfactorily. the pasha had ten days to consider his answer, and by that time sir moses hoped to be at damascus. _august th._--sir moses called on colonel hodges, who gave him mr werry's reply to the enquiries respecting the unfortunate jews at damascus; the colonel also showed him a letter from beyrout, dated the th inst., from which it appeared that the insurrection in syria had not been entirely put down; and he advised sir moses not to venture just then to damascus, as our situation there might be very perilous, in the event of the pasha's not agreeing to the ultimatum of the powers. in the evening we attended the european synagogue, which was beautifully illuminated, while the floor was thickly strewn with flowers. the building was crowded, and the utmost decorum prevailed during the service. subsequently the representatives of the community were invited to join our dinner party, on which occasion many excellent speeches, in various oriental and european languages, were made, referring principally to the object of our mission. _august th._--we selected the synagogue of the natives for attending divine service on this day. the heat there was very great and oppressive, but the devotion of the congregation and the mode of chanting the prayers afforded us much satisfaction. between two and three sir moses called on colonel hodges to express his extreme regret that mr werry had done so little towards improving the condition of the unhappy men at damascus, and to request him to write to the consul, which the colonel promised to do. the sabbath did not prevent sir moses from attending to the object of his mission, as in a case like this, where life and death are at stake, exertion and work are considered permissible. colonel hodges said that the pasha would give us no answer till the political question was settled. monsieur de wagner, the prussian consul-general, was present and confirmed this. both advised sir moses not to venture on a journey to damascus while affairs were in such a serious state. syria was in open rebellion, and in damascus he would only be looked upon as a jew coming to screen the guilt of his brethren, while the fanaticism of the christian populace of that place was so great, that he would certainly be murdered. both colonel hodges and the prussian consul said that the pasha would refuse the ultimatum, and war was inevitable. sir moses returned home, very unhappy on account of the nine unfortunate prisoners at damascus, but determined to do everything in his power, and to go to the palace after sabbath. at seven he proceeded to the pasha's residence, accompanied by monsieur crémieux and the members of the mission. his highness received us kindly, but said he was so much engaged with affairs of high importance, that he could not give us an answer then. sir moses urged him strongly, in the cause of humanity, to give his decision, as there were nine prisoners; he replied that he had given orders for their being well treated, and he would send a letter to sir moses next day to the same effect. sir moses then asked pardon for the trouble he had given him, but the pasha said, on the contrary he ought rather to apologise to sir moses. mr s. briggs, who was present at the audience, very frequently added kind words, which appeared to influence the pasha. we took leave much dispirited; but scarcely had we returned to our hotel, when mr briggs came, and informed sir moses that the pasha had given him more than half a promise that he would liberate all the prisoners, declaring at the same time his entire belief in their innocence of the murder, and of the other charges made against them. _august th._--having prepared with great care the document proposed by mr briggs for the approval and signature of the pasha, sir moses took it to mr briggs. the petition had been drawn up in strict accordance with what mr briggs said his highness would agree to. on his return he sent for monsieur crémieux, so that his signature might also be attached to it. mr and mrs briggs then called, and sir moses gave them the document for the pasha. in the evening mr briggs called again, and informed us that he had seen the pasha, to whom the paper had been explained, but he had declined to grant the request it contained, saying that there was so much excitement on the subject that he could not determine; he appeared, however, willing to allow the prisoners their freedom, and so end the matter. mr briggs had afterwards spoken with the secretary, who took the paper, said he would alter it, and show it him the next day. "the fact is," said sir moses, "they wish the atrocious transaction to be hushed up, but i will never consent to that." in the morning we went to the austrian consul to obtain from him the names of all the prisoners, as well as a list of those who had already fallen victims to the outrageous tyranny of sheriff pasha and of the french consul rattimenton. monsieur laurin informed us that the four ambassadors had arrived from constantinople with the ultimatum, and would visit the pasha. _monday, august th._--sir moses called on mr briggs, and gave him copies of several bulls of the pope, with some letters and smyrna papers; also a list of merchants at damascus, with their supposed amount of capital. mr briggs promised he would see the pasha in the evening, but his manner of speaking was much less sanguine of success. on the same day dr madden and mr wire left us for a trip to cairo and the pyramids. sir moses writes: "i would gladly have accompanied them with my dear wife and dr loewe, as i am sure it would have been most beneficial to our health, but it did not appear to me right to leave my post, even for an hour." _august th._--mr briggs went in the morning to the pasha. colonel hodges informed sir moses (confidentially) that three of his highness' transport ships, with provisions and arms, had left the harbour for syria, and that he (colonel hodges) had sent the _gorgon_ to bring them back. they were not to be allowed to land on the coast; if they refused they were to be compelled to return, and if force was used they were to be sent to malta. when this was accomplished, notice would be given to the pasha that none of his war-ships would be allowed to leave the harbour. nothing could be more warlike than the momentary aspect of affairs. the pasha sent mr briggs and one of his secretaries to sir moses with a copy of a despatch he had received from sheriff pasha, of damascus, giving an account of the manner in which prisoners were treated by him. of course it was stated to be most lenient, and it was denied that tortures had been used. monsieur cochelet made the following proposal to monsieur crémieux for the solution of the damascus difficulty:-- that the pasha was to declare that the jews who had died had committed the murder from motives of private vengeance, but that the nine jews still in prison were innocent, and were to be set at liberty. the pasha would also publish his opinion that there was nothing in the jewish religion or writings that in any way sanctioned the shedding of blood for the passover. sir moses told monsieur crémieux that it was impossible for him to consent to such an arrangement. he never would allow that any jew committed the murder of father tommaso and his servant, either from vengeance or any other motive; were he base enough to admit such a thing, its effect would be most mischievous, for in every part of the world it would be said that the jews were guilty, and the same awful charges would be brought against them over and over again. this proposal of monsieur cochelet caused a most painful sensation in the heart of every member of the mission; but, from a man whose official position compelled him to justify the proceedings of rattimenton, a different suggestion could scarcely have been anticipated. _august th._--all this anxiety preyed so much on the minds of sir moses and lady montefiore that their health was greatly affected by it, and lady montefiore became so ill that the immediate attendance of a physician was required. the weather, also, was extremely close and oppressive, which greatly aggravated the discomfort of both. monsieur crémieux called, and brought the news that the british fleet, with albanian troops which they intended landing, was off beyrout. he requested sir moses not to go to the pasha, as monsieur cochelet did not deem it prudent; but sir moses did not feel justified in making a promise to that effect, and explained to monsieur crémieux, as his reason, that it would not be advisable to adopt any suggestion made to the latter by monsieur cochelet. the town had been in a state of great consternation all day, and most warlike reports were spreading everywhere. nevertheless sir moses would not agree to the proposal which had been made by monsieur cochelet. _august th._--lady montefiore felt somewhat better, and the doctor entertained hopes of her speedy recovery. early in the morning sir moses called on colonel hodges, and remained with him fully two hours. captains napier and walker were off the coast of syria with six thousand albanians, and had summoned beyrout. a serious occurrence took place in the forenoon, which added greatly to the already troubled state of the town. the dutch vice-consul, whose horse had accidentally kicked one of the national guards, was immediately set upon by the mob and grossly ill-treated. it was with great difficulty that some of the officers rescued him from being murdered. two large austrian frigates anchored near the _bellerophon_, and the _cyclops_ took soundings outside the harbour. mr briggs called to inform sir moses that he was going to england in three days. he brought a paper which he had drawn up, similar to that which sir moses had given him for the pasha's signature, but not couched in such strong terms. he wished sir moses to see it, and he would then take it to the pasha, and endeavour to procure his consent to it. sir moses sent for monsieur crémieux to approve it, and then returned it to mr briggs, who promised to speak to the pasha either the same evening or the next evening. _august st._--lady montefiore continued poorly, and dr laidlow advised our removing to the nile. sir moses was also unwell, and the uncertain state of politics did not afford any consolation; every person we saw had alarm depicted on his countenance. monsieur crémieux spoke of leaving on the following tuesday for athens or constantinople in the french steamer. sir moses wrote to mr wire and doctor madden, begging them to hasten their return. mr briggs called to say that he feared the pasha would do nothing against the wishes of monsieur cochelet. mr galloway and mr tibaldi also paid us a visit, both much out of spirits. sir moses said he would not move till dr madden and mr wire returned, unless colonel hodges left, in which case he almost feared he would be compelled to do so. the weather was dreadfully oppressive; the sickly season had commenced, and fever was prevalent. we attended divine service in the evening, and afterwards monsieur and madame crémieux dined with us. monsieur crémieux told sir moses that clot bey had introduced him to the pasha in the garden, and that he (monsieur crémieux) had made a speech to the pasha, wishing him success with egypt and syria, but had _not referred to the mission_. _saturday, august nd._--lady montefiore continued ill, and too weak to leave the house. at seven o'clock in the morning we repaired to the synagogue where we attended service. a large and devout congregation was assembled. on our return mr larkins, the english consul, called. he had just left the pasha, with whom he had been conversing for more than an hour on the subject of our mission. he had read to his highness the letters he had received from england from colonel campbell, mr thurburn, and dr bowring, all entreating him, in his own interest, to grant our request, that he might stand well in the opinion of europe. they also assured him that the affair had caused a great sensation in england; but mr larkins said that the pasha remained firm, and declared it was impossible for him to do anything in the business just then. mr briggs also spoke to the pasha, but without success. he gave the papers we had prepared for the pasha's signature to khosrev, the principal interpreter at the palace, so that he should be fully acquainted with the contents. mr larkins told the pasha that sir moses intended coming for his answer in the evening. in reply to his application for a simple "firman" to go to damascus, the pasha said that syria was in too disturbed a state to permit of his travelling there with security. in the evening, after the conclusion of sabbath, as we were setting out for the palace, sir moses received a note from mr briggs, enclosing one from khosrev, requesting sir moses to defer the visit to his highness, as it was a most unfavourable moment. affairs appeared decidedly alarming, and the english fleet was expected every moment with admiral stopford. captain austen of the _bellerophon_ and captain austen of the _cyclops_ both called on sir moses, and most kindly offered to receive us on board their ships in the event of our being obliged to leave alexandria for safety. the pasha was making great preparations for war, including new batteries and arrangements for the better armament of the fleet. it was rumoured that he intended leaving alexandria in a few days. _august rd._--lady montefiore passed a very bad night, and her illness caused sir moses much anxiety. the doctor came twice during the day. in the evening he found her less feverish, and reported more favourably upon her state of health generally. he advised her to change her bedroom, which appeared damp, and might have caused the fever. madame crémieux came to tell us that she intended spending the day in the country, and talked of visiting cairo as soon as the french boat arrived. colonel hodges, mr bell, mr and mrs briggs, and mr stephens also called. the latter informed us that it was generally believed that the pasha had agreed to leave the settlement of the whole question to the king of the french. it was also stated that monsieur guizot was to have an audience with his majesty on the th inst., and the result would be known in alexandria on the following tuesday. it was thought that the troops in syria would probably be influenced by the sultan's money, as they had not received any pay for the last eleven months. the english admiral with the fleet was expected to arrive on the following day. monsieur crémieux called, and we agreed to send a letter to the pasha, soliciting him to set at liberty the unfortunate jews at damascus. monsieur laurin, the austrian consul, promised to call upon all the other consuls, and, if possible, prevail on them to sign a recommendation to the pasha to grant our request. sir moses did not think he would succeed with monsieur cochelet or the sardinian consul. mr briggs announced his intention of going to the former with the original document that we prepared for the pasha, and of using his influence to remove monsieur cochelet's hostility. _august th._--dr laidlaw found lady montefiore rather better and tolerably free from fever. chapter xxx. . the english government and the pasha--mohhammad ali and the slaves--the pasha promises to release the damascus prisoners--he grants them an "honourable" liberation. the french steamer from marseilles arrived; our letters from london gave confident hopes of peace being preserved. the ministry was stronger than ever, being supported by both whigs and tories. there would be no half measures, and the pasha would be obliged to submit. baron charles de rothschild wrote from naples, that lord palmerston had made a pacific speech on the th, and amicable relations would be preserved with france. baron charles enclosed a letter of introduction to the neapolitan consul for sir moses. we immediately went there to present the same, and had a very long conversation with him. he knew all about the damascus affair, and the painful reports of sheriff pasha. he told us that the latter was an adopted son of mohhammad ali, who had had him educated with his own children. sheriff pasha's own father had been an officer, and was killed in battle when he (sheriff) was only four months old. the consul observed that the trial of the jews had been conducted according to turkish law, and any interference would be improper. he had sent all the accounts to his government. he considered the business had been badly managed by the consuls, but he could not sign any paper, as it would do no good with the pasha. on the same day we received a letter from constantinople, enclosing a firman from the sublime porte in favour of the deputation of the jews; from the grand vizier to mohhammad ali, and to the governor of the island of rhodes. we called on colonel hodges and monsieur laurin, who had both signed the petition which sir moses and monsieur crémieux had prepared on the preceding evening. the consuls of the four powers signed it very readily, but monsieur de wagner called on sir moses and recommended his not presenting it to the pasha, as it would do no good unless signed by monsieur cochelet. it is impossible to describe the distress of sir moses as he became more and more convinced that, with a few exceptions, every one in the place, great and small, was opposed to the object of his mission. dr madden and mr wire returned from cairo, and admiral stopford arrived with part of the fleet. sir moses thought we should be obliged to leave very shortly. _august th._--lady montefiore continued to mend, but was not sufficiently recovered to venture out. sir moses went at an early hour to monsieur crémieux, and requested him not to part with the petition bearing both their signatures. the rest of the day we were engaged in preparing letters and reports for the london committee. mr charles allison called and reported that the aspect of affairs was less warlike, but there appeared no doubt of the pasha's refusal. we were only to have a military blockade of the port and the coast of syria, and all merchants would be allowed to pass freely. this sort of blockade would cause but little annoyance, and the pasha would no doubt laugh at the english and their allies. at eight o'clock the following morning the consuls of the four powers were to wait on mohhammad ali for his answer. _august th._--lady montefiore was much better and able to leave her room. while we were at breakfast, mr briggs called and took leave of us. he expressed great regret that his endeavours with the pasha on behalf of the damascus prisoners had failed. afterwards sir moses visited the slave-market, accompanied by dr madden, as he was desirous of learning how far the present state of the market corresponded to the humane act of the pasha in abolishing slavery. during the first interview which sir moses had had with mohhammad ali, the latter had spoken for a considerable time on the subject, and appeared much pleased with the address of thanks presented to him by dr madden from the london society for the abolition of the slave trade. the conversation led sir moses to hope that a heart which could be thus moved by humane sentiments, would surely not sanction such tortures and sufferings as the damascus prisoners had been made to endure. at the slave-market, sir moses found about one hundred slaves, mostly girls and boys; he noticed a few women among them, but no men. the price of the girls was piastres (£ ), and of the boys, or £ . there were two albanian women for whom they asked or piastres (£ to £ ). the girls appeared to be well treated and contented with their situation, but not so the boys. he observed two boys weeping most bitterly, and on enquiring the cause, he heard that the children had been brought from nubia together, that they were most likely brothers, much attached to each other, and one had just been sold. he spoke to the man who had purchased the youth, and he said he had paid piastres. the master took the lad away, and in all probability the boys never saw each other again. "oh! the horrors of slavery!" exclaimed sir moses, and added, "perhaps mohhammad ali may not be aware of what we have seen, else he could not conscientiously have spoken as he did, and evinced such pleasure in the vote of thanks which the london society would certainly not have sent had they known the true state of affairs." sir moses returned home much depressed by what he had witnessed. there was nothing new in politics, but two english men-of-war had left for the east. _august th._--about nine o'clock in the morning sir moses received a letter from monsieur crémieux, informing him that he had started for cairo. sir moses, who felt himself in duty bound not to quit his post for fear of injuring his cause, determined, notwithstanding the disheartening state of politics, to go to the pasha and ask for an answer to the petition that he had presented on the day after his arrival. at two o'clock we went to the palace. we were shown into the audience hall, and a beautiful pipe was handed to sir moses. about twenty minutes afterwards we heard that the pasha was leaving his room for the hall of audience. on sir moses going to the door, the pasha smiled and beckoned him to follow him. sir moses did so, and the pasha motioned him to be seated. sir moses then informed his highness that he came for an answer to the paper which he had presented at his first interview. mohhammad ali replied that he would release all the prisoners, upon which, sir moses said his desire was to have the guilty punished, and requested therefore a "firman" to go to damascus. the pasha said he had better not go there, as that place was in a very excited condition; the country was disturbed and politics unsettled. sir moses agreed to postpone his journey for a short time, but begged for the firman, that he might proceed there as soon as things changed, and the pasha then promised to give it him. sir moses further petitioned for permission for the jews who had fled to return to damascus, and the pasha granted his request. finally sir moses requested mohhammad ali to give him a copy of his letter to the governor of damascus. his highness promised to send it to him with the firman, and desired him to write to his co-religionists at damascus, and he (the pasha) would send the letter by his post, by which means they would receive it in five days. "thanks to heaven," sir moses said, "the mission has gained something; the lives of nine innocent persons are thus preserved." sir moses wrote immediately to monsieur crémieux, and mr galloway sent a man off with it to cairo. he also sent for messrs sonino, valencen, and toria, and the spiritual head of the hebrew community, to acquaint them with the good news, enjoining them at the same time to keep it secret till the papers arrived from the pasha. sir moses then prepared for sabbath, and attended divine service in the european synagogue. subsequently went to the palace for a copy of the letter to the governor of damascus, but we had to wait there several hours, as the ambassador from constantinople and the consuls of the four great powers were with the pasha. they remained with him some time, and on their withdrawal, the capudan basha had an interview with his highness, lasting fully two hours; then the french consul came and also stopped a couple of hours, so that it became very late. on our enquiring whether we should still wait, monsieur boufort told me to come the following morning, when i should be able to take with me the firman enabling us to go to damascus, and a copy of the order for the governor at that place. it was after ten o'clock when we returned to our hotel, at which hour monsieur crémieux also came. _august th._--in the morning we attended divine service. seeing monsieur crémieux and monsieur munk there, sir moses desired me to invite the latter to accompany me to the palace. on our arrival there we went to the room of negib effendi (one of the chief secretaries of the pasha), to order several copies of the firman and the letter to the governor of damascus. on perusing a copy of the original, we noticed the word "afoo" (pardon), and pointed it out to negib effendi. i told him that sir moses would never be satisfied with such an expression, as the jews could not for one moment be considered guilty, according to the proceedings which had taken place at damascus. negib effendi and another secretary, who happened to be present at the time, entered into an argument with me on the subject, maintaining their idea that the word in question might be used and understood without absolutely conveying the meaning of "_pardon_." nevertheless, i insisted on the necessity of removing that word altogether. as i could not leave the palace, i requested monsieur munk, who had with him an arabic translation of the turkish order, to go and inform sir moses and monsieur crémieux that it was desirable they should immediately tell the pasha that they could not sanction the introduction of a word so grossly misrepresenting the truth, and request him to substitute a word which would correctly convey his sentiments. monsieur munk went at once to monsieur crémieux, but apparently forgot to call on sir moses. monsieur crémieux, being probably anxious to see the misleading word removed as soon as possible, came at once to the palace, without informing sir moses of what had occurred. the pasha, without the least hesitation, immediately ordered that the word "afoo" should be taken out, and the words "itlak ve tervîhh," signifying "an honourable liberation," substituted (literally an order for their liberation, and for procuring them peace). on my return from the palace i acquainted sir moses with what had taken place, and he expressed much regret at not having being informed of it in time. he said, "had i known it, i should have been most indignant with the pasha for inserting the word, it being in complete opposition to my request, as i would never, for an instant, admit any guilt, either of the living or the dead." he went again to the pasha, and his highness told him that he had given the order to remove the objectionable word. the neapolitan consul and his wife, and monsieur laurin came to offer their congratulations. _august th._--we hastily sent despatches to london and other places, and on the following day a letter of thanks to his highness the pasha was signed by sir moses and monsieur crémieux. wishing to do all the good in their power, they added to the letter a petition in which they entreated him to abolish the use of torture in his dominions. in the morning, admiral sir robert stopford came on shore, and went immediately to colonel hodges. sir moses went to see the admiral, who gave him a very kind reception. about three o'clock the pasha sent a strong body of horse guards in full uniform, accompanied by a capital military band, to attend the admiral. it was a handsome compliment on the part of mohhammad ali, but the admiral declined it, and they soon returned. about four o'clock sir robert stopford and his suite, the austrian admiral and his suite, with the english and austrian consuls, proceeded to the palace to pay their respects to the pasha. the pasha's carriage with four horses had been placed at their service, as well as boghoz bey's carriage and that of mr anastasia. they were preceded by sixteen janissaries, the two captains austen, and many others on horseback. they were absent about an hour. admiral rifaat bey gave the "four combined powers," and colonel hodges, the "five powers," meaning that he included the sublime porte. after dinner, admiral stopford inquired whether sir moses intended going to damascus, and said he would send a brig with us. sir moses replied that he wished to wait till thursday, when he would inform sir robert of his plan of action. the two admirals and the english and austrian consuls were to dine with the pasha on the following day. sir moses, accompanied by mr alison, then paid visits to rifaat bey, sáeed bey, and colonel hodges. on his return he found that the austrian admiral (contre-amiral baron baudiera), the austrian consul, and mr andrew doyle, had called. mr galloway informed sir moses that sáeed bey had obtained the permission of his father, mohhammad ali, to dine with him any day he liked. sir moses thereupon invited him for thursday, september rd, and also sent invitations to admiral stopford, the austrian admiral, and others. the day's reports led sir moses to believe that the pasha would refuse to give an answer to the four powers on saturday. the admiral would do nothing without further orders from home, and it was sir moses' opinion that the pasha would laugh at them all, and most probably succeed at last, or involve europe in war. _september nd._--during the morning we were occupied in examining numerous papers and documents referring to the mission, while lady montefiore amused herself by taking daguerreotype views of cleopatra's needle. _september rd._--sir moses went this morning on board the turkish steamer, _bird-of-the-sea_, rifaat bey having invited him to a _déjeuner_ he was giving to admiral stopford and sáeed bey on board that vessel. the guests included captains fisher and austin, colonel hodges, count medem, monsieur de wagner, monsieur laurin, mr alison, mr stoddard, and others. the wind was so high that the admiral could scarcely get to the ship. while they were at breakfast sáeed bey invited admiral stopford and sir moses to go over his corvette. the latter, with captains fisher and austin and colonel hodges, accompanied the admiral in his boat after they had taken leave of rifaat bey, and all went on board the corvette. sáeed bey received the party in a distinguished manner; he took them over the vessel, and made his men go through their exercises with great guns and small arms. sir moses then landed with the admiral, and drove him to colonel hodges. _september th._--the french papers continued very warlike, and great demonstrations had been made in france. sir moses and monsieur crémieux decided that we should go next evening to present the letter they had prepared to the pasha. should the english consul leave egypt, sir moses thought that it would be useless for us to remain there any longer. dr madden informed sir moses that he would be obliged to leave us on the following monday. _september th._--we called on colonel hodges, and saw admiral stopford; the latter supposed our going to damascus was out of the question. sir moses told him that he should remain a short time longer at alexandria, unless the british consul left, in which case we should leave also. rifaat bey (conseilleur d'etat au département de l'intérieur) paid us a visit previous to his departure; also mr charles alison, attaché to her britannic majesty's embassy at constantinople; also captain austen and lieutenant ralph, r.n. mr alison had been present at the interview with the pasha's minister. the pasha being ill, could not see the four ministers, but had sent his answer. "he accepted the sovereignty of egypt, and would petition the sultan for syria." this was virtually a refusal, but the consuls did not intend striking their flags. the admiral went on board this morning. at five we walked in the square and met colonel hodges. from his conversation he expected the pasha would order them to quit egypt in about a week. he told sir moses the admiral had left him the _cyclops_, and that he was going in her, on the following monday, to beyrout. _september th._--we called on colonel hodges. sir moses told him that he had determined to leave as soon as the colonel should do so. colonel hodges said he was going on the following day for a few days to beyrout, but assured sir moses he need be under no apprehensions; there would be no hostilities till the admiral received orders from england, which he did not expect for another fortnight; and that if he (colonel hodges) should be obliged to leave, he would give sir moses timely notice, and both he and lady montefiore should go with him in his vessel. from his manner of speaking, we gathered that he expected an outbreak in syria, but no direct attack on the part of the english; admiral stopford had told him that we were by no means prepared; the ministers had been much deceived. the letter to the pasha could not be presented that day. _september th._--we met colonel hodges; he told us that the pasha had seized £ in bullion, british property, and if it was not given up to-morrow morning, he would strike his flag and go on board ship. he told sir moses that he must be prepared to leave at a moment's notice, and that he had spoken to captain fisher of the _asia_, who had kindly promised to take us in his ships in the event of our being obliged to leave. chapter xxxi. . interview with the pasha--liberation of the jews of damascus--public rejoicings and thanksgiving--departure of sir moses for constantinople. we arranged with monsieur crémieux to go to-morrow to the pasha and present our letter. _september th._--we drove this morning to mohharem bey's garden, where the pasha is staying. we found him in the garden, with his admiral, also anastasi, the turkish consul, and mr tibaldi. he desired us to be seated. sir moses then said to him, "we come to offer to your highness our thanks," and presented to him the letter, to which we had added the request to abolish the use of torture. there was a turkish translation affixed to the letter. the pasha gave the letter to one of his officers, who put it in his pocket; but on sir moses expressing a desire that the pasha should have it read, he took it himself and appeared to read several lines, when one of his secretaries came and read the whole to him. we remained some moments in silence. mr tibaldi then told sir moses that the pasha had been pleased to give him a granite column from the ancient temple of serapis in alexandria. sir moses thanked his highness in suitable terms. after waiting some time in silence, the pasha having twice looked at his watch, we took our leave without having uttered a single sentence on the principal subject of our visit. sir moses was much out of spirits. on our return we went to colonel hodges, who said that boghoz bey had refused to give up the bullion seized on the previous day, but added that he should go himself to the pasha, and if it was not restored in twenty-four hours, he would strike his flag and go on board the _asia_, and would take sir moses and lady montefiore with him. sir moses hoped the pasha would not hasten his ruin by his rashness. colonel hodges replied that he was already ruined; he had been declared a rebel by the sultan; another pasha had been appointed for egypt and one for syria; and the russian fleet with the russian troops was already moving. this news the colonel had received from constantinople. sir moses begged him, should any vessel be going to that city, to procure a passage for us; this he promised to do. sir moses was now anxious to leave egypt, thinking he could do no more good there. _september th._--monsieur crémieux came in the morning to ascertain sir moses' intentions, as he wished to go on the following monday to cairo, and should sir moses decide to remain in egypt, he would go to thebes. sir moses suggested taking three days' time for consideration. _september th._--we called on colonel hodges. the pasha had not yet given up the bullion; the colonel said he should write to him the same evening at five, and send at eight the next day for an answer, and should tell him that unless he received satisfaction he should strike his flag and embark, leaving the english under the protection of the dutch consul. colonel hodges had already sent on board several camel-loads of books, papers, &c. sir moses felt confident that the colonel would soon follow, whether the pasha gave up the money or not, and believed the best thing for us to do would be to go by the next french packet, which would leave alexandria on the th, pass the quarantine at syra, and afterwards proceed to constantinople, thank the sultan for all he had done in the affair of rhodes, and then, should the state of syra permit, go to damascus, and failing this, to return _viâ_ vienna to england. _september th._--again visited colonel hodges. he still talked of embarking, but advised us to wait for the french steamers, and if it should still be our intention to visit damascus before leaving the east, he would recommend our making quarantine at syra, thence to proceed to constantinople, and await events. "it would be madness," he added, "to go now to damascus. i will hold myself responsible for the advice i now give." _saturday, september th._--attended divine service, afterwards called on the spiritual head of the congregation, who showed us his large and valuable library. later in the day sir moses and lady montefiore received many visitors: two gentlemen from salonica especially interested them in their accounts of communal matters in that city. they informed us that there were about five thousand jewish families, and they possessed thirty-six synagogues, and fifty-six colleges for the study of hebrew and theological literature, and over one thousand gentlemen were distinguished for their knowledge of hebrew. they had suffered greatly by the fire which had broken out (in the previous year) in their city, and had destroyed over two thousand houses belonging to the jews. our dinner party on that day included colonel hodges, monsieur laurin, captain and mrs lyons, mr paton, mr stoddart, mr drummond hay, and monsieur and madame crémieux. colonel hodges said he had given the pasha time till monday at twelve o'clock for his reply, failing to receive which he would strike his flag. sir moses informed monsieur crémieux that he felt convinced of the impossibility of obtaining anything more from the pasha, owing to the present serious state of politics. the consuls, he said, were making every preparation for leaving alexandria, and as our proceeding to damascus at that time was considered to be not only a most rash and unwarrantable act, but almost an impossibility, he was of opinion that we should proceed to constantinople, and there await a favourable change in politics. should damascus hereafter belong to the sultan, then to request from him the same justice for the jews of that city as he had afforded to those of rhodes, but if damascus continued under the pasha, then we should be forced to return to egypt and thence to damascus, and should then, if politics still continued unsettled, return to europe. monsieur crémieux agreed with sir moses, and said he would go to constantinople, but first to cairo. he then proposed to sir moses to build an hospital for the jews in cairo, as he (monsieur crémieux) intended building a house there for school purposes, having in hand one thousand ducats from the baroness de rothschild in paris for that purpose. sir moses, however, did not feel justified in spending large sums in egypt. "were it for the holy land," he said, "i should be delighted to establish both hospital and school." _september th._--it was reported that st jean d'acre was being bombarded by the english fleet; everything looked most threatening. we met colonel hodges, who was hourly expecting to receive orders from constantinople to quit egypt. a russian and an austrian ship of war had arrived. the french steamer due that morning had not arrived; they said it had been detained at syra for the mail from constantinople. _september th._--we were caused much anxiety by the absence of any account from damascus, and by hearing that mohhammad ali had had a despatch from sherif pasha, stating that he had received his highness' orders for the liberation of the jews, but without further notice of it. monsieur cochelet, we were told, had had a letter from rattimenton, violently exclaiming against the viceroy's order, by which he had been compromised, adding that he had warmly protested to sherif pasha against his complying with his highness' order. but soon after this, writes sir moses, "thanks to heaven, this day has happily put an end to our fears for the delay of the execution of the pasha's firman. we have received letters that all the jews were liberated on the th inst, in the most gracious manner, by sherif pasha, to the great joy, not only of the jews of damascus, but also of all the mussulmans of that city. the unfortunate men were accompanied by bands of music, and thousands of persons, jews and moslems. they first went to synagogue to return thanks for their delivery, and then to their respective dwellings. all the distinguished mussulman merchants paid them visits of congratulation, expressing their firm belief in their innocence. the christians maintained silence, denoting thereby their dissatisfaction at the justice of the pasha. the blood of the four unhappy men who have died under torture has not been sufficient to satisfy these people. the suffering of the jews appears to have been unbounded, as is their gratitude to god for their deliverance." the copy of the pasha's order, which we sent by a courier with our letters to the prisoners, had not arrived on the th when the mail left. we were all anxious for news from the unfortunate men themselves, but as we knew that all were at liberty, sir moses considered that no further good could be achieved by remaining in egypt. syria was in a state of revolt, and the post between beyrout and damascus closed. the british consul, with all the other european consuls, excepting the french, had left beyrout, and were on board the ships of war. commodore napier had given notice that he should bombard the town on the following day. monsieur cochelet, we were told, had heard accounts of several thousand men having been landed from the fleet between beyrout and sidon; no action had, however, as yet taken place. sulieman pasha had declared he would destroy beyrout, though he should be compelled to withdraw his troops. _september th._--sir moses writes in his diary: "i sent to monsieur crémieux, but he and madame crémieux, with monsieur munk and signor morpurgo, had already left for cairo. mr wire, dr loewe, and i went to mohhammad bey's palace. he is the son-in-law of mohhammad ali. we entered the garden. as soon as the pasha saw us he beckoned me to approach him. he was seated in a kiosk. boufort, the interpreter, was translating to him one of galignani's papers. on our entering the kiosk, he motioned me to be seated. i took my seat opposite him, dr loewe next to me, and mr wire next to the doctor. i informed the pasha that we had received letters from damascus, and that, agreeably to his orders, the jews had been honourably liberated by sherif pasha on saturday, september th. the mussulman population had expressed much joy on the occasion. they had accompanied the unfortunate men, when liberated, to the synagogue, and the jews had thrown themselves on the ground before the holy ark, blessing the god of israel for their deliverance from the hands of their persecutors, and praying for the happiness of his highness, whose justice and humanity had restored them with honour to liberty. i also told the pasha how they had been visited and congratulated by all the mussulmans of damascus, who confidently believed in their innocence. mohhammad ali replied he was glad to hear it, and informed me that he had received letters from sherif pasha with the same intelligence, and also that that jews who had fled from the city had returned. this we did not know. i expressed much gratitude to his highness for his humanity, and entreated him to protect my brethren in his dominion. i also said that as it was impossible for me to go to damascus at present, i intended returning to europe, and therefore begged to take leave of his highness; but before doing so i hoped he would allow me to speak a few words in favour of the poor jews who had suffered by pillage at safed, and that he would graciously make them compensation. he replied he would see; he would do it. i again repeated my thanks, and rose to leave, but he motioned me to remain. in a few moments he beckoned me to come quite close to him, which i did. he then said that he frequently gave orders for ships, guns, and other things to be sent from england, that six months elapsed before they were ready to be shipped, and that as i was going there he would like to make some arrangement with me to guarantee the parties, and said that i should always have the money before the things were shipped. he repeated several times that he did not desire that i should ever be in advance, as he would always send the money beforehand. he did not wish the arrangement to take place immediately, but as soon as affairs were settled. i told his highness that i would consult with my friends in england, and would write to him as soon as i got back to london; he expressed his satisfaction, and we retired. "i have omitted to notice that i gave mohhammad ali a copy of dr hirschel's letter to me, respecting the charge brought against the jews of using blood in their religious ceremonies. i gave him copies of the same in turkish and french; he looked at them, and promised to read them. "we then went to the palace of sáeed bey. mr thurburn was with him. 'excellency,' i said, 'i have come to take leave of you previous to my return to europe,' and repeated to him all the accounts we had from damascus. he was very civil to us, and invited us to take wine and coffee, but, being much pressed for time, we declined. i said i hoped to see him in london. he replied that as soon as affairs were settled he should travel, and would certainly pay us a visit. we then took leave of count medem, the russian consul. he congratulated me on the success of our mission, having attained all that was possible in the present unfortunate state of affairs. i told him i was most anxious to visit damascus, to trace the whole transaction respecting the charges against the jews. he said it was quite impossible to go just now, the country was in revolt; beyrout was threatened with bombardment, and all accommodation for travellers stopped. "we next went to monsieur de wagner, the prussian consul (who expressed the same opinion), and to colonel hodges and monsieur laurin, expressing to both our sincere thanks for what they had done in favour of the jews in damascus, safed, and the holy land in general." _september th._--we embarked in one of the pasha's large boats, being escorted to the water side by three janissaries, and were safely on board the _leonidas_ at p.m. _september th._--we are detained in the harbour for despatches. mr reinlin, the dutch vice consul, came on board with letters. he went with me into our berth, and informed me that news had been received last night from beyrout; the english had entirely destroyed that town, and had landed two thousand english and four thousand turks. the french consul had taken a house in a garden about a mile out of town, with the french flag flying on it, nevertheless four cannon balls had struck the house. ibrahim pasha was at beyrout, and suleiman pasha was in the neighbourhood. at a.m., the anchor being weighed, we started, and were soon safely out of the port. "then," sir moses writes in his diary, "we sang the 'song of moses,' and with joy and thanks, left the land of egypt." _september st._--after eighty hours at sea, with a strong north wind, we arrived at five in the morning at syra. the captain and the surgeon went on shore with letters and despatches; they soon returned. when a boat with the health officers came alongside, we learned to our great dismay that we had a man dangerously ill on board. the officers insisted on seeing him. the poor man was carried on deck with much difficulty; they asked him many questions, but he was so weak that he could scarcely answer. the officers then left us, to make their report to their superior; they did not know whether we should be allowed to go that night into the lazaretto. this was a serious matter, as the _leonidas_ was to start at twelve for alexandria. our ship was soon surrounded with boats, occupied by turks, male and female, with their luggage, who had secured their berths for alexandria. the captain would not allow them or their luggage to be received on board till he had got rid of those he had brought with him. the noise and confusion that arose in consequence were dreadful. it was nearly nine o'clock when permission arrived for our leaving the ship for the lazaretto; the captain put us in his long boat. it was blowing hard, the sea was rough, and the night very dark. sir moses was dreadfully uneasy, but there was no choice. we all went in the same boat, which was long and narrow. it was half-an-hour before we reached the landing place, and it was not without great difficulty that we scrambled up the rocks in the dark. on getting into the lazaretto we found that the guardian and officers had left for the night, and there were but two miserably dark rooms for the whole party. we were told to make the best we could of them for the night. all our luggage had been left at the water's edge, and there was not a soul to assist in bringing it to the lazaretto. after much time and trouble, our servants got one bedstead and mattress for sir moses and lady montefiore, and a few mattresses for the rest of our party. in our small room, more than nine of us, including a greek lady, her servant and one child, had to remain the whole night; the servants and all other passengers were obliged to manage as they could in the other room. after a night passed with little or no sleep, we rose from our weary couches. mr ralli, the son-in-law of mr wilkinson, called. he had procured us an order from the superintendent of the lazaretto, giving us the apartments set aside for noblemen. we were soon admitted to them. they were very comfortable rooms, beautifully situated, commanding a fine view of the town and port. they were quite empty, but our servants soon brought up our bedsteads and camp-stools, and we hired two or three tables, which was all we required. being informed that we might shorten our confinement by five days, if we and our servants took a bath and changed all our clothes, and had all our luggage fumigated, we readily consented. by two o'clock, all our boxes having been opened, and the contents spread over the room and hung up on lines, dishes with pots of burning sulphur were placed in each room, and the doors kept closed for half-an-hour. in the meantime we took a bath and changed every article of dress. sir moses put the whole quarantine into confusion, and compelled a repetition of the fumigating ceremony, by inadvertently putting his finger on the wrapper which contained lady montefiore's dress. this caused much vexation to all the "guardiani" and ourselves. however, the fumigation was performed once more, and by four o'clock the whole ceremony was ended. september th being the first day of the jewish new year, we all met early in the morning, and read the service appointed for the day. it was nearly twelve before we breakfasted. the afternoon we spent in reading subjects connected with hebrew literature. sir moses and lady montefiore spent a most happy day, and said they had only felt the want of their synagogue and of the society of their relatives. the physician paid us a visit on the same day, and said we might, if we pleased, go out of quarantine on the morrow. he enquired if we were all well, then desired us to strike our fists under each arm and other parts of the body. having seen this ceremony performed, he made his tour round the lazaretto. we were much amused at seeing him go through the same ceremony with more than one hundred persons, who were to leave the next day. the following day, being the ninth day of our quarantine, and having performed the "spoglio" the morning after our arrival, we could have received _pratique_ this morning; but as we were most comfortable, sir moses requested to be allowed to remain till thursday. we received the greatest kindness from all the officers of the quarantine, who came frequently to enquire if they could do anything to promote the comfort of sir moses and lady montefiore. we all quitted the lazaretto on the st of october, grateful to the almighty for permitting us to pass the ten days we spent there so pleasantly. we walked to the town, which was built round the bay, nearly opposite the lazaretto. the road was very rough, and sir moses and lady montefiore were extremely fatigued by the walk. syra was very gay; the town was thronged with well-dressed people, as the king and queen were expected that day from athens. on the wharf, which was strewn with laurel, there were some four hundred little boys and girls dressed in white with blue ribbons, some of them carrying branches of laurel, and others the greek flag. it was four o'clock when the first cannon announced the arrival of the steamboat with the king and queen on board. from terenzio house, where we were accommodated, we had a good view of them as they landed. the king was dressed in a greek uniform, and the queen in western costume. to our great disappointment, the steamer which was to take us to constantinople had not arrived, and at syra we could not even find a room to pass the night, so that we were compelled to return to the lazaretto. lady montefiore was most fatigued and poorly, and quite happy when she could throw herself on the ground with the luxury of a mattress. we received an invitation from the governor of the town to a grand ball, to be given to the king and queen. the next morning at five o'clock we were informed that the _mentor_ had not yet arrived, but about two hours later we ascertained that she had come into port in the night. we lost no time in preparing to embark, and before eight again took leave of the lazaretto, very thankful for the accommodation it had afforded us. at eight we were on board, but it was nearly twelve before we started. we expected to reach smyrna towards noon on the following day, but not to be able to land, as it would be our sabbath. we entered the harbour of smyrna on the rd october. sir moses received immediately a large number of letters and visits from the heads of the congregation and principal inhabitants, all offering their services. the dutch consul spoke much of the sad state of the jews at smyrna, and requested sir moses' intercession on their behalf. chapter xxxii. . constantinople--condition of the jewish residents--interview with rechid pasha--audience with the sultan--he grants a firman. from smyrna we went to constantinople. of our arrival in that place sir moses gives the following account:-- "_constantinople, october th._--the appearance of the city was most beautiful from the steamboat; we anchored at half-past eleven. many persons came on board to welcome us, including monsieur commundo, who had prepared one of his houses for us. lady montefiore and mr wire went there immediately. dr loewe and i, accompanied by mr nugent, a queen's messenger, who had special despatches for lord ponsonby, started for terapia, and were allowed to leave the vessel at once. it took two hours to row there, the current being very strong. on reaching terapia we went to lord ponsonby's, and found that he was out. mr nugent remained, but we returned. there was a strong wind blowing against the current, which made a heavy sea. i passed two hours in the utmost anxiety, and would gladly have landed and walked back, but it was impossible; we should not have found our way. at last we landed safely, but our troubles were not over. we had the greatest difficulty in finding monsieur commundo's house. we found two germans in a little tailor's shop, and they became our guides. i found my dear judith in a state of great anxiety on our account. it being between seven and eight before we arrived, they had sent in every direction after us; however, we sat down to a good supper, and soon forgot our troubles." the day after our arrival the spiritual heads of the hebrew communities, accompanied by several of their members, came to pay their respects to sir moses and lady montefiore, and to invite them to attend divine service in one of their synagogues on the day of atonement, which commenced the same evening, an invitation which was accepted. during the whole of the following day (the day of atonement) sir moses and lady montefiore remained in synagogue, returning in the evening at the conclusion of the service, accompanied by many members of the congregation. they were preceded by two men bearing two large wax candles, which had been lighted in the synagogue the evening before. they received a hearty welcome from their host, monsieur commundo, and, having broken their fast, soon retired to rest. _october th._--signor commundo, with his wife, two sons, and a daughter, paid us a visit in the morning. the little girl, a lovely child about seven years of age, was already engaged, as well as the two boys, aged nine and ten respectively, both handsome, intelligent lads. it reminded sir moses of what he had once found fault with when at haifa. certain allowances, however, must be made for the peculiarities of the east. turkey would certainly not yield in this respect to any remonstrances. we called on the british consul general, and in the evening sir moses received a deputation from the european hebrew community; they spoke much of the necessity for an hospital and schools. _october th._--we set off to the porte to-day, as soon as our visitors had left, with the intention of going later on to terapia to see lord ponsonby. after rowing nearly two hours and a half, we found that it would take us a full hour longer to reach our destination, and that, wind and current being both against us, we should not be able to get back before the sabbath. sir moses, therefore, gave orders to return home. _saturday, october th._--we attended divine service in a very large synagogue; all the worshippers appeared to be natives of turkey. at the conclusion of the service we accompanied the chief rabbi to his house. he was preceded by three soldiers and six attendants; on passing the guard-house we found the officer with his men in front. they saluted him with every token of respect, as did all the people in the densely-crowded streets. his house was full of people. we partook of some refreshment, and took leave. as we appeared again in the street we noticed a guard of honour walking before us, and an officer with two soldiers following in the rear. sir moses wished them to return after going a few paces, but they insisted on accompanying us to the end of the street, an honour sir moses was but little desirous of receiving. _sunday, october th._--we afterwards went into three large and handsome synagogues in the same quarter; adjoining one of these we observed three school-rooms, occupied by about boys. we entered the school, and found the boys divided into three classes, their ages varying from three to twelve. at the request of sir moses i examined two boys. they read the talmud and translated it into spanish very fluently. sir moses was much pleased. the children all appeared to belong to the poorest classes. we had much difficulty in escaping the importunities of the people; many seemed to be in very distressed circumstances. in one room, scarcely six feet square, we saw a mother and five children. _october th._--an austrian steamer arrived in the afternoon from smyrna, with an english messenger from syria. it was reported that commodore napier had concluded a treaty with the emir besheer, by which the latter had engaged to join his forces to the sultan's. napier had landed with his marines, and, assisted by the turks and the troops of the emir, was in pursuit of ibrahim pasha. many of the pasha's soldiers had joined the sultan's party. _october th._--sir moses went to lord ponsonby. having thanked him for his great assistance in the affair of the jews at rhodes and damascus, he informed him that he wished to have an audience with the sultan, to thank him for his justice to the jews, to claim his special protection for them in all his dominions, and to obtain from him a declaration similar to that made by selim the second. lord ponsonby said he would give sir moses a letter of introduction to rechid pasha, who would perhaps be able to forward his wishes. lord and lady ponsonby then begged him to fix a day to dine with them, and sir moses returned, much pleased with the interview. the next five days were spent by sir moses in making himself acquainted with the communal affairs of various congregations. being very anxious to assist them in their endeavours to introduce improvements in their method of education, he had frequent communications with their teachers and school committees. in support of his exertions, at the special request of the ecclesiastical chief and representatives of the congregation, i delivered an address in one of their large synagogues at galata, on the last day of the feast of tabernacles, the aim of which was to exhort the audience to give more attention than hitherto to the acquisition of a liberal education. _october nd._--mr george samuel, mr pisani, mr wire, and myself accompanied sir moses to an interview with rechid pasha, who received us most kindly. sir moses informed his excellency that he had come to express his thanks, and those of all his co-religionists in europe, for the humanity and justice which his excellency and the sultan had shown in respect to the affair at rhodes. the pasha said he was sorry they had not been able to do the same at damascus. sir moses hoped that his excellency would do him and the gentlemen who accompanied him the honour of introducing them to the sultan, to which he replied that he thought it might be done. sir moses then said that formerly sultan selim had issued a hatti-sherif, declaring his conviction of the innocence of the jews of the charge brought against them, and it would be a great satisfaction if the present sultan would do the same. sir moses had prepared a paper, which he requested his excellency to hear read. mr pisani read it to him in french; he thought it very good, and said it might be done. having had pipes and coffee, we returned home, being engaged to dine with lord ponsonby. we had great difficulty in procuring a carriage to take us, and at last agreed with a man to take sir moses and lady montefiore, and fetch them back, for the sum of £ sterling. it was a miserable four-horse concern. mr wire and i preferred riding on horseback. it was a most agreeable party, and we met there several of our acquaintances. his lordship spoke with sir moses on the subject of a bank for constantinople, and said he wished him and another gentleman, whom he named, to speak with rechid pasha about it, and he would be present at the interview. sir moses said he would do so, but could not say anything before he returned to england. on the following day the rev. dr samuel bennet, the chaplain of the embassy, lunched with us. he had just delivered an excellent sermon in favour of the jews in the damascus affair. _october th._--as no appointment had been made, and that evening was the commencement of the rámázan, during which month the turks attend to no business, sir moses determined to call on mr pisani to inquire if he had heard from rechid pasha. we went accordingly, and mr pisani informed him that he had just received a letter from the minister of foreign affairs, acquainting him that the sublime porte would receive a deputation headed by sir moses montefiore on wednesday evening, three hours after sunset, at the palace of beshik tash. "how great and good," exclaimed sir moses, "is the almighty! at the moment when i most despaired of success, he has granted our petition." mr pisani said he had no doubt he should get the hatti sherif, but he could not say when. before we reached home it was six o'clock, and we found by the brilliant illumination of the minarets and mosques that the rámázan had been declared. _tuesday, october th._--in the course of the day the háhám bashi, signor m. h. fresco, came to sir moses by appointment, together with several leading members of the community and the secretary of the congregation. sir moses recommended him to issue an order that every school should have a well-qualified master, to teach the children to read and write the turkish language. sir moses offered to pay the first expenses they would have to incur. the háhám readily consented. an order to that effect had been drawn up in the turkish, spanish, and hebrew languages, and promulgated all over the country. the háhám bashi is the head of all the jews in the turkish empire, and his decrees are law. sir moses promised him to speak on the subject to rechid pasha before leaving constantinople. the following is the account, as given in sir moses' diary, of his audience with the sultan:-- "_wednesday, october th._--sir david wilkie, mr pisani, and george samuel dined with us, and at seven afterwards we set out. our cavalcade consisted of one carriage with four horses, and one with two horses, six kávásses or police officers, eight men carrying large wax torches, two horsemen with each coach, a sedan chair with each coach, and three men to close the procession. as the carriages could not drive up to our door i was carried in a sedan chair to the foot of the hill, the other gentlemen walked, and i went in the first carriage with mr pisani, the british dragoman; george samuel, mr wire, and dr loewe in the second. i wore my full uniform. the streets were crowded; many of the jews had illuminated their houses. we reached the palace in rather less than an hour. on descending from the carriages we found in the courtyard a large guard of honour, who presented arms. we were shown into a handsome drawing-room, furnished in the european style. two magnificent silver candlesticks with large wax candles stood on the ground in the centre of a richly embroidered velvet carpet. we had not been seated two minutes when rechid pasha entered; he was most friendly in his manner. we were soon joined by rizá pasha, and all were served with coffee and pipes, the mouthpieces and bowls of the latter being richly embellished with diamonds. "rechid pasha asked me how long i remained at alexandria, how often i had seen mohhammad ali, and how he looked? in a few moments it was announced that the sultan was ready to receive us. the two pashas walked first, i next, and the rest of our party followed, a large throng of officers bringing up the rear. "we crossed a garden about sixty yards in length, and entered a handsome marble hall; having descended a grand staircase, likewise of marble, we entered into the presence chamber. "the sultan was seated on a sofa, clad in his cloak of state, which was fastened at the neck with two large clasps of the finest diamonds. the cloak itself was of a violet colour, similar in cut to our own. he was a good-looking young man, and appeared about twenty-six years of age, though in reality but nineteen. the two pashas took their station on his left, i and my party on his right. after having received some courteous signs of welcome from him, i delivered the speech i had intended to have read to him, but instead of reading it, i spoke it, as i knew it well by heart, and there was not sufficient light to read it without spectacles. i said as follows:-- "'may it please your imperial majesty,--in the name of my brethren, who have deputed me, i come to lay at the foot of your imperial throne the grateful homage of their respect. "'england, my country, and other enlightened nations of the earth, heard the cries of the suffering and persecuted jews at damascus and at rhodes, and they hastened to offer to the sufferers their sympathy and affection. but the lord god, who ruleth over all, prevented the necessity of their aid at rhodes, and inspired your imperial majesty with wisdom, justice, and the love of truth. under your righteous direction the oppressor was laid low, the designs of the wicked made known, and the innocent delivered. i therefore crave permission to offer to your imperial majesty the profound gratitude of the hearts of our people, and to utter our prayers that the merciful god may bless your imperial majesty with length of days, with wisdom, honour, and riches, and so direct all your actions, that your name may be inscribed in golden characters for ever, and the memory of your deeds smell as sweet as a garden of roses. "'in ancient times the lord god brought our people out of egypt, and for ages they dwelt in palestine; to them were committed the oracles of god, and though now dispersed among the nations of the earth, they are numbered with the most peaceful and loyal subjects, and by their industry they have augmented the riches and prosperity of the countries in which they live. "'they look with love and veneration upon that land where their forefathers dwelt; they pray that all who live therein may enjoy the shadow of your sublime protection, and in peace be permitted to worship the god of their fathers. "'their prayers ascend to him whose wisdom is absolute, whose decrees are fixed and immutable, whom none can withstand, imploring that he will make your enemies eat the dust, that they may vanish as the morning dew, and flee away as chaff before the wind; that your throne may endure for ever, and that all who live under your sceptre may have peace, sitting under their own vine and their own fig-tree, none daring or wishing to make them afraid.' "the sultan listened with great attention, and as soon as i had finished, mr pisani repeated it in turkish. the sultan smiled whilst he was reading, and showed that he well understood the address and was pleased with it. as soon as mr pisani had concluded, the sultan fixed his eyes on me, and spoke in a mild and pleasing voice. 'i am perfectly satisfied,' he said, 'with the communication made and the sentiments expressed by the deputation. "'i have been affected by the events which have taken place in damascus, but i have endeavoured to offer some satisfaction to the israelitish nation, by giving orders that justice should be done in the affair of rhodes. "'the israelitish nation shall always have, from me, the same protection and enjoy the same advantages as all other subjects of my empire. "'i will grant the deputation the firman they have asked. "'i know, gentlemen, how to appreciate the pure philanthropy which has led you to this capital.' "having given his reply, the sultan requested me to come nearer. rechid pasha again presented me by name. the sultan smiled most graciously, and said, 'present your friends to me.' i first presented george samuels, my relative, then mr wire of the city of london, and dr loewe. when mr pisani repeated the last name and the doctor made a bow, mr pisani informed the sultan that the doctor had presented to the late sultan a translation of the hieroglyphical inscription on the obelisk in the hippodrome. the sultan spoke with rechid pasha to explain it, and then said he remembered seeing it, and seemed much pleased, and said the doctor must be a learned man. "the sultan could not have given us a more flattering reception; it was at the same time most dignified. the room in which he received us was well proportioned, and neatly furnished in european style. the curtains were of rich yellow satin and embroidered damask and velvet, most probably of french manufacture; the carpet was english; there were two large wax torches standing in elegantly carved candelabras. we descended a flight of marble stairs, and were shown into a large and handsome room, splendidly furnished, and more brilliantly illuminated than the other room. we chatted with rechid and riza pashas, expressed our thanks to them for their great kindness in procuring for us at so unusual a time an audience with his imperial majesty, and our gratitude to his majesty for his gracious reception and reply. i asked rechid pasha when i might hope to receive the firman which the sultan had promised me, as i was most desirous of returning to england the moment i got it. he replied that he supposed i should not go before the next steamer left (on the th of november), and that i should have it by that time; but as it was the rámázan, there was some difficulty in preparing it. we returned in state as we came, the guard of honour saluting us as we passed them in the court of the palace. we were again served, after the audience, in the lower room of the palace with sherbet in elegant glasses, and we had splendidly embroidered table napkins. a military band played during the greater part of the time we were at the palace. we found the streets still more crowded than when we went; not a window in the whole street through which we passed but was filled with female faces. as we approached the jewish street we experienced even more difficulty in passing. at the end of the same street signor commundo, with the ecclesiastical chief of galata and about twenty of our acquaintances, insisted on walking with us to our house. i was delighted to see my dear judith, and to acquaint her with our happy reception and the complete success of our mission, for which we return our grateful thanks to heaven." chapter xxxiii. . distress among the jews at salonica--oppressive laws with regard to them--text of the firman--its promulgation. on the th of october all the representatives of the hebrew congregations called to express their thanks to sir moses for introducing the study of the turkish language and its literature in their schools. the letter on the subject, addressed by the háhám bashi to all the congregations, had been printed, and was to be read publicly on the following day in all the synagogues in constantinople. on saturday we had the happiness of receiving from mr pisani the answer of his imperial majesty, which he had delivered to sir moses in reply to his address on wednesday evening, which his majesty promised should be delivered in writing. rechid pasha sent it by mr pisani, saying that he was preparing the firman which sir moses had requested from the sultan. the same day the letter of the háhám bashi was read in all the synagogues, and caused great satisfaction to all present, as they considered that the introduction of the turkish language in the jewish schools would raise the jews in the estimation of both moslems and greeks. we had again many visitors, and received a deputation from salonica, where there were jewish families. much distress, they said, prevailed there, in consequence of a fire which had destroyed , houses, of which belonged to jews. they had presented a petition to the sultan for assistance to rebuild the houses, as he had sent money for that purpose to the other inhabitants, but not to the jews. they also complained that they were forced to pay the governor large sums of money before he would allow them to bury any one. sir moses asked them if persons of other religions were also charged for the privilege of burying their dead; they replied in the affirmative, but said the sum that others paid was very trifling as compared to the charges made to the jews. mr isaac picciotto, who had just arrived from damascus, paid us a visit. he was one of the unfortunate persons accused there, and had only been saved from torture by the protection of the austrian consul, he being an austrian subject. he was kept seven months in the consul's house, and had only had courage to leave it that week, after the other persons had returned to their homes. he expressed great gratitude for our exertions on their behalf, and shed tears on seeing us. _november st._--mr alison called, with a request from rifaat bey to sir moses to fix a day to dine with him, and he would invite colonel hodges to meet him. sir moses accepted the invitation for the following wednesday. the intervening days were spent in receiving deputations and friends, and visiting various charitable institutions, where he distributed generous gifts. _november th._--having seen much poverty at kháskoey, sir moses went there, accompanied by lady montefiore and myself, to attend prayers at the synagogue "major." on leaving the synagogue, sir moses, according to previous arrangements, commenced distributing among the poor the money he had brought with him. but he was overpowered by the crowd, and had he not been rescued by the guard (two officers and six men) who attended him as a mark of honour, he would not have been able to pass. it required all their force to keep back the crowd till we had reached our abode. sir moses was obliged to leave the money with the wardens of the synagogue to be distributed by them, observing that he had never in any other place witnessed so much poverty and distress. poor, however, as the people of kháskoey were, they devoted a great part of their humble earnings to education, and not only to the education of their children, but also to that of grown-up members of their community; nor did they neglect to contribute to the support of their synagogues. my attention was here called to a rather amusing notice affixed to the portals of the synagogue, containing strict orders and regulations, issued by the heads of the congregation, regarding the best mode of effecting economy in the affairs of the community, collectively and individually. the members and their families were interdicted from wearing costly furs, dresses and head-dresses embroidered with gold or silver. expensive shawls, gold and silver fringes on the costume, and similar luxuries are likewise prohibited. the women are not to bring their jewellery to the hamám (public bath), where they were in the habit of spending hours chatting with their friends and exhibiting their wealth. similar restrictions were placed on festivities at weddings and at the naming of boys. even at funerals the use of costly shawls on the biers of females was not permitted. the poor of galata were considered the following day, and we repaired to the synagogue, there to distribute sir moses and lady montefiore's gifts. in the course of the day mr pisani called, informing sir moses that he would receive a decoration from the sultan. subsequently sir moses called on lord ponsonby, who promised to do what he could to relieve the distress in rhodes. being pressed for time we soon returned, and proceeded to rifáat bey's. "it was already late," says sir moses, "when we came there, and found waiting there lords canning and louvain, colonel hodges, captain gordon, dr m'carthy, mr c. alison, rifáat bey, and several turkish gentlemen." the conversation on the events in syria was very interesting. about nine o'clock we left the party, much pleased with the novelty of the scene. _november th._--we went first to the austrian ambassador and then to rechid pasha. the latter, who received us in a very friendly manner, said that the hatti-sherif was ready, but had not yet been signed by the sultan. sir moses expressed his anxiety to have it as soon as possible, as he was desirous of leaving the next day. the pasha said that if mr pisani came at ten o'clock the same evening to the porte, he should have it, as he himself would go to riza pasha about it, and appointed twelve o'clock the next day to see sir moses. _saturday evening, november th._--sir moses writes in his diary: "i sat up last night till after twelve, awaiting with great anxiety the return of mr wire, who had gone to mr pisani's house to fetch the firman for me as soon as mr pisani should return from the porte, where rechid pasha had appointed him to be at ten o'clock. i had just fallen asleep when mr wire knocked at my door, and showed me the firman which the sultan had signed. it was beautifully written on thick parchment, and was enclosed in a coloured satin bag. i sent it to dr loewe, who had also retired, begging of him to read it and let me know if it was all we could desire for the satisfaction of our brethren. in a little while mr wire returned it to me, saying that dr loewe had read it, and had assured him it was written in the strongest possible terms as to the innocence of the jews, as well as for their future protection. "i then blessed the lord god for his great goodness, placed the firman under my pillow, and fell asleep." the next day i walked with dr loewe to rechid pasha's residence. i took the firman with me, as it had to be deposited in the archives of the ottoman empire, and the pasha had only sent it to me that i might be convinced of its authenticity. an official copy was, by order of the sultan, forwarded to the háhám bashi. his excellency, rechid pasha, received us immediately, and said he hoped i was satisfied with what the sultan had done for us. mr pisani then handed me an official copy of the firman, and i gave the original to the pasha. i had first begged to be allowed to keep it, but his excellency said it was impossible, and my copy of it was in every respect accurate. the following is an exact translation of the firman hatti-sherif (addressed to the chief judge at constantinople), at the head of which his imperial majesty the sultan abd-ool-medjid wrote with his own hand the following words: "let that be executed which is prescribed in this firman:"-- "an ancient prejudice prevailed against the jews. the ignorant believed that the jews were accustomed to sacrifice a human being to make use of his blood at their feast of passover. "in consequence of this opinion, the jews of damascus and rhodes (who are subjects of our empire) have been persecuted by other nations. the calumnies which have been uttered against the jews, and the vexations to which they have been subjected, have at last reached our imperial throne. "but a short time has elapsed since some jews dwelling in the island of rhodes have been brought from thence to constantinople, where they have been tried and judged according to the new regulations, and their innocence of the accusations made against them fully proved. that, therefore, which justice and equity required has been done on their behalf. "besides which the religious books of the hebrews have been examined by learned men, well versed in their theological literature, the result of which examination is, that it is found that the jews are strongly prohibited, not only from using human blood, but even that of animals. it therefore follows that the charges made against them and their religion are nothing but pure calumny. "for this reason, and for the love we bear to our subjects, we cannot permit the jewish nation (whose innocence of the crime alleged against them is evident) to be vexed and tormented upon accusations which have not the least foundation in truth, but in conformity to the hatti-sherif which has been proclaimed at gulhani, the jewish nation shall possess the same advantages and enjoy the same privileges as are granted to the numerous other nations who submit to our authority. "the jewish nation shall be protected and defended. "to accomplish this object, we have given the most positive orders that the jewish nation, dwelling in all parts of our empire, shall be perfectly protected, as well as all other subjects of the sublime porte, and that no person shall molest them in any manner whatever (except for a just cause), neither in the free exercise of their religion, nor in that which concerns their safety and tranquillity. in consequence, the present firman, which is ornamented at the head with our 'hoomaioon' (sign-manual), and emanates from our imperial chancellerie, has been delivered to the israelitish nation. "thus you, the above-mentioned judge, when you know the contents of this firman, will endeavour to act with great care in the manner therein prescribed. and in order that nothing may be done in opposition to this firman, at any time hereafter, you will register it in the archives of the tribunal; you will afterwards deliver it to the israelitish nation, and you will take great care to execute our orders, and this our sovereign will. "given at constantinople, th rámázan, (november th, )." i gave rechid pasha the order issued by the háhám bashi respecting the instruction henceforth to be given in all the hebrew public schools in the turkish language. he read the paper carefully, and said he was much pleased; he also made the following remark: "if you had done nothing else in constantinople than that, you ought to consider yourself amply compensated for the trouble and fatigue you have undergone, by the consciousness of having been instrumental in affording your brethren the opportunity of raising their position, by a knowledge of the turkish language." he then told me of his having written to the pasha of rhodes to take special care that the jews were always under proper protection, so that, if they wished to leave the town, they might do so without fear of molestation. on our return home we found a great many visitors who had come to bid us farewell. towards evening the representatives of all the congregations called, and prayers were recited at the conclusion of the sabbath. soon after dark, monsieur le goff, who had promised to call for us when it would be time to embark, came, and we all went on board. hundreds of people pressed round us as we embarked, offering prayers and good wishes for our safe return to england. on the th november we landed at smyrna, where sir moses left greek translations of the firman, as well as many charitable gifts for distribution. six days later we arrived at malta, where we learned that st jean d'acre had been taken, after three hours' fight, but with very little loss. this, sir moses thought, would settle the affair of syria, and he had some hope that egypt itself would soon return to the sultan. the officer of the lazaretto came, and advised us to remain on board that day and the next. he told us we should have excellent apartments in fort manoel, as the emir besheer and his attendants, about persons, would then leave the lazaretto. sir moses agreed to this, and the next day the commandant, monsieur le goff, took us in his boat to fort-manoel. the emir besheer and his suite only left at nine o'clock. we saw them going in two boats on their way to st antonio. the emir besheer was in the governor's boat with some of the attendants; the ladies, about twelve of them, were in another boat. the emir was a noble-looking old man, with a long white beard; the ladies were all dressed in white, and had their faces veiled. i once had the opportunity of seeing the emir in his mountains at ebtedeen. his proper name was emir sa'ad ed-deen esh-shehâbi. his political movements, as well as his general course of life, from a religious point of view, could not stand the test of a strict investigation. he spoke on one occasion, in the presence of french officers, disrespectfully of the queen, and also of the sultan. the british consul at damascus, now sir richard wood, escorted him to constantinople, where he received a serious reprimand from the english ambassador and the turkish authorities. we found that our apartments were not ready for immediate occupation, and we therefore had to remain a long time in the open air, until they had undergone a process of fumigation and ventilation. _november th._--a french war steamer arrived in the morning from alexandria, reporting the recall of ibrahim pasha from syria, and the countermanding of troops under orders for syria, and of the levy of bedáwees. we also learned that the pasha had given up the turkish fleet, and contented himself, with the vice-regal power in egypt; and that all this had been approved by a council. sir moses remarked, "that all this might be true, but if the sultan allowed mohhammad ali to retain egypt, he would not suffer syria to remain quiet for twelve months, but would excite insurrections. the english government," he said, "had the game in their own hands, and he hoped they would not throw it away; syria would never be safe while mohhammad ali ruled in egypt." _september rd._--sir hector grey sent the welcome tidings that our imprisonment would be reduced to fifteen days instead of twenty. a few days later, captain h. m. austin, of her majesty's steam frigate _cyclops_, arrived from beyrout, and gave us a most interesting account of all that had been passing in syria. he expected that ibrahim pasha would be taken, and that mohhammad ali would retain egypt, as our ministers, he said, wished it. _friday, september th._--we had many visitors at fort manoel lazaretto (malta) this day: lady stopford and her daughter, captain and mrs copeland, and the greek consul; also captain le goff of the _minos_. all of them gave accounts of the state of politics. the french steamer brought us letters from signor communda, in which he informed sir moses, that rechid pasha had sent his chief secretary, accompanied by many officers, to the jews with the hatti-sherif. it was publicly read amidst the universal joy of the people, and prayers were offered up for the sultan, also for sir moses. chapter xxxiv. . departure from malta--naples--rome--a shameful inscription--prejudices against the jews at the vatican. _november th._--sir hector grey called, bringing news (in confirmation of previous reports) to the effect that commodore napier had made a convention with mohhammad ali: the latter was to give up syria, recall ibrahim pasha, and restore the turkish fleet, on being guaranteed by the four powers in his authority over egypt. having accepted an invitation from the governor to dine with him, we repaired to the palace, and met a very pleasant party of twenty-four persons. the governor repeatedly expressed, to sir moses his satisfaction with the result of his mission. _december nd._--major churchill called, bringing with him colonel hugh rose and colonel golquhoun; all offered to take letters and parcels for us to damascus. sir moses availed himself of their kindness, and entrusted major churchill with a box containing letters, newspapers, and copies of the sultan's hatti-sherif for transmission to the representatives of the hebrew community at damascus. at ten in the evening we went, by invitation from colonel winchester and officers of the nd highlanders, to a splendid ball. all the _élite_ of the island were present, the governor, the admiral, &c. sir moses was introduced to general mitchel and all the officers then going to syra. they offered him every assistance he might desire, and promised to protect the jews. lady lewis called to invite lady montefiore to go with her to see the emir besheer's lady, báheeyát eddoonyá (the beauty of the world), and sir moses and party to accompany them, and call on the emir. the invitation was gladly accepted. we were detained there a long time, the emir having a great deal to say to sir moses respecting his own affairs, as he wished him to intercede on his behalf with the english government. _saturday, december th._--attended divine service early in the morning, and received in the course of the day the representatives of the hebrew community. they came to thank sir moses and lady montefiore for what they had done for them, and wished us a safe voyage home. the emir besheer sent his bishop to sir moses, and begged he would speak with lord palmerston. he had written himself to the queen, praying her majesty for his return to the mountains. he wished him to say that his family had ruled there two hundred years, and himself fifty. sir moses promised the emir to comply with his request, and lady montefiore returned compliments and good wishes to the princess báheeyát eddoonyá. _december th._--early in the morning we went on board the french steamer _dante_ at malta, and after a two days' pleasant sea voyage, dropped anchor in the bay of naples. _december th._--sir moses was very anxious to prepare here for the important work he would have to do at rome regarding the removal of a scandal that might, at some future period, become a source of great vexation and misery to thousands of innocent jews. i allude to the libellous epitaph which the capuchins at damascus had inscribed on the stone erected over an opening in which some bones of animals had been put. the inscription, which had been copied by two monks, was in the italian and arabic language, as follows:-- "d. o. m. "qui riposano le ossa del p^re tomaso da sardegna miss^o cappuccino assassinato dagli ebrei il giorno de febraro l'anno ." _translation of italian inscription._ "here rest the bones of father tomaso of sardinia, a capuchin missionary, murdered by the hebrews on the th of february ." _translation of arabic inscription._ "the outward appearance of the tomb of father tomaso the capuchin, and its place of wailing. he zealously discharged the duties of his calling as one of the missionaries in damascus--the jews slaughtered him--his goodness did not save him. "the laying down of his bones took place on the th of february ." the baron and the baroness charles de rothschild called soon after our arrival. they considered with us what was best to be done to facilitate the intended proceedings at rome, and agreed to seek an interview with the pope's nuncio. permission was obtained the same day from the minister of police to have the hatti sherif printed and published in italian papers. his excellency had them printed for sir moses, and forwarded him several hundred copies for distribution among friends. mr briggs paid them a visit, and having discussed all that had taken place in alexandria, expressed much pleasure at the result of the mission. _naples, december th._--sir moses went with baron charles to the pope's nuncio, who received them most kindly. he complimented sir moses, saying that he was an excellent ambassador, as was proved by his success. on acquainting him with the object of his visit, and asking for his advice as to the best mode of proceeding when at rome to procure the removal of the stone in the latin convent of the capuchins at damascus, the nuncio said that the business must be hinted with much delicacy at rome; he was going there on the th january, and would do it himself if sir moses would remain at naples. sir moses, however, could not remain so long, and the nuncio promised to prepare a letter, to a friend at rome and send it to him. in the evening we all dined with the baron and baroness de rothschild. the entertainment was given in honour of sir moses and lady montefiore; twenty-four at table--princes and princesses, dukes and duchesses, the _élite_ of the neapolitan nobility, as well as admiral gowley and other distinguished officers in the navy. we were also invited to a ball, but sir moses was not sufficiently well to go, and lady montefiore would not go without him. _december th._--a visit was paid to the austrian ambassador, count de lebselter. both sir moses and baron de rothschild were much pleased with his remarks on the recent events in the east. _december th._--sir moses and baron charles went to the french ambassador, who received them most kindly. sir moses recounted to him count ratti-menton's conduct in the affair of damascus, with the full particulars. he also told him what he had effected in constantinople, and he had the happiness of hearing the ambassador state that it had been his opinion from the first that the jews were innocent of the crime imputed to them. he several times congratulated sir moses on his success; said that he was glad the latter intended going to paris, and that he should make the government acquainted with the conduct of ratti-menton, but without publishing it to the world. the duke was the first frenchman that sir moses had heard express in so decided a manner his conviction of the innocence of the jews. it was reported that the sultan had refused to ratify commodore napier's convention, at the request of the ambassadors of the four powers. they would not consent to the pasha having candia. _naples, december th._--"we entered our good old carriage this morning," sir moses writes in his diary, "at eight; the weather was mild and pleasant. we had four horses to our carriage, and only a pair to the carriage for mr wire and dr loewe, though i was obliged to pay for three, as we do not intend travelling at night, and are anxious to get on as fast as we can. we hope to save much time and obtain better accommodation on the road by having a courier." _december nd._--through the carelessness of the postilions, sir moses' carriage was driven against a cart, the pole of the former being broken. our carriage also met with an accident, but we nevertheless all reached rome safely. soon after entering the gates of the city we were greeted by a deputation of our brethren, who followed us to our hotel, and expressed their pleasure at seeing us return in good health. we then proceeded to the synagogue, which had been most brilliantly illuminated in our honour. the people of rome were delighted with our success at constantinople; the firman, they considered, gave some reparation for the past and security for the future. _december rd._--sir moses presented his letter of introduction to prince alexander torlonia, who likewise congratulated him on the success of the mission. another deputation from the jews of rome came to express their thanks to sir moses for his exertions on behalf of his co-religionists, regretting that it was not in their power to prove their gratitude by something more than words. _rome, december th._--we then called on baron de binder, the attaché to the austrian embassy. sir moses intimated his desire to be introduced to the austrian ambassador, in order to thank him for the lively interest he had taken in favour of the jews of damascus. the baron said he should be happy to introduce him, but as the following day was christmas day, and the new year holidays were so near, he feared some few days must elapse before he would be able to get an appointment. sir moses informed the baron of his earnest desire to be presented to the pope, to express his gratitude to him for not having permitted the public press of rome to insert the charges made against the jews at rhodes and damascus, also to present his holiness with a copy of the firman granted by the sultan, and to intimate the great act of kindness it would be on his part to advise the removal of the inscription from the stone in the convent at damascus, over some bones said to be those of father tommaso. the sultan would doubtless, if applied to, order the removal of the stone, as soon as his governor was in the city; but sir moses, well knowing his holiness' love of truth and peace, felt confident that, if made known to him, he would not permit such a libel to remain. _december th._--sir moses and lady montefiore, while visiting one of the public institutions, met the princess augusta of cambridge, who spoke to them most kindly. prince a. torlonia sent them the key of his box at the opera. they availed themselves of this kindness in company with several friends. "being the first representation of the season," writes sir moses, "the house was filled to overflowing in every part. the queen of spain, the duchess of cambridge and her daughter were present, as well as every person of note in rome. it is customary for the governor of the city, on the first night of the season, to offer to the audience in the second and third tiers of boxes, ices, cakes, &c., twice during the evening, between the acts. simultaneously, as if by magic, two waiters entered into each of the sixty-two boxes, one bearing wax candles in silver candlesticks and the other trays with the choicest refreshments. we had one of the best and largest boxes in the house, and remained till nearly twelve." the following day sir moses and lady montefiore received a beautiful address from the consistoire israélite of france, offering congratulations and deep gratitude for their noble exertions. _december th._--sir moses went with baron binder to count lebselter, the austrian minister. the count expressed himself most handsomely, saying that he was perfectly convinced of the innocence of the jews, and that he knew the people well, having been ambassador at constantinople for four years. he said he had frequently spoken with the cardinals on the subject of the damascus affair, but he did not succeed in converting them to his opinion. he recommended sir moses to see mr aubin, who then acted as agent for the british government, and to request mr aubin to present him to signor capuccini, under secretary of state, and explain to him his wishes. _december th._--sir moses had a long conversation with mr aubin, who consented to speak to signor capuccini and acquaint him with sir moses' desire to be introduced to the pope. mr aubin said, as to the presentation he feared he should not succeed, but thought perhaps he might with the request referring to the firman. at four o'clock sir moses saw mr aubin again. he had been with signor capuccini, but could not succeed in any way, and was, indeed, most anxious that sir moses should not even call upon him. mr aubin said that all the people about the pope were persuaded that the jews had murdered father tommaso, and even _if all the witnesses in the world were brought before the pope to prove the contrary_, neither he nor his people would be convinced, and he could do nothing more. sir moses, on hearing this, determined at once to leave his card, together with his letters of introduction, with signor capuccini and the cardinal tosti, which he did, also leaving cards on monsignor bruti and the abbé ferrari, and was informed two days later that the secretary of state had appointed eleven on the following day to receive him. sir moses called on torlonia, and spoke to him respecting his introduction to the pope, to solicit his directions for the removal of the stone. the prince promised to consult his brother, the duke, and see what could be done; personally he thought it should be done through the propaganda. sir moses left him a translation of mr shadwell's letter on the subject. it was again reported that the sultan would not ratify commodore napier's convention with mohhammad ali, but that lord palmerston would insist upon the ratification. we then visited the ghetto, where we were met by a deputation of our brethren, who took us to see the workshops. we saw many jewish children at work, some weaving, others making shoes. sir moses gave to each child a spanish dollar, and two napoleons to each teacher. we next went to the four schools. sir moses gave to each boy half a dollar, and fourteen dollars to the students, for the study of the holy law. on our return, sir moses found that cards had been left by the abbé ferrari; monsignor bruti, private chamberlain to the pope; and baron de binder kriegelstein. great anxiety was felt by sir moses as to the result of his endeavours to get an audience with the pope. his petition was already prepared, and he hoped by some means to get it into the pope's hands. if this could be effected, he thought some good might be done. "heaven only knows," he said, "my fears are much greater than my hopes; neither the austrian minister nor baron de binder will do anything." the hanoverian minister had expressed to baron de binder his total inability to assist sir moses in obtaining an audience with his holiness. mr aubin said he had done all he could, but ineffectually, and signer capuccini entreated that sir moses would not insist upon seeing the pope, as the cardinal tosti had taken no notice of either sir moses' letter or card. "this is the last night of the year ," sir moses said. "it has been a year of much anxiety, fatigue, and danger to lady montefiore and myself, but thanks to the god of our fathers, we trust its fruits will be productive of much good to his children, not only in the east, but in the west as well." chapter xxxv. . monsignor bruti and his hints--cardinal riverola--ineffectual attempts to interview the pope--returning homewards--alarming accident--the governor of genoa--interview with king louis philippe. at rome, st january , sir moses writes: "monsignor bruti called on us, and i asked his advice as to the best means of obtaining the removal of the stone, &c. he advised my first trying the head of the capuchins here, also of the propaganda, before i went to the secretary of state, and offered, if i would postpone my visit to the secretary of state, which i had arranged with mr kolb for to-morrow, to make enquiries in some influential quarters, and see me again to-morrow to acquaint me with the best mode of proceeding. he spoke in a liberal manner, and appeared to think i might succeed. in consequence of this, mr wire wrote to mr kolb to postpone the appointment. "_january nd._--monsignor bruti came in. he said he had spoken to several influential persons, but the one he particularly wished to see was out of town; if he did not return in a few days, he would go to him. monsignor bruti thought the petition i had prepared for the pope very likely to meet with success, if i first gained the concurrence of some of the capuchins, and he advised my making some presents of money. i instantly stopped him, and assured him that, in the execution of my mission, i had not given a single dollar, nor would i do so in rome, even if i was sure to obtain by it the object i had so much at heart. this information had a great effect on his manner of speaking, and he left us in two minutes. i daresay we shall see little more of him." _january th._--mr kolb went with us to the monastery to endeavour to see cardinal riverola, the head of the capuchins; he was unwell, but appointed to see us the next day at twelve. monsignor bruti called; he seemed very desirous to know how sir moses was going on; the latter, however, did not think monsignor bruti could assist him. _january th._--"i received a letter," sir moses writes in his diary, "from prince torlonia, expressing his regret that he had not succeeded in his application for me, and enclosing a letter he received from the chamberlain of his holiness, stating that at present his holiness did not give any audiences. at twelve, i and dr loewe went to monsieur c. de kolb; he joined us, and we went to the monastery. we were admitted immediately to his eminence, cardinal agostino riverola. mr kolb introduced me. i acquainted the cardinal with the object of my visit to him, as he was the chief of the capuchins. i urged the injustice of allowing such a libel to exist in the convent at damascus, pointing out that the inscription stated that padre tommaso was assassinated by the hebrews. i said that both mohhammad ali and the sultan were satisfied as to the innocence of the accused, and they had both given me firmans confirming their opinion. the cardinal said the firman was most important, and he would at once sanction the removal of the stone, whether the firman had been obtained by rothschild's fortune or by other means. i instantly stopped the cardinal, and assured him that i had not given a dollar for the firman, nor would i have attempted to obtain justice by bribery. he said that was immaterial, he would not enter into the subject; the firman was of great importance. the inscription, he said, was most improper, as it charged all the israelites with the murder. what would be said if a florentine committed a crime, and all florentines were charged with it? i assured the cardinal that padre tommaso had not been murdered by a jew, but he did not seem to credit my assurance. i said i thought it possible that the padre might still be living in one of the monasteries of lebanon. the cardinal laughed, and turning to mr kolb, said, perhaps cardinal fesch was still living. it was his opinion, however, that the stone should be removed, and he would confer with the general of the capuchins on the subject, as he could not give instructions for its removal without his concurrence. i asked if he would see him to-day, but he replied, 'look at the weather; it is impossible, but i will in a day or two.' i enquired when i might call again; he said, 'whenever i pleased.' i gave the cardinal two copies of the firman, also translations of the letters sent me by mr shadwell and the rev. j. marshall. the result of my interview leads me to hope that with patience and perseverance i may succeed in getting the inscription removed. "_january th._--signer scala paid us a visit, and advised me to forward the petition i had prepared for his holiness to the cardinal. i and dr loewe then went to the cardinal's house; we sent in the petition, enclosed in one to himself. we then had an interview with him in his library. he told us that he had read the petition, but that it was not his department to present petitions to his holiness. i asked him kindly to inform me in whose department it was. he replied, the cardinal's secretary of state for foreign affairs. i gave him two of my pamphlets with the firman, and we took our leave. we returned to our hotel, and i immediately wrote to cardinal luigi lambruschini, secretary of state for foreign affairs. we took the letter to his house, but he was at dinner, and the servant informed us he must not be disturbed. we could leave the paper, and it would be given to the cardinal. if we returned at six o'clock we should have an answer. we left the papers. at six, dr loewe went to cardinal lambruschini. his servant said the cardinal had read the papers, but he had nothing to do with them; that the application had been made before, and that he returned them. thus, it appears, all doors are closed against my petition finding its way to his holiness. "mr kolb said i must be prepared to hear bad news to-morrow from the cardinal riverola, as the cardinal felt great surprise at my boldness in replying to him respecting the rothschilds having purchased the firman with their fortunes, and also about the jews not having murdered father tommaso. i believe it is not of much consequence, but, at all events, i would not suffer any one to suppose for a moment that i had been base enough to bribe any one for the purpose of freeing the jews from false and base accusations. at twelve i went with dr loewe and mr wire to mr kolb. he joined us, and we proceeded to the convent of the frati di st marcello to cardinal riverola, the protector of the capuchins. we were all presented to him. i took my seat next to him by his desire. he informed me that he would write to advise the removal of the stone from the convent of the capuchins at damascus; that he could not order the removal of the stone, but would advise it; that the convent was under the protection of the french authority, who had caused it to be erected; that all the monks belonging to that convent, except one, had died, and that several monks would be sent there as soon as syria became more tranquil. the cardinal was most friendly in his manner. before i left he returned me the copies of the letters of mr shadwell, &c., i gave him to read at my last interview, but he kept the copy of the firman, as well as the copy of the firman of mohhammad ali which i gave mr kolb for him. cardinal riverola had consulted with the chief of the capuchins at rome. it was this person who assured the cardinal that he had not the power to remove the stone, but if he advised it, the advice would certainly be followed. i must see when i get to paris what can be done with the french minister." sir moses then called on baron binder and prince torlonia, and informed them of what he had done. in the course of the day signor scala came to inform him that the pope had appointed the next day at eleven o'clock to receive the deputation of the jews of rome who annually paid their homage to him at that season. _january th._--we called on mr aubin to ask his advice respecting the petition to his holiness. he was of opinion that sir moses had better not present it unless cardinal riverola advised it. we afterwards called on mr kolb. he said he was satisfied the cardinal would keep his promise, and sir moses would only do mischief if he attempted to petition the pope. signor scala and the deputation that accompanied him were received by the pope, who said he was well satisfied with his hebrew subjects, and would grant them all the privileges his religion permitted. we quitted rome on monday evening (january th), and travelling _viâ_ viterbo and sienna, reached leghorn on the th january. "most grateful do i feel," said sir moses, "to the almighty for having conducted me and my dear judith in safety and peace to this my native city." _saturday, january th._--about one o'clock the chancellor of the congregation came, saying that he had received an intimation from the governor of the town that the latter wished to make the acquaintance of sir moses, but that etiquette prevented his calling on him, and he had therefore sent his card by his aide-de-camp. in consequence of this we all went to his excellency, accompanied by the chancellor, signer basevi. he received us most politely, and paid sir moses a great many compliments. he said, among other things, that every friend of humanity owed him a debt of gratitude. he was delighted to have made his personal acquaintance, and hoped to see him again. _january th._--accompanied by signor basevi, we went to the old burial-ground, where we met seventeen old men who knew signor r. h. racah, sir moses' uncle and godfather. sir moses distributed money among them, and proceeded to the new burial-ground, where, on seeing the grave of one of his relations without a tombstone, he gave the order to have one made at his expense. _ th january._--we left leghorn at p.m., sir moses being obliged to leave by a side door to escape the great numbers of people who were waiting in front of the hotel to pay their respects to the champion of israel. about two o'clock we were all much alarmed by lady montefiore being suddenly taken seriously ill, with a numbness of her hand and arm, and a dizziness and great pain in the head, which almost deprived her of speech and motion. she was just able to ask for the prayer book. gradually she recovered from the attack, which sir moses hoped was only spasmodic, though she remained weak and very unwell. from genoa we made our way to savona, but in consequence of a serious carriage accident, in which buck, one of the servants, was badly hurt, we immediately returned to genoa to obtain medical assistance. by some misunderstanding which had arisen between our couriers and the postillions of another carriage on the road, that of the prince and princess marc de beauvaix, in changing horses, ours took fright and went off down a hill. on the one side there was a deep precipice, of at least a hundred feet, into the sea; on the other a deep ditch. the carriage was thrown into the ditch, and fell on the side of the hill, which prevented it from being entirely overturned. sir moses, on getting lady montefiore out of the carriage, found she had lost all power to help herself, and placed her on the side of the road, while he endeavoured to restore her. as soon as the carriages were ready again, the invalids were carefully placed in them, and we all returned to the hotel croce di malta, our old quarters, where we found everything prepared for us, all having been ordered by the young couple who were the innocent cause of our misfortune. we soon had robert carried to bed, and dr bennett, an english surgeon and a very clever man, very carefully examined the patient, and did all that was necessary for his comfort and recovery. he said the wound in his leg would be of no consequence, but if it had been extended the hundredth part of an inch it would have cut the artery, and he would have bled to death before we could have even placed him in the carriage. sir moses and lady montefiore were much fatigued and agitated, but full of deep gratitude to heaven for the mercy shown to them and to their faithful servant, robert, whom they would not leave; and they remained at genoa till he was sufficiently recovered to travel. _january th._--mr yates brown, the british consul, called with the compliments of the governor of genoa, who desired to make sir moses' acquaintance. the latter agreed to accompany him the next day to his excellency. _january th._--i accompanied sir moses to his excellency the marchese paulucca, the governor of genoa, who received him most kindly, enquired as to the result of his voyage to the east, and was happy to hear of its success. "he had never," he said, "for a moment believed the charges against the israelites; he had been governor of georgia, where there were many of that nation, and he had never heard of such a thing; he had known many jews for eighteen years, and respected them. he had allowed a contradiction of the charge to appear in the genoa _gazette_, for which he said he had been reprimanded by the government; nevertheless, he was glad he had done it. sir moses gave his excellency two copies of the firman, with which he seemed much pleased. the rev. e. bondi subsequently related to sir moses an anecdote concerning the marchese. about three months previously an englishman, a protestant, with a large family, had given much trouble to the british government respecting a claim he had on the sardinian government, but not having succeeded in gaining his object, in a fit of spleen he embraced the catholic religion with all his family. the ceremony took place in the great church at genoa, in the presence of the king, the royal family, and the great officers. on the following day the king inquired of the marchese paulucca if he was not delighted with the beautiful ceremony (supposing him to have been present), but the latter informed his majesty that he was not in the church at the time. the king expressed his surprise, and inquired the reason. the marchese replied that he disliked hypocrisy of all kinds. the king was silent, but did not speak to him for three days." monsieur blaurie, the consul general of france, sent us the key of his box at the opera, and begged we would go there in the evening, but sir moses declined the favour. _friday, january th._--mr wire left us to-day to proceed by sea to marseilles and thence to england, accompanied by a french courier whom sir moses engaged to attend him. the _gazette_ of genoa (a paper which contained many articles unfavourable to the jews) now published the firman, and other journals followed the example. the representatives of the hebrew community requested to be favoured with some copies, to be distributed among their acquaintances, not only in this city, but in every town where there were israelites, as they had all suffered more or less by the infamous calumny. in genoa a song had been printed and sung about the streets, relating the particulars of the supposed murder of padre tommaso, and the confessions of the persons accused of the crime. _february st._--lord and lady roden and lady stratford canning came to see sir moses and lady montefiore. they spoke much on the subject of our mission. his lordship told sir moses that the upper classes even of that place were ignorant and fanatic. an italian lady only three days before told him at a large party that a young woman was missing in the city, and she believed the jews had taken her, with the intention of keeping her for a time to see if her blood was pure, and then to kill her to use the blood in the passover cakes. his lordship asked her the name of the person who gave her the information, and on what authority they did so, but she could not answer that question. _february th._--we travelled by marseilles and avignon, and reached lyons the next day. _february th._--reached auxerre. during the last three days we had noticed some reports in the papers to the effect that sherif pasha, the late governor of damascus, had incurred the displeasure of ibrahim pasha, the latter having threatened to have him tried by court martial. his troubles were therefore beginning, and he would perhaps regret the injustice he committed when enjoying the favour of his highness. _february th._--on our arrival at paris, mr s. almosnino, the secretary of the spanish and portuguese hebrew congregation of london, came expressly to sir moses to deliver some letters to him from the representatives of that body. sir moses was much pleased to see this worthy and faithful officer of his community, and gave him a hearty welcome. after paying visits to the barons james and solomon de rothschild, to report to them on the result of the mission, sir moses left his card at lord granville's. _friday, february th._--sir moses called on lord granville, and told his lordship that he was anxious to present to his majesty the king a copy of the firman hatti-sherif granted by the sultan to the israelites in his dominions. his lordship said, as monsieur thiers had taken a prominent part in the affair of damascus, it was probable the king might not wish to receive the firman. sir moses replied that he thought his majesty too great a lover of justice to refuse his request. his lordship then asked him whether he would publish the refusal, in case the king's reply should be unfavourable. sir moses immediately replied in the negative; that his object was to promote peace, and not to create animosity. upon which his lordship said he would consult monsieur guizot, and let him know the result. the next day sir moses received a note from lord granville, informing him that his majesty had notified his willingness to receive him at the tuileries the same evening. _saturday, february th._--at half-past eight his lordship also informed him in a second note that he would be at the palace to present him. the following is an account of the interview with the king in sir moses' own words:-- "i was so fatigued that i could eat no dinner, but dressed myself in my uniform, and at half-past eight i went to the palace, accompanied by dr loewe. a minute or two afterwards lord granville came in, and we were immediately conducted into the presence of the king and the royal family. there were a number of officers in the room. his majesty came up the moment we entered. lord granville presented me. i then offered to the king the translation of the hatti-sherif; he accepted it of me in a most gracious manner, said he was happy to receive it, and enquired if i had been at damascus. i informed him that the disturbed state of the country had prevented me, but his majesty would perceive by the firman i had the honour of placing in his hands, that there was no longer any occasion for my going, as the sultan had expressed his entire conviction that the accusations against the jews at damascus were calumnies. his majesty said he was happy it was so. he said he feared he had put me to some inconvenience by the very short notification he had given me, but as to-morrow was sunday, he was fearful it would be detaining me longer at paris than i wished. he then turned to lord granville, and said he also feared he had occasioned him some inconvenience. dr loewe was then presented, and lord granville took me to the queen, and afterwards to the king's sister; both were very gracious, and spoke to us in french for a long time. "there was a member of the chamber who appeared to know me, and spoke to me about the damascus affair. he began to rail against monsieur thiers, but i stopped him, saying that the result of my mission had been so completely successful, i was desirous of having everything of an unpleasant nature forgotten." sir moses expressed himself to all his friends as being greatly pleased with his reception by the king. numerous visitors called and left cards. some of them came expressly from england, so as to be able to offer their hearty welcome to sir moses and lady montefiore a few days sooner than they could have done by awaiting their arrival at home. _february nd._--sir moses went to monsieur guizot, who was very civil, and spoke much on the mission. he requested sir moses to give him copies of the letters he had received from the rev. joseph marshall, lieutenant shadwell, and the rev. e. schlientz. on his return to the hotel the members of the consistoire israélite, the spiritual chiefs of the community, and deputations from all the charitable institutions called, and presented to him and lady montefiore addresses of congratulation. _february th._--we left paris, and reached dover on friday, where we rested over the sabbath. chapter xxxvi. . home again--sir moses presents a facsimile of the firman to the queen--her majesty's special mark of favour--reform movement among the london jews--appeal for english protection from the jews in the east. _february th._--in the evening we arrived at park lane, london, where sir moses and lady montefiore received a hearty welcome from their relatives and friends. the next morning, and for many days afterwards, visitors called in great numbers. deputations from various communal institutions, literary societies, and financial companies arrived and presented addresses. in most of the synagogues special services were held, and the exertions of sir moses and lady montefiore in the cause of suffering humanity, and in the vindication of the purity of the religious tenets of israel, were warmly acknowledged by all present. the hebrew communities of paris, hamburg, frankfort-on-the-main, and magdeburg, together with those established in italy, the united states of america, the barbary states, egypt, and turkey, all sent testimonials, which are now preserved in judith, lady montefiore's theological college at ramsgate. _march rd._--sir moses went to lord palmerston to thank him for his great kindness and assistance in his mission, and to give him an account of all that had occurred at alexandria and constantinople. he also spoke to him of the emir béshir, having promised the latter when at malta to intercede in his behalf with the british government. sir moses asked his lordship whether he might present the queen with a copy of the firman hatti-sherif, to which lord palmerston replied that he had no doubt her majesty would be happy to receive it. in accordance with his lordship's permission, sir moses presented the copy of the firman to the queen on wednesday, the th of march. the following is a copy of his entry in the diary referring to the subject:--"attended the marine board at . ; the alliance board at ; at . returned home and dressed in my uniform. mr h. de castro, mr waley, mr h. h. cohen, mr wire, and dr loewe came, and we proceeded to st james' palace to attend the levee. i had the honour to present the queen with the firman. the following is the copy of the card that was read to her majesty:--'sir moses montefiore, f.r.s., presented by the right honourable viscount palmerston on his return from the east, to present a facsimile and translation of the firman granted by the sultan to his imperial majesty's subjects professing the jewish religion.' mr wire and dr loewe were presented by me to the queen. i had a most gracious reception, and kissed hands." as a token of royal approbation, sir moses had the satisfaction of being informed, three months later, that lord normanby would have great satisfaction in recommending the grant of supporters to his armorial bearings. "the supporters i wish for," sir moses writes in his diary, "are to exalt our holy religion by displaying 'jerusalem' in a more distinguished manner than i could otherwise have done." my readers may perhaps care to have the opportunity of perusing the material portions of this document, which are as follows:-- "victoria r. "victoria, by the grace of god, &c.--whereas it has been represented unto us, that our trusty and well-beloved sir moses montefiore, &c., &c., in consequence of information having been received from the east, that a number of jews had been imprisoned and tortured at damascus and at rhodes, and that he had, in conformity to a voluntary offer, made at a general meeting of the london committee of deputies of the british jews and others, held on the th of june last, proceeded (accompanied by lady montefiore) to alexandria, with the view of proving the falsity of the accusation, and of advocating the cause of his unfortunate and persecuted brethren." [here follows an account of what sir moses had accomplished in the east.] "we, taking the premises into our royal consideration, and being desirous of giving an especial mark of our royal favour to the said sir moses montefiore, in commemoration of these his unceasing exertions on behalf of his injured and persecuted brethren in the east, and the jewish nation at large, have been graciously pleased to allow him to bear supporters to his arms, although the privilege of bearing supporters be limited to the peers of our realm, the knights of our orders, and the proxies of princes of our blood, at installations, except in such cases wherein, under particular circumstances, we have been pleased to grant our licence for the use thereof." the document proceeds to describe the supporters as follows:-- "on the dexter side, lion guardant, and on the sinister side, a stag, each supporting a flagstaff, therefrom flowing a banner to the dexter, inscribed 'jerusalem' in hebrew characters." during his stay at alexandria, and on his return to london, sir moses addressed letters to the jews at damascus, advising them to endeavour to conciliate the christians in that city, as well as those who were known to be their most violent enemies. in connection with these letters, raphael farkhi, the principal representative of the damascus community, now forwarded to him the following important communication, wherein he satisfactorily refuted certain calumnies, which, according to the _times_ newspaper, had been renewed against the jews in damascus. "in addition to what i have already stated," signor farkhi writes, "i have already mentioned to sir moses, in a former letter, that as soon as the pashas of his majesty the sultan arrived at damascus, they reinstated me in my former office, the duties of which are to assist in the magistrates' department in managing the affairs of the city; this honour was conferred on me in accordance with a direction in the sultan's firman. when the english consul (mr wherry) and the detractors whom i have spoken of, heard of this distinction, so auspicious to our people, they were moved with the same mortification as that which they had exhibited when the arrival of sir moses at alexandria destroyed their plans and rescued us from the cruel fate to which they had destined us; and the english consul immediately repaired to the governor of the city, and recommended him to dismiss me and put a non-israelite in my place, under whom i might act as servant or deputy. but, by the blessing of the almighty, this attempt against my interest utterly failed; for the governor declined to adopt the plan thus suggested to him. in consequence of their envious scheme being thus defeated, they are seeking other means to inflict injury on us, by making a false charge against the israelites of having insulted their religion, which they communicated to his excellency the governor ali pasha, and to the three consuls, in order that the charge might be circulated in other and distant countries, and a universal prejudice created against the israelites. "as a further proof that the israelites are innocent of the crime imputed to them, i have to mention that his excellency ali pasha sent for me one day, and after having received an assurance from myself that such a deed would be contemplated with abhorrence by all our nation, he made many rigid enquiries amongst various honourable and respectable gentlemen concerning what had been disseminated by our enemies, the result of which was, that he declared himself convinced of the utter groundlessness of the foul report; and he replied to the heads of the christians in the city that henceforth they ought to treat us with justice and equity; and he then commanded me that i should take upon myself to see that my people should behave themselves as might best become them, which commands i have been mindful to fulfil. "our enemies endeavoured to engage the russian consul at beyrout on their side, but he was not disposed to give any credit to their statement, and therefore despatched his faithful interpreter to damascus, to make proper inquiries; and the result of his interpreter's labours was an opinion which to us was most flattering. the most reverend the patriarch of the greek church has also recorded his testimony, with the russian consul at beyrout, that the accusation was utterly false, and could only have emanated from a malicious spirit. "every member of our community behaves with the greatest courtesy to every christian, whether rich or poor, and often with marked humility. we seek not to gratify any revengeful feeling for what has passed, but yet all our endeavours have hitherto proved ineffectual. there can be no other reason for that than the anger and jealousy of the men, for they wished and intended to kill us, and since moses, our brother, rescued us from their hands, destroyed their plans, and frustrated their intentions, this jealousy has rankled in their hearts, and they seek to bring more accusations against us, although we are not guilty of any wrong." sir moses sent a letter on the subject, with a translation of the original, to the _morning chronicle_, which was inserted on the th july . his attention after this time was directed to matters of a business character. on the th of may mr hananel de castro, who rendered most efficient services in connection with the mission to damascus, informed sir moses that he had been elected president of the london committee of deputies of the british jews. on the th of that month he attended an important meeting of the elders of his synagogue, at which a motion was brought forward respecting a reform movement in the community. four days later he presided over a meeting of the board of deputies held at his own house for the same purpose, at which every member of the board, with only one exception, attended. the debate was warm, but not personal. sir moses, nevertheless, apprehended great agitation in the community, and felt much anxiety as to the result. he entertained the most liberal principles in matters of religion; although himself a staunch supporter of the time-honoured usages of his religion, he did not interfere with the opinions or acts of those who differed from him unless compelled to do so by actual duty. but when, as president of the board of deputies, or of any other institution, he had to give his opinion on religious matters, he invariably referred to the spiritual head of the community for guidance; he regarded a word from him as decisive, and obeyed its injunctions at whatever cost to himself. there was never any doubt in his mind as to the spirit which should prevail in their deliberations on the intended reform in the community; and he maintained that the religious tenets of israel, as revealed in the code of sinai, would invariably stand the test of reason. "they are," he would add in the words of scripture, "to show our wisdom and understanding in the sight of nations;" and he did not consider that he would be acting in accordance with the dictates of truth and justice if he were to accept laymen, however learned they might be, as authorities on religious subjects for the guidance of the whole community. some of his colleagues at the board, however, did not acknowledge the authority of the ecclesiastical chief of the community, and relying entirely on their own judgment, would not accept the dictates of the ancient teachers by whose decisions and interpretations of the sacred text hebrew communities had been guided for thousands of years. the result was that the debates at their meetings became very heated, and bore evidence of the fervour displayed in a cause they had so deeply at heart, thus foreshadowing a struggle which threatened to extend beyond the confines of the board. _may st._--sir moses and lady montefiore attended the queen's drawing-room, and met with a most gracious reception. the duchess of kent and the princess sophia matilda expressed pleasure at seeing them. the duke of cambridge shook sir moses by the hand in a very friendly manner, and said he was glad to see him safe back, that his efforts had done him great honour, and that he deserved much praise. _may rd._--he presented an address to mr h. de castro, voted to him by the deputies, in appreciation of his services in connection with the mission of damascus. on this occasion all the deputies were entertained by sir moses at his house in park lane. a week later he attended a meeting to consider the means for establishing a branch synagogue in the west end, which, when opened to the community, would afford a practical proof that the statutes of their ancient community hitherto prohibiting divine service to be held in any other building than that at bevis marks, had been reconsidered. the events of the year continued to bring with them much anxiety, owing to the agitated state of the community in connection with the reform movement. in the month of august the ecclesiastical chief took what he considered necessary measures to express his opinion publicly for the guidance of those who adhered to his rule, which naturally raised the excitement of the contending parties, and not unfrequently disturbed the peace of many a family circle. the death of the mother of sir moses, a most virtuous daughter of israel, spread a deep gloom over the whole family, and more especially over her beloved son moses, and judith his wife. his brethren in the east appealed to sir moses to intercede with the english government to take them under their protection. they complained of being compelled by local governors to pay heavier taxes than any of the non-israelite inhabitants. both lord palmerston and his successor, lord aberdeen, listened with great kindness to the statements made to them on that subject by sir moses. lord palmerston, in reply to his representations, said the christians had suffered more than the jews from the governor being a fanatic, and added that he (sir moses) had his authority to write to the jews in the east that if they had any serious complaints to make, the english consuls would attend to them, and forward them to the ambassador at constantinople, who would represent them to the ministers of the porte. sir moses took the opportunity of speaking to his lordship respecting smyrna, safed, and damascus, and he had the satisfaction of hearing from him that the governor of the latter city would be changed in consequence of the reports which had been made. lord aberdeen, with whom he subsequently had an interview on the same subject, said that he saw no objection to the british consul receiving the statements of grievances made by the jews, and transmitting such statements to the british ambassador at constantinople, who would be directed to confer thereon with the ministers of the porte, with a view to the redress of the grievances complained of. on sir moses pressing the desire of the jews in the east to be brought under british protection, his lordship replied that he did not see how it could be accomplished. all the european powers were extremely jealous of any interference on the part of england. his lordship added, however, that he would consider the best means to afford the jews protection for the sake of humanity and justice. on the th of november, sir stratford canning, previous to leaving for constantinople, called on sir moses, and afterwards sent him a note, appointing to see him on the following day at twelve o'clock. sir moses accordingly went to him. the purport of this interview was to solicit protection for the israelites in the east. sir moses informed him of the directions given by lord palmerston, and sir stratford said he should be happy to do all that his duty permitted, and to hear from sir moses whenever he pleased. they had a long and interesting conversation respecting the jews and the holy land, and sir moses was exceedingly gratified by sir stratford's kindness. amongst the numerous letters received by sir moses on this matter was one from messrs grindlay, christian & matthews, east india agency, containing an extract from a letter from commodore brucks, of the indian navy, which showed that the great esteem in which both sir moses and lady montefiore were held by the people in the far east sometimes proved detrimental to the interest of their admirers. "a jew," it stated, "and his wife had been passing themselves off for sir moses and lady montefiore. under this supposition the government agent at muscat, a jew of the highest respectability, received them, and did all in his power to make them comfortable. they eventually left, telling him they would pay when they came back, leaving him more than a thousand dollars out of pocket." on reading this, sir moses at once expressed a desire to ascertain the name of the victim of the fraud, in order that he should not suffer any loss on his account. chapter xxxvii. . presentation from hamburg--sir moses meets the king of prussia--address to prince albert--attempt on the queen's life--petitions to sir moses from russia. the entries of the next five years in the diaries refer to numerous important events, interspersed with appeals from communities to sir moses to plead the cause of their brethren before the emperor of russia. the hamburg jews, who were among the first to support their british friends in the mission to damascus, had a gold medal struck, which was presented to sir moses and lady montefiore by mr h. de castro. the complimentary address which accompanied it, in speaking of the queen, says:-- "god bless her majesty, and prosper her, whose enlightenment knows how to appreciate and reward such exertions as are performed for the benefit of us and ours." the obverse of the medal bears a representation of the arms of sir moses montefiore. the margin has a verse in hebrew, taken from psalm cxxii. : "[hebrew] lemann akhai vereai adabera na shalom bekha" ("for the sake of my brethren and companions i will declare peace unto thee"); and a chronogram in hebrew: [hebrew] "shnat gaon isreal lep'ak" signifying, "the year of the pride of israel," the numerical value of the dotted lines representing the date of the damascus mission, viz.: . the reverse has a german inscription, which, rendered in english, is: "dedicated to sir moses and lady montefiore, after their return from egypt, in the year , by their co-religionists of hamburg." my esteemed friend, the late mr m. haarbleicher, exerted himself greatly in this matter. unfortunately, one night burglars got into the drawing-room of sir moses' house at park lane, and took the medal, together with many other valuable articles. there is only a facsimile of the medal in bronze now left in my cabinet, which the committee in hamburg kindly presented to me. _january st._--sir moses and lady montefiore received an invitation from the duke of sussex and the duchess of inverness to lunch with them on the first of february, as his majesty the king of prussia had intimated to them his intention of honouring them with his company. sir moses went early in the morning of the following day to somerset house to see the king of prussia admitted as fellow of the royal society, together with baron alexander von humboldt; and before two o'clock he and lady montefiore were at kensington palace. the duke and duchess received them very kindly, and the duke promised to introduce them to his royal visitor. he said he was anxious that his invitation should be forwarded in time, as he was desirous of introducing sir moses to the king of prussia, which he did almost as soon as the king entered; informing his majesty, at the same time, of the journey of sir moses and lady montefiore to the east. the king, sir moses says, was very gracious; but remarked (speaking of padre tommaso), "but the poor man is dead;" upon which sir moses ventured to point out to his majesty, that it was by no means certain that the man was dead. "it was a truly royal banquet," sir moses writes, "about sixty persons being present. the duke made a liberal and excellent speech about religions in general, but the king did not notice it in his reply." they were delighted with the kindness of their royal highnesses, and of those they knew. lord lansdowne hoped they had not forgotten him. lord palmerston enquired what reports he had from the east, and whether the english consuls were behaving better. on the following day, mr attwood, one of the directors of the imperial continental gas association, expressed a wish that sir moses should accompany him to see the king of prussia, who had consented to receive a deputation from the association; and in compliance with this wish he went with them. he met sir j. l. goldsmid at the office, and they proceeded to buckingham palace. "there were," sir moses observes, "many persons waiting." he saw there lord roxley, sir robert inglis, sir robert adair, and many noblemen and clergymen. they were soon admitted to the king's presence, and were very graciously received. mr attwood read the address, and the king spoke a few words to each of them. he recognised sir moses, observing that he had spoken to him on the previous day, and enquired whether he was settled in england; the king thought he lived in italy. he spoke to mr attwood about parliament and the new buildings, and laughingly said, he supposed that the association would light them. _february th._--about this time sir moses pointed out the spot at ramsgate where it was his wish, when it should please the almighty to call him, that his earthly remains might repose, with those of his beloved wife. the spot was marked out by four hurdles, which he assisted in placing there. possibly the illness of his brother's wife, which, a few days after, terminated in her death, cast a gloom over his mind, which made him consider it advisable to prepare himself for such an event. he was much grieved by this family affliction, and remained in the house for several days; owing to which he was unable to present an address of congratulation to the queen on the birth of the prince of wales. mr de castro and two other deputies of the london committee of the board had to present it instead; as also an address to prince albert, and later on, one to the duchess of kent. they were most graciously received, and her royal highness desired them to express her great regret at sir moses' absence, and at the cause of it. colonel cooper, the next day, by desire of the duchess, wrote him a letter, to assure him of her sympathy on this melancholy occasion. in the same month he made a donation of £ for the repair of the ancient synagogue of the spanish and portuguese community, as it was greatly needed, and thereby induced others to follow his example. he also took steps to have the synagogue included in the clause of exemption from property tax, in which he succeeded, by the kindness of mr john masterman, who wrote a letter to mr goulbourn on the subject. the chancellor of the exchequer promised that he would so alter the wording of the income-tax bill as to meet sir moses' wishes. sir robert peel also wrote to him a letter to the same effect. _may st._--there is an entry referring to an attempt on the queen's life. "last evening," he writes, "an attempt was made on the life of our gracious sovereign, which, through the protection of almighty god, was happily preserved. it is most difficult to believe that any mortal in his senses could attempt such a thing. may the god of israel shield the queen from all harm, and bless her with every happiness and long life. i convened a meeting of deputies to forward letters of congratulation to the queen, prince albert, and the duchess of kent, on the providential escape of the queen, and went with lady montefiore and dr loewe to kensington palace to enter our names in the visitors' books of the duke of sussex and the duchess of inverness; afterwards to buckingham palace, in prince albert's book; and clarence house, to the duchess of kent." _july nd._--attended a meeting at the thatched house tavern, st james street, for the purpose of selecting an artist to carry out the resolution agreed to at a previous meeting for the erection of a statue to sir david wilkie. sir r. peel, who took the chair, proposed that a sub-committee should be appointed, consisting (in addition to the officers already appointed) of the duke of sutherland, the duke of buccleuch, lord mahon, sir francis clark, sir thomas mahon, sir martin archer shee, sir william newton, mr phillips, sir moses montefiore, mr burnett, mr rogers, and mr henry labouchere, m.p. sir moses was also one of the committee appointed to watch the progress of the statue. he had entertained a high regard for sir david since making his acquaintance at constantinople, and was glad to have the opportunity of showing it on this occasion. _july th._--sir moses and lady montefiore were honoured by a visit from viscount and viscountess ponsonby. his lordship, who had shown them much kindness and attention during their sojourn in the turkish capital, spoke of the benefit which the people of the east would derive from the encouragement of industry among them. this reminded sir moses of a promise which he had made to a very industrious person in the holy land, and on the same day he sent a printing press and fount of type to the value of £ to israel drucker in jerusalem, whose acquaintance he had made at safed, during his second journey to the holy land. it was this same printing press which the recipient, out of gratitude to sir moses and lady montefiore, called "massat moshe ve yehoodit" (a gift of moses and judith), that, forty-three years later, caused professor röhling of prague to accuse sir moses of having printed a book which he (professor röhling) said was intended to prove the use of blood for jewish ritual purposes. the printing press which sir moses sent was accompanied by a beautifully written scroll of the pentateuch. _august nd._--sir moses received a deputation from the representatives of the new synagogue at liverpool, requesting his mediation in a communal dispute. he strongly advised their reunion with the old synagogue, and promised to see the deputation again. a few days later he and lady montefiore left england for paris, to be present at the wedding of the daughter of baron james de rothschild. he describes that event in the following words:-- "_paris, hotel windsor, wednesday, august th._--the great day has at length arrived, and, happily, our presents also: they were sent last night to the bois de boulogne. ours was similar to that we gave to baron charles and louisa de rothschild; a large and handsomely-carved ewer and basin, worth £ . we left paris before twelve o'clock, and on reaching the bois de boulogne, found the party already assembled, all the ladies most elegantly dressed. a procession was formed by a number of choristers, led by the _ministre officiant_, and preceded by the grand rabbin. then followed the bridegroom with his brother, baron lionel de rothschild, as best man, and on his left baron james; afterwards, barons salamon, anthony, and the other relatives and friends present. we proceeded to a magnificent canopy of white satin and gold embroidery, erected in the garden: the ground was covered with velvet carpets. the path leading to the canopy was covered with crimson cloth strewn with roses. the choir was singing hebrew hymns all the time. then followed the bride, led by her mother and mrs de rothschild, the other ladies following. under the canopy stood the bride and bridegroom, their parents, barons anselm, lionel, and myself. the marriage ceremony was performed by the grand rabbin, who delivered an excellent discourse in french. after the ceremony the whole party walked to the swiss cottage in the garden, where a sumptuous breakfast was laid. no toasts or healths were drunk, but grace was said. afterwards the gentlemen went back to paris to dress, the ladies being accommodated in the house. we were back again by four o'clock, and now found the ladies most magnificently attired. at seven we entered the banquetting room. it was in a perfect blaze of light: only once, at the archbishop of canterbury's, have i seen such splendour. the repast consisted of all the luxuries the world produces. the gardens were brilliantly illuminated. the host and hostess were most attentive. it was past eleven when we left." on the day after the wedding he called on rechid pasha, the turkish ambassador, and writes in his diary:-- "the pasha received me instantly, and told me how pleased he was to meet me in paris, and how happy it made him that he was able to assist me in constantinople to further the cause of justice and humanity. he said he hoped to see me again in turkey. he asked me whether i had seen lord ponsonby, and what i thought of the disturbances in manchester and the manufacturing districts. i assured him that they were of no consequence. he asked me to be permitted to introduce his sons to me: three very fine boys, the eldest about sixteen, the others ten and eight years old. the youngest was very fair, and appeared to be the favourite. the ambassador told me that the note he had sent me yesterday was written by the youngest. after chatting a little longer i took my leave, the pasha begging of me to preserve him my friendship. i gave him dr loewe's circassian-turkish and english dictionary, with which he seemed much pleased, and asked me to thank dr loewe in his name for it. later we paid our farewell visits to all the barons de rothschild and their families, and prepared for our departure." _september th._--sir moses and lady montefiore received at park lane, through the baroness lionel de rothschild, a beautiful silver gilt cup made from a design by professor oppenheim, and sent to them as a present by the hebrew community of frankfurt-on-main, accompanied by an address signed by all the members. he also received a splendid album from magdeburg, the covers of which were ornamented with two beautiful paintings, also executed by professor oppenheim, one representing moses installing joshua in his office as leader of israel, and the other a copy of benda's picture "by the rivers of babylon there we sat down; yea, we wept when we remembered zion" (psalm cxxxvii.), copied by the same artist, and signed by dr philipson, the spiritual head of the hebrew congregation of magdeburg, and near other persons, many of them non-israelites belonging to the clergy and nobility. these two testimonials are now, with many others, preserved in the lecture hall of the college in ramsgate. _october th._--colonel c. h. churchill paid them a visit at ramsgate previous to his leaving england for the east. the colonel having married a young widow at damascus was very anxious to return to her at beyrout, where he intends residing, having adopted syria as his country. sir moses and lady montefiore requested him to take with him some contributions towards the support of the poor jews in the east, which he gladly promised to do for them, expressing his high regard for the character and industrious habits of the jews. _october th._--a petition was received from the hebrew congregation of riga, imploring sir moses to intercede on their behalf with the emperor of russia. many others, from various places, on the same subject followed. most of the principal communities in germany, france, italy, and america entreated him to accede to the petitions of their brethren in russia and poland; and sir moses now began seriously to consider the desirability of serving the cause of humanity anew. in the same month he and the hebrew communities in england sustained a severe loss by the death of their ecclesiastical chief, the rev. dr solomon hirschell. "i was at bury street at twelve o'clock," he writes in his diary, "on october st, and found our esteemed chief rabbi apparently in a state of insensibility; his chamber was filled with his friends, and his bed closely surrounded by the members of the ecclesiastical court, and other persons. they were saying prayers; he was very calm, and at . his spirit fled from its earthly tenement to receive that reward which his righteousness in this world secured to him; eternal happiness and peace to his memory!" sir moses was entirely guided by him in all matters concerning religion, and felt the loss of such a friend and counsellor acutely. he appears to have been roused by that sorrowful event to fresh acts of benevolence, and believing it possible to render some service to the jews in russia, he thought it necessary now to make himself fully acquainted with all the recent publications referring to that country and its inhabitants, and obtained information from german and english travellers who had just returned from visiting warsaw, st petersburg, moscow, and other important cities in the czar's vast empire. _november th._--the entry in his diary contains the following lines:--"extremely cold morning; nevertheless dear judith and i left park lane before eight o'clock to walk to synagogue. it was very well attended, and prayers were offered up for the late lamented chief rabbi. we remained in the city, and attended afternoon and evening prayers at our own (the portuguese) synagogue. afterwards we rode home to park lane. dr loewe accompanied us, and agreed to go with us to russia and poland whenever that should seem necessary." _november th, th, and th._--the number of petitions to go to russia increased considerably, especially entreating sir moses to accept an invitation from count ouvaroff, the minister of public instruction, who wished him to be present at the deliberation of the government referring to the improvement of the method of education among the hebrews in the russian empire. the following entries refer to the subject:-- "_december th._--went to chevalier benkhausen, the russian consul-general, and spoke with him respecting a letter i had received from dr lilienthal of st petersburg, referring to an invitation from count ouvaroff to proceed to the russian metropolis, and he recommended my seeing the russian ambassador. "accordingly i wrote to the latter, requesting the honour of an interview with him, and received his reply that he would receive me the next day. "_december th._--had an audience of the russian ambassador, baron brunnow, and spoke to him regarding our intended journey. he entered into all particulars with me, and promised to make all necessary enquiries. "the next day we dined at mrs de rothschild's, and met baron and baroness brunnow, the austrian ambassador and his wife, lady pellew and her daughter lady walpole, and many other distinguished persons. baron brunnow spoke to me about dr lilienthal's letter, and said he would write to count ouvaroff, and would ascertain for him the authenticity of dr lilienthal's communication. the baron advised me, if i went to russia, to proceed in the first instance to st petersburg, and speak with the emperor himself, and not to go, as i had intended, to the several cities in poland previously to my going to st petersburg." _december th._--notwithstanding the multiplicity of matters referring to the north which now filled his mind, he did not for a moment neglect the interest of the east. he made an agreement with a physician, dr s. frankel, to allow him a salary for three years, to furnish the requisite medicines, and to pay his expenses to jerusalem, on condition that he should attend the poor of the holy land gratuitously. chapter xxxviii. . address and testimonial from the jews--sir moses' speech in reply--death of the duke of sussex--the deportation ukase in russia--opening of the new royal exchange--sir moses made sheriff of kent. _january th, ._--sir moses ordered from the apothecaries' hall drugs, surgical instruments, and fittings for a dispensary in jerusalem, and saw them packed and forwarded to the holy city. _february th._--a large number of his jewish brethren in the united kingdom, jamaica, barbadoes, and gibraltar, presented him with a testimonial of respect and gratitude in commemoration of the many personal sacrifices made, and the philanthropy displayed by him and lady montefiore during his mission to the east, anno mundi ( ). it was designed by sir george hayter, modelled by e. bailey, r.a., and executed by messrs mortimer & hunt, and is an exquisite piece of workmanship, both as regards the design and execution. it is exclusively ornamental, adapted for no special purpose, and is, as it were, a kind of miniature monument. it is three and a half feet high, weighs ounces of silver, and has a large base. the most prominent figure, which surmounts the whole work, represents david conquering the lion and rescuing the lamb (as in first book of samuel xvii. and ), and is emblematical of the victory over oppressive force, and the delivery of innocence effected by the mission. this is the _chef d'oeuvre_ of the work, which is full of fine allegorical details. immediately under this figure are four bas-reliefs, representing respectively, ( ) the landing of sir moses and his party at alexandria; ( ) the audience with the sultan at constantinople on the granting of the firman; ( ) the liberation of the prisoners at damascus; and ( ) the public thanksgiving on the return of sir moses and lady montefiore to london. on the four corners of the base are exquisite figures in frosted silver, two representing moses and ezra, the great deliverers of their people in ancient times, and the other two some of the accused jews of damascus, one in chains, bowed down by grief, the other in an attitude of thanksgiving, with the fetters lying broken at his feet. the chairman (mr h. de castro), accompanied by the committee, prefaced the presentation by reading an address, engrossed on vellum. a vellum scroll was also added, containing the series of resolutions adopted at the public meeting in , and the name of every contributor to the testimonal, copied from the lists furnished to the committee, and arranged according to residence. the following is a copy of the address:-- "esteemed sir,--we have long looked forward to the present as a moment of high and honourable gratification, when we should come forward on behalf of the jewish community to present to you this manifestation of their gratitude and esteem. the services which, at a period of excitement, you rendered, in a foreign clime, to religion and humanity, were such as are rarely called into requisition. the alacrity, spirit, and zeal with which you embarked into the cause, were only equalled by the liberality, judgment, and decision you evinced in the accomplishment of the end you had in view. the restoration of the oppressed to liberty, and a full refutation of the vile calumnies brought against our faith--both these great objects, by the aid of gracious providence, have been attained. the grateful thanksgivings of the liberated prisoners pronounce you their deliverer. the firman of the sultan, denies these calumnies, of which they had been the unfortunate victims. "it may be truly said of you, sir, and of your amiable lady--the companion of your anxieties and dangers--that your services were 'the labours of the heart,' works of all others most deserving of distinction and reward. "may you ever be the 'harbinger of glad tidings to zion,' and long live to continue your watchful care to all who need your solace and support. how will your suffering brethren in jerusalem hail your late acts of munificence--the founding a dispensary for the poor of our community, now dwelling in the land of our fathers. "in the name of the jewish people we present to you this testimonial of your great and successful labours, with the hope that the blessing of our heavenly father may vouchsafe, to you and lady montefiore, many, many happy years to contemplate and enjoy it.--on behalf of the committee, "hananel de castro, _chairman_." " adar -- th february ." [illustration: testimonial of respect and gratitude, presented to sir moses and lady montefiore by their jewesh brethen in the united kingdom and the colonies. _see vol. i., page ._] to this address. sir moses made the following reply:-- "mr de castro and gentlemen,--i receive with unfeigned satisfaction, and, i trust, with humility, the address which you have offered to me. i accepted with fear and trembling the responsible yet honourable task confided to me by my brethren, not trusting in my own strength or wisdom, but relying upon the saving strength of the lord our god. i felt that i should be sustained by the prayers and sympathies of my brethren, and of the enlightened friends of humanity throughout the world. aided by these prayers and sympathies, and supported by the government of our country, your mission was permitted by divine providence, while in egypt, to become the instruments of giving liberty to the captive, of opening the prison to them that were bound, of restoring to their wives and families those who, by unjust persecution, had been compelled to abandon their homes. we have everywhere asserted their innocence of the atrocious crime laid to their charge, and in the face of all men have vindicated the purity and divinity of our holy religion. "at constantinople our success was complete. there we had the satisfaction of obtaining from the sultan a haiti sherif, which asserts the innocence of our brethren after a full examination of the witnesses against them, and of their religious writings, and declares that the accusations against our religion were based in falsehood, and entertained only by the prejudiced and the ignorant. that noble writing has also laid the foundation for improving the civil condition of our brethren in the turkish dominions. to that, as well as to the documents which have been transmitted to the committee, i refer with exultation, as proofs that the rulers of the east have imbibed more liberal notions, have set themselves against the use of torture, have secured to our brethren an equality of civil rights, and thus given them a deeper interest in the prosperity of the countries in which they reside. that you approve of these acts, and testify your approbation of the whole proceedings of the mission, and believe that i have, to the best of my ability, fulfilled its objects, will be to me a source of continual satisfaction through life, and when i am about to quit this earthly scene will cheer the last moments of my existence. "you are pleased to speak of the dangers and perils to which i have been exposed. i assure you that i count them as nothing when i consider the noble object of the mission, and the entire success with which it has pleased god to crown our labours. without, however, your continual advice and support, i might not have been able to accomplish that which has been done, because, when all around appeared gloomy and dark, and i thought that amidst the contending struggles of nations for power the rights of humanity would be sacrificed and the liberties of our brethren utterly destroyed, i was cheered and sustained by the recollection of your prayers and support, and, relying upon the god of our fathers, i persevered until i was satisfied that the objects of the mission had been fully accomplished. nor is it one of the least consequences attending our labours, that, in accomplishing such objects, we have been enabled to dissipate prejudice and to remove ignorance, so that now our persecutors are compelled to look with respect upon our nation. may i not, therefore, assert that a new and brighter era is dawning upon those who have for ages been the subjects of calumny and oppression. "in prosecuting the labours of your mission i received most valuable assistance from our friends the family de rothschild, from each of its members at london, paris, naples, frankfort, and vienna, both by introductions to their extensive connections in the east, as well as by their unremitted personal exertions in europe; nor can i forget my friend mr george samuel, who was ever ready to lend his aid at constantinople. i should also be doing great injustice to my own feelings were i to let this opportunity pass without referring to the valuable assistance of my friends, mr wire and dr loewe, who accompanied me throughout the whole of my long journey, and whom i shall ever esteem as men devoted to the interests of humanity. "i cannot conclude this short and imperfect reply to your congratulations without referring to the kind expressions in which you speak of my beloved wife, whom you truly characterise as the participator in all my toils and anxieties. she has, indeed, shared my toils but diminished my anxieties, and aided me in the prosecution of my labours. "gentlemen, to you, to your excellent president, but, above all, to the god of our fathers, i offer thanks that i have been permitted to fulfil the objects of your mission, and with devout gratitude i resign into your hands the trust committed to my care, praying that peace, prosperity, truth, and union may ever prevail in israel." the death of the duke of sussex took place at this time, and sir moses deeply lamented the loss sustained by his demise. the lord chamberlain sent him a command to attend the funeral on the th of may, and lord dinorben wrote a letter to inform him that a card of invitation had been sent, and that he would be permitted to follow in his own carriage. sir moses, describing the funeral, says:-- "i left home after six in the morning, and was at kensington palace a quarter before seven. the company began to assemble between seven and eight: i suppose there were more than one hundred and fifty persons. the procession commenced at half-past eight; the roads were lined with people, every window filled, also many scaffoldings. the chapel at kensal green was solemn and grand, being filled with the grand officers of state, the duke of wellington, sir robert peel, &c., &c. we saw none of the tories or royal family at the palace, but in the chapel there were the duke of cambridge, chief mourner; prince albert, &c. the ceremony was over at twelve. i reached home at a quarter to one, and after breakfast proceeded at once with lady montefiore to the city to attend the funeral service in the portuguese synagogue, where dr loewe (who filled the office of oriental linguist and hebrew lecturer to his late royal highness) delivered a discourse, at the conclusion of which we repaired to the great synagogue of the german community. there was a funeral service, but no discourse." "the jews," sir moses says, "have lost an excellent friend: may he be rewarded with eternal bliss for his kindness to suffering humanity." on may th the earl of thanet informed sir moses that lord lyndhurst had given directions for the insertion of his name in the commission of the peace for the county of kent. on july th the first step was made for the repeal of the deportation ukase in russia. "i called at baron brunnow's," he writes. "he was just stepping into his carriage, dressed in full uniform, going to celebrate a mass on some public occasion; but he very kindly insisted on my going into his library, and returned with me. i gave him the letter i had received from königsberg, which he read, also the ukase. he said he believed the minister of justice thought it was an act of mercy to remove the jews from the temptation of smuggling, of which crime many had been guilty, and, no doubt, the emperor was of that opinion, which was the cause of the order. 'it was possible,' he continued, 'if i were to be at st petersburg, by speaking with one and another, my influence might cause its revocation;' but he advised me to write to count ouvaroff, and, if i showed him the letter, he would suggest such alterations as he thought would be advisable. he recommended that no public steps should be taken in the way of petition to the emperor, as there were two years still before the ukase would take effect; he thought it a bad measure." this statement corroborated what some of the letters from russia previously addressed to him on the subject had already stated. a few days later sir moses and lady montefiore were present at an entertainment given by mrs rothschild to the king of hanover, and met the duke of cambridge, the duchess of gloucester, and most of the nobility, besides all the ambassadors. they were introduced to the marchioness of ely at her own request, and she complimented them on the result of the damascus mission. several of the ambassadors spoke to him on the recent reports respecting the state of the jews in russia. _june st, ._--the emperor of russia arrived in london. _june th._--the entry states:--"i have been looking with deep anxiety from morning till evening for a letter from baron brunnow. i wrote this week to lord aberdeen, soliciting an interview to-morrow. i will do everything i possibly can to approach the emperor, and pray for our brethren in his dominions. i also wrote to mr dawson on the same subject; it engrosses all my thoughts." _june th._--"baron lionel de rothschild accompanied me to see lord aberdeen. he said baron brunnow had intimated to him the impossibility of his imperial majesty receiving any deputation. i showed his lordship the address from the london committee of deputies of the british jews, and asked his advice about sending it to baron brunnow, for him to present it on our behalf, and whether he thought there was anything in it that could do harm. his lordship thought there was not: the emperor, he said, was very firm when he had once made up his mind on a subject. "lionel and i then walked to sir robert peel's. he was just going to mount his horse, on his way to the queen. he heard all we had to say respecting the address, and said he had heard it whispered that the emperor would see sir moses montefiore, but the emperor's stay was so short that he could not tell whether he would be able to do so." the address was subsequently given by sir moses to baron brunnow, who promised to send it to st petersburg. in the following month, on july th, an entry states that the emperor received the address graciously, but his visit to this country would be so short that it was impossible for him to receive the deputation. on august th sir moses and lady montefiore proceeded to birmingham, in company with several of their relatives and friends, sir moses having been invited by the hebrew congregation of that town to lay the first stone of a hebrew national school, a task which he performed amid the cheers of many hundreds of persons of various religious denominations. _september st._--the cause of two poor poles who had been imprisoned for hawking without a licence attracted sir moses' attention. the men having excellent characters, he determined on going to chelmsford, to see them there in the springfield gaol, where they were then confined under sentence for three months, and to endeavour, if possible, to obtain their release. they had only been six or seven weeks in england, and could speak but a few words of english. next morning he went to springfield gaol and saw the governor, who had the two men brought to him. one had been a dyer, and the other had kept a hardware shop near warsaw. both men lived whilst in prison on bread and water, refusing to eat either the soup or meat allowed to the prisoners. the governor recommended him a man to draw up a petition for them. sir moses immediately sent for him, and instructed him as to the matter of the petition. the governor kindly sent a man to wait till it was written, and sir moses then forwarded the petition to the prison, where the governor had it signed by the two prisoners, and returned to sir moses, who was just able to take the last train back. _september rd._--he called at somerset house, and left the petition from springfield gaol, and three days later had the gratification of receiving a letter from the secretary of stamps and taxes to say that the board had been pleased to remit the crown's share of the penalties against the two prisoners. _october th._--sir moses is present at the opening of the new royal exchange by the queen; he had a seat in the subscribers' room, where the royal banquet was given. the queen, prince albert, the duke of cambridge, &c., presided at the head table: about two hundred persons dined there. _october th._--the baroness brunnow invited him to meet the grand duke of russia; and sir moses, entertaining the hope of finding there the opportunity to serve the cause of his brethren, gladly accepted the invitation. _november th._--he was nominated sheriff of kent, and on the th inst. his friends and most of his neighbours congratulated him on being elected to that high office. his mind, however, was not joyfully attuned to the occasion. his thoughts at one moment were wandering away from happy england to the burning sands of the african deserts, and at another, to the frozen rivers and the snow-covered forests of the north of russia. this was owing to a visit which he had received from mr erith, a mogador merchant, who gave him a very cheering prospect of the success which might be expected if he were to appeal to the emperor of morocco for a firman, to place the jews in the same position as his other subjects; and to some letters he received from several trustworthy sources, giving disheartening accounts of the state of the jews in russia, to the following effect:-- "the ukase ordering the jews to remove from the frontier provinces to the interior is now being carried into effect. this measure affects nearly one hundred thousand persons. the families receive passports, delivered by the magistrates, indicating the place to which they are to go, and only a few days after they have received the passport, they must sell all their property and convert it into money." chapter xxxix. . affairs in morocco--letter to the emperor--his reply--deputation to sir robert peel--death of lady montefiore's brother isaac--sir moses sets out for russia. the first few months of the year appeared, according to a statement in the _königsberg gazette_, to give some hope for an improvement in the condition of sir moses' co-religionists in russia. the paper says:-- "the famous ukase against the jews, of the th april ( nd may), seems to be adjourned. the emperor himself has given orders to the minister of the interior to present him with a minute report on the situation and property of the jews in the villages and frontier towns, before the terrible ukase is put into execution. this sudden change has produced so much the more joy among the unfortunate jews, as rigorous measures had already been taken for the execution of the ukase, as well as the decree of the senate, dated january ( ) . it is to sir moses montefiore and the interference of many members _of the nobility_ that thirty thousand jews perhaps owe the entire revocation of this law." as for morocco, where, during the bombardment of mogador, the jews, together with other inhabitants, had been great sufferers, sir moses wrote a letter to the editor of the _times_, directing his attention to the fact, and showing that the committee in london had correctly estimated the number of the sufferers. consignments of money, food, and clothing, had, he observed, already been transmitted to mogador to trustworthy agents, for immediate distribution among the sufferers. the subscriptions to the day he wrote exceeded £ . sir moses also attended a meeting of the mogador committee, at which they agreed to send a letter to the emperor of morocco, and to request the earl of aberdeen to instruct mr e. w. drummond hay, h.b. majesty's consul-general at tangiers, to forward it to the emperor. by desire of sir moses i wrote an arabic letter to the emperor, which sir moses signed and despatched to his lordship, for transmission to his majesty. _february th._--sir moses proceeded to the judges' chambers, chancery lane, accompanied by mr d. w. wire, and then went before baron parke, and was sworn into office (as sheriff of the county of kent). the baron very kindly wished him a pleasant year, and hoped to have the pleasure of coming down and seeing him at the assizes. mr wire was also sworn as his under-sheriff. _february th._--the fees due for his shrievalty, £ , s. d., had already been offered to him, but on seeing mr temple, he requested him to send them to his under-sheriff. notwithstanding the duties his new office imposed on him, he endeavoured scrupulously to discharge those of his presidency of the board of deputies of british jews. agreeably to a resolution adopted at a previous meeting of that body, held for the consideration of a petition to parliament for the removal of all civil disabilities, he and the other members of the board waited the next day on sir robert peel. the subject being of interest to friends of civil and religious liberty, i here give the words of sir moses, and those of sir robert peel's reply. sir moses, addressing sir robert, said: "we have the honour of waiting on you as a deputation from the metropolitan and provincial congregations of british jews, to ascertain whether her majesty's government be favourably disposed to meet their wishes for the removal of the civil disabilities under which they labour, and, from the advancement of liberal feeling in all classes where religious questions are concerned, they are led to believe the present moment most fitting for them to be placed on an equal footing with their fellow-subjects." sir robert replied that he had been considering some measure on the subject to propose to his colleagues, when he received a letter from sir j. l. goldsmid, which stated that the jews would not be satisfied with any measure less than the whole. seeing there was some difference he would not proceed. however, after some consideration, he said he would see sir j. l. goldsmid, and would write to them to come to him within a fortnight, adding that he was fully aware that they would feel as well satisfied with a part, and that they should not thereby be precluded from hereafter getting more. _march rd._--as high sheriff of the county of kent, sir moses opened the court at canterbury for the election of a member of parliament in the room of sir e. knatchbull. after delivering an appropriate address to the electors, the meeting was proceeded with, and eventually mr william deedes was returned. the meeting was conducted in a most orderly manner. mr william deedes of sandling park was elected to represent them in parliament, and thanks were voted to the high sheriff. _march th._--sir moses and lady montefiore attended the levee, where sir moses was presented to the queen by sir james graham, and had the honour to kiss hands on his appointment as sheriff of the county of kent. sir robert peel, who was standing within three or four paces of the queen, came out of the circle as sir moses came up, and spoke to him. he said the suggestion made the previous day respecting the removal of civil disabilities seemed good; and he requested sir moses to be so good as to communicate with baron rothschild and sir david salomons. _march th._--at maidstone sir moses went in state to meet lord denman. about a mile from town his lordship got out of his own carriage and entered that of sir moses, the rev. g. w. sicklemore being with the latter. they proceeded to the sessions house, and opened the commission; then went to the judge's lodgings, where lord denman robed, and received the mayor and corporation. they left to go before the judge to church. lord denman said to him that he was ready to go, but sir moses might do as he pleased. the latter therefore only conducted him to his carriage, and returned to his lodgings to wait there for him instead of accompanying him and the rev. g. w. sicklemore to church. they went there in sir moses' carriage. baron alderson arrived a few minutes after they had left, and remained with sir moses till lord denman returned, when sir moses took his leave and went home. at seven he and rev. g. w. sicklemore went to fetch the judges, and dined with lord and lady romney. _march th._--at nine sir moses went, as usual, to fetch the judges--the lord denman and sir edward hall alderson. on their way to the court they called for mr serjeant dowling. as they were going there sir moses requested their lordships' permission to be absent the next day, as it was his sabbath, to which they very kindly consented. sir moses sat for some time in each court. lord denman told him he had received a letter from the bishop of durham, expressing his desire to vote for the jews' relief bill, and sent his proxy for the purpose; but lord denman said there would be no occasion for it, as their lordships would not divide. at five, on his asking baron alderson's consent to his leaving, the latter most kindly said to him, "i know; six o'clock," and shook him warmly and kindly by the hand. sir moses then took leave, and returned to his lodgings. _friday th._--"i received a letter," the entry in his diary reads, "from mr addington, forwarding another to me by desire of the english ambassador in morocco. dr loewe read to me his translation of the same. it is from ben idrees, the wazeer of the emperor of morocco, written to me by order of his majesty, in reply to the petition of the mogador committee. it states that the hebrew nation enjoys throughout the empire the same privileges as the mooslimeen, and the hebrew nation is highly regarded by him." _may th._--sir moses and lady montefiore attended her majesty's state ball at buckingham palace. sir moses was dressed in his uniform, and lady montefiore wore a dress of superb tissue "d'or et cerise," elegantly trimmed with gold lace and ribbons, and a profusion of diamonds. they left park lane at nine, and it was ten when the long string of carriages allowed them to reach the palace. "during the evening," sir moses wrote, " persons were there; the rooms were magnificently decorated; the dancing was in two rooms; supper at two o'clock. nothing could have been more splendid. the queen, god bless her, looked very beautiful, and in good health and spirits. we left much delighted and pleased with the honour we had enjoyed." after witnessing the splendour of the state ball we find him actively engaged at birmingham and preston, visiting most of the humble dwelling-houses of the working classes. being desirous of having three persons from jerusalem taught the art of weaving, he went to see a man in preston, who had been recommended to him as an intelligent and clever workman, and made an agreement with him for the above purpose. "i wish," sir moses said, "to help our brethren in the holy land in all their efforts to get bread by their own industry, and pray to heaven they may succeed." _july st._--sir moses and lady montefiore went to welcome the rev. dr n. m. adler, chief rabbi elect of the german hebrew congregations in the british empire, on his arrival at dover, and were present the next day at his installation in the great synagogue in london. the synagogue was handsomely decorated, and crowded with the _élite_ of all the jewish congregations. a most appropriate and solemn service was performed, and our gentile brethren showed their interest in the event, by causing the bells of the neighbouring churches to be rung. _november th._--a special delegate arrived from poland to entreat sir moses, in the name of many thousands of his brethren, to intercede in their behalf with the russian government, and to proceed at once to st petersburg to make known their cause to the emperor himself. the subject at that time greatly engrossed his mind; he had no rest, either by day or by night, on account of his anxiety to hasten to their succour, and determined to set out on his journey as soon as his year of shrievalty expired. meanwhile he called on baron brunnow, who promised to give him letters of introduction to his friends, and to several ministers at st petersburg, if he went there. he thought the emperor would ask him to visit his co religionists in his empire. his going to st petersburg could do no harm, or he would not give him letters. sir moses, baron brunnow remarked, had received an invitation from the minister of public instruction, two years previously, to go there, as he wished to have the benefit of his counsel respecting the establishment of hebrew schools, and he thought this constituted a claim on sir moses to go. baron brunnow also recommended sir moses to obtain permission to act as he thought best, with reference to the address of the board of deputies of the british jews to the emperor; and advised his going as an english gentleman, his character being so well known, remarking that the cause would not be benefited by his acting as representative of the board of deputies. the year begins with a sad occurrence in the family. mr isaac cohen, the brother of lady montefiore, a man highly esteemed for his excellent character and benevolent disposition, died suddenly. though this was a cause of much grief to both sir moses and lady montefiore, they did not consider themselves in any way justified in delaying the necessary preparations for their self-imposed mission to russia. sir moses called again on baron brunnow, who said that he could neither advise him to go or to stay, but said he might be assured that the emperor's object was not that of conversion, but rather to render the jews more useful subjects. he advised him not to go till count nesselrode returned from rome to st petersburg. soon after this interview, sir moses again saw the ambassador at which the latter recommended him not to go to russia, and held out very little hope of the object of his journey being accomplished. nevertheless, sir moses resolved on going, saying that as he had been invited to discuss the subject of schools, and was then out of office, he should go. baron brunnow then advised its being kept as quiet as possible. he promised to give him a letter to count nesselrode, and suggested that he should go direct, and as quickly as possible. subsequently he advised him to see lord aberdeen, and get a letter of introduction to lord bloomfield, the british ambassador at st petersburg; also, to see sir roderick murchison, who could give him useful advice, and to endeavour to obtain an introduction to prince michael. _february th._--sir moses called on lord aberdeen, who received him kindly, and promised to give him letters to the british ministers at st petersburg and berlin. _february th._--a solemn prayer was offered by the united congregations of the british empire for the success of his philanthropic mission to russia. _march st._--sir moses and lady montefiore went to dover, and arrived safely the same day at ostend; and on the following sunday i met them in berlin, according to our previous arrangement, to accompany them to st petersburg. _march th._--sir moses called on the earl of westmoreland to present to him his letter of introduction from the earl of aberdeen. having acquainted him with the object of his journey to st petersburg, and mentioned baron brunnow's suggestion to facilitate our journey, his lordship replied that the russian ambassador was absent, but that he would give him a letter to monsieur fonton, his representative. his lordship hoped to see him on his return. we then went to the russian embassy, and delivered to monsieur fonton his lordship's letter. that gentleman said he would give sir moses a letter to the officer at the frontier, but he had chosen a very unfavourable time for his journey, and had better remain five or six days longer at berlin. the waters were out, it would be impossible to pass, and he would be detained on the road. there was a gentleman present in the office who told us he had arrived on the previous night from st petersburg, but had experienced the greatest difficulty, and was the only person who had succeeded in getting through, as it was quite out of the question for a carriage to pass, and we should be compelled to remain on the road. this information was very distressing, but sir moses was determined to go on, and only stop when we should find it too dangerous to go forward. the same day we left berlin, and proceeded _viâ_ königsberg and tilsid to mitau. _friday, the th march._--a deputation of the hebrew community came to welcome sir moses and lady montefiore at the post house, at st olia, the last stage before mitau, to express their gratitude to them for what they had effected in the damascus mission, and to beg they would accept their hospitality during their sojourn at mitau. sir moses thanked them for their kindness in coming so many miles to meet us, but declined accepting their offer, as he wished to travel as privately as possible. as we entered the town, hundreds of persons ran by the side of the carriage to the hotel. we had splendid apartments there, and were grateful for our safety, as we had suffered very much from cold, heavy snows, and horrible roads, and had frequently been obliged to travel all night. not wishing to attract any notice (in compliance with the suggestion of baron brunnow), we refrained from leaving the house for the whole day, and from attending synagogue, which was a painful deprivation to sir moses and lady montefiore. many persons called, but sir moses was under the necessity of refusing to see anyone. we had excellent dinners--a dozen dishes, served on silver; but when, in the evening, we sent for the bill, wishing to pay for our dinners of that and the previous day, we found that they had been prepared at the house of madame johanna davidoff, a lady of this town, and she would not allow us to pay for anything. sir moses wanted to give her a costly present, but she declined accepting it. "i am," she said, "amply repaid by the great happiness afforded me to prepare a humble meal for those who come from a distant land, and brave the inclemency of a russian winter, to serve the cause of humanity. may all the heavenly blessings alight on them!" we left mitau in the evening. in front of the hotel hundreds of persons were waiting to see us set off. when we reached obay, on the south side of the dwina, opposite riga, at . , we found the river still covered with ice, but in a weak and dangerous condition. our carriages were deemed too heavy to be passed over; but after considerable hesitation, they were allowed to be conveyed across, though at a great expense and at our own risk. the wheels were taken off, as well as all the luggage, and they were then placed on sledges and drawn by men to the opposite side of the river. sir moses and lady montefiore and their attendants were waiting at the inn till . p.m., when we all walked across. we had great difficulty in walking; the ice was wet and slippery, with numerous dangerous holes. not two minutes before we passed, a man fell into one of these holes, and was drowned. a similar accident nearly awaited one of our party: the ice broke under him, and one leg went through, but his body falling across the ice, he was soon extricated from his perilous position. it was impossible, sir moses said, "to express the alarm we felt in crossing." it took us twenty minutes to accomplish. we walked to the hotel, and were followed by hundreds of people. shortly afterwards a deputation of the hebrew community, and many others, came to welcome us, but sir moses declined seeing them, for the reasons already stated. he requested me to see them, and explain to them his object in depriving himself of the pleasure of expressing personally to them his thanks for their civilities and attention. we only remained at riga a short time, to recover a little, and to dry our clothes, and then proceeded on our journey. _march th._--we arrived at narva, where we remained over sabbath. the weather was most dismal. chapter xl. . perils of russian travelling in winter--arrival at st petersburg--interviews with count nesselrode and the czar--count kisseleff's prejudices. _march th._--snow had again fallen heavily, and on arriving at jamburg we found the ice in such a bad state that grave fears were entertained as to the possibility of crossing the river lugu. the officer in charge repeatedly refused to allow us to cross. neither bedsteads nor bedding being obtainable, sir moses and lady montefiore had a kind of bed prepared on the floor in a very small and low room, and i had a bundle of straw, in another room, for my couch; it was, however, so warm there, and the air so very oppressive, that i was obliged to get up in the middle of the night, and take a walk outside the house. _jamburg, march th._--at seven in the morning i crossed the lugu; there was not much ice on the river. the officer told me he would have three boats lashed together to take the carriages over. i returned to sir moses to bring him the good news, and to prepare for our departure. i had scarcely been at home an hour when the ice came down the river in great quantities. sir moses accompanied me to look at it, and decided not to cross, as we should have incurred a great risk by doing so. at last towards evening the officer came and told us that he would employ soldiers to launch the great barge, and would come for us when he was ready. we continued in painful suspense awaiting his arrival till a few minutes before seven, when he came and said "all was ready." sir moses and lady montefiore went in their carriage. i and the rest of the party walked down to the water side. the carriages were safely put on a large barge, and soon launched into the stream, but when in the middle it struck on some large stones, and they were in the greatest peril. the barge remained for nearly an hour fixed to one spot. happily, after great exertions on the part of the soldiers, it was got off. the officer then conducted us into his own boat, in which, besides sir moses and lady montefiore, were also two servants, the officer, and a gentleman with despatches from the russian government, and we were towed across, though not without some danger from the ice which was driving down the current in great masses, and which our boatman found great difficulty in avoiding. had they struck it must have proved fatal, but heaven guarded us, and we landed in safety. we were one hour in crossing from the house on the west bank to the post house at jamburg, and had more than a hundred men to assist us. the officer was most civil and attentive, and refused to accept any present. _march st._--we left jamburg last night with the intention of travelling through the night, but we found the road so dreadfully bad, in many places covered with snow and ice and full of ruts, that sir moses and lady montefiore deemed it most prudent to stop at opolje, which was reached at one in the morning. we found warm and excellent accommodation at the station, and instantly threw ourselves on the sofas in our clothes, and slept soundly. we started again after six. the roads were so extremely bad that we were at last compelled to leave our carriages, sir moses and lady montefiore, as well as myself and the rest of our party, having to walk through the snow, between six and seven versts, and arrived dreadfully fatigued at ischerkowitz, where we remained three hours for rest and refreshment. we then had a pleasant drive in a little open carriage placed on a sledge and drawn by two horses, but it was very cold. we reached kaskowa one hour before our own carriages. _april st._--we left kaskowa, passed through kipeen, and a stage later arrived at stretna. from this place to st petersburg is seventeen and a half versts. the road is here well macadamised; on either side of it are the country seats of the nobility. up to this place we had had as many as eight, ten, or twelve, and sometimes even a greater number of horses put to the carriage, now the number was limited to three, we were told, by order of the government. the driver remained standing all the time (while driving furiously) on a small piece of iron, which served as a step to get up to the coachman's seat. at about three o'clock we arrived at st petersburg. after our passports had undergone the necessary examination, we drove to the place where apartments had been taken for us, but found them unsuitable, and had to search some time before we succeeded in engaging rooms at the hotel de prusse. _st petersburg, april nd._--we went to his excellency the hon. t. a. d. bloomfield, who received us immediately. sir moses gave him his letters of introduction, and acquainted him with the object of his visit to the russian metropolis. he also showed him the letters of introduction to count nesselrode which he had received from sir robert peel and baron brunnow. his excellency received sir moses very kindly, wrote to count nesselrode, enclosing sir moses' letters to him, and eventually obtained an appointment for sir moses for the following sunday. _april th._--both sir moses and lady montefiore found the climate very trying. visitors who called on them reported that there was not a house in the city that had not three or four of its inmates confined by illness (an epidemic catarrh, generally called in russia and germany, "grippe"), which had greatly increased the mortality of the city. _april th._--at one o'clock sir moses visited count nesselrode. we were at once received by him in a very friendly manner. he said he had already spoken to the emperor about sir moses. the latter informed the count of the two purposes for which he came to st petersburg, viz., the establishment of jewish schools, and the repeal of the two ukases for the removal of the jews from the frontiers. this, the count said, was not in his department, but the government was at present engaged on the amendment of those ukases, and that he should be happy to render sir moses all the assistance in his power in furtherance of his objects. sir moses then spoke to him respecting the cultivation of land, and the count said that his views were in strict accordance with those of the government; that he wished to raise the jews, and make them more useful members of society; that the cream of the jews were in england, france, and germany, but that those in the ancient provinces of the russian empire and poland were engaged in low traffic and contraband pursuits. sir moses expressed his deep regret to hear the minister's opinion, for which he was not prepared. he then said to his excellency that he should be happy to be presented to the emperor; the count told him he would ask his majesty, and requested sir moses to call on count ouvaroff, the minister of public instruction, at one o'clock on the following day. he again repeated his desire to render him every assistance. in the course of the day sir moses left his card and letters of introduction at count orloff's. _april th._--we called to-day on count ouvaroff, with whom we remained an hour and a half in conversation. he assured sir moses, for himself and on the part of his colleagues, that the measures of the government for the organisation of the jewish schools were designed for their improvement and happiness, and not with the slightest intention of conversion to another religion, but to make them more useful members of society, and to fit them for advancement. he also assured sir moses that the government had some plans for a more liberal treatment, but that the jews must first prepare themselves. "the jews of russia," he said, "were different from the jews in other parts of the world; they were orthodox, and believed in the talmud," which he considered false. "they were ignorant of their own religion; and he was obliged to force them to study hebrew, their own language." sir moses defended the principles of those who strictly adhere to the doctrines of their religion. as to the talmud, he pointed out to the minister the great esteem in which that work is held by pious and learned christians. in support of this view, i reminded his excellency of what buxtorf said on the subject in his "abbreviations,"[a] and in the preface to his great chaldaic and talmudical lexicon:-- "the talmud," that christian divine states, "is a learned work, or a large corpus of erudition; it contains manifold learning in all sciences; it teaches the most explicit and most complete, civil and canonical law of the jews, so that the whole nation, as well as their synagogue, might live thereby in a state of happiness,--in the most desirable way. "it is the most luminous commentary of the scriptural law as well as its supplement and support. "it contains much excellent teaching on jurisprudence, medicine, natural philosophy, ethics, politics, astronomy, and other branches of science, which make one think highly of the history of that nation and of the time in which the work was written." [footnote a: de abreviat. hebr. (auct. joh. buxt. i.), p. .] i mentioned to his excellency the names of buxtorf the younger, dr johannus reuchlin, johannes meyer, selden, joh. morinus, sebastian munster, surenhusius, and quoted most of their statements on the subject. with reference to the russian jews' knowledge of hebrew and of their own religion, i called his excellency's attention to the numerous works they had produced on all subjects connected with hebrew literature and poetry. the minister, however, resumed his arguments, saying they should first be educated before full facilities to gain a living should be given them; although he allowed that, to a certain degree, persecution had made them what they are. he further said that the government were now adopting a new plan, and were treating the jews with toleration, liberality, and love, but it would take a long time, he remarked--perhaps a century--before any difference would be perceptible. he did not consider the present generation, and only thought of the future. he concluded by observing the jews were loyal subjects, and immediately complied with every order of the government. sir moses pressed repeatedly upon his excellency the necessity of relieving them from the anxiety and suffering to which they were subjected in respect to the ukases for their removal from the frontiers and villages; upon which the minister observed, "they were not executed, and were very different in effect to what they appeared on paper, and that the government were engaged on their consideration;" and he several times repeated that the government were desirous of raising the jews and removing the prejudices which still exist against them, but it required time, and the jews must assist by their improvement and attendance at the schools. sir moses assured him that the fear of attempts at conversion was the only cause of their hesitation to conform to his wishes. the interview then terminated, his excellency having throughout been most friendly and polite. on our return home mr and mrs bloomfield paid a long visit to sir moses and lady montefiore, and spoke principally on the subject connected with our visit to st petersburg. he gave sir moses a letter just received from count nesselrode, stating that the emperor would receive him on the following day at one o'clock. sir moses showed him the address which he wished to deliver to his majesty. his excellency thought it would do very well. sir moses then said he was anxious that count nesselrode should see it. mr bloomfield thought he might call on him to-morrow morning. sir moses, however, was of opinion that it would be better to go there at once, and take his chance of seeing him. immediately after the british ambassador and his wife had left us we went to count nesselrode, who received us, read the paper over, and suggested some alterations. in the evening we dined with the british ambassador. mr bloomfield being unwell, could not join the company at table. there were present count nesselrode's daughter and her husband, the saxon ambassador, the austrian ambassador, mr and mrs buchanan, and several other gentlemen. _wednesday, april th._--sir moses, in order to be ready to attend his majesty, had just put on his uniform when he received a message from count nesselrode, saying that the emperor would see him on the morrow instead of on that day. _april th._--the entry of this day in the diary records the audience with his majesty the emperor:--"praised be the god of our fathers. at one o'clock this day i had the honour of an interview with his imperial majesty the emperor. i made the strongest appeal in my power for the general alteration of all laws and edicts that pressed heavily on the jews under his majesty's sway." the following is a copy of the address to the emperor:-- "may it please your imperial majesty. with deep veneration for your majesty's person and government, and with fervent prayers to the most high, that your majesty may continue to be for many, many years the happy and exalted ruler of a powerful, virtuous, and prosperous people, i crave your majesty's permission to offer my humble thanks for the honour conferred upon me by your majesty's government, by the intimation that my presence in your imperial metropolis might become beneficial to my brethren of the hebrew nation in the organisation of schools for the education of their youths; a measure which emanated from your majesty's watchful and paternal care for the improvement of their situation and the promotion of their happiness. may i be permitted to embrace this favourable moment to express my earnest prayer that your majesty may deign to give your most humane consideration to the condition of my co-religionists under your majesty's sway, and that your majesty may exert that power which god has placed in your august hands, to alleviate, to the utmost extent, which your majesty's justice and wisdom may think fit, all such laws and edicts as may be proved to press heavily upon the israelites. i implore your majesty, therefore, to bend an eye of merciful consideration upon them, and thus, by the revival of their hopes, they may be restored to their proper standing among their fellowmen, and have the opportunity of proving themselves most loyal and faithful subjects, as well as useful and honourable citizens, true to the eternal god, to whom their prayers daily ascend, that your majesty's throne may endure to the latest generations, and that your majesty may long live to secure and to witness the happiness and the prosperity of a great and mighty nation." the entry in the diary continues:-- "his imperial majesty said that i should have the satisfaction of receiving his assurance, as well as that of his ministers, that they were most desirous for the improvement of their situation in every way possible. his majesty spoke for about twenty minutes. he said i should go and see them; and referring to the army, that he had put jews in his guards. i expressed a hope that he would promote them if found as deserving as his other soldiers, to which he assented. i repeatedly said that the jews were faithful, loyal subjects, industrious and honourable citizens. he said, 's'ils vous ressemblent' ('if they are like you'). his majesty heartily shook hands with me as i entered and on my retiring. it is a happiness to me to hear from every person, from the very highest to the lowest classes, that my visit to this country will raise the jews in the estimation of the people, and that his majesty's reception of me will be of the utmost importance." _april th._--several persons left their cards, among which we noticed those of count orloff, lieutenant-general doubett, chief of the secret police, the chevalier russi di castilevala. in the course of the day we went to the office of the secret police; they were very civil. we were given to understand that it was customary for visitors to st petersburg to pay a visit to that office. at two o'clock we called, by appointment, on count kisseleff, the minister in whose charge jewish affairs are placed. he received sir moses most politely, and we were with him more than an hour. sir moses went over all the particulars referring to the alleviation of the unfortunate position of the jews. the minister (like count nesselrode and count ouvaroff) said they were great fanatics, and he complained of the talmud being the cause of their degraded position. again sir moses and myself defended the talmud, giving the names of christian divines who have spoken in high praise of that ancient work. count kisseleff wished the jews to cultivate the land, to establish manufactories, to undertake more laborious work than that to which they had hitherto been accustomed; and, respecting the removal from the frontiers, he said they might go fifty versts on either side. he did not wish to keep them, five or six hundred thousand might leave altogether. sir moses might, if he liked, take ten thousand or more to palestine or elsewhere. he shewed him a ukase about to be published, which gave them some privileges, but compelled them, within a certain number of years, to adopt some occupation of an active nature, or to be punished as vagrants. he said many jews had gone to settle in siberia, but the governor had taken steps to prevent more of them going there. the count further said that the jews were fanatics, praying for the coming of the messiah and their return to the holy land, and that they starved themselves all the week in order to have candles and fish for the sabbath. sir moses having explained to his excellency the groundlessness of these charges, the minister then said he should always be pleased to see us, that his doors would be open to sir moses every day, and requested he would call again. _april th._--at about twelve o'clock an officer came from the minister of war to inform sir moses that the emperor, having been informed of his wish to assist at the service in the soldier's synagogue at the barracks, had desired him to escort sir moses, and to say that the service was held at seven in the evening, and from eight till twelve in the morning. at . we walked through the rain to the barracks, a very long distance from our hotel. the synagogue was a large room, well fitted up, with the ark, containing the sacred scrolls of the pentateuch, and the pulpit and reading desk. the prayer for the ruling sovereign and the royal family was painted on a tablet affixed to the wall, as in other places of worship among hebrew communities. the prayers were read by one of the soldiers, who officiated as precentor to a congregation of three hundred of his companions. they all appeared very devout, and joined loudly in the prayers. sir moses was so much fatigued that it was with the greatest difficulty and pain that he walked to the synagogue and back through mud and rain. the barracks were near the english quay, at least two miles distant. chapter xli. . count kisseleff is more conciliatory--sir moses sets out for wilna--arrival at wilna--the jews' answers to the charges of russian officials. _april th._--we went to see count kisseleff. his excellency told sir moses that the emperor had inquired what he thought of the synagogue. the count assured him they had determined to adopt a new plan with the jews, more mild and conciliatory. the emperor wished them to amalgamate with their fellow subjects, and to cultivate the land. but he would not force them; they would be left to their own free will, and less under the control of the police than they had been, and all who wished to leave the empire might do so. the count said he would write to sir moses to that effect, and would give him the list of towns to be visited, but the roads, he observed, were dreadfully bad. sir moses expressed a strong desire to see wilna, to which the minister acceded, giving him introductions to the different places, and writing to the postmasters for horses. when sir moses spoke of religion, count kisseleff said he did not care what was between man and his god, but he wished the jews to become useful citizens, and that they had as many privileges as those in england. he spoke much of their poverty and distress. sir moses was pleased to observe that his manner of speaking of the jews was more friendly. count kisseleff said that jewish artisans and mechanics might come and work at st petersburg, but that they might not bring their wives and children. he promised to give sir moses copies of the ukase relating to their removal from the villages, and he showed him the _journal des débats_, which stated that mr gilbert had put a question to sir robert peel on the subject. "i am satisfied," sir moses records in his diary, "that the jews will be better off in consequence of our visit to this city. praise be to god alone!" _april th._--we attended service in the soldiers' synagogue. two of the superior officers accompanied sir moses to the gate of the barracks, and expressed a hope that he was satisfied with the arrangements. the soldiers told us that the coming of sir moses had been of the utmost benefit to them, and that their officers treated them much better since his arrival. _april th._--we proceeded to count ouvaroff, and remained with him one hour. he offered sir moses a letter of introduction to the inspector of public instruction at wilna, and promised to attend to any suggestion that he might send to him after his tour. we then called and took leave of count kisseleff, who assured sir moses that his report and suggestions should have his best consideration, that he would put his letter into the hands of the emperor, and that he would send sir moses an answer. he could not have been more friendly. count ouvaroff was equally amiable. orders were sent to all the postmasters along the route to have horses ready for us. at one o'clock we visited count nesselrode, and were equally well received. his excellency said that he would send sir moses a letter of introduction to the governor of wilna, and promised to give every consideration to any suggestion he might send him for the improvement of the condition of his co-religionists. sir moses again received the assurances of all the ministers that their measures for the better education of the jews was in no way actuated by a desire for their conversion, and that this might be depended upon. count kisseleff told him, in reply to his inquiry, that the jews did not serve as long in the army as others. he spoke much in favour of the establishment of manufactories, and said that the government would grant them privileges. returning to the hotel sir moses, accompanied by lady montefiore, went to take leave of mr and mrs bloomfield, from whom they had received the kindest attention and assistance. his excellency said that if sir moses wanted anything at st petersburg he should recollect he was there, and would always be happy to render his best assistance. he gave him a letter of introduction to the british consul at warsaw. this was a memorable day here. the emperor inspected the guards, and gave each soldier one and a half silver roubles. the isaac square was thronged with holiday folks, enjoying the national sports. count kisseleff told sir moses that four hundred recruits had just arrived from a place near wilna without a single man having fallen sick or deserted. the emperor had seen them, was pleased with them, and gave them money. sir moses spoke with several of the jews who had served from ten to fifteen years. they said that after twenty years they were free, if they served in the guards; but if they were attendants, or served in the hospitals, or as mechanics, then their service was extended to twenty-five years. as far as sir moses could judge, they did not appear to be discontented with their situation, and observed their religion. they were together in barracks, with their wives and children. among the visitors who called during the day was sheikh mouhhammad ayyád ettántáwy, professor of the arabic language and literature in the asiatic institution (who had been my arabic master during my stay at cairo). the sheikh expressed great admiration for the character of sir moses and lady montefiore, and their noble exertions to ameliorate the condition of their brethren; and he composed two poems in commemoration of their visit to st petersburg, which he himself copied in the arabic language in their diaries. he had been sent to st petersburg at the instance of count medem, the russian consul general in alexandria. owing to his great learning the mooslim professor had already received two decorations--the orders of st anne and of st stanislas--from the emperor nicholas, and had become a great favourite with all the students who attended his lectures. the hebrew soldiers brought the books from the charitable institutions and schools which they had established among themselves. various authors and poets sent their literary compositions in honour to sir moses and lady montefiore's arrival, hospitals, schools, and institutions of all kinds sent their representatives to enlist their sympathies for a good cause, and the latter endeavoured, as much as possible, to satisfy all deserving applicants. the number of visitors from the nobility, since sir moses had been received by the emperor, greatly increased; but there was no time for him to return their visits or accept their invitations, as he was anxious to proceed without further delay to visit the places pointed out to him by the government. a great many israelites from different parts of the empire came and gave us their blessings; nearly all were soldiers. one of them had two distinguished orders for his bravery in poland; he had been in the army eighteen years. count nesselrode sent a letter of introduction to the governor of warsaw, and count kisseleff one to the postmaster of wilcomir, that we might find no difficulty in proceeding from that place to wilna. all arrangements for our departure being now completed, sir moses gave the order to start. for the first two days of our journey the weather was beautiful and the roads excellent, as smooth as a bowling green; but just before entering ostroff we encountered terribly rough weather and desperately bad roads, full of ruts and holes. we were ferried over several rivers before reaching roubelove, where we resolved on remaining for the night. _regiza, friday, april th._--"we find," as the entry in the diary says, "the post stations get worse as we proceed, both in respect to cleanliness and comfort. last night there was no bread, no beer, wine, or spirits, and very bad water, and beds out of the question. we have slept on sofas since we left st petersburg, with the greater part of our clothes on, being covered with our cloaks. it is indeed roughing it. we have travelled - / posts. this is the first town from st petersburg inhabited by israelites, and poor indeed they appear. my dear judith has a very bad cough, but bears the fatigue and deprivation of all comfort most admirably; she is cheerful and content. we noticed the land ready to be cultivated, and observed many ploughs at work, but with only one horse to each. we continue to pass through large forests of firs, birch, &c.; the ground being very sandy and marshy, very poor for cultivation." the sabbath enabled us to enjoy the repose we so much required. _sunday, april th._--we proceeded to düneberg, thence to wilcomir, where, on our arrival, a deputation from wilna came to bid us welcome. _april th._--we continued our journey to wilna. this town may be described as the most important centre of hebrew literature in russia, and numbers among its inhabitants very many distinguished hebrew authors and poets. the works written by them on all subjects connected with the elucidation of the sacred scriptures may be counted by hundreds. they also excel in works of industry of every description, and are the principal artisans in the place. in their commercial transactions they show great ability, and are often, for their sound judgment, consulted by their non-israelite neighbours on subjects which require special consideration. the jewish settlement in wilna dates from long before . according to a statement given in the _otsherki wilenskoi gubernii_ (wilna, ), they had at that time (in the year ) already in their community a special chamber of commerce, which they could only have established there after a long residence in the country. cardinal commendoni, the nuncio of the pope at the court of king sigismund-auguste in the year , though he reproached the poles for having granted too many privileges to the infidels, nevertheless expressed himself favourably when speaking of the jews in lithuania, of which wilna is the capital. the following is the substance of his remarks on the subject, as given in the book entitled "rosprawa o zydach, czackiego," p. :--there are still a great many jews in these provinces, including lithuania, who are not, as in many other places, regarded with disrespect; they do not maintain themselves miserably by base profits; they are landed proprietors, are engaged in commerce, and even devote themselves to the study of literature, and more especially to medicine and astrology. they hold almost everywhere the commission of levying the customs duties; they are classed among the most honest people; they wear no outward mark to distinguish them from christians, and are permitted to carry a sword and walk about with their arms; in a word, they enjoy the same privileges as other citizens. the jews of wilna determined to give a most hearty welcome to sir moses and lady montefiore. the spiritual head of the community, all the members of his ecclesiastical court, the representatives of all the educational, industrial and charitable institutions, and all the officers connected with them, came to meet sir moses and lady montefiore at a place called krisanke (krigeanki), seventeen versts from wilna. a deputation from among them proceeded five versts further. on meeting us they presented sir moses and lady montefiore with a poem written in the purest biblical hebrew, which was gratefully acknowledged by sir moses. they then left in great haste to apprise their colleagues of our approach. on our arrival at krisanke we found all the members of the committee of welcome drawn up in a line. as the carriage stopped, the spiritual head of the community, accompanied by the representatives of the various institutions, approached sir moses and lady montefiore, and delivered an address to them, which sir moses answered in his own name and that of lady montefiore. they were then requested to alight and enter a room, most tastefully decorated for the occasion, and where an excellent breakfast awaited them. we left krisanke and directed our course towards wilna. for the whole distance of seventeen versts the fields to the right and left of the road were crowded by people, who shouted in hebrew, "blessed be those who come in the name of the lord;" and when, on approaching the carriage of sir moses, they beheld the hebrew word "jerusalem" on the banner attached to the supporters of his coat of arms, joy filled their hearts, and they showered innumerable blessings on the heads of its occupants. we arrived safely at the house of mr isaac a. l. setil, which had been specially prepared for our reception, and there met three gentlemen of the hebrew community waiting to receive sir moses' orders. a comfortable night's rest made both sir moses and lady montefiore soon forget the discomforts which they had to endure on the road from st petersburg. i now give sir moses' own words, as entered in the diary. "_wilna, april th._--i took my letter of introduction to the governor, and he received me instantly. dr loewe accompanied me. the governor was extremely polite, and spoke much of the jews. he attributed their present unhappy state to great poverty, but could not suggest any other remedy than colonisation; the want of capital will render this measure very slow. he did not think the jews could be removed from the villages till the autumn, when some arrangement would be adopted for their employment. the jews might have land near to christians, and he thought it desirable that they should be more together. i am of opinion that the jewish population has increased more rapidly than the others, and consequently their means of obtaining a livelihood by barter is more difficult. we were introduced to the governor's wife, a very handsome and agreeable lady, and extremely well informed. she expressed the kindest sentiments towards the jews. i called with monsieur ouvaroff's letter on his excellency monsieur e. gruber, councillor of state. he was much in favour of the jews. at five i received those persons who formed the deputation and came twenty versts to see me. dr loewe addressed them in german, related all that had passed at st petersburg, and read them the papers i had received. they will write me their observations." the reader will probably remember the charges which the ministers brought against the jews; also the special reports referring to the unsuccessful endeavours to raise their status, with which the russian government provided sir moses, to enable him to ascertain the exact state of the hebrew communities. it was therefore necessary, however painful it must have been to him, to make fully known to the deputation all the wrong-doings of which they stood accused before the government, and to afford them the opportunity of clearing their character. i addressed them in the name of sir moses, saying that "this fatiguing journey over land and sea had been exclusively undertaken by him for their sakes. the guiding hand of the eternal god, which always accompanied him on his travels, had not forsaken him on the present occasion, and made him arrive at an opportune time at st petersburg, when his majesty the emperor had just returned from a journey to moscow. he was fortunate enough to be received by his imperial majesty in a private audience, where his majesty deigned to receive him most kindly, and afterwards sent him to his three imperial ministers, count nesselrode, minister of state; count ouvaroff, minister of public instruction; and count kisseleff, minister of the crown lands, to receive from them their reports. his majesty had promised sir moses that he would treat the jews paternally, and with forbearance. but to sir moses' great sorrow, he had also heard complaints against them. he therefore entreated the deputation to give him all the information they could on all the subjects to which he had drawn their attention." having listened, with tears in their eyes, to the accusations brought against them, the deputation promised to provide him, with a statement in which all the questions brought to his notice would be treated _seriatim_, and containing many historically interesting notices on the civil condition of the russian jews, also many letters from jewish families that had, at that time, been expelled from villages and taverns. "the civil governor of the town," sir moses enters in his diary, "sent the chief officer of police to say he should be happy to accompany me at any time i might fix, to the several public institutions. we cannot move a step without being surrounded by hundreds of people, all giving us their blessing." _wilna, may st._--sir moses went to the civil governor, and was with him an hour. the governor repeated all that the other ministers had said, and told him that the jews were not obliged to leave the villages, but only to discontinue selling brandy. this, at least, was something gained. during our absence, monsieur e. gruber left his card. the military governor paid us a visit, and invited sir moses and lady montefiore to a ball on sunday, the th inst. sir moses, not expecting to be present at a ball in wilna, had left his uniform at wilcomir, and intended for this reason to decline accepting the invitation; but the governor at once observed that a special messenger would bring his uniform from wilcomir in due time, and hoped to see him at the ball. many members of the aristocracy called, among whom was count wittgenstein. chapter xlii. . the jewish schools at wilna--wilcomir--deplorable condition of the hebrew community in that town--kowno--warsaw. on the following morning, sir moses and lady montefiore offered up prayers amidst thousands of their brethren, and many visitors, who "from curiosity," as they said, "came to see the english philanthropist." the rest of the day was devoted to the reception of the members of the community, their wives and children, so as to have the opportunity of becoming acquainted with their manners and mode of conversation. it being customary in that place to send wine and sweetmeats of every description to a person of distinction on the first sabbath of his arrival, many hundreds of bottles of the best wine, with cakes and sweetmeats from the most skilful confectioners, were sent to us, and these were several times handed round by sir moses and lady montefiore themselves. the amiability with which they received every new comer induced the visitors to speak without restraint on all subjects. in the evening a scribe of great ability was summoned before sir moses, to prepare a scroll of parchment, upon which the latter was desirous to commence writing the first line of the pentateuch for synagogual purposes. the scribe soon made his appearance, and sir moses, in the presence of the chief rabbi and the principal lecturer of the community, performed the task assigned to him. _wilna, may rd._--sir moses paid a visit to the governor, where he met most of the nobility of the place, and representatives of various communities, who came to pay their respects on the occasion of the birthday of the czarewitch. among those present we also noticed the ecclesiastical chief of the hebrew community. on our return from the governor, we proceeded to inspect the various colleges and schools, where we examined the pupils, and conversed with the teachers and directors regarding the subjects to which sir moses' attention had been called at st petersburg. from each of these establishments full accounts were given to us, of which sir moses made the best use in his report to the czar. in the evening, by special invitation from the governor, sir moses visited the theatre, and subsequently, he, lady montefiore, and myself attended the ball at his excellency's. we were received by all present with every possible attention and courtesy, and the appearance of sir moses and lady montefiore made a most favourable impression. on our return from the entertainment we found some beautiful embroidery, poems, drawings, &c., sent to lady montefiore by the pupils of some of the girls' schools of the place. we had had an opportunity, in the morning, of inspecting the schools. in some of them the pupils acquitted themselves satisfactorily in the french, russian, german, and hebrew languages; their handwriting was beautiful, and in arithmetic they were far advanced. _monday, may th._--we went to-day to see the printing office of the brothers rom, rundsinsky, königsberg, and torkin. sir moses was accompanied by his excellency the civil governor terebzow. they presented us with a number of valuable works, each of which was adorned with a poem written by the gifted poet a. b. lebensohn. we then proceeded to the jewish hospital, the infant school, under the patronage of the wife of the military governor, the orphan asylum of mr chiya danzig, and many schools and colleges, everywhere exhorting the pupils to study the russian language and literature, and everywhere leaving charitable gifts. sir moses took every means to make himself thoroughly acquainted with all the matters on which he had been asked to report to the emperor, and invited ten of the most prominent men of the community to attend morning and evening prayers at his hotel, and afterwards to report and discuss matters generally. _may th._--with a view of showing his respect for the chief rabbi and the representatives of the community, and, at the same time, of forming an idea of the domestic arrangements for the comfort of their families, sir moses devoted many hours to calling on those persons. he had the satisfaction of seeing among them many well-educated wives, sons, and daughters; their dwellings were scrupulously clean, the furniture plain, but suitable for the purpose, and the appearance of the family healthy. some of them were very good looking. the number of letters from jews and christians hourly increased; whole nights were often devoted to reading them, and making extracts from those which required special and immediate attention. _may th._--we were indoors all this day, engaged from morning till evening in conversation with numerous persons on the subject of our journey. his excellency, monsieur gruber, came just when the room was filled with visitors, including the chief rabbi, the principal lecturer of the synagogue, and many of the leading members of the community. taking advantage of the opportunity, these gentlemen spoke of the state of the jews in russia, and stated to him that the government would not permit them to have land, nor would they employ them as labourers; adding that they could bring to his excellency, within a few minutes, if he desired it, five thousand men, women, and children who would be ready to do any work, however laborious, merely for a piece of bread a day. they had frequently petitioned the government, they said, for liberty to take land, but had never received the required permission. the conversation was carried on with great spirit. subsequently a large deputation was introduced, who requested sir moses to remain till after sabbath. the burgomaster of wilna being present, joined in the request, and sir moses at last consented, especially as the deputation observed that they could not sooner get their papers ready for him. _friday, may th._--the representatives of the hebrew congregation of this town, together with those of other hebrew congregations from some of the principal towns in russia, under the presidency of the chief rabbi, held a meeting for the purpose of examining the papers which had been prepared for presentation to sir moses, in reply to the charges brought against them at st petersburg. it was arranged to request sir moses to appoint the following day, in the evening, after the termination of the sabbath, for their reception, and to invite the writer of these lines to address the congregation on the following morning in the principal synagogue of the town, so as to afford to thousands of their brethren and visitors the opportunity of becoming acquainted with any suggestion which it might be deemed desirable to communicate to them relative to the mission of sir moses and lady montefiore. with this view a deputation waited on sir moses, and he agreed to receive them at the appointed time. the same deputation also brought me the invitation to deliver an address in their synagogue, which i willingly accepted. _saturday, may th._--divine service was held in the apartments of sir moses early in the morning. in the afternoon, at about two o'clock, he and lady montefiore proceeded to the synagogue, where i delivered the address in the presence of a very large assembly of members of various communities and visitors. in the evening all the representatives of wilna, and those of the principal towns in russia, together with the gentlemen who wrote the reports in the hebrew, french, and russian languages, and others of high standing in the community, headed by their ecclesiastical chief, presented the papers which sir moses was so anxiously expecting. it is often a grave and exciting moment for those present in a court of justice, when the accused, however humble his station in life may be, pleads his cause and vindicates his innocence against a vigorous prosecutor; graver, however, and considerably more exciting was the scene which i now witnessed, when not merely a private individual, but the representatives of three millions of loyal subjects of the emperor of russia, pleaded their cause and vindicated their innocence against the most serious charges brought against them and their religious tenets by the ministers of the empire. i repeatedly noticed tears rolling down the cheeks of the venerable elders of the community. sir moses and lady montefiore themselves could hardly suppress their emotion. every word contained in the written statements had been translated by me into english, and the whole was read aloud to the assembly. sir moses addressed questions to the representatives of the various communities, and elicited numerous replies; but the more voluminous ones had to be taken away with us, to be read next day by sir moses on the road. thus many hours of the night passed; it was two o'clock in the morning when the conference terminated. refreshments were handed round. sir moses drank to "better times, and to the health and prosperity of his brethren in russia." the chief rabbi, the representatives of the community, and all present shed tears at the contemplation of our departure. sir moses and lady montefiore left many souvenirs to those who had so kindly attended them during their stay in wilna, and sent hundreds of bottles of the best wine, and many kinds of meat, and cakes of every description to the hospitals. all the charitable institutions and all deserving cases were remembered by most generous gifts, and nothing more was left for him to do. the favourable impression which the people of wilna made on sir moses prompted him to say to those present, as he stepped into his carriage: "i leave you, but my heart will ever remain with you. when my brethren suffer, i feel it painfully; when they have reason to weep, my eyes shed tears." at four o'clock in the morning, when no one in the town expected our departure, we left wilna for wilcomir. the recent rains had made the roads very bad; heavy sand and numerous ruts prevented our proceeding at the average rate of travelling. in one spot our conveyance stuck fast in a deep hole, and we were detained for fully half-an-hour. this unpleasant circumstance was much aggravated by the hundreds of poor russian men, women, and children following the carriage for miles on the road. the more they had given to them, the more they appeared to want. after a ride of seventy-six and a half versts we reached wilcomir, where a deputation from the hebrew community brought us wine and cake. the account which they gave of their brethren was but sorrowful. of five hundred families, they said, one-fourth died last year from destitution. we visited the school and charitable institutions, and next day continued our journey to kowno. hundreds of persons, with lighted candles in their hands, greeted us on our arrival at kowno. we found an elegant house prepared for us, all the rooms and passages brilliantly lighted with wax candles. the host and hostess, mr and mrs kadisohn, attended on sir moses and lady montefiore themselves. "we have not had," lady montefiore said, "such beds or accommodation since leaving england." sir moses had an important interview with the governor of the town respecting the employment of jews to repair the high roads, they being willing to work for twenty kopeks a day, while labourers of other denominations receive thirty. we here received information regarding the jews, in general, living in that district; and the representatives of the community, headed by their chief rabbi, supplemented this by numerous statements made to sir moses in writing. _may th._--we left kowno early in the morning, were ferried over the river, and detained two hours on the frontier of the former kingdom of poland. proceeded through calvarie, souvalky, stavesey. in each of these places we had interviews with the authorities, and elders of the hebrew community, and visited their schools and charitable institutions. _may th._--our arrival at warsaw was announced to thousands of the hebrew community who were anxious to see sir moses and lady montefiore. mr blumberg, one of the leading merchants, came to request sir moses' acceptance of his house during our stay at warsaw; but sir moses, while thanking him for his hospitality, thought it desirable to live at an hotel, in preference to a private house. the first visit paid by sir moses was to colonel du plat, the british consul for poland; he was absent from home, but sent in the course of the day, a message to sir moses that he would be pleased to see him on the following day. the chief rabbi and the representatives of the hebrew community came to congratulate us on our safe arrival. they said it had been their wish to have made a more public display of their gratitude to sir moses and lady montefiore, but they were prevented from doing so. they had asked the governor if they might go out of the city to meet us, and received the reply that he could say neither "yes" nor "no." the accounts which sir moses continued to receive from the jews, of their position in this country, were most distressing. _warsaw, may th._--"this morning," sir moses writes in his diary, "i called on colonel du plat with dr loewe. he proposed to accompany me immediately to the minister of foreign affairs, the minister of the interior, and the military governor of the city. we accordingly visited each of them, and i was received with much politeness. the two former ministers conversed with me for a considerable time about the condition of the jews. the minister of foreign affairs is to ask his highness the viceroy for an audience for me. i have heard repeated the same complaints, that the jews will not cultivate the land, and from the jews themselves that they cannot get permission to purchase land. this afternoon i received a letter from the minister of foreign affairs, that his highness will be happy to see me to-morrow at twelve. i received a deputation, consisting of the principal jews of this city, headed by the chief rabbi. they give a deplorable account of the present position of the jews in this kingdom. "_may th._--colonel du plat came and accompanied me and dr loewe to the palace. we were received by prince paskiewitch (who is the viceroy of the kingdom) with much politeness. i was in full uniform. we were one hour and a half in conversation respecting the jews. he expressed the same sentiments as those we heard in st petersburg; also said that the jews would not cultivate the land, though the law allowed them to purchase it. i said that hundreds of jews had expressed to me their ardent desire to obtain land, and that i feared there existed some difficulty in the requisite formalities. the prince does not wish for further education, and is by no means disposed to give any privilege to them. his highness invited me and the consul to dine with him at six. it was a very pleasant and chatty party. i sat on the right of the prince, but took nothing except asparagus, salad, ices, and dessert. the princess was most agreeable, and conversed freely with me; indeed, all were most friendly. "the countess rzewuska, _née_ princess lubomirska; m. de hilferilling, conseiller d'etat-actuel, head of the chancellerie diplomatique of the prince; the minister of the interior, general l. se ater storozenko; the postmaster-general, prince galitzin; the head of the police, general abramowicz; and the governor-general of warsaw, general okouneff, were also present on that occasion. "_warsaw, may th._--a deputation, consisting of at least twenty gentlemen from all the charitable institutions belonging to the jews, presented my dear wife and myself with a beautiful address and a very elegant silver cup, as a mark of their gratitude for our exertions on their behalf. the house has been surrounded from morning till night by hundreds of our co-religionists, anxious to get a glimpse of us. two gendarmes and a police officer have had great difficulty in keeping the people out of the house. we had the honour of a long visit to-day from the military governor." chapter xliii. . deputation from krakau--the polish jews and their garb--sir moses leaves warsaw--posen, berlin, and frankfort--home. "_sunday, may th._--my dear wife, dr loewe, and myself paid a visit to the princess paskiewitch, the wife of the viceroy. she was very kind in her manner, and spoke for a considerable time with us. we afterwards accompanied mr epstein to the jewish hospital, where we found the directors and most of the governors and their ladies waiting to receive us." in order to show how desirous the jews here are, under the most unfavourable circumstances, to promote the welfare of their poorer brethren, sir moses gives a long description of the hospital, containing beds, baths, kitchens, a dispensary, laundry, and synagogue; and of mr matthias rosen's aged needy asylum, and speaks in terms of the highest praise of all the arrangements. he also alludes to the important fact that the poor children are taught and apprenticed to various trades. after inspecting the whole establishment, we were conducted to the committee room. sir moses was here presented with a beautiful little statue of moses, a copy in bronze of the statue by michael angelo, the president delivering a most suitable address. it is now in the lecture hall of judith, lady montefiore's theological college in ramsgate, and is an object of great interest to visitors. they were there met by the governor and directors, with their ladies. the way was covered with green baize, and about a dozen children walked before them strewing flowers. "on our return home," sir moses continues in his diary, "i found colonel du plat waiting to accompany me to monsieur hilferilling, head of the chancellerie diplomatique of the prince. i thanked him for the paper he sent me yesterday, and also for the ukase published last evening, allowing the jews to retain their present costume for three months, till after the st of july. this will be a great relief to the poor, though i am happy to find that there will be no difficulty made by the jews in complying with the wishes of the government." the dress worn by the jews in poland is that which was formerly worn in that country by christians as well as by jews. in the course of time the jews became so used to it that the change for the european dress appeared to them almost a transgression of some religious injunction. the appearance of sir moses, dressed in european costume, while rigidly observing the injunctions of his religion, contributed greatly to their conviction that a change of dress need not involve any serious consequences. turning again to the entry of the diary, sir moses says: "i then informed his excellency that i should be very happy if it were possible to have an audience of the emperor, as his majesty is every moment expected to arrive; that i did not ask for it, but i should be glad if it could be made known to his majesty that i was in the city. his excellency said he would speak with count orloff to-morrow morning." _may th._--this morning sir moses received a note from colonel du plat, stating that his majesty was going to the greek cathedral, and recommending him to put on his uniform, and to be there, as it would most likely obtain for him an earlier intimation of his majesty's wishes; but sir moses thought it advisable not to avail himself of the opportunity in a place of public worship. the stream of visitors continued all day long, some even remaining in the house as a "guard of honour." our rooms were comfortable, and the attentions of our friends unceasing, and yet there was a great drawback, inasmuch as we could not even converse with friends without the subject being immediately made known to others. i remember an instance of this. on one occasion sir moses received a letter in the evening relative to an appointment with a gentleman at six o'clock the next morning. i entered his room to confer with him on the subject, and before the appointed hour, a letter arrived from that gentleman, repeating almost word for word what sir moses had said to me, concerning him and the appointment. we could not explain to ourselves how it was possible for him thus to have received information of what we thought no one had heard. but on looking round in the room, we noticed, not far from the sofa, a large portrait, the eyes of which had round holes instead of pupils. we at once went into the corridor, and, to our great surprise, we found we could hear every word spoken within by lady montefiore and others. _may th._--sir moses and lady montefiore received a deputation from praga, who presented them with a very small, beautifully written scroll of the pentateuch, with a costly silver crown thereon, ornamented with precious stones; also with a silver pointer for the use of the reader, all being deposited in a beautiful little ark. the deputation invited them to visit their elementary schools and rabbinical colleges. at the appointed hour sir moses and lady montefiore proceeded to the house of mr blumberg, where they met a very considerable number of students. in compliance with a request from the college and school committees, and from sir moses, i examined the rabbinical students for nearly three hours. the result being most satisfactory, sir moses consented to become the patron of the college. on our return from praga, a deputation from the hebrew congregation of krakau was introduced. they had important communications to make, relating to questions in connection with the state of education among jews in poland; and several hours passed in conversation with them. _may th._--sir moses being apprehensive that his continued stay in this city might not be agreeable to the government, as there were always hundreds of people near his hotel, and many more following him about in the streets, he called on the british consul, colonel du plat, and informed him of his feelings on the subject; adding that he thought he had better leave on the morrow. the consul said he would first see the minister, and acquaint him with sir moses' sentiments, and he would let him know the minister's reply. the united committee of the elementary schools and the new synagogue presented to sir moses and lady montefiore a beautifully written scroll of the pentateuch, somewhat larger than that they had previously received, with a silver crown, accompanied by an ark for its reception. like other souvenirs, it is now preserved in the lecture hall of the college in ramsgate. colonel du plat paid us a long visit, and discussed the object of sir moses' mission to russia, and subsequently we went to the garden of the "little palace," in which the emperor resided. we saw his majesty there, in an open carriage, and met the viceroy, all the cabinet ministers, their ladies, and the _élite_ of the city. the princess paskiewitch and the ministers spoke to sir moses and lady montefiore, and appeared most friendly in their conversation. _may nd._--"i received to-day," the entry in the diary records, "two or three deputations from congregations, distant from thirty to three hundred miles, with addresses, and called at one o'clock on colonel du plat. he had just returned from a review, where count orloff told him 'he had received my card; that he was much pleased with the whole of my conduct; it had given general satisfaction; that i was a man _comme il faut_, and that my visit would be very useful.' "dr loewe and i rode to the prince marshal to take leave, unless his highness had any commands for me. dr loewe got out of the carriage to enquire if he was at home, and, at the instant, his highness was leaving the house to attend the council. he regretted he could not stop to speak with me, but requested i would come to him to-morrow at six. as i could not walk as far as the palace (the sanctity of the sabbath not permitting me to ride in a carriage), i requested dr loewe to call on the minister of diplomacy, and to beg of him to arrange with the prince for paying my respects on sunday instead of to-morrow, which he promised to do, and to acquaint me with the result." the same day a deputation of that pre-eminently conservative class of the hebrew community, known by the appellation of "khasseedim," paid us a visit. they wore hats, according to european fashion, instead of the polish "czapka," or the "mycka," which is similar to that of the circassian's. they were headed by mr posener, a gentleman who had done much for the promotion of industry in poland, and his son; and he informed sir moses that he would, though an old man, comply with the desire of the government, and change the polish for the german costume. being a man held in high esteem by the jews, and well spoken of by the prince, his example would have a most favourable effect upon others. _warsaw, saturday evening, may rd._--divine service was held in our apartments in the morning, afternoon, and evening. we had intended going to the new synagogue, but were deterred from doing so by the great difficulties which we had encountered last evening in going to and returning from the great synagogue. thousands of persons had followed us nearly the whole way, and the gallery of the synagogue was so dreadfully crowded with ladies, that serious apprehensions were entertained lest it might fall, when hundreds must have been killed. a strong body of police had secured our retreat. at least five hundred ladies, the wives and daughters of our co-religionists, called on lady montefiore. a girl twelve years old sang several hebrew melodies; she had a fine voice. in the evening we had with us, for the second time, a little boy, eight years old, who played exquisitely on the violin. he also recited the portion of the pentateuch selected for the sabbath reading in the synagogue, with several of the commentaries on the same, by heart; a very handsome child. by his extraordinary talent he supports his parents and family--in all ten persons. sir moses made him a present of a sum of money to enable him to pay for a master. we again noticed that the walls of our room were admirably arranged, so that every word we speak could be distinctly overheard outside in a dark passage. _warsaw, sunday, may th._--colonel du plat called, having been requested by sir moses to accompany him to the palace. going there, we met the prince as he was descending from his carriage; he was most polite, and begged us to come into the palace. he was very sorry he could not see sir moses on friday. sir moses told his highness that he had come to take leave of him, and to inquire if he had any commands for him. the prince said he was very sorry that he had been prevented from showing him more attention, but since the arrival of the emperor his presence was required every quarter of an hour. sir moses spoke of the great desire of the jews to be allowed to purchase land, and to cultivate it themselves; he also told the prince that mr posener had promised to change his dress, which pleased him greatly, and his example would, he said, have great effect, and he had no doubt that sir moses' visit would produce much good. they then had some conversation respecting the repeal of the corn laws in england, the bill having passed by a majority of ninety-three. they also spoke of the death of an english admiral, and our victories in india. their parting was most friendly. sir moses and lady montefiore then left cards on the princess, all the ministers, the spiritual head of the hebrew community, and the representatives of the several institutions they had visited; and orders were given for their departure at three o'clock in the morning. in the course of the day, colonel du plat called to bid us farewell. a great number of persons came in the evening for a similar purpose, and remained till one o'clock in the morning. sir moses then entrusted some of the gentlemen with his generous donations for the poor of all denominations, also for schools, hospitals, and charitable institutions; and, with the most favourable impressions of the good intentions of his brethren in poland, we left warsaw at the appointed hour. on the same day, may th, we arrived at posen. wherever we had stopped on the road, even at the post-houses, where we could only remain for a few minutes to change horses, deputations with addresses awaited our arrival. early in the morning of tuesday, a deputation from the old synagogue came to conduct sir moses and lady montefiore to divine service. the venerable edifice, which is very ancient, large, and of handsome proportions, was lighted up, and the paths leading to the seats strewn with flowers. at eleven o'clock the rev. s. eger, chief rabbi of the community; the rev. s. plessner, chief lecturer; the officers, of the synagogue, and the representatives of all the hebrew charities, in all about sixty gentlemen, waited upon them with an address. the streets were crowded, and on reaching the synagogue, all the passages were filled with ladies and gentlemen, with lighted wax candles in their hands, a number of young and beautiful girls strewing roses and other fragrant flowers before us. the synagogue was one blaze of light, from hundreds of wax candles, ornamented with flowers. sir moses was placed in the body of the synagogue, and lady montefiore in the ladies' gallery, under beautiful canopies with rich drapery and flowers. the rev. s. plessner presented a beautiful poem, in which he expressed a hearty welcome and the deep gratitude of his community; others, equally zealous in conveying their appreciation of sir moses' and lady montefiore's services, presented addresses in german or french; and we found it necessary to have special cases made to contain them. we left posen in the evening, travelled the whole night, and reached berlin next day at ten o'clock in the evening, taking up our quarters at the hotel de st petersbourg. _berlin, friday, may th._--called at the british embassy, but learned that lord and lady westmoreland were in england. sir moses saw sir george b. hamilton (who was acting for him), and expressed his desire to be presented to his majesty, the king of prussia; but his majesty, sir george said, was at torgau, and would not return before the th of june. sir moses then left his card on monsieur fonton, at the russian embassy. mr bleichroder, father of the present consul general for england, called, also the chief rabbi, and three gentlemen from krakau, to present an address to sir moses, requesting him to speak to the king of prussia in favour of the jews of that place. the following three days, being the sabbath and pentecost festival, most of the time was taken up by attending divine service and receiving visitors. _june nd._--we went to take leave of sir george hamilton. sir moses expressed regret at not being able to have the honour of being presented to his majesty, as he had hoped to have the opportunity of praying for his gracious efforts to cause the jews of cracow to be placed in the same position as their brethren in his majesty's other dominions. sir george said that if sir moses wrote him a letter to that effect, he would place it in the king's hands. in the course of conversation, sir george told sir moses that he had received an express from lord aberdeen, desiring him to repair to florence, as things were in so uncertain a state in london (alluding to the corn bill); he could not tell how soon a change might take place; but lord brougham and lady westmoreland, he said, had written, that they thought sir robert peel would weather the storm. _berlin, june rd._--soon after six, an elegant carriage sent by the deputies of the hebrew community of the city, stopped at our door to convey sir moses and lady montefiore to the railway station. there were also thirty other carriages with a deputation, and the ladies of their families, to accompany us; but as sir moses had not yet received the memorial from the cracow deputation, which sir george hamilton so kindly promised to put into his majesty's hands for him, we could not leave until half-past twelve. at eleven o'clock, when the memorial was brought, we at once proceeded to sir george, and gave it to him. sir moses stated all the particulars of the degraded and oppressed state of the jews, and sir george repeated the promise he had made, adding that he should be most happy to render every service in his power for their relief; and he would call upon sir moses at park lane when in london. on our arrival at the station, we found all the principal jewish families waiting to bid us farewell. _june th._--at frankfort-on-the-main a brilliant reception awaited them. the rothschild family and all the principal jewish inhabitants of the city, together with the spiritual heads of the community, vied with each other in evincing their appreciation of the noble work that sir moses and lady montefiore had done in the cause of humanity. between eleven and twelve o'clock in the night they were serenaded by a band of jewish musicians (permission having been previously obtained from the governor). the streets were crowded, and numbers of coloured lamps gave animation to the scene. when sir moses appeared on the balcony, bowing his warm acknowledgments, hearty cheers re-echoed from all sides. among the numerous persons who called was professor oppenheim, of whose works of art there are three fine specimens in lady montefiore's theological college. _june th._--they left calais and arrived safely at dover, on their way to ramsgate; but on hearing a report that an epidemic of scarlet fever had broken out near east cliff, they altered their route and proceeded direct to london. chapter xliv. sir moses receives the congratulations of his english co-religionists--his exhaustive report to count kisseleff--examination of the charges against the jews--their alleged disinclination to engage in agriculture. in london, as at dover, numerous friends were waiting to welcome them, but sir moses did not remain long in their company; he deemed it his duty, before entering his house at park lane, to call on sir robert peel, lord aberdeen, and baron brunnow, and leave his cards. the next day he called again on the latter, and remained with him for an hour; also on sir robert peel, and on lord aberdeen at the foreign office. his lordship said he should be most happy at all times to do what he could. sir moses also called on sir roderick murchison, and left his card, with the letter from colonel de helmerson of st petersburg; thence he went to the palace, to enter his name in prince albert's visitors' book, and also called on lord bloomfield. _saturday, june th._--prayers and thanksgivings were offered up in all the synagogues for the safe return of sir moses and lady montefiore from russia; and, during the week following, numerous addresses from all the hebrew congregations in england, as well as from those in other parts of the world, were presented. all these are now preserved in the lecture hall of the college at ramsgate. notwithstanding his natural desire for rest, after the labours of his recent missions, sir moses felt that the greatest and most important part of his work yet remained to be done. he had to make a report to the emperor of russia. he had to show his majesty the groundlessness of the accusations brought against his brethren, and to place before the emperor their humble petition for the removal of all those causes which prevented them from attaining that degree of prosperity which his majesty so graciously desired that they, in common with his other faithful subjects, should enjoy. he also had to report on the state of their education, with a view to removing from the minds of his majesty's ministers the unfavourable impressions which incorrect representations had made on them. sir moses having made the subject in question his principal study, was enabled, after mature consideration, to draw up and forward to the ministers, to be placed in the emperor's hands, three reports--one, on the state of the jews in russia; another, on that of the jews in poland; and the third, on the state of their education in russia and poland. sir moses, however, being mindful of the condescension shown to and confidence reposed in him by his late imperial majesty the emperor nicholas, considered the reports as private and confidential communications, and would not publish them during his majesty's lifetime. now that both the emperor and sir moses are no more in the land of the living, history demands the publication of what sir moses communicated to his majesty. i therefore place before the reader in the following pages exact copies of the reports in question, the full particulars of which he has undoubtedly, in the interests of humanity, the right to know. i shall also give the ministers' reply, made by command of the emperor, showing that his majesty was fully informed of all the communications which sir moses made to him, and had given orders for the formation of a committee to examine the statements therein made to him, with a view to improve the condition of his jewish subjects. the first and second of sir moses' reports are addressed to count kisseleff, and the third to count ouvaroff. "to his excellency, le comte de kisseleff, ministre du domaine de l'empire, de sa majesté l'empereur de russie, &c., &c., &c. "may it please your excellency,--in addressing your excellency after my return from russia to this country, i deem it an imperative duty to express again to your excellency the deep sense of gratitude i feel for the distinguished honour which has been conferred upon me by his imperial majesty, in granting me so gracious a reception, and to assure your excellency that the kind promises which i have received from that most exalted and magnanimous monarch, and his enlightened ministers, to promote the welfare of my co-religionists dwelling in his majesty's vast empire, have not only been a source of great delight to the israelites in russia, and to their brethren in england, but have very extensively afforded great satisfaction to the friends of humanity throughout europe. "the perusal of the very important documents which your excellency was pleased to place in my hands previously to my departure from saint petersburg, gave me an additional proof of the paternal principle entertained by his imperial majesty towards his hebrew subjects; and when that august monarch graciously intimated to me that i should go and see the state of my brethren, i hailed the opportunity which was thus afforded to me to communicate to them the good intentions of the government, and to persuade them cheerfully to conform to the benevolent intentions of their wise and powerful monarch. "it is now my momentous task in compliance with your excellency's benign suggestion, to report to your excellency the result of my visit to his majesty's hebrew subjects, and i feel confident that your excellency will deign to regard my communication with the indulgent attention and consideration which the cause of philanthropy has ever received from your excellency, the more so as i have the gratifying promise of your excellency to place my representation in the hands of his majesty, whose great object it has ever been to adopt every suitable measure for securing the moral and physical welfare of every subject under his imperial sway. "from the information which i gathered during my sojourn among the various hebrew congregations in russia, confirmed by my own personal observation, i am enabled to affirm that my brethren in his majesty's empire are fully sensible of the good intentions of his majesty's government, that they speak with enthusiasm of the magnanimity of their mighty sovereign; and declare their readiness at all times and under all circumstances to serve their country to their latest breath. "it did not, however, escape my notice that there exist some obstacles which prevent the benign rays of his majesty's mercy from imparting to his hebrew subjects the full measure of comfort to which the wise and just general laws of the russian government would entitle them; i therefore, with your excellency's permission, will now briefly repeat the advantages granted to them by their excellent monarch, and venture to describe briefly to what extent and by what measures they are administered to the israelites. i shall, at the same time, not withhold from your excellency some observations upon the charges preferred against them, which i will leave to the wise and profound judgment and candid and indulgent consideration of your excellency. "in the document your excellency was pleased to hand me it is stated to the effect--that the union of the polish provinces with russia was for the israelites a new epoch; that the imperial government not only allowed them, like its other subjects, to partake of all civil rights, and granted them permission to be received in the corporation of the body of town merchants, but also accorded them the privilege of taking part in the elections, and of being themselves eligible to become members of common councils, and to fill other local offices. besides this, they were permitted to acquire immoveable property, and to settle as agriculturists, either on their own estates or on the lands of the crown, in which latter case government also granted them support and freedom from all taxes, the israelites also enjoying the right of settling in seventeen governments (a superficies of , square miles) among a population of twenty millions of inhabitants, in countries where, by means of the harbours of the black sea (and in part through those of the baltic), a lively commercial intercourse is kept up both in russia and with foreign countries, have had, it is stated, all possible means in their hands of turning their activity to useful objects, and of establishing their prosperity upon a safe basis. "the knowledge that such privileges have been accorded cannot but excite a deep and universal gratitude towards his imperial majesty for the paternal care which has thus been taken of his hebrew subjects. but on a careful examination into the condition of the israelites in some places situated within the above named , square miles, causes appear to prevail owing to which they do not actually derive from these enlightened measures the advantages they were intended to confer. "i would respectfully invite your excellency's attention to the circumstance that in the entire government of livonia there is only the city of riga in which the israelites are permitted to dwell, and there only to the number of about one hundred families. in courland only those israelites who were present in the year and their families are permitted to remain, but even those who have acquired the rights of citizenship are greatly restricted in their respective trades, for a ukase, dated in april , declares the israelites in mitau, in consequence of a privilege granted to the christians of that city in the year , disqualified to be received into the christian corporations of the body of tradesmen or mechanics. the result of such a restriction is that the israelite is never regarded as a master tradesman, and therefore cannot employ in his service either a journeyman professing the christian religion or one who adheres to the principles of his own religion. he is likewise prohibited from keeping apprentices even of his own creed. thus the israelite is prevented from following any trade that requires particular assistants; he cannot with any prospect of success become a joiner, locksmith, blacksmith, or bricklayer, nor can he do the work of any mechanic where the aid of other persons is absolutely requisite. the disadvantages which he must labour under are indeed numerous. where there is a large family, and the children are of tender ages, it becomes scarcely possible for the parent to maintain them, and it must be evident that when men become enfeebled by old age, or afflicted by bodily infirmity, they can no longer exert personally the labour which their business requires, and thus they become utterly destitute; and when a parent dies his children, if not sufficiently advanced in years to have acquired from him a knowledge of his trade (to which he dared not apprentice them), must relinquish it altogether. "your excellency may perhaps think me wrong in this assertion, the former governor general, the marquis paulucci, having in the year interceded in the israelites' behalf, and obtained permission that they should in future enjoy the privilege of teaching their children their respective trades. this privilege has, however, again been taken away from them. in the course of time most of the operative class thus naturally became poor, to such a frightful degree that the community is obliged to furnish them with the necessaries of life. it may be said that israelites who cannot follow the trade of their parents need not become a burthen on the congregation; an imperial ukase having been issued in april to the effect that the israelites in courland should enjoy the right of keeping, either by rent or obrok, farms, inns, or baiting stables; but your excellency will please to remember that this privilege was soon recalled. and, moreover, for some cause the hebrews were ordered to quit the frontiers of courland, as well as all the other places situated near the sea shores; and to withdraw fifty wersts into the interior of the country, which latter decree deprives them of the right to inhabit nearly one-third of that gubernium. in the same province the israelites are not only prohibited from settling with their families, but are prevented by the law from becoming contractors to the crown and undertaking the erection of any government building, even though they might be merchants of the first or second guild. neither are they suffered to sell goods by wholesale under their own firm. "your excellency will give me leave also to advert to the expulsion of my brethren from the city of kiew, where they are at present not allowed to remain even a single night; from the city of nicolaiew, in the gubernium of kherson; the city of swart-opol, in the gubernium of ekat-erinaslow; and all the villages situated in the gubernium of whitebsk, moghilew, tchornigow, and voltawa, as well as all the other villages of those guberniums situated within fifty wersts along the frontiers. "if in consequence of the last ukases the israelites are also to be removed from all the towns and villages situate within fifty wersts of the austrian and prussian frontiers, and must quit every house where the sale of spirituous liquors is offered to the peasant, the number of exiles would surely equal the number of those who are already settled in the interior, and their fate cannot be any other than epidemic, disease, destitution, and starvation. this, as i had the honour of hearing personally from your excellency, is not and never can be the intention of that great and most benevolent monarch whose anxiety for the welfare of all his faithful subjects is so well known to all the world. "with respect to commerce, the above-named space of land of seventeen thousand square miles, if available to the israelites, as was originally intended, would, in the opinion of most of them, afford sufficient scope for securing a flourishing state of commerce amongst them. there are, however, some disadvantages against which the hebrew merchants have daily to contend, and unless these be removed, the mere extent of land constituting the field for their exertions would not insure to them those advantages which they might have expected to realise from the benevolent intentions of their illustrious monarch. merchants professing any other faith, either purchase their stock in the interior of russia, or proceed to foreign countries and import it from them. but the hebrew merchants have no permission to travel into the interior of russia, with the exception only of those of the first and second guilds, whose privilege is restricted to making one journey for goods in the course of the year to moscow; their sojourn in that city being limited--as respects the former to six months, and the latter to three months. were they permitted to visit moscow and other places at such times as their business might require, they would thus have sufficient opportunity for the necessary replenishment of their warehouses with the newest fashions in proper season during the year, which they cannot do if they are bound to lay in at once a stock for the whole year; and it is often the case that the purchases they have made in moscow by the time they arrive at their destination are out of fashion. the hebrew merchant is obliged to appear personally at moscow, and dares not send his agent there to transact his business. "your excellency will be pleased to consider the great expenses he must incur before he has the opportunity of offering his goods for sale, and the impossibility of his becoming prosperous in business whilst he is obliged to repair to moscow for such goods as his christian neighbour can import from the nearest factory in the interior of the land. "the imperial city of saint petersburg the israelite must never visit on commercial business; he is only allowed to appear there in connection with a law suit, or in some other particular occasion, of very rare occurrence. the hebrew merchant thus has to contend with numerous difficulties in being obliged to import his goods from foreign countries, for the duty he has to pay on them is exceedingly high, therefore making it impossible for him to compete with his christian neighbour. these disadvantages have reduced the commerce of the israelites to a deplorably low ebb, and are banishing prosperity from amongst them. and it is a fact that in one of the principal cities where formerly there were thirty hebrew moscow merchants, there are at present only two, and these can only preserve their commercial standing by extreme exertion. "your excellency will further condescend to take into consideration that there are various other disadvantages which the israelites have to contend with, and which i shall merely mention in a few words for fear of encroaching upon your excellency's most valuable time. his majesty's hebrew subjects are deprived of their congregational unions known by the hebrew term kahal, and are thus debarred from the advantage of any great measure for their common relief, which might otherwise be effected through the community. the kahal served as a central point in which every individual had an interest, and there were able to do something for the amelioration of their own town in particular cases, which cannot be done now. it is true their financial affairs are generally under the best care, being administered by the members of the town hall (dume), where according to his majesty's gracious ukase, israelites are entitled to be admitted; yet it appears they are excluded from the enjoyment of this privilege in some important cities where they were first refused admission as members of the magistracy, and subsequently excluded from participating in the administration in the town hall. the israelites, under these circumstances, greatly suffer from the dissolution of their congregational unions. a hebrew is not allowed to engage the assistance of any christian servant, neither is he permitted to settle as an agriculturist within four or five wersts from the habitation of a christian. he is not permitted to keep posting establishments. he is further prohibited from keeping brewhouses either in towns or villages. a hebrew, when serving in the army or navy of his majesty, can never rise even to become a subaltern. the israelite suffers from all the above-named restrictions, notwithstanding the distinct desire of his imperial majesty that he should be allowed to partake of all civil rights like all the other subjects of his imperial majesty. i have thus endeavoured to present to your excellency a brief view of some of the causes which operate to deprive my brethren of the full enjoyment of those privileges intended for them by their illustrious and most humane sovereign. "there are, however, other causes which i fear also tend to this unhappy result. i refer more particularly to certain charges made against the israelites, too important to be passed over unnoticed, and which, entreating your excellency's kind attention, i will now proceed to enumerate and comment upon. "i have ascertained on enquiry that the following charges are preferred against the israelites, viz.: "that they are inclined to an idle course of life, and prefer petty commerce to agriculture; hence the prohibition not to live in old russia. "that they impose upon the peasant, and in return for a small quantity of spirit, deprive him of all his property (hence the removal from all the villages in the guberniums of whitebsk and moghelew). "that all of them living near the frontiers have the reputation of dealing in contraband goods; hence the removal from all the towns and villages within the fifty wersts. "in answer to the above accusations in general, your excellency will permit me to say that i am far from being inclined to aver that an israelite of a bad disposition is less capable of doing wrong than any other individual of bad principles belonging to any other creed, but i feel confident that a wise and just government, like that of his imperial majesty, will not deem it right to punish many thousands of its hebrew subjects for the transgressions of a few. let him who offends against the law of the country, or violates the rights of his fellow creatures, be punished, but let all the rest enjoy the comfort designed for them by their magnanimous monarch. i entreat your excellency to consider that the number of hebrews who maintain themselves by commercial enterprises is but a small portion of the whole, for, as i had the opportunity of seeing, most of them are either mechanics or common labourers; they do not appear to be of idle disposition; on the contrary, they seek work as far as they are permitted to extend their movements. in all those guberniums where israelites have the privilege of settling, there are some of them who are tailors, shoemakers, farriers, glaziers, &c., &c., others who employ themselves with a more laborious occupation, as that of a blacksmith, locksmith, bricklayer, carpenter, &c. there is a class which may be reckoned amongst the artizans, such as watchmakers and goldsmiths, and another, which may be considered as a most numerous one, is that which consists of people who break stones on the chaussees, cut wood for fuel, or dig the ground and carry water, or remove heavy loads from one place to another. your excellency will, i believe, bear me out in this statement, for the israelites to this very day remember with gratitude when your excellency, in the spring of , feelingly expressed your approbation to general bulmering of his having allowed the israelites to break stones on the road. there is also another instance which speaks favourably for the israelites in this respect. i allude to two of the finest houses at wilna, the one belonging to count teschkewetz, and the other to the nobleman wilgatzke, but inhabited by the present civil governor, both of which were entirely constructed by the israelites. this, i venture to say, is a satisfactory proof of their being most anxious to work, and if the fact of their being seen walking about the streets without any occupation be urged against my assertion, i may be permitted to answer in their defence that want of work (within the boundary of those places where they are authorised to live) may be assigned as the cause of it; for the israelite cannot, like his christian neighbour, quit one gubernium and repair to another, where he may be sure to find occupation. "indeed there are often a great many christian labourers to be seen in the jewish guberniums, in consequence of their business being slack in their own district. "your excellency will now permit me to state my humble opinion with regard to the accusation of the israelites feeling disinclined to cultivate the land. the great facilities which his majesty's benevolent government afforded me for the purpose of having the necessary intercourse with my brethren, enabled me to learn that they were always desirous, and are at present most anxious to devote themselves to agriculture. i shall adduce the following statement in support of this assertion:--in the year , when his imperial majesty most graciously declared that the israelites should cultivate the land, a great many of them shewed their willingness to desert their homes and move even to the remotest parts of the country. unfortunately after several hundreds of israelites had sold all their moveable and immoveable property to repair to tobolsk and omsk, in siberia (these two places having been assigned to them), and actually succeeded, though not without great sufferings on the road, in reaching, with their wives and children, the above-named colonies, it was intimated to them that the land was not to be cultivated by the israelites. in the year , a great many families went to kherson for the same purpose, but a considerable number of them on their arrival found their plans frustrated. they were most kindly treated, it is true, by his excellency the governor of wilna. every adult received forty-eight copecks banco assignations, and every child half that sum. they were also provided with the necessary vehicles for their conveyance, one being assigned to each family; but as they proceeded thence into the other guberniums the adults received only twenty-four copecks banco and the children twelve copecks banco each, and the number of vehicles was reduced to one for every two families. the emigrants had to wait several days before the vehicles were ready for their use, during which time they were not provided with the necessary diet money. they were further furnished with boats for the purpose of performing part of the journey on the river berezina and dnieper. the money requisite to pay the hire of these boats was deducted from the amount allotted for their diet. the israelites were assured that it would take them only a fortnight's time to make the passage on the rivers, and for this reason only received money to defray the expenses of their diet during that period; but the passage occupied seven weeks, and they had to sustain themselves out of their own means. many of them were great sufferers from severe cold and hunger, and a considerable number who had not even the smallest coin beyond that which they received from government, being left without food, whilst they had to endure the inclemency of the season, necessarily perished. "the survivors, on arriving at the places of their destination, found that they could not obtain possession of the houses, agricultural implements, and cattle assigned for them in the month of may in accordance with the decree of his majesty's government, but had to wait for them until the month of august, and for the articles furnished to them which were of a very bad description, they were subject to a charge considerably exceeding their value. "the rye seed which the israelites ought to have received in the month of august, was not given to them before the month of october; the consequence was, that the crops of the first year did not prosper, and they were obliged to take provision from the government for the next year also. the seed for the summer crops which ought to have been given them in the month of march, they did not receive before the month of may; thus they were obliged to put the seed into the ground very late in the season, and heavy rains which followed again caused the crops to fail. the habitations assigned for their occupation being of very bad materials, and badly constructed, most of them soon fell to the ground. "then followed an epidemic disease among the cattle, and the israelites suffered a considerable loss. in consequence of this misfortune the government benevolently ordered passports to be granted in order that they might repair to other places for the purpose of gaining their daily bread; but instead of paying for a passport valid for a year, according to the law of the country, they had sometimes to pay most exorbitantly. "in addition to this and other similar hardships, i may mention the fact of the poll tax being demanded from the old settlers who are not liable to it. "in the year , when an imperial ukase appeared again inviting the hebrews to agriculture, with a grant of support out of the korabka, his majesty's hebrew subjects, desirous to avail themselves of this ukase, not only forwarded their humble petitions on the subject to the governors of their respective towns and villages, but even made voluntary offers to defray the necessary expenses from their own means. your excellency has full evidence of this fact in the numerous applications addressed to your illustrious person, and i feel convinced that your excellency will be surprised to hear that difficulties are thrown in the way on occasions like the following. "some crown land situate in the vicinity of wilna and kowno was offered to the public by auction, and israelites were prohibited from being amongst the applicants, although many of them distinctly declared their willingness to cultivate the land in question personally. all this, i trust, will be sufficient to satisfy your excellency that the israelites are not averse to agricultural pursuits, and that there is no foundation for the charge brought against them in this respect. "having thus, i trust, convinced your excellency that there is no just ground for the accusation that my brethren are disinclined to work laboriously and cultivate the land, i now humbly request your excellency to consider with your wonted justice the two other charges brought against them, viz.:-- "that they impose upon the peasant and deal in contraband goods, these vices being traceable to a disposition to idleness. i trust, however, i have succeeded in proving that idleness is unjustly charged against them, and in further refutation of these two imputations against the israelites generally, i may also be justified in observing that a man, however inclined he may be to accumulate riches, will not readily give up an occupation which insures him bread in comfort, and respectability for a business that is attended with little profit and great risk of life. i have already stated to your excellency that only the fourth part of the hebrew population in each town or village is engaged in commercial pursuits, and supposing even for a moment, that all the merchants in any one town might be liable to transgress the law of excise and customs (which case, i think, almost impossible, as the hebrew law distinctly forbids such transgressions), surely so wise and benevolent a government will not cause the removal of the entire hebrew population from the austrian and prussian frontiers, because a few among them may have acted in opposition to the law? for these delinquents i do not intercede, his majesty's wise and paternal government will treat them like similar offenders in the imperial cities of saint petersburg and moscow, where i believe it will appear from the records preserved by his majesty's minister of finance, there exists a great number of them notwithstanding the entire absence of israelites. i implore only the extension of its merciful protection to the rest of the hebrew inhabitants. "the presence of the israelites in the various villages throughout the empire is said to be pernicious to the peasants. from the information i received, your excellency will perceive that this cannot be the case. my informants assured me that since the israelites were obliged to leave the guberniums of white russia and little prussia, the peasants have found themselves in a most deplorable state, and are very often in such an unfortunate condition that they are even without the seeds necessary for the future crops, which never happened whilst the israelites were amongst them. "there is also another striking proof which your excellency, i am confident, will agree with me to be in their favour. if the israelites had indeed imposed upon the peasants and impoverished them, the former, as they were obliged to quit the villages and join their brethren in the towns, would undoubtedly have carried some property with them, but their utter destitution was apparent from almost all of them becoming immediately a heavy burthen on the congregation, and many of them actually perished from want before they could reach the town fixed upon for their future abode. "your excellency will also be pleased to reflect that the proprietors of the various establishments let on rent to the israelites being themselves good and charitable christians, and naturally most benevolently inclined towards their brethren in faith, would not have suffered their hebrew tenants to impose upon them, and had the israelites in reality been guilty of the crime, the proprietors would of themselves have driven them away. "the circumstances, explanations of which i have now had the honour of submitting to your excellency, have, however, in consequence perhaps of similar endeavours not having been made previously to the present moment, produced an unfavourable impression on the mind of his majesty's government; so much so, that his majesty the emperor, in his august solicitude for the welfare of the hebrew population resident in his dominions, appointed a special committee to investigate the causes of the unsatisfactory state in which the population remains to this day, and to deliberate on the means fittest to be applied as remedies. the result of these enquiries was that the israelites were represented to the committee in very erroneous and unfavourable colours. those who were characterised as rebellious and disobedient were therefore subjected to coercive measures as idlers who prove a burthen to the society of which they are members, and in order to be able to institute a just discrimination between such israelites as have sought to make themselves useful, and such as do not yet carry on a trade or some other legal occupation, his majesty's government calls upon the latter to enrol themselves in one of the four following classes: st, one of the three guilds of merchants; nd, the burgess of a town by the purchase of a piece of land or a house; rd, a corporation of artizans, after having given the proof of ability required by the law; or th, the grand body of agriculturists, whether on their own property or under a proprietor. and such israelites as shall not have placed themselves by the appointed time (the st january ) in one of the four classes are to be subject to such restrictive measures as the government shall think it right to employ. "believing that in consequence of such classification more than four-fifths of the hebrew population will necessarily have to be enlisted amongst those who, according to the above declaration, will be regarded as a burthen on society at large, i feel it a duty humbly and earnestly to make a few observations to your excellency, and beg at the same time that your excellency will be pleased to give credit to my assurance that in this instance i am regarding the israelites not with the sympathy natural to a brother in faith, but with the impartiality of a perfect stranger; the sentiments which i now shall have the honour to express to your excellency being those only of a friend to humanity. "there cannot exist a doubt that the above imperial decree will be a most beneficial incentive to a large number of the hebrew communities to enrol themselves in some one of the four classes in question; and his most gracious majesty will now have the high gratification of knowing that in future those amongst his hebrew subjects can, under no pretence whatever, be accused of idleness, the nature of their occupation being registered in the archives of the respective guberniums they inhabit. i, however, humbly venture to suggest the addition of two other classes to the four already specified, as a proceeding in accordance with the enlightened views of his majesty's government. i allude, first, to labourers of every description, domestic servants, clerks, commercial agents, brokers and employees, water-carriers, porters, waggoners and carmen, provision dealers, cutters of wood for fuel, and persons engaged in similar occupations. the nature of their pursuits does not qualify them to be enrolled in any of the four classes, yet they are a body of people who, as your excellency will admit, deserve to be looked upon with an eye of mercy for two reasons. first, because they are continually exerting themselves by their incessant labours to maintain themselves and their families in an honest and respectable way; and, secondly, because the existence of such individuals is most essential to the promotion of the welfare and comfort of his majesty's hebrew subjects belonging to any of the four classes. for if the latter were obliged to devote their time and attention to all the work originally intended to be executed by their inferiors, what would become of their business? would it then not appear quite natural that in the course of time their situation would become precarious to such a degree that they would have to give up their avocations altogether. another class of people which i am particularly anxious to introduce to the consideration of his majesty's government is that which comprises the spiritual leaders of the congregations, assessors of the hebrew ecclesiastical courts, scribes qualified to write the sacred scrolls of the pentateuch, and other religious documents, persons qualified to slay animals for food in conformity with the jewish law, readers of prayers in the synagogue, readers of the pentateuch to the congregation, operators of circumcision, students who devote themselves to the study of hebrew theology, and teachers of religion. the body of people just mentioned, your excellency will give me leave to say, i regard as the very soul of the congregation, for it is religion alone that makes a man true and faithful to his fellow creatures, and sincere and loyal to the government under which he lives. "his imperial majesty being sensible of this sacred truth, in his great mercy and paternal love to all his subjects without reference to their religious creeds, granted permission to his hebrew subjects, the soldiers at st petersburg, to have synagogues of their own, and i assure your excellency that i cherish with feelings of the deepest gratitude to his majesty, the memory of those days when, by his gracious permisssion, i was enabled to join my brethren in prayer. this event alone is a sufficient assurance to me that his majesty's government will in its wisdom add all those individuals to the classes of those who are considered as subjects useful to society. there are also individuals, though they cannot be brought under any of these various classes, to whom the government will, i dare hope, extend its mercy. i mean persons advanced in age, or in an infirm state of health, and others who have no choice but to cultivate the soil, but have not the means to purchase land and agricultural implements. in short, these observations are merely to show that an immense number of people still exist who may be in every respect useful, honest, industrious, learned, and distinguished in various branches without finding a place in any of the four classes. a wise and humane government then will surely not suffer them to be regarded as a burthen to the congregations, and cause them to be subjected to coercive measures. "i have now shown (i trust clearly) to your excellency that the reasons advanced for not extending to the israelites the mercy of their most illustrious and benevolent monarch are unfounded incorrect representations, a circumstance which, of course, i am far from attributing to the most honourable and distinguished committee appointed for the purpose, but to parties for unaccountable reasons inimically inclined towards the israelites. i have further proved to your excellency that the israelites in general are not of an idle disposition; that, moreover, most of them are anxious to cultivate the land, and even pray for such occupation; that the majority of the israelites dwelling near the austrian and prussian frontiers are so circumstanced that an accusation of transgressing the laws of excise and customs cannot in justice be preferred against them. i have also represented to your excellency that the numerous restrictions under which the israelites of all classes suffer are a cause that their commerce can have no chance whatever of prospering, but that, on the contrary, they must from day to day sink into deeper distress; and, further, that the last measure adopted for the amelioration of their condition would tend to a contrary effect, unless the number of classes be increased. it is an unquestionable fact that the great body of the israelites in his majesty's empire are in a state of extreme misery. i do not venture to discuss again the causes of these evils, but only speak of the reality and depth of their existence. his majesty himself has seen them, the special commission has verified the fact, and i myself having had his majesty's most gracious permission to visit my brethren, have been a sorrowful witness of it. this, then, being so, i am convinced his majesty and his government will bear with me while, with heartfelt gratitude for the goodness which his majesty has already extended to the house of israel in his solicitude to be made acquainted with their real condition, i venture to submit to your excellency my own very humble but earnest belief of the principles of policy which, if brought into action, would surely remedy most extensively the evils already described, and bring the work of investigation which his majesty and his government have begun to a most happy, glorious, and honourable consummation. "i venture to hold my own views on this subject with confidence and decision, only because i know most intimately the feelings of my brethren. i have observed them closely in different parts of the world; have watched over them through a long life with very anxious attention; and could now, if it would benefit them, lay down that life for what i know to be their true character. "their natural disposition as a body, your excellency, is not what it may have appeared to be. expelled long ago with fearful slaughter from their ancient country, and dispersed in every land under heaven, the oppression of ages may have given them, in the eyes of his majesty's government, the semblance of a character which is not their own. that which they may appear to have may be artificial and superficial, forced upon them by long existing, most extraordinary, and peculiar circumstances. for these evils his majesty the emperor holds the full and most efficacious remedy in his own most gracious heart and most powerful hands, under the blessing of almighty god, which would surely rest upon him in the prosecution of such an unspeakably benign object. "will his majesty deign to hear my most humble and most earnest petition, and graciously put this remedy into application? "i beseech indulgent consideration while, confiding in the nobleness of his majesty's mind, and in the high wisdom of his majesty's ministers, i proceed to describe it. "it consists primarily in nothing more than the full and real accordance to israelites of the boon which his majesty's ministers have informed me has been already designed for them by the imperial government--videlicit, "equal rights with all other subjects of the empire." this great favour bestowed by his majesty publicly, immediately, and without reserve would, i am deeply persuaded, produce the most beneficial results. it would cancel at once the heavy despondency produced by the degradation of ages; it would call forth the ardent gratitude which i assure your excellency abounds in the hearts of my brethren, and it would present to his majesty's other subjects, and to the world at large, a most distinguished proof of his majesty's paternal mercy, wisdom, condescension, and high magnanimity. "i would not argue that this favour, if it had been granted without limit at other times, and under other circumstances, would have been productive of the same advantages. i would only humbly urge that now at this moment, when the minds of my brethren and of other men have been so powerfully drawn to observe his majesty's attention to their condition, such a measure must be followed by most happy consequences. "entering with the deepest respect into the details of this subject, i would most earnestly solicit and supplicate-- "_ st._ that my brethren should enjoy without reserve the fullest and completest right of settling at their own choice in any part of the russian territory comprised within seventeen governments or provinces, a surface occupying , square miles, and that to this end his majesty the emperor would be most graciously pleased to cancel all laws and customs which prevent them from settling in any towns and villages of the guberniums of livonia and courland, in the cities of kiew (formerly a most considerable hebrew congregation), nicolaiew, and swatopol, and in the villages situated in the guberniums of whitebsk, mogilew, tschornigow, and poltawa, and that his majesty would further graciously and mercifully deign to cancel entirely the ukases which order the removal of all israelites for fifty wersts from the frontiers and sea shores, leaving to summary individual punishment any evil disposed persons who might participate in offences against the revenue, and by his majesty's great kindness exciting the good and loyal to combine amongst themselves to put down all such nefarious practices, as i faithfully believe that moved by his majesty's high policy and favour they would do. "_ nd._ that they should be allowed to live in every town or village situated within the already mentioned space of , square miles without being confined to any particular street or restricted locality, and to establish manufactories. it should be borne in mind that the hebrew population has greatly increased since the period (december , ) when they were first confined to the above-named space. from my own observation i can affirm that in many places the hebrew people live crowded together to such a degree, that four or five families have no more room to occupy than that which would barely suffice for one family in any other gubernium inhabited by his majesty's subjects of another creed. "_ rd._ the suspension of the ukase respecting the removal from the inns in the villages, and permission to the hebrew inhabitants of the gubernium of courland to keep farms, inns, and baiting stables agreeably to an imperial ukase of the th april - . "_ th._ the admission of the hebrew mechanics, artizans, and tradesmen inhabiting courland into the christian corporations of their respective trades, or to substitute the privilege of forming their own corporations so that the israelite might have the advantage of being allowed to keep his journeymen, apprentices, or other assistants to his trade belonging to his own creed or to any other, and thus avert inevitable distress. "_ th._ permission to hebrew merchants throughout russia belonging to any one of the three guilds to travel into the interior of russia for commercial purposes, and to visit moscow and st petersburg with the same freedom as the merchants of other creeds, and the extension of this permission to their agents, and also to mechanics of every description, and to carmen, waggoners, and labourers for the more successful prosecution of their business; of course upon the condition of their being provided with the customary passports. respecting those individuals who do not belong to any of the four classes, my humble petition to his majesty's government would be to permit them to go into the neighbouring guberniums for the purpose of their making purchases of the produce of the land and necessary provisions. such privileges to hebrew merchants and others, instead of being a disadvantage to commercial persons of other creeds, would, i think, operate to their great benefit, for competition and activity are the mainsprings of prosperous commerce, and these elements would become increased universally amongst the trading classes by this act of favour. "_ th._ permission to re-establish the congregational unions called kahals, which serve them as their natural point of centralization; and to leave all congregational offices in the hands of israelites, so that their finances, their charitable institutions, and their minor duties may be under their own administration. this boon would, i am sure, be particularly satisfactory to my brethren, and would especially call forth at the same time their confidence and affection towards his majesty's person and his government, and that proper feeling of self-respect without which they cannot be expected to rise from their present condition of despondent degradation. "_ th._ permission to israelites to avail themselves of the assistance of christians in the various occupations of life--a measure which would tend strongly to soften down those feelings of difference which now exist between these two classes of his majesty's subjects, and to obliterate that line of demarcation which his majesty and his government justly regard with so much regret. "_ th._ permission to the israelites to live as agriculturists in the vicinity of their christian neighbours. "_ th._ the right of keeping brewhouses. "_ th._ promotion from the ranks of hebrew soldiers or sailors who distinguish themselves in the imperial army or navy. "_ th._ and, in fine, the removal from the israelites of all such taxes and restrictions as at present they are made to bear in a greater number and to a greater extent than other classes of his majesty's subjects, and in particular that of the sabbath light, which presses so heavily on the poor. "such are the general details of the request that i most respectfully solicit your excellency to lay before his majesty the emperor. i most humbly and earnestly pray, that in the great opportunity which divine providence has opened to his majesty, he will raise the fallen, relieve the oppressed, cheer the desolate, and by a high and magnanimous measure of policy set an example which the whole world, and especially my brethren, will never cease to remember with gratitude and admiration. "your excellency will observe that what i here entreat in the name of my brethren, as well as in that of every friend of humanity, amounts in fact to nothing more than that which your excellency's most enlightened and benevolent sovereign has already accorded to his hebrew subjects, by the declaration contained in the document with which your excellency obligingly furnished me. "under existing circumstances, deprived as they are of the means adverted to in that declaration, of turning their activity to useful objects, and of establishing their prosperity upon a safe basis, poverty, distress, and the annihilation of all hope must be the fate of his imperial majesty's most faithful and loyal hebrew subjects, and indeed they appear already reduced to the lowest depth of distress. "i therefore most humbly approach his majesty's philanthropic government with my fervent prayer, that it will be pleased to carry out without delay the good and humane intentions of his most gracious majesty the emperor, manifested in his decrees. "with respect to the real disposition of my brethren, i feel it right to mention that from communications which i held with the russian authorities during my permitted visit to the israelites in his majesty's dominions, i have reason to think that my co-religionists have been generally exempt from the commission of capital crimes, and that even in regard to ordinary morality and the greater proportion of minor offences, their conduct is of a very exemplary kind. i sincerely hope that this statement will accord with the reports in the possession of his majesty's government. i feel confident that his majesty's government will reflect upon another pleasing fact of which i was also informed, that the israelites have never been connected with the formation of any plot or scheme against those in authority, but on the contrary have endeavoured on all occasions to serve their country with earnest zeal, and with most unanimous sacrifices of life and property. as an instance, i shall only mention their exertions in favour of the empire which they have the happiness to inhabit, during the presence of the french in russia, in the year , and more particularly in the revolt of the year . on the latter occasion the israelites were highly gratified by a proclamation, which their magnanimous monarch caused to be issued in his name, by the adjutant general prince nikolai andrewitz dolgarukow, in which his majesty condescended to express his great satisfaction with my brethren, and, moreover, renewed his assurance to them that they should find in russia, under the glorious sceptre of their exalted monarch, a fatherland and security of their property and privileges. "i am happy to repeat my statement to your excellency that the same loyal sentiments towards his majesty's government, which they have invariably cherished, still animate their hearts, and that they embrace with avidity every opportunity to accede to the wishes of the government. "the following fact will, i trust, bear me out in my assertion. on his majesty's desiring that the israelites should change their costume, for which, as having been peculiar to themselves and their ancestors, they had a natural predilection, they have shown their obedience to this desire, though this was not done without considerable pecuniary sacrifice and ruinous loss to many whose warehouses were well provided with furs and silks. "i beg to assure your excellency they are ready to cultivate the land; they are prepared to undertake any work however laborious; they wish to establish manufactories of every description; they are desirous to cultivate their minds to the best of their power by the study of modern science and literature. be assured that poverty, restriction, and disproportioned taxation have alone heretofore prevented them from effecting these objects. but it is in the power of his majesty's government to raise and revive them all, by simply decreeing the removal of existing impediments to their full enjoyment of all the privileges which their most humane and paternal emperor has granted them. "i beg to assure your excellency that i well know how to appreciate the great confidence which his majesty's government has placed in me, in granting the privilege of personally witnessing the state of my brethren in russia. the influence which i flatter myself that i have with them, i have exercised for the purpose of strengthening them in their continual efforts to meet the wishes of his majesty's government. "with your excellency's kind permission i shall have the honour from time to time to address your excellency on the important matter which forms the subject of my present communication, and to which his majesty's enlightened government has devoted itself with so much zeal and humanity. "i shall ever gratefully remember the kindness and attention which your excellency was always pleased to evince towards me during my stay in the imperial city, and your excellency will give me leave to say that my visit to russia will ever be remembered with heartfelt gratitude for the greatest condescension and humanity of the most illustrious and magnanimous emperor nicholas, from whose royal lips i heard that i should have the satisfaction of taking with me his assurances and the assurances of his ministers that he was desirous to improve the condition of my co-religionists. "in most fervent prayers i unite with two millions of his majesty's faithful hebrew subjects, supplicating the most high to grant long life and everlasting glory to their beneficent sovereign, who we further pray may behold the fruition of his desire to ensure the happiness of every class in his dominions, and thus reap the sincerest gratitude of every humane and philanthropic heart. "it may be proper to observe that, mindful of the condescension and confidence reposed in me by his imperial majesty, i consider this report, together with the two reports by which it is accompanied, a private and confidential communication. "in conclusion, i entreat your excellency's indulgence to pardon the length at which i have ventured to intrude on your excellency's attention, and with feelings of the most profound respect, i have the honour to be your excellency's most faithful and devoted humble servant, (signed) "moses montefiore." chapter xlv. . report to count ouvaroff on the state of education among the jews in russia and poland--vindication of the loyalty of the jews. the report to count ouvaroff, minister of public instruction at st petersburg, was as follows:-- "to his excellency, le comte ouvaroff, ministre de l'instruction publique de sa majesté l'empereur de russie, &c., &c., &c. "may it please your excellency,--the zealous and untiring energy which your excellency evinces in continual efforts to promote education, and to diffuse amongst all classes of his imperial majesty's subjects that important blessing, knowledge, will, i feel assured, induce you to pardon me if i venture to lay before your excellency such observations on the present condition of my brethren in russia, with respect to their educational establishments, as by your excellency's favour i have been enabled to make. "previously to my doing so, i beg leave to present my warmest acknowledgments for the very kind and condescending manner in which your excellency was pleased to convey to me the sentiments of his imperial majesty's government. i shall ever remember with gratitude the assurances your excellency gave me, that the russian government was anxious to promote only such education as is based upon pure religion; that it did not entertain sentiments inimical to the jewish faith; that on the contrary the government was anxious to institute with respect to the israelites such measures as would tend to prove to them the paternal kindness of his majesty; and that for this reason the government had called together a committee of chief rabbis, eminent for their piety, in order to gain the perfect confidence of all their brethren. "these assurances enabled me with pleasure to undertake the task, the result of which i now have the honour to submit to your excellency, feeling convinced that your excellency's noble and enlightened sentiments will induce you to give a due consideration to a subject of such infinite importance. "it must be to your excellency a source of the highest gratification to hear that his imperial majesty's hebrew subjects are far from depreciating the advantages which the human mind in general derives from education. wherever and whenever i had an opportunity of addressing them on that subject, they assured me that they were ever ready most zealously to assist in the promotion of their mental and social improvement, and they joyfully hailed every opportunity presented to them of enriching their minds by pure and wholesome knowledge. 'an israelite,' they said, 'cannot underrate the value of knowledge. every page in our history proves the reverse. our ancestors, from the earliest period of that history, have been remarkable for their zeal to uphold science and literature as the greatest and holiest acquisitions. we refer the enquirer to the works of bartholocci, wolf, de rossi, rodriguez de castro, by which it will be at once ascertained that israelites have always kept pace in useful learning with their neighbours, and that all circumstances considered, they possess in most instances fully as much general knowledge as falls to the share of their non-israelite fellow-subjects in a corresponding grade of society.' and in corroboration of this statement, i beg to inform your excellency that many of the israelites in his imperial majesty's dominions have distinguished themselves by their writings in hebrew theology and literature, and that their works are very highly appreciated by the learned in germany. 'to improve the mind and promote every kind of useful and sound information which tends to elevate a man before god and his fellow-creatures, they deem to be an important injunction of the sacred law.' i therefore had no difficulty whatever in persuading them of the good intentions which his majesty's government entertained with respect to the organisation of schools for their benefit. they overwhelmed me with quotations from the sacred writings, tending to show that with the israelite it is an imperative duty to give the best effect to such benevolence. "their notions of religion in general, and of the sacred books which treat thereon, are not less correct, and i had opportunities of hearing them frequently elucidate many scriptural texts, in a manner which proved to me that they were possessed with the true spirit of their religion, and that they derive from the perusal of the oral law such beneficial instruction as must tend to make them faithful to their god, loyal to the government of the country in which they live, and good men to all their fellow creatures. "their arguments on this subject, and the excellent quotations which they advanced in support of them, appeared to me to be of so much importance that i cannot forbear submitting them to your excellency's kind consideration, bearing particularly in mind that the adherents to the oral law, as the sacred and only authorized commentary to the holy scripture, have been represented to your excellency in a light certainly not calculated to throw much lustre on israel at large. "the talmud distinctly forbids us appropriating unlawfully from our neighbour, whether he be israelite or non-israelite, any object whatever, even of the smallest value. ('khoshen mishpat, hálákhot génébah,' ch. ccclxxviii., secs. , .) every kind of deception is interdicted without respect to the person subject thereto being israelite or non-israelite. (maimonides, 'hálákhot déot,' ch. ii., sec. .) by the same authority we are bound to act with equal fairness in the sale of any article, be the purchaser israelite or the follower of any other faith. ('khoshen mishpat,' ch. ccxxviii.; maimonides, 'hálákhot makhiva,' ch. xviii., sec. .) that every temptation to do wrong may be avoided, an israelite is enjoined not to keep under his roof any bad coin, unless he deface it so that it cannot be used as current coin in dealing with any person, whatever be his religious faith. ('peroosh hamishnayot tehárámbam tract kelim,' ch. xii., mishna .) the prohibition of such practices is understood in the sacred text in deuteronomy, ch. xxv., v. : 'for all that do such things, and all that do unrighteously, are an abomination unto the lord thy god.' "principles like these must surely tend to create good feeling between all israelites and their neighbours of every faith. "sincere attachment and perfect obedience, the strictest loyalty we are enjoined to evince towards the government of the country in which we live, and this is a truth, my brethren rightly aver, prominently taught in our sacred writings. therefore, in the first place, we look upon the monarch, though of another faith and nation, as the anointed of the lord (isaiah ch. xlv., v. ), and consider his government as a resplendence of the heavenly government ('tract berakhot,' p. ). we are enjoined to fear the eternal being and the king, and not to confederate with those who are given to change (proverbs xxiv., v. ). the prophets, in speaking of a non-israelite ruler, say: 'serve the king of babylon, and ye shall live;' and they also command us to 'seek the peace of the city whither the almighty has caused us to be carried away captives, and pray unto the lord for it' (jer. xxix., v. ). the reverence we are enjoined to testify towards our earthly sovereign is further shown in our glorifying the almighty power for conferring a similitude of his boundless majesty upon a mortal. we are enjoined not to swear against the king even in thought (kohelit ch. x., v. ), and to regard the decrees of the monarch as inviolable ('tract baba kama,' p. ). we are distinctly ordered not to act in opposition to the king's laws relating to the customs and excise, _even though the israelite be the most heavily taxed_ ('baba kama,' ; 'pesakhim,' cxii. p. ; maimonides, 'hálákhot melakhim,' ch. iv., sec. ; 'khoshen mishpat,' ch. ccclxix., sec. ); and from the same authority it is incumbent on us to show the same veneration to those who are representatives of the monarch as to himself ('tract shébuot,' xlvii. p. ). "the high esteem in which the israelite holds every human being who is distinguished by moral and mental qualities, is clearly stated in maimonides, 'hálákhot shemita weyóbel,' ch. xiii., sec. , and of this the most striking confirmation is found in the words of our talmud ('baba kama,' xxxviii. p. ), where we are told that a gentile who applies himself to the study of the sacred law is to be held in equal esteem with the high priest, which is likewise declared in the book 'tana debé eliyahoo,' in the beginning of the ninth chapter. "i had another most gratifying instance of the sound and clear perceptions which they have of the pure doctrines of our religion and the traditional commentary to the sacred scripture, in the sublime elucidation which they gave to that most important point in our creed which refers to the messiah. "'we are praying for a time,' said they, 'when the ideas of mankind at large are to be noble and sublime; for a time when, as the prophet describes, gentiles will come to the light of zion and kings to the brightness of her rising (isaiah lx., v. ); when nations will fear the name of the lord, and all the kings of the earth his glory (psalms ch. cii., v. ; daniel ch. vii., v. ). "our sentiments are more distinctly stated by the immortal maimonides in the following words ('hálákhot melakhim,' ch. xii, secs. , ): 'the wise men and the prophets did not desire the advent of the messiah, that they might attain the power of any terrestrial government, that they should be elevated in worldly rank by the nations, or enjoy every terrestrial comfort. no! this was not the object of their fervent prayer; their object was, in that glorious period, to be enabled to devote themselves wholly and in perfect freedom to the study of the holy law and its sacred literature, through which they might, at the end of their worldly career, attain the bliss of immortality. that period is expected to be full of peace; no war, no disturbance, no hatred; no jealousy between men will then exist; happiness will be the lot of every creature, and the whole world will only be anxious to acquire the knowledge of the law. then will israel be enlightened by the word of god, for the world is to be filled with the knowledge of the lord, even as the waters cover the sea.' "a most remarkable feature in the purity of that particular article of our creed is, that whilst the prayer for the messiah regards the welfare of the whole human race, it also strongly inculcates a sentiment that no kind of coercive measures ought to be used by any person for the purpose of hastening the advent of that blissful period. our talmud declares that the omnipotent enjoined the israelites not to press events to bring on that promised season of peace, nor ever to oppose the nations ('tract ketubot," . cx. p. ). "having made these preliminary remarks, i shall now proceed to describe to your excellency the state of the schools which i visited in the course of my journey through russia and poland. "being anxious to convince myself of the real condition of my brethren, i often took them by surprise, and i am happy to say, although they had not teachers of profane sciences, still most of the pupils in some schools knew how to write and to read in the russian, hebrew, and german languages. in wilna i found the schools organised agreeably to the command of his imperial majesty's government; they were well provided with competent masters, and the pupils answered most satisfactorily questions in the various branches of tuition--in latin, russian, and german grammars, geography, arithmetic, and history. "in hebrew, however, they could only obtain instruction during three hours each week. the pupils who frequent the gymnasium also attended whilst i was there the schools thus organised, and i had an opportunity of ascertaining that a considerable number of them were well versed in various branches of science and secular education. the girls' schools are in a most flourishing state, and your excellency will be pleased to hear that the pupils excel in the knowledge of the russian, polish, french, hebrew, and german languages, in addition to their knowledge of geography, russian history, and arithmetic. with respect to the talmud tora schools (your excellency having expressed so zealous a desire to advance the study of the hebrew language and its literature), i feel much pleasure in assuring your excellency that i examined a great number of pupils, and their knowledge of hebrew was surprising. sometimes they were addressed in that language, and they translated it into german, or _vice versâ_; on various occasions they continued to recite any sacred text in the bible after the first word of the chapter or verse was given to them. at warsaw also i found the schools organised upon the principles laid down by his imperial majesty's government in a flourishing state. the pupils are well versed in the russian, polish, french, hebrew, and german languages, independently of their knowledge of geography, history, arithmetic, and composition. i was equally satisfied in inspecting the girls' school. like those at wilna, these schools may be regarded as models, for they are upon an equality with similar establishments in my own country. the school of industry i also found to be a most excellent establishment, which, in the course of time, will confer great benefits upon the rising generation. with respect to the talmud tora schools, in which a knowledge of hebrew language and its literature is exclusively taught, i beg leave to assert that there is not any school in the most distinguished hebrew congregation in europe that deserves to rank higher than those established in warsaw and wilna. of the various hebrew schools which i visited in the smaller towns on my route, i was frequently surprised in a most agreeable manner. at those where i expected it the least the pupils were well acquainted with the hebrew language and its literature, and on many occasions wrote in my presence various sentences in the russian, hebrew, and german languages. "i particularly inquired the reason why the talmud tora schools had no professors appointed for the russian language and other branches of secular science and literature, this deficiency having struck me the more after having heard such powerful arguments in favour of studying these, showing that a knowledge of worldly science and literature, when combined with that of hebrew and the observance of pure religion, was well adapted to improve an israelite. the answer to my inquiry was, that they had not the means to procure such professors; that to have a master of that description would have given them the highest pleasure, but that having themselves to contend with innumerable difficulties in obtaining the ordinary and most urgent necessaries of life, they deemed it their first duty morally and religiously to procure, with the limited means they had, such instruction for their children as is essential for the enjoyment of their religion, leaving other kinds of learning for more favourable opportunities. of their real feeling on this head the following incident is an example. i offered the means of procuring masters for the russian language, geography, history, writing, and arithmetic in several schools, and my offer was most eagerly accepted, and the following day masters were engaged. "with respect to the inclination of the israelites to frequent public schools, i found that a considerable number of the jewish youth do attend these institutions, and many more would do so were it not that a most difficult question arises to their parents, who say, 'we thoroughly appreciate the great advantages derivable from additional acquirements, but what is to become of our children after their minds shall have been so instructed in the higher branches of knowledge and their sensibilities thereby necessarily refined? or how are we to provide them with proper habiliments and books required for the purpose if we can hardly afford to satisfy them with bread?' very many israelites are also much afraid that the mode of instruction at some public schools, and at some established for the israelites exclusively, may induce their children to abjure the jewish faith, which of course is dear to israelites, and which they are ready to defend with their lives. for there are schools where persons, who are apostates from the hebrew religion, are allowed to instruct the pupils, a course of tuition which must give rise to the most painful anxiety in the minds of those by whom that religion is still cherished. "i beg leave now to state, with the most profound respect for your excellency's judgment on this important subject, that i have given it most serious consideration, and knowing from ample evidence that my brethren in the russian empire are most anxious to advance their mental and social improvement, i humbly submit to your excellency that they are in a fit condition for receiving the benefits which their most benevolent and merciful monarch intended to bestow upon them. "my humble petition to your excellency is, that by your humane and kind intercession supplications may be brought effectually before his imperial majesty's government. "those supplications i will thus set forth. in the first place, that they may be permitted to have the management themselves of their hebrew theological schools. this is essential to their dearest sympathies and interests, as no other persons could promote the study of hebrew literature more effectually. in all regions where civilisation has made any marked progress, wherever its blessings are really experienced, hebrew literature is regarded as its most precious feature, and all nations ardently cultivate its study and render homage to its worth. may it therefore please the imperial government to allow the israelites themselves, the people by whose agency this boon has been given to mankind, to have the direction of those establishments in which they are to be trained in the true knowledge of their own inalienable inheritance. for the acquirement of knowledge in secular science and literature they should also have the appointment of their own teachers, such whose competency may be approved of by his majesty's minister of public instruction, or should be allowed to avail themselves of the public educational establishments, subject, of course, to such periodical examinations as may be deemed necessary to test the progress of the pupil. "secondly, they consider it a just regulation that, in those schools which his majesty's government has originated solely for their benefit, no convert from judaism be appointed a teacher. particular allusion is here made to the rabbinical school at warsaw, where a person who was tutor, whilst belonging to that faith, continues to hold that situation even after having abjured it and embraced another. no permanent satisfaction can result from such an anomaly, which will surely deter sincere israelites from sending their children to institutions placed in similar circumstances, as they will naturally suppose that his imperial majesty's government encourages conversion, but which i am assured, by a statement from your excellency, it does not desire. such appointments of instructors should be made as would remove all misconception on this vitally important subject. "thirdly, i submit to your excellency that it is just that the ukase issued on the th november , declaring that all such hebrew books as are pronounced by the chief rabbi not to contain inimicable sentiments to the government of the country, be permitted to remain with the israelites, do continue in full force, because unfortunately during the last eleven months, the hebrew libraries of private individuals have been in the hands of the police, and many books which they were authorized to keep by the chief rabbi, having thereon his seal and signature, were taken away from them, and even those books on which the committee of censors would find nothing wrong, are still kept back by the committee. may it therefore please your excellency to order that the books be returned to the owners. "finally, i have to petition your excellency to take seriously into consideration all that i have here advanced on my suffering brethren's behalf. your excellency, i am aware, entertains the most philanthropic views, and when your excellency reflects on the earnest desire of my brethren in his imperial majesty's dominions to benefit by education in the most comprehensive and useful sense of the word, and the restrictions which as israelites impede a beneficial progress therein, i am sure that your excellency's enlightened judgment will accord them your powerful advocacy with his imperial majesty's government. "your excellency may indeed believe that i assert as my solemn conviction, that when they shall fully enjoy those privileges and opportunities which their paternal and beneficent sovereign has designed for them, the result will be surprising to those who have underrated their talents and inclinations, and most gratifying to all who like your excellency have evinced a sincere desire to promote their welfare, equally with that of the other numerous people over whom his imperial majesty reigns.--i have the honour to be, with the highest consideration and the most profound respect, your excellency's most faithful servant. (signed) "moses montefiore." chapter xlvi. . report to count kisseleff on the state of the jews in poland--protest against the restrictions to which they were subjected. the last of the three important reports made by sir moses montefiore to the ministers of the emperor of russia was to count kisseleff, and ran as follows:-- "to his excellency le comte de kisseleff, ministre du domaine de l'empire de sa majesté l'empereur de russie, &c., &c., &c. "may it please your excellency,--my first and principal report had reference, as your excellency will have seen, to the condition and wants of my brethren in russia. in obedience, however, to the permission which his majesty the emperor most graciously gave me, and to your excellency's most benevolent desire, it is incumbent on me to make some remarks (which for the sake of clearness i prefer submitting in a distinct paper) in regard to those who are inhabitants of the kingdom of poland. in so doing, i would humbly beseech his majesty the emperor, your excellency, and his majesty's government at large, so far as it may be made acquainted with the subject, to receive such remarks, and any requests that may stand connected with them, with great and indulgent consideration. "humble as is my position in life, when compared with the most exalted stations of the high persons to whom i venture to address myself, i nevertheless have laid upon me by the high benevolence itself which i have experienced, a heavy responsibility to almighty god, to his majesty the emperor and his government, to my brethren, and i believe to the whole civilized world. "i most sincerely believe that the human race at large would experience solid and lasting benefit, if his majesty would deign to carry out fully and completely his gracious expressions of desire for the welfare of his hebrew subjects. with these views i would most humbly and earnestly supplicate that the great and sublime course of proceeding already commenced by his majesty, which i have ventured to solicit for the israelites in russia, should be extended as fully to those of my brethren who are resident in poland. i supplicate the powerful russian government to prove to the whole civilized world that the amelioration of the condition of the hebrew race, for which it is so graciously desirous, can be produced with completeness and effect, by measures that would appeal to the gratitude and love of a loyal and warm-hearted people. "permit me in the first place to direct your excellency's attention to two paragraphs, the fifth and seventh of the organization statute of poland promulgated in the year , and which are immediately connected with the subject in question. "therein his majesty the emperor and king of poland declares that 'the difference from the christian modes of worship cannot be regarded as a cause of exclusion to any person whatever from the rights and privileges granted to all other inhabitants professing the christian religion. "'the protection of the law equally extends to all the inhabitants of the kingdom without any distinction of rank or social condition.' "with the profoundest respect i will now proceed to lay before your excellency the following brief enumeration of serious restrictions under which my brethren in poland are weighed down. "_ st._ concerning their confined habitations. "(_a_) there are towns in poland in which israelites are never allowed to reside. "(_b_) in these towns or marts where they have permission to live it extends only to a few streets. "(_c_) from every habitation situated near the high roads they are entirely excluded. "(_d_) they are prohibited from settling within three geographical miles of the frontier, which, in a country of the dimensions of poland, excludes them from a considerable tract of territory. "_ nd._ regarding mechanics (trade). "(_a_) an israelite following any trade or mechanical operation is not allowed to keep apprentices, neither can he declare such as journeymen. this naturally involves the hebrew mechanic in innumerable difficulties, for he is entirely dependent upon his own personal exertions, and can never avail himself of the assistance of his fellow-mechanics. "(_b_) he is prohibited from working with a christian master, and in consequence of his not being acknowledged as a master among the corporations, he is always considered as a person who injures the trade. "_ rd._ with respect to agriculture, crown lands, or ecclesiastical property. "the israelite is prohibited from taking on lease, nor is he ever allowed to be the proprietor of any lands, however small in extent; for even the property of private individuals he can only rent by paying heavy taxes for the patent, and then even is not allowed to employ christian assistants. "_ th._ additional taxes. "(_a_) an israelite has to pay a tax of three kopecs, besides the usual tax, upon each pound of beef or veal lawfully prepared for his use; fifteen kopecs silver for a turkey, five kopecs silver for a fowl, eight kopecs silver for a duck, and nine kopecs silver for a goose. "(_b_) a hebrew labourer living in the vicinity of warsaw cannot enjoy the advantage of bringing his goods or the produce of his land into the capital, there being a law that every israelite from the provinces who comes to town should pay, daily, ten silver kopecs for permission to stay, and seven and a-half silver kopecs for the duty on the stamp. "(_c_) an israelite dealing in spirituous liquors lies exclusively under taxes for such a privilege. thus an individual having a brewhouse and brandy distillery has to pay dollars to the city exchequer, - / dollars to the finances of the state, - / for the distillery, - / for the brewery, amounting to - / dollars annually; and although he pays for such a privilege dearly, he cannot bequeath it to his child, for only those are allowed to enjoy it who obtained permission in the year . "_ th._ other restrictions. "(_a_) an israelite is not allowed to appear as a witness in a case of lawsuit against a christian, for his evidence is not considered valid. the great injury he must sustain from such a law or practice is incalculable. "(_b_) as soldiers, although they may distinguish themselves in the army or navy, they are not permitted to rise in rank. the mode of enrolling recruits is also most painful; for, notwithstanding a distinct decree having been issued by his majesty's government in the year , that recruits should be given up to the authorities by the community, without the interference of any officer, still great wrongs are committed by some of the petty officers, which cause the ruin of numerous families. "(_c_) they have not the advantage, like other subjects of his majesty, of renting the local revenues derived from the sale of spirits. not, however, that i would consider this restriction a hardship, excepting so far as it is a distinctive mark upon the israelites in poland. "(_d_) they are excluded from the great advantages derivable from the acquirement of science and literature, by being prohibited from following the professions of chemists, architects, lawyers, and several other similar avocations. "like their brethren in russia, the israelites of poland are accused of great aversion to every kind of manual labour, preferring to gain a livelihood by devotion to petty commerce. it is alleged also, that they are disinclined to agriculture, avoid every mechanical pursuit, and defraud the government of the excise and customs; that they distinguish themselves from the rest of the inhabitants by their particular costume; and finally, that the precepts of their religion, to which they most scrupulously adhere, are of antisocial tendency. "i entreat your excellency's kind consideration of the few observations which i deem it essential to offer, in reference to the foregoing imputations. the statistical accounts of poland shew that, in proportion to the number of hebrew inhabitants, there are more mechanics amongst them than amongst any other class of his majesty's polish subjects; they devote themselves to the most laborious occupations, and it may be easily ascertained that there is not only a great number of hebrew brickmakers, blacksmiths, paviors, and carpenters, but there may be found two thousand israelites who break stones on the chaussees. as a most striking instance, i shall name to your excellency a small town of the name of kalnary, where there exist no less than families following mechanical pursuits, amongst a hebrew population of families, as i believe may be proved by the official accounts of the police. "your excellency, i am confident, will be of opinion that it may be justly inferred, if, under the restrictions against which the hebrew mechanic has daily to contend, he still perseveres in his pursuits with honesty, and remains spotless in his character, this class of persons would be greatly augmented if all those obstacles were to be removed which now press so heavily on industrial exertion. "with respect to agriculture, permit me to mention that in the year , when the decree was issued, under his late majesty, the emperor alexander of blessed memory, that the polish jews should cultivate the land, though they were denied the privilege of becoming proprietors, and though they had to contend with various other restrictions connected with agriculture, under the hand of an israelite, to which i have already alluded in the preceding pages, nevertheless a considerable number of them offered themselves to cultivate the land, but, unfortunately, could not succeed in their applications. the local authorities always replied to the petitioners that the land in question was not qualified for them as israelites, that they should look out for some other piece of ground which the government could dispose of to them. in consequence of these answers, the applicants petitioned for a list of all the land which might be accessible to israelites, yet i regret to say that twenty-three years have since passed without any reply having been given to this humble request. thus circumstanced, they petitioned to the effect that the wealthier classes amongst them might be permitted to purchase land from private individuals, either to cultivate the same in person, or to let it out in small portions to the poor, yet under the condition that the space of land should not extend to more than would be sufficient for five or ten farmers to cultivate. moreover, the proposed purchasers declared their willingness to relinquish any right and privilege any other (non-israelite) proprietor of land might be entitled to. they went still further, for in their anxious desire to secure the honest object of their petition, they offered the forfeiture of the land in case any of the parties connected with its agriculture were to be found withdrawing from personally cultivating it, or were to be proved guilty of calling in christian peasants, however few, for the assistance of the new agriculturists. "i have no doubt that, equally with their russian brethren, the israelites of poland are most desirous to adopt agricultural pursuits. "it has been charged against the israelites of poland, that they do not render any personal service to the country in which they live. this charge might not have been without foundation eighteen or twenty years ago, when they paid an annual tribute of many hundred thousand dollars for the privilege of being exempted from personal military service, but not so at present, for many thousand israelites have evinced their devotion to the cause of their native land, by sacrificing their lives on numerous occasions, and their services in the army and in the navy have already been appreciated by their exalted monarch himself. "with respect to the peculiar costume which most of the israelites have been accustomed to wear for many centuries, from what i had an opportunity of seeing i can assure your excellency that most of them have already adopted the european habit, and i have not the least doubt that, in the course of time, the ancient dress will have entirely disappeared. it is erroneous to suppose that the ancient costume is enjoined by, or has any foundation in religion. such is not the fact. it originated from a decree of the government in existence three hundred years ago, when the israelites were commanded under a most severe punishment to assume this garb to distinguish them as members of the jewish faith. the truth of this statement may be ascertained by referring to 'vol. leg. polon. sub. anno ,' vol. i., p. . "having now, as i trust to the satisfaction of your excellency, refuted all the arguments which have hitherto been held of sufficient moment to deprive many hundred thousands of israelites of the rights and privileges which, as faithful subjects, they, in accordance with his imperial majesty's humane intention, ought to enjoy, i most humbly implore his majesty's government in its great wisdom to remove from his majesty's hebrew subjects all restrictions which may prove obstacles to their honest pursuits in life, and in particular those restrictions which i have previously alluded to, and which i have endeavoured to classify. "possibly your excellency, though animated with the noblest feelings of humanity, may, in the fulfilment of the duty your high position imposes, deem it necessary to call my attention to the existence of certain restrictions which, on account of the pecuniary advantages the state derives from them, cannot easily be removed; such, for instance, as the meat tax, which annually amounts, to , silver roubles. but in answer to this, permit me to observe that in conformity to his majesty's most gracious decree issued in the year , the israelites were, on entering the army or navy, to be free from paying the exemption money, and in addition to this were to enjoy the same privileges in every respect as all the other inhabitants of the country. "the israelites are now acting to the very letter of the imperial ukase, for they serve personally in the army and navy, and are acknowledged to be good, brave, and faithful. i submit, therefore, that they are now entitled to the same privileges as are granted to all other inhabitants, and as a matter of course, to be free from the payment of exemption money. considerations of economy will not, i feel persuaded, be permitted to overrule the just and humane intentions of his imperial majesty. "i entreat your excellency distinctly to understand that i have not written with this comparative brevity on the subject of the israelites in poland, because i think their position less deserving the attention of the imperial government than that of the russian brethren. on the contrary, in poland affliction and degradation are the more severe; and what stronger fact can be offered in support of the urgency of the claim of the israelites of the last named country on the justice and humanity of his imperial majesty than this, that these persons constitute one fourth of the whole population. "i have written less fully concerning my polish brethren, only because i am most unwilling to trespass more than my absolute duty requires upon the gracious consideration which i supplicate; and i would further observe, that my report as to my brethren in russia has been drawn up with the intention that those who are resident in poland should be included in its general arguments. "it would be to me a source of the deepest regret, if from any observations made in this or the preceding letter the impressions were produced on the mind of his majesty that i had responded to his most gracious conduct towards me by a tone of unsuitable complaint in regard to the state of my brethren. such a course, i earnestly assure your excellency, i have been most desirous to avoid. i have given the most anxious care to the investigation of the facts to which i have adverted, and i have made no representation of the truth of which i have not received very strong evidence. "i have endeavoured to elucidate the causes which tend to produce the evils to which i have directed the attention of your excellency, and if i have commented on them with frankness, i trust it will be conceded that this was my duty, and that in so doing i have best fulfilled the wishes of his imperial majesty, who, by experience, i know to be as condescending as he is powerful. "i therefore call upon the unbounded justice of his majesty's government; i pray, in the name of suffering humanity, to that most exalted and mighty monarch, whose noble heart is filled with love and deep affection towards his faithful subjects, to consider the case of my brethren, and show mercy to the many hundred thousands of them who daily send up to the eternal ruler of myriads of worlds their most devout and fervent prayers to prolong the glorious life of his majesty, their emperor and king. i feel myself in sacred duty bound to impress upon your excellency's noble mind that the benign words i had the honour of hearing from your illustrious person, to promote the welfare of israel, was one of the principal causes which emboldened me to lay the case of my brethren so close at your heart. i therefore entreat your excellency's powerful influence with his majesty's government on behalf of those who look up for help with the greatest anxiety to their benevolent and magnanimous sovereign. "everlasting blessings will be showered down from him in whose hand the welfare of every creature lies upon the exalted throne of his imperial majesty. generation to generation will proclaim his glory and righteousness; every mouth will sing praise to the lord, and every heart will bear gratitude for being permitted to live under the benign rays of the merciful sceptre of russia.--i have the honour to be, with the highest consideration and the most profound respect, your excellency's most faithful servant, (signed) "moses montefiore." chapter xlvii. . the czar's reply to sir moses' representations--count ouvaroff's views--sir moses again writes to count kisseleff--sir moses is created a baronet. the reports given in the foregoing chapters were forwarded to lord bloomfield, the british ambassador at st petersburg, who in letter dated january rd, , informed sir moses that he had forwarded them to their respective addresses. lord bloomfield, having read the reports, adds: "i need scarcely assure you that i have perused them with great interest, and have gleaned much useful information from this result of your labours." count kisseleff prefaces his reply to sir moses, dated november th, , with the following words:-- "monsieur,--j'ai en l'honneur de recevoir les deux memoires que vous avez bien voulu m'adresser en date du novembre dernier ( ) sur la situation des israélites de l'empire et du royaume de pologne. l'une et l'autre de ces pieces out été placées sous les yeux de l'empereur, et sa majésté impériale, appréciant les sentimens de philantropie qui les out dictées, a daigné a cette occasion exprimer une fois de plus tout l'intérêt qu' elle porte à ses sujets israélites, dont le bien-être et l'avancement moral ne cesseront d'être l'objet de sa constante sollicitude. "vos deux mémoires seront portés, par ordre de l'empereur, à la connaissance du comité, et serviront à appeler son attention sur différens détails. cette disposition vous prouvera, combien sa majésté impériale s'est plue à rendre justice aux intentions qui ont dicté votre travail et à l'esprit dans lequel il est conçu. "agréez, monsieur, l'assurance de ma considération distinguée, "le cte. de kisseleff." (_translation._) "sir,--i have had the honour to receive the two memorials which you addressed to me on the th of november last ( ) respecting the situation of the israelites in the empire and in the kingdom of poland. "both documents have been placed before the emperor, and his imperial majesty, appreciating the feelings of humanity which have dictated them, has been pleased to express once more the interest which he takes in his israelite subjects, whose welfare and moral advancement will not cease to be the object of his constant solicitude. "your two memorials will be brought to the knowledge of the committee, by order of the emperor, and they will serve to direct its attention to various details. this proceeding will show you how much his imperial majesty has been pleased to do justice to the intentions which have dictated your labour, and to the spirit in which it has been conceived.--i have the honour to be, &c., "count kisseleff." count ouvaroff, the minister of public instruction, acknowledged the receipt of the report addressed to him as follows:-- "monsieur,--j'ai reçu la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de m'adresser en date du novembre . vos observations, sur l'état, de nos écoles israélites, m'ont vivement intéressé, et je vous sais gré de les juger favorablement car ce ne sont que les premiers commencements, d'une ère nouvelle dans l'éducation de vos corréligionaires en russie. il est cependant permis d'espérer que l'organisation des fonds, spécialement destinés à cet effet, nous applanira la voie des améliorations désirées. "quant à votre sollicitude sur l'éducation réligieuse des israélites, vous connaissez, monsieur, mes sentiments à cet égard et vous avez pu apprécier vous-même le soin, avec lequel on évite dans nos reglements scolaires tout ce qui pourvait choquer, leurs moeurs on exciter leur susceptibilité réligieuse. "agréez, monsieur, l'assurance de ma considération distinguée. "le cte. ouvaroff." "st petersbourg, "_ce février_ _______________ "_ mars ._" (_translation._) "sir,--i have received the letter which you did me the honour to address to me under date of november th, . "your observations on the state of our israelite schools have greatly interested me, and i thank you for expressing a favourable opinion of them, as they are only the first beginning of a new era in the education of your co-religionists in russia. but we may be permitted to hope that the organisation of the funds specially intended for this purpose will smooth the way to the desired improvements. "with regard to your solicitude about the religious education of the israelites, you know my feeling with regard to this matter, and you were able to judge for yourself of the care we take to avoid in our school regulation all that could give offence to their observances or awaken their religious susceptibilities." (signed) "count ouvaroff." sir moses, with a view of both conveying his gratitude to the ministers for their very courteous communications and of making an additional effort to impress on their minds the object of his visit to russia, addressed each of them again in a special letter. to count kisseleff he wrote ( ):-- "may it please your excellency,--i have had the honour to receive, through the kindness of baron brunnow, your excellency's esteemed favour of the th november last, the contents of which were highly gratifying to me. "i was delighted to learn that the reports (in which, by his imperial majesty's gracious permission, i was enabled to represent the condition of the russian and polish subjects of his imperial majesty professing the jewish faith) had come under the personal notice of the emperor, that on that occasion his imperial majesty was pleased to reiterate his anxious desire to promote the welfare of his jewish subjects, and that by his imperial majesty's directions, these reports would be submitted to the consideration of the committee specially appointed to investigate the state of the jews in the vast empire of his imperial majesty, so that the attention of the committee might be called to the several details contained in such reports. these evidences of his imperial majesty's paternal solicitude have made a deep impression on my heart, and cannot fail to be gratefully appreciated by every friend of humanity. "the sentiments which your excellency has been pleased to express in the name of the emperor, fully confirm the high opinion of his majesty's exalted principles, entertained by myself in common with all who have had the good fortune to visit the numerous nations living under his majesty's benignant sway. "i notice with sincerest satisfaction that the honourable committee in question have at present under consideration a measure to facilitate the presence of my co-religionists, for commercial purposes, in the capitals of russia, and also the allowance of the privilege to cultivate land in the vicinity of christian settlements. "these acts of his majesty's high favour cannot fail to elevate the commercial standing of his majesty's jewish subjects, and by affording them still greater encouragement, to the maintenance of social intercourse with their fellow countrymen of other religious denominations, must necessarily lead to the improvement of all as citizens of one great empire. "i am confidently convinced that my brethren in russia and poland understand and appreciate the benevolent intentions of his imperial majesty; that they feel assured that the emperor's sole object is to improve their condition, and that they are impressed with the conviction that their truest wisdom will be to acquiesce cheerfully in the measures designed for their welfare by their powerful and enlightened sovereign, and to adopt with alacrity the course which, in his paternal care, his majesty may direct. "the gracious reception which his imperial majesty has already given to my reports, emboldens me to hope that the existing restrictions calculated to impede the well-being of my russian brethren will be speedily removed. by this means i feel assured will not only their happiness and prosperity be promoted, but their character as good, useful, and most loyal subjects will be abundantly testified. "i trust that the documents to which i have referred will satisfy the committee that the israelites of his majesty's empire are not of an idle disposition, but, on the contrary, most of them are anxious to cultivate land, and even pray for such occupation, and that under the fostering protection of his imperial majesty they will gladly apply themselves to industrial pursuits. "on the whole, my heart is filled with hope that the honourable and distinguished committee will take into consideration, the circumstances of extreme misery in which the great body of israelites in his majesty's empire is placed, and that the committee will kindly and speedily proceed to the arduous, but noble and sacred, task of carrying out the intentions of his imperial majesty to a most happy and glorious conclusion. "in fine i beg to express to your excellency my sincerest acknowledgments for the kind and condescending manner in which your excellency was pleased to convey to me your very gratifying communication; and with fervent prayers that your excellency may soon find the happy opportunity of signifying to me some good tidings of the progress which may have been made in the further extension of his imperial majesty's favour to my brethren, i have the honour to remain, with the most profound respect, your excellency's humble servant, (signed) "moses montefiore." we now return to the diary of , in the entries of which, from june th to the end of the year, we find a succession of pleasing evidences of the motives which prompted him and lady montefiore to undertake the journey to russia. in an interview which he had with sir robert peel, the latter told him that he would be happy to do everything, either privately or publicly, to forward his benevolent objects; that he would write to count nesselrode to say that he had seen the favourable impression made on the public mind by sir moses' report of the promises made to him; and that, if his excellency rightly valued its effect, those promises would in the result be confirmed by their strict fulfilment. _june th._--sir robert conveyed to sir moses, in a letter dated from osborne, isle of wight, the gratifying news that her majesty had conferred on him the dignity of baronet of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland. "i have the satisfaction of acquainting you," he writes, "that the queen has been graciously pleased to confer on you the dignity of a baronet. this mark of royal favour is bestowed upon you in consideration of your high character and eminent position in the ranks of a loyal and estimable class of her majesty's subjects agreeing with you in religious profession, and in the hope that it may aid your truly benevolent efforts to improve the social condition of the jews in other countries by temperate appeals to the justice and humanity of their rulers." the honour thereby conferred on sir moses by her majesty was not only a cause of great happiness to himself, individually, but also a source of the highest gratification to all his brethren in the british empire and on the continent, inasmuch as it undoubtedly manifested her majesty's solicitude for the welfare of all the jews in other parts of the world. a deputation from the elders of the spanish and portuguese jews synagogue, headed by their president, mr hananel de castro, waited on sir moses to request, in the name of their co-religionists, that he would sit for his portrait, to be placed in the vestry-room, to which he consented. sir george hamilton, whom he had requested, when at berlin, to present a petition to the king of prussia in favour of the jews at krakau, informs him (june th) that, when dining with his majesty at sans souci, he had an opportunity of speaking to him on the subject which sir moses had entreated him to explain to his majesty. "the king," he wrote, "was very gracious on the occasion;" and he sent to his majesty the petition prepared by sir moses. the king regretted very much not to have seen him at berlin, and wished sir moses could have remained there until his return. the good offices rendered by sir george in engaging his majesty's favourable consideration on the subject became a cause of much happiness to sir moses. _july th._--he attended the lord mayor's grand entertainment given to his highness ibrahim pasha. his lordship introduced him to the latter before dinner, and proposed his health to the company, which was extremely well received. sir moses concludes his diary for the year with expressions of deep gratitude to heaven for all mercies bestowed on him and his affectionate consort. end of vol. i. transcriber's note: some hebrew text has been transliterated into latin characters if one was not already provided. these passages are marked with [hebrew] where they occur. gallipoli diary by general sir ian hamilton, g.c.b. author of "a staff-officer's scrap-book," etc. with illustrations and maps in two volumes vol. i new york george h. doran company printed by unwin brothers, ltd.--woking--england preface on the heels of the south african war came the sleuth-hounds pursuing the criminals, i mean the customary royal commissions. ten thousand words of mine stand embedded in their blue books, cold and dead as so many mammoths in glaciers. but my long spun-out intercourse with the royal commissioners did have living issue--my manchurian and gallipoli notes. only constant observation of civilian judges and soldier witnesses could have shown me how fallible is the unaided military memory or have led me by three steps to a war diary:-- ( ) there is nothing certain about war except that one side won't win. ( ) the winner is asked no questions--the loser has to answer for everything. ( ) soldiers think of nothing so little as failure and yet, to the extent of fixing intentions, orders, facts, dates firmly in their own minds, they ought to be prepared. conclusion:--in war, keep your own counsel, preferably in a note-book. the first test of the new resolve was the manchurian campaign, - ; and it was a hard test. once that manchurian campaign was over i never put pen to paper--in the diary sense[ ]--until i was under orders for constantinople. then i bought a note-book as well as a colt's automatic (in fact, these were the only two items of special outfit i did buy), and here are the contents--not of the auto but of the book. also, from the moment i took up the command, i kept cables, letters and copies (actions quite foreign to my natural disposition), having been taught in my youth by lord roberts that nothing written to a commander-in-chief, or his military secretary, can be private if it has a bearing on operations. a letter which may influence the chief command of an army and, therefore, the life of a nation, may be "secret" for reasons of state; it cannot possibly be "private" for personal reasons.[ ] at the time, i am sure my diary was a help to me in my work. the crossings to and from the peninsula gave me many chances of reckoning up the day's business, sometimes in clear, sometimes in a queer cipher of my own. ink stands with me for an emblem of futurity, and the act of writing seemed to set back the crisis of the moment into a calmer perspective. later on, the diary helped me again, for although the dardanelles commission did not avail themselves of my formal offer to submit what i had written to their scrutiny, there the records were. whenever an event, a date and a place were duly entered in their actual coincidence, no argument to the contrary could prevent them from falling into the picture: an advocate might just as well waste eloquence in disputing the right of a piece to its own place in a jig-saw puzzle. where, on the other hand, incidents were not entered, anything might happen and did happen; _vide_, for instance, the curious misapprehension set forth in the footnotes to pages , , vol. ii. so much for the past. whether these entries have not served their turn is now the question. they were written red-hot amidst tumult, but faintly now, and as in some far echo, sounds the battle-cry that once stopped the beating of thousands of human hearts as it was borne out upon the night wind to the ships. those dread shapes we saw through our periscopes are dust: "the pestilence that walketh in darkness" and "the destruction that wasteth at noonday" are already images of speech: only the vastness of the stakes; the intensity of the effort and the grandeur of the sacrifice still stand out clearly when we, in dreams, behold the dardanelles. why not leave that shining impression as a martial cloak to cover the errors and vicissitudes of all the poor mortals who, in the words of thucydides, "dared beyond their strength, hazarded against their judgment, and in extremities were of an excellent hope?" why not? the tendency of every diary is towards self-justification and complaint; yet, to-day, personally, i have "no complaints." would it not be wiser, then, as well as more dignified, to let the dardanelles r.i.p.? the public will not be starved. a dardanelles library exists--- nothing less--from which three luminous works by masefield, nevinson and callwell stand out; works each written by a man who had the right to write; each as distinct from its fellow as one primary colour from another, each essentially true. on the top of these comes the report of the dardanelles commission and the life of lord kitchener, where his side of the story is so admirably set forth by his intimate friend, sir george arthur. the tale has been told and retold. every morsel of the wreckage of our armada seems to have been brought to the surface. there are fifty reasons against publishing, reasons which i know by heart. on the other side there are only three things to be said:-- ( ) though the bodies recovered from the tragedy have been stripped and laid out in the morgue, no hand has yet dared remove the masks from their faces. ( ) i cannot destroy this diary. before his death cranmer thrust his own hand into the flames: "his heart was found entire amidst the ashes." ( ) i will not leave my diary to be flung at posterity from behind the cover of my coffin. in case anyone wishes to challenge anything i have said, i must be above ground to give him satisfaction. therefore, i will publish and at once. a man has only one life on earth. the rest is silence. whether god will approve of my actions at a moment when the destinies of hundreds of millions of human beings hung upon them, god alone knows. but before i go i want to have the verdict of my comrades of all ranks at the dardanelles, and until they know the truth, as it appeared to me at the time, how can they give that verdict? ian hamilton. lullenden farm, dormansland. _april_ , . letter from general d'amade to the author mon gÉnÉral, dans la guerre sud africaine, ensuite en angleterre, j'avais en spectateur vécu avec votre armée. avec elle je souhaitais revivre en frère d'armes, combattant pour la même cause. les dardanelles ont réalisé mon rêve. mais le lecteur ne doit pas s'attarder avec moi. lire le récit de celui même qui a commandé: quel avantage! l'histoire, comme un fleuve, se charge d'impuretés en s'éloignent de ses sources. en en remontant le cours, dans votre journal, j'ai découvert les causes de certains effets demeuré, pour moi des énigmes. au début je n'avais pas cru à la possibilité de forcer les dardanelles sans l'intervention de l'armée. c'est pour cela que, si la décision m'eût appartenus et avant d'avoir été placé sous vos ordres, j'avais songé à débarquer à adramit, dans les eaux calmes de mithylène, à courir ensuite à brousse et constantinople, pour y saisir les clefs du détroit. en présence de l'opiniâtre confiance de l'amiral de robecq j'abaissai mon pavillion de terrien et l'inclinai devant son autorité de marin anglais. nous fûmes conquis par cette confiance. notre théâtre de guerre de gallipoli était très borné sur le terrain. ce front restreint a permis à chacun de vos soldats de vous connaître. autant qu'avec leurs armes, ils combattaient avec votre ardeur de grand chef et votre inflexible volonté. dans le passé ce théâtre qui était la troade, venait se souder aux éternels récommencements de l'histoire. dans l'avenir son domaine était aussi vaste. "si nos navires avaient pu franchir les détroits, a dit le premier ministre loyd georges le décembre aux communes, la guerre aurait été raccourcie de ou ans." il y a pire qu'une guerre, c'est une guerre qui se prolonge. car les dévastations s'accumulent. le vaincu qui a eu l'habileté de les éviter à son pays, se donnera, sur les ruines, des manières de vainqueur. le premier but de guerre n'est il pas d'infliger à l'adversaire plus de mal qu'il ne vous en fait? si nous avions atteint constantinople dans l'été c'était alors terminer la guerre, éviter la tourmente russe et tous les obstacles dressés par ce cataclysme devant le rétablissement de la paix du monde. c'était épargner à nos patries des milliards de dépenses et des centaines de milliers de deuils. que nous n'ayons pas atteint ce but ne saurait établir qu'il n'ait été juste et sage de le poursuivre. voilà pour quelle cause sont tombés les soldats des dardanelles. "honneur à vous, soldats de france et soldats du roi! ainsi que vous les adjuriez en les lançant à l'attaque. "morts héroïques! il n'a rien manqué à votre gloire, pas même une apparence d'oubli. des triomphes des autres vous n'avez recueilli que les rayons extrêmes: ceux qui ont franchi la cime des arcs de triomphe pour aller au loin, coups égarés de la grande gerbe, éclairer vos tombés. "mais 'ne jugez pas avant le temps.' le crépuscule éteint, laissez encore passer la nuit. vous aurez pour vous le soleil levant." vous, mon général, vous aurez été l'ouvrier de cette grande idée, et l'annonciateur de cette aurore. gén. a. d'amade. fronsac, gironde, france. décembre, . contents page preface v letter from general d'amade to the author x chapter i. the start ii. the straits iii. egypt iv. clearing for action v. the landing vi. making good vii. shells viii. two corps or an ally? ix. submarines x. a decision and the plan xi. bombs and journalists xii. a victory and after list of illustrations sir roger keyes, vice-admiral de robeck, sir ian hamilton, general braithwaite _frontispiece_ lieut.-gen. sir j.g. maxwell, g.c.b., k.c.m.g review of french troops at alexandria s.s. "river clyde" "w" beach general d'amade view of "v" beach, taken from s.s. "river clyde" men bathing at helles the narrows from chunuk bair general gouraud maps key map _inside front cover_ cape helles and the southern area _at end of volume_ gallipoli diary chapter i the start _in the train between paris and marseilles, th march, ._ neither the asquith banquet, nor the talk at the admiralty that midnight had persuaded me i was going to do what i am actually doing at this moment. k. had made no sign nor waved his magic baton. so i just kept as cool as i could and had a sound sleep. next morning, that is the th instant, i was working at the horse guards when, about a.m., k. sent for me. i wondered! opening the door i bade him good morning and walked up to his desk where he went on writing like a graven image. after a moment, he looked up and said in a matter-of-fact tone, "we are sending a military force to support the fleet now at the dardanelles, and you are to have command." something in voice or words touched a chord in my memory. we were once more standing, k. and i, in our workroom at pretoria, having just finished reading the night's crop of sixty or seventy wires. k. was saying to me, "you had better go out to the western transvaal." i asked no question, packed up my kit, ordered my train, started that night. not another syllable was said on the subject. uninstructed and unaccredited i left that night for the front; my outfit one a.d.c., two horses, two mules and a buggy. whether i inspected the columns and came back and reported to k. in my capacity as his chief staff officer; or, whether, making use of my rank to assume command in the field, i beat up de la rey in his den--all this rested entirely with me. so i made my choice and fought my fight at roodewal, last strange battle in the west. that is k.'s way. the envoy goes forth; does his best with whatever forces he can muster and, if he loses;--well, unless he had liked the job he should not have taken it on. at that moment k. wished me to bow, leave the room and make a start as i did some thirteen years ago. but the conditions were no longer the same. in those old pretoria days i had known the transvaal by heart; the number, value and disposition of the british forces; the characters of the boer leaders; the nature of the country. but my knowledge of the dardanelles was nil; of the turk nil; of the strength of our own forces next to nil. although i have met k. almost every day during the past six months, and although he has twice hinted i might be sent to salonika; never once, to the best of my recollection, had he mentioned the word dardanelles. i had plenty of time for these reflections as k., after his one tremendous remark had resumed his writing at the desk. at last, he looked up and inquired, "well?" "we have done this sort of thing before, lord k." i said; "we have run this sort of show before and you know without saying i am most deeply grateful and you know without saying i will do my best and that you can trust my loyalty--but i must say something--i must ask you some questions." then i began. k. frowned; shrugged his shoulders; i thought he was going to be impatient, but although he gave curt answers at first he slowly broadened out, until, at the end, no one else could get a word in edgeways.[ ] my troops were to be australians and new zealanders under birdwood (a friend); strength, say, about , . (a year ago i inspected them in their own antipodes and no finer material exists); the th division, strength, say , under hunter-weston--a slashing man of action; an acute theorist; the royal naval division, , strong (an excellent type of officer and man, under a solid commander--paris); a french contingent, strength at present uncertain, say, about a division, under my old war comrade the chivalrous d'amade, now at tunis. say then grand total about , --probably panning out at some , rifles in the firing line. of these the th division are extras--_division de luxe._ k. went on; he was now fairly under weigh and got up and walked about the room as he spoke. i knew, he said, his (k.'s) feelings as to the political and strategic value of the near east where one clever tactical thrust delivered on the spot and at the spot might rally the wavering balkans. rifle for rifle, _at that moment_, we could nowhere make as good use of the th division as by sending it to the dardanelles, where each of its , rifles might attract a hundred more to our side of the war. employed in france or flanders the th would at best help to push back the german line a few miles; at the dardanelles the stakes were enormous. he spoke, so it struck me, as if he was defending himself in argument: he asked if i agreed. i said, "yes." "well," he rejoined, "you may just as well realize at once that g.h.q. in france do not agree. they think they have only to drive the germans back fifty miles nearer to their base to win the war. those are the same fellows who used to write me saying they wanted no new army; that they would be amply content if only the old old army and the territorials could be kept up to strength. now they've been down to aldershot and seen the new army they are changing their tune, but i am by no means sure, _now_, that i'll give it to them. french and his staff believe firmly that the british imperial armies can pitch their camp down in one corner of europe and there fight a world war to a finish. the thing is absurd but french, plus france, are a strong combine and they are fighting tooth and nail for the th division. it must clearly be understood then:--" ( ) that the th division are only to be a loan and are to be returned the moment they can be spared. ( ) that all things ear-marked for the east are looked on by powerful interests both at home and in france as having been stolen from the west. did i take this in? i said, "i take it from you." did i myself, speaking as actual commander of the central striking force and executively responsible for the land defence of england, think the th division could be spared at all? "yes," i said, "and four more territorial divisions as well." k. used two or three very bad words and added, with his usual affability, that i would find myself walking about in civilian costume instead of going to constantinople if he found me making any wild statements of that sort to the politicians. i laughed and reminded him of my testimony before the committee of imperial defence about my malta amphibious manoeuvres; about the malta submarines and the way they had destroyed the battleships conveying my landing forces. if there was any politician, i said, who cared a hang about my opinions he knew quite well already my views on an invasion of england; namely, that it would be like trying to hurt a monkey by throwing nuts at him. i didn't want to steal what french wanted, but now that the rifles had come and the troops had finished their musketry, there was no need to squabble over a division. why not let french have two of my central force territorial division at once,--they were jolly good and were wasting their time over here. that would sweeten french and he and joffre would make no more trouble about the th. k. glared at me. i don't know what he was going to say when callwell came into the room with some papers. we moved to the map in the window and callwell took us through a plan of attack upon the forts at the dardanelles, worked out by the greek general staff. the greeks had meant to employ (as far as i can remember) , men. their landing was to have taken place on the north-west coast of the southern part of the peninsula, opposite kilid bahr. "but," said k., "half that number of men will do you handsomely; the turks are busy elsewhere; i hope you will not have to land at all; if you _do_ have to land, why then the powerful fleet at your back will be the prime factor in your choice of time and place." i asked k. if he would not move the admiralty to work a submarine or two up the straits at once so as to prevent reinforcements and supplies coming down by sea from constantinople. by now the turks must be on the alert and it was commonsense to suppose they would be sending some sort of help to their forts. however things might pan out we could not be going wrong if we made the marmora unhealthy for the turkish ships. lord k. thereupon made the remark that if we could get one submarine into the marmora the defences of the dardanelles would collapse. "supposing," he said, "one submarine pops up opposite the town of gallipoli and waves a union jack three times, the whole turkish garrison on the peninsula will take to their heels and make a bee line for bulair." in reply to a question about staff, lord k., in the gruff voice he puts on when he wants no argument, told me i could not take my own chief of staff, ellison, and that braithwaite would go with me in his place. ellison and i have worked hand in glove for several years; our qualities usefully complement one another; there was no earthly reason i could think of why ellison should _not_ have come with me, but; i like braithwaite; he had been on my general staff for a time in the southern command; he is cheery, popular and competent. wolfe murray, the chief of the imperial general staff, was then called in, also archie murray, inspector of home forces, and braithwaite. this was the first (apparently) either of the murrays had heard of the project!!! both seemed to be quite taken aback, and i do not remember that either of them made a remark. braithwaite was very nice and took a chance to whisper his hopes he would not give me too much cause to regret ellison. he only said one thing to k. and that produced an explosion. he said it was vital that we should have a better air service than the turks in case it came to fighting over a small area like the gallipoli peninsula: he begged, therefore, that whatever else we got, or did not get, we might be fitted out with a contingent of up-to-date aeroplanes, pilots and observers. k. turned on him with flashing spectacles and rent him with the words, _"not one_!" _ th march, . h.m.s. "phaeton." toulon harbour._ embarked at marseilles last night at p.m. and slept on board. owing to some mistake no oil fuel had been taken aboard so we have had to come round here this morning to get it. have just breakfasted with the captain, cameron by name, and have let the staff go ashore to see the town. we do not sail till p.m.: after special trains and everything a clean chuck-away of hours. i left off in the s. of s.'s room at the war office. after the bursting of the aeroplane bomb k. did most of the talking. i find it hard to remember all he said: here are the outstanding points:-- ( ) we soldiers are to understand we are string number . the sailors are sure they can force the dardanelles on their own and the whole enterprise has been framed on that basis: we are to lie low and to bear in mind the cabinet does not want to hear anything of the army till it sails through the straits. but if the admiral fails, then we will have to go in. ( ) if the army has to be used, whether on the bosphorus or at the dardanelles, i am to bear in mind his order that no serious operation is to take place until the whole of my force is complete; ready; concentrated and on the spot. no piecemeal attack is to be made. ( ) if we do start fighting, once we _have_ started we are to burn our boats. once landed the government are resolved to see the enterprise through. ( ) asia is out of bounds. k. laid special stress on this. our sea command and the restricted area of gallipoli would enable us to undertake a landing on the peninsula with clearly limited liabilities. once we began marching about continents, situations calling for heavy reinforcements would probably be created. although i, hamilton, seemed ready to run risks in the defence of london, he, k., was not, and as he had already explained, big demands would make his position difficult with france; difficult everywhere; and might end by putting him (k.) in the cart. besika bay and alexandretta were, therefore, taboo--not to be touched! even after we force the narrows no troops are to be landed along the asian coastline. nor are we to garrison any part of the gallipoli peninsula excepting only the bulair lines which had best be permanently held, k. thinks, by the naval division. when we get into the marmora i shall be faced by a series of big problems. what would i do? from what quarter could i attack constantinople? how would i hold it when i had taken it? k. asked me the questions. with the mud of prosaic whitehall drying upon my boots these remarks of k.'s sounded to me odd. but, knowing constantinople, and--what was more to the point at the moment--knowing k.'s hatred of hesitation, i managed to pull myself together so far as to suggest that if the city was weakly held and if, as he had said, (i forgot to enter that) the bulk of the thracian troops were dispersed throughout the provinces, or else moving to re-occupy adrianople, why then, possibly, by a _coup de main_, we might pounce upon the chatalja lines from the south before the turks could climb back into them from the north. lord k. made a grimace; he thought this too chancy. the best would be if we did not land a man until the turks had come to terms. once the fleet got through the dardanelles, constantinople could not hold out. modern constantinople could not last a week if blockaded by sea and land. that was a sure thing; a thing whereon he could speak with full confidence. the fleet could lie off out of sight and range of the turks and with their guns would dominate the railways and, if necessary, burn the place to ashes. the bulk of the people were not osmanli or even mahomedan and there would be a revolution at the mere sight of the smoke from the funnels of our warships. but if, for some cause at present non-apparent, we were forced to put troops ashore against organized turkish opposition, then he advocated a landing on the asiatic side of the bosphorus to hold out a hand to the russians, who would simultaneously land there from the black sea. he only made the suggestion, for the man on the spot must be the best judge. several of the audience left us here, at lord k.'s suggestion, to get on with their work. k. went on:-- the moment the holding of constantinople comes along the french and the russians will be very jealous and prickly. luckily we british have an easy part to play as the more we efface ourselves at that stage, the better he, k., will be pleased. the army in france have means of making their views work in high places and pressure is sure to be put on by them and by their friends for the return of the th and naval divisions the moment we bring turkey to book. therefore, it will be best in any case to "let the french and russians garrison constantinople and sing their hymns in s. sophia," whilst my own troops hold the railway line and perhaps adrianople. thus they will be at a loose end and we shall be free to bring them back to the west; to land them at odessa or to push them up the danube, without weakening the allied grip on the waterway linking the mediterranean with the black sea. this was the essence of our talk: as it lasted about an hour and a half, i can only have put down about one tenth of it. at odd times i have been recipient of k.'s reveries but always, _always_, he has rejected with a sort of horror the idea of being war minister or commander-in-chief. now by an extreme exercise of its ironic spirit, providence has made him both. in pre-war days, when we met in egypt and at malta, k. made no bones about what he wanted. he wanted to be viceroy of india or ambasssador at constantinople. i remember very well one conversation we had when i asked him why he wanted to hang on to great place, and whether he had not done enough already. he said he could not bear to see india being mismanaged by nincompoops or our influence in turkey being chucked out of the window with both hands: i answered him, i remember, by saying there were only two things worth doing as viceroy and they would not take very long. one was to put a huge import duty on aniline dyes and so bring back the lovely vegetable dyes of old india, the saffrons, indigoes, madders, etc.; the other was to build a black marble taj at agra opposite the white and join the two by a silver bridge. i expected to get a rise, but actually he took the ideas quite seriously and i am sure made a mental note of them. anyway, as viceroy, k. would have flung the whole vast weight of india into the scale of this war; he would have poured army after army from east to west. under k. india could have beaten turkey single-handed; aye, and with one arm tied behind her back. with k. as ambassador at constantinople he would have prevented turkey coming into the war. there is no doubt of it. neither enver pasha nor talaat would have dared to enrage k., and as for the idea of their deporting him, it is grotesque. they might have shot him in the back; they could never have faced him with a war declaration in their hands. as an impresser of orientals he is a nonesuch. so we put him into the war office in the ways of which he is something of an amateur, with a big prestige and a big power of drive. yes, we remove the best experts from the war office and pop in k. like a powerful engine from which we have removed all controls, regulators and safety valves. yet see what wonders he has worked! still, he remains, in the war office sense, an amateur. the staff left by french at the w.o. may not have been von moltke's, but they were k.'s only councillors. an old war office hand would have used them. but in no case, even had they been the best, could k. have had truck or parley with any system of decentralization of work--of semi-independent specialists each running a show of his own. as late (so-called) chief of staff to lord k. in south africa, i could have told them that whatever work k. fancies at the moment he must swipe at it, that very moment, off his own bat. the one-man show carried on royally in south africa and all the narrow squeaks we had have been completely swallowed up in the final success; but how will his no-system system work now? perhaps he may pull it through; anyway he is starting with a beautifully cleaned slate. he has surpassed himself, in fact, for i confess even with past experience to guide me, i did not imagine our machinery could have been so thoroughly smashed in so short a time. ten long years of general staff; lyttelton, nicholson, french, douglas; where are your well-thought-out schemes for an amphibious attack on constantinople? not a sign! braithwaite set to work in the intelligence branch at once. but beyond the ordinary text books those pigeon holes were drawn blank. the dardanelles and bosphorus might be in the moon for all the military information i have got to go upon. one text book and one book of travellers' tales don't take long to master and i have not been so free from work or preoccupation since the war started. there is no use trying to make plans unless there is some sort of material, political, naval, military or geographical to work upon. winston had been in a fever to get us off and had ordered a special train for that very afternoon. my new staff were doubtful if they could get fixed up so quickly and k. settled the matter by saying there was no need to hustle. for myself, i was very keen to get away. the best plan to save slips between cup and lip is to swallow the liquor. but k. thought it wisest to wait, so i 'phoned over to eddie to let winston know we should not want his train that day. next morning, the th, i handed over the central force command to rundle and then, at . went in with braithwaite to say good-bye. k. was standing by his desk splashing about with his pen at three different drafts of instructions. one of them had been drafted by fitz--i suppose under somebody's guidance; the other was by young buckley; the third k. was working on himself. braithwaite, fitz and i were in the room; no one else except callwell who popped in and out. the instructions went over most of the ground of yesterday's debate and were too vague. when i asked the crucial question:--the enemy's strength? k. thought i had better be prepared for , . how many guns? no one knows. who was in command? djavad pasha, it is believed. but, k. says, i may take it that the kilid bahr plateau has been entrenched and is sufficiently held. south of kilid bahr to the point at cape helles, i may take it that the peninsula is open to a landing on very easy terms. the cross fire from the fleet lying part in the aegean and part in the mouth of the straits must sweep that flat and open stretch of country so as to render it untenable by the enemy. lord k. demonstrated this cross fire upon the map. he toiled over the wording of his instructions. they were headed "constantinople expeditionary force." i begged him to alter this to avert fate's evil eye. he consented and both this corrected draft and the copy as finally approved are now in braithwaite's despatch box more modestly headed "mediterranean expeditionary force." none of the drafts help us with facts about the enemy; the politics; the country and our allies, the russians. in sober fact these "instructions" leave me to my own devices in the east, almost as much as k.'s laconic order "git" left me to myself when i quitted pretoria for the west thirteen years ago. so i said good-bye to old k. as casually as if we were to meet together at dinner. actually my heart went out to my old chief. he was giving me the best thing in his gift and i hated to leave him amongst people who were frightened of him. but there was no use saying a word. he did not even wish me luck and i did not expect him to, but he did say, rather unexpectedly, _after_ i had said good-bye and just as i was taking up my cap from the table, "if the fleet gets through, constantinople will fall of itself and you will have won, not a battle, but the war." at o'clock that afternoon we bade adieu to london. winston was disappointed we didn't dash away yesterday but we have not really let much grass grow under our feet. he and some friends came down to charing cross to see us off. i told winston lord k. would not think me loyal if i wrote to another secretary of state. he understood and said that if i wanted him to be aware of some special request all i had to say was, "you will agree perhaps that the first lord should see." then the s. of s. for war would be bound to show him the letter:--which proves that with all his cleverness winston has yet some points to learn about his k. of k.! my staff still bear the bewildered look of men who have hurriedly been snatched from desks to do some extraordinary turn on some unheard of theatre. one or two of them put on uniform for the first time in their lives an hour ago. leggings awry, spurs upside down, belts over shoulder straps! i haven't a notion of who they all are: nine-tenths of my few hours of warning has been taken up in winding up the affairs of the central force. at dover embarked on h.m.s. _foresight_,--a misnomer, for we ran into a fog and had to lie-to for a devil of a time. heard far-off guns on french front,--which was cheering. at . p.m. we left calais for marseilles and during the next day the french authorities caused me to be met by officers of their railway mobilization section. had my first breathing space wherein to talk over matters with braithwaite, and he and i tried to piece together the various scraps of views we had picked up at the war office into a pattern which should serve us for a doctrine. but we haven't got very much to go upon. a diagram he had drawn up with half the spaces unfilled showing the general staff. another diagram with its blank spaces only showed that our q. branch was not in being. three queried names, woodward for a.g., winter for q.m.g. and williams for cipher officer. the first two had been left behind, the third was with us. the following hurried jottings by braithwaite:--"only rounds for the . howitzers!!! high explosive essential. who is to be c.r.e.? engineer stores? french are to remain at tunis until the day comes that they are required. egyptian troops also remain in egypt till last moment. everything we want by th (it is hoped). await arrival of th division before undertaking anything big. if carden wants military help it is for sir ian's consideration whether to give or to withhold it." these rough notes; the text book on the turkish army, and two small guide books: not a very luminous outfit. braithwaite tells me our force are not to take with them the usual per cent. extra margin of reserves to fill casualties. wish i had realised this earlier. he had not time to tell me he says. the general staff thought we ought certainly to have these and he and wolfe murray went in and made a personal appeal to the a.g. but he was obdurate. this seems hard luck. why should we not have our losses quickly replaced--supposing we do lose men? i doubt though, if i should have been able to do very much even if i had known. to press k. would have been difficult. like insisting on an extra half-crown when you've just been given fortunatus' purse. still, fair play's a jewel, and surely if formations destined for the french front cross the channel with per cent. extra, over and above their establishment, troops bound for constantinople ought to have a per cent. margin over establishment? _ th march, . h.m.s. "phaeton." at sea._ last night we raced past corfu--my birthplace--at thirty knots an hour. my first baby breath was drawn from these thyme scented breezes. this crimson in the eastern sky, these waves of liquid opal are natal, vital. thirty miles an hour through paradise! since the th january, , we have learnt to go the pace and as a result the world shrinks; the horizons close in upon us; the spacious days are gone! thoughts of my mother, who died when i was but three. thoughts of her refusal as she lay dying--gasping in mortal pain--her refusal to touch an opiate, because the minister, norman macleod, had told her she so might dim the clearness of her spiritual insight--of her thoughts ascending heavenwards. what pluck--what grit--what faith--what an example to a soldier. exquisite, exquisite air; sea like an undulating carpet of blue velvet outspread for aphrodite. have been in the aegean since dawn. at noon passed a cruiser taking back admiral carden invalided to malta. one week ago the thunder of his guns shook the firm foundations of the world. now a sheer hulk lies poor old carden. _vanitas vanitatum_. have got into touch with my staff. they are all general staff: no administrative staff. the adjutant-general-to-be (i don't know him) and the chief medico (i don't know who he is to be) could not get ready in time to come off with us, and the q.m.g., too, was undecided when i left. there are nine of the general staff. i like the looks of them. quite characteristic of k., though, that barring braithwaite, not one of the associates he has told off to work hand in glove with me in this enterprise should ever have served with me before. only two sorts of commanders-in-chief could possibly find time to scribble like this on their way to take up an enterprise in many ways unprecedented--a german and a britisher. the first, because every possible contingency would have been worked out for him beforehand; the second, because he has nothing--literally nothing--in his portfolio except a blank cheque signed with those grand yet simple words--john bull. the german general is the product of an organising nation. the british general is the product of an improvising nation. each army would be better commanded by the other army's general. sounds fantastic but is true.[ ] chapter ii the straits cast anchor at tenedos at p.m., th march, , having entered the harbour at the very same instant as le général d'amade. hurried over at once to a meeting aboard that lovely sea monster, h.m.s. _queen elizabeth_. present:-- admiral de robeck, commodore roger keyes, admiral guépratte, cmdg. french fleet, general d'amade, general braithwaite, admiral wemyss, captain pollen, myself. de robeck greeted me in the friendliest fashion. he is a fine looking man with great charm of manner. after a word or two to d'amade and being introduced to wemyss, guépratte and keyes, we sat down round a table and the admiral began. his chief worry lies in the clever way the enemy are now handling their mobile artillery. he can silence the big fortress ordnance, but the howitzers and field guns fire from concealed positions and make the clearing of the minefields something of a v.c. sort of job for the smaller craft. even when the fleet gets through, these moveable guns will make it very nasty for store ships or transports which follow. the mine-sweepers are slow and bad with worn out engines. some of the civilian masters and crews of the trawlers have to consider wives and kids as well as v.c.s. the problem of getting the fleet through or of getting submarines through is a problem of clearing away the mines. with a more powerfully engined type of mine-sweeper and regular naval commanders and crews to man them, the business would be easy. but as things actually stand there is real cause for anxiety as to mines. the peninsula itself is being fortified and many turks work every night on trenches, redoubts and entanglements. not one single living soul has been seen, since the engagement of our marines at the end of february, although each morning brings forth fresh evidences of nocturnal activity, in patches of freshly turned up soil. all landing places are now commanded by lines of trenches and are ranged by field guns and howitzers, which, thus far, cannot be located as our naval seaplanes are too heavy to rise out of rifle range. there has been a muddle about these seaplanes. nominally they possess very powerful sunbeam engines; actually the d----d things can barely rise off the water. the naval guns do not seem able to knock the turkish infantry out of their deep trenches although they can silence their fire for awhile. this was proved at that last landing by marines. the turkish searchlights are both fixed and mobile. they are of the latest pattern and are run by skilled observers. he gave us, in fact, to understand that german thoroughness and forethought have gripped the old go-as-you-please turk and are making him march to the _parade-schritt_. the admiral would prefer to force a passage on his own, and is sure he can do so. setting constantinople on one side for the moment, _if_ the fleet gets through and the army _then_ attacks at bulair, we would have the turkish army on the peninsula in a regular trap. therefore, whether from the local or the larger point of view, he has no wish to call us in until he has had a real good try. he means straightway to put the whole proposition to a practical test. his views dovetail in to a hair's breadth with k.'s views. the admiral's "real good try" leads up towards k.'s "after every effort has been exhausted." that's a bit of luck for our kick-off, anyway. what we soldiers have to do now is to hammer away at our band-o-bast[ ] whilst the navy pushes as hard, as fast and as far as its horsepower, manpower and gunpower will carry it. the admiral asked to see my instructions and braithwaite read them out. when he stopped, roger keyes, the commodore, inquired, "is that all?" and when braithwaite confessed that it was, everyone looked a little blank. asked what i meant to do, i said i proposed to get ready for a landing, as, whether the fleet forces the passage and disembarked us on the bosphorus; or, whether the fleet did not force the passage and we had to "go for" the peninsula, the _band-o-bast_ could be made to suit either case. the admiral asked if i meant to land at bulair? i replied my mind was open on that point: that i was a believer in seeing things for myself and that i would not come to any decision on the map if it were possible to come to it on the ground. he then said he would send me up to look at the place through my own glasses in the phaeton to-morrow; that it would not be possible to land large forces on the neck of bulair itself as there were no beaches, but that i should reconnoitre the coast at the head of the gulf as landing would be easier with every few miles we drew away towards the north. i told him it would be useless to land at any distance from my objective, for the simple reason that i had no transport, mechanical or horse, wheeled or pack, to enable me to support myself further than five or six miles from the fleet and it would take many weeks and many ships to get it together; however, i ended, i would to-morrow see for myself. the air of the aegean hardly differs so much from the north sea haze as does the moral atmosphere of tenedos differ from that of the war office. this is always the way. until the plunge is taken, the man in the arm chair clamps rose coloured spectacles on to his nose and the man on the spot is anxious; _but_, once the men on the spot jump off they become as jolly as sandboys, whilst the man in the arm chair sits searching for a set-back with a blue lens telescope. here, the peninsula looks a tougher nut to crack than it did on lord k.'s small and featureless map. i do not speak for myself for i have so far only examined the terrain through a field glass. i refer to the tone of the sailors, which strikes me as being graver and less irresponsible than the tone of the war office. the admiral believes that, at the time of the first bombardment, men could have marched from cape helles right up to the bulair lines. (before leaving the ship i learnt that some of the sailors do not agree). now that phase has passed. many more troops have come down, german staff officers have grappled with the situation, and have got their troops scientifically disposed and heavily entrenched. this skilful siting of the turkish trenches has been admired by all competent british observers; the number of field guns on the peninsula is now many times greater than it was. after this the discussion became informal. referring again to my instructions, i laid stress on the point that i was a waiting man and that it was the admiral's innings for so long as he could keep his wicket up. braithwaite asked a question or two about the trenches and all of us deplored the lack of aeroplanes whereby we were blinded in our attack upon an enemy who espied every boat's crew moving over the water. the more i revolve these matters in my mind, the more easy does it seem to accept k.'s order not to be in too great a hurry to bring the army to the front. i devoutly hope indeed (and i think the fiercest of our fellows agree) that the navy will pull us out the chestnuts from the fire. at the close of the sitting i made these notes of what had happened and drafted a first cable to lord k., giving him an epitome of the admiral's opening statement about the enemy's clever use of field guns to hinder the clearing of the minefields; his good entrenchments and the nightly work thereon; our handicap in all these matters because the type of seaplanes sent us "are too heavy to rise out of effective rifle range"--(one has to put these things mildly). i add that the admiral, "while not making light of dangers was evidently determined to exhaust every effort before calling upon the soldiers for their help on a large scale"; and i wind up by telling him lemnos seems a bad base and that i am off to-morrow on an inspection of the coasts of the peninsula. having got these matters off my chest on to the chest of k., was then taken round the ship by the flag captain, g.p.w. hope. by this time it was nearly so i stayed and dined with the admiral--a charming host. after dinner got back here. _ th march, ._ _h.m.s. "phaeton."_ cleared tenedos harbour at a.m. and reached lemnos at a.m. i never saw so many ships collected together in my life; no, not even at hong kong, bombay or new york. filled up with oil fuel and at a.m. d'amade and major-general paris, commanding the royal naval division, came on board with one or two staff officers. after consulting these officers as well as mclagan, the australian brigadier, cabled lord k. to say alexandria _must_ be our base as "the naval division transports have been loaded up as in peace time and they must be completely discharged and every ship reloaded," in war fashion. at lemnos, where there are neither wharfs, piers, labour nor water, the thing could not be done. therefore, "the closeness of lemnos to the dardanelles, as implying the rapid transport of troops, is illusory." the moment i got this done, namely, at . a.m., we worked our way out of the long narrow neck of mudros harbour and sailed for the gulf of saros. spent the first half of the sixty mile run to the dardanelles in scribbling. wrote my first epistle to k., using for the first time the formal "dear lord kitchener." my letters to him will have to be formal, and dull also, as he may hand them around. i begin, "i have just sent you off a cable giving my first impressions of the situation, and am now steaming in company with generals d'amade and paris to inspect the north-western coast of the gallipoli peninsula." i tell him that the real place "looks a much tougher nut to crack than it did over the map,"--i say that his "impression that the ground between cape helles and krithia was clear of the enemy," was mistaken. "not a bit of it." i say, "the admiral tells me that there is a large number of men tucked away in the folds of the ground there, not to speak of several field batteries." therefore, i conclude, "if it eventually becomes necessary to take the gallipoli peninsula by military force, we shall have to proceed bit by bit." this will vex him no doubt. he likes plans to move as fast as his own wishes and is apt to forget, or to pretend he has forgotten, that swiftness in war comes from slow preparations. it is fairer to tell k. this now, when the question has not yet arisen, than hereafter if it does then arise. passing the mouth of the dardanelles we got a wonderful view of the stage whereon the great showman has caused so many of his amusing puppets to strut their tiny hour. for the purpose it stands matchless. no other panorama can touch it. there, hero trimmed her little lamp; yonder the amorous breath of leander changed to soft sea form. far away to the eastwards, painted in dim and lovely hues, lies mount ida. just so, on the far horizon line she lay fair and still, when hector fell and smoke from burning troy blackened the mid-day sun. against this enchanted background to deeds done by immortals and mortals as they struggled for ten long years five thousand years ago,--stands forth formidably the peninsula. glowing with bright, springtime colours it sweeps upwards from the sea like the glacis of a giant's fortress. so we sailed on northwards, giving a wide berth to the shore. when we got within a mile of the head of the gulf of saros, we turned, steering a south-westerly course, parallel to, and one to two miles distant from, the coastline. then my first fears as to the outworks of the fortress were strengthened. the head of the gulf is filled in with a horrible marsh. no landing there. did we land far away to the westward we must still march round the marsh, or else we must cross it on one single road whose long and easily destructible bridges we could see spanning the bog holes some three miles inland. opposite the fortified lines we stood in to within easy field gun range, trusting that the turks would not wish prematurely to disclose their artillery positions. so we managed a peep at close quarters, and were startled to see the ramifications and extent of the spider's web of deep, narrow trenches along the coast and on either front of the lines of bulair. my staff agree that they must have taken ten thousand men a month's hard work from dark to dawn. in advance of the trenches, williams in the crow's nest reported that with his strong glasses he could pick out the glitter of wire over a wide expanse of ground. to the depth of a mile the whole aegean slope of the neck of the peninsula was scarred with spade work and it is clear to a tiro that to take these trenches would take from us a bigger toll of ammunition and life than we can afford: especially so seeing that we can only see one half of the theatre; the other half would have to be worked out of sight and support of our own ships and in view of the turkish fleet. only one small dent in the rockbound coast offered a chance of landing but that was also heavily dug in. in a word, if bulair had been the only way open to me and i had no alternative but to take it or wash my hands of the whole business, i should have to go right about turn and cable my master he had sent me on a fool's errand. between bulair and suvla bay the coastline was precipitous; high cliffs and no sort of creeks or beaches--impracticable. suvla bay itself seems a fine harbour but too far north were the aim to combine a landing there together with an attack on the southern end of the peninsula. were we, on the other hand, to try to work the whole force ashore from suvla bay, the country is too big; it is the broadest part of the peninsula; also, we should be too far from its waist and from the narrows we wish to dominate. merely to hold our line of communications we should need a couple of divisions. all the coast between suvla bay and for a little way south of gaba tepe seems feasible for landing. i mean we could get ashore on a calm day if there was no enemy. gaba tepe itself would be ideal, but, alas, the turks are not blind; it is a mass of trenches and wire. further, it must be well under fire of guns from kilid bahr plateau, and is entirely commanded by the high ridge to the north of it. to land there would be to enter a defile without first crowning the heights. between gaba tepe and cape helles, the point of the peninsula, the coastline consists of cliffs from to feet high. but there are, in many places, sandy strips at their base. opinions differ but i believe myself the cliffs are not unclimbable. i thoroughly believe also in going for at least one spot that _seems_ impracticable. sailing southwards we are becoming more and more conscious of the tremendous bombardment going on in the straits. now and then, too, we can see a huge shell hit the top of achi baba and turn it into the semblance of a volcano. everyone excited and trying to look calm. at p.m., precisely, we rounded cape helles. i had promised de robeck not to take his fastest cruiser, fragile as an egg, into the actual straits, but the captain and the commander (cameron and rosomore), were frightfully keen to see the fight, and i thought it fair to allow one mile as being the _mouth_ of the straits and not _the_ straits. before we had covered that mile we found ourselves on the outskirts of--dream of my life--a naval battle! nor did the reality pan out short of my hopes. here it was; we had only to keep on at thirty knots; in one minute we should be in the thick of it; and who would be brave enough to cry halt! the world had gone mad; common sense was only moonshine after all; the elephant and the whale of bismarckian parable were at it tooth and nail! shells of all sizes flew hissing through the skies. before my very eyes, the graves of those old gods whom christ had risen from the dead to destroy were shaking to the shock of messrs. armstrong's patent thunder bolts! ever since the far-away days of afghanistan and majuba hill friends have been fond of asking me what soldiers feel when death draws close up beside them. before he charged in at edgehill, astley (if my memory serves me) exclaimed, "o, god, i've been too busy fixing up this battle to think much about you, but, for heaven's sake, don't you go and forget about me," or words to that effect. the yankee's prayer for fair play just as he joined issue with the grizzly bear gives another glimpse of these secrets between man and his maker. as for myself, there are two moments; one when i think i would not miss the show for millions; another when i think "what an ass i am to be here"; and between these two moments there _is_ a border land when the mind runs all about life's workshop and tries to do one last bit of stock-taking. but the process can no more be fixed in the memory than the sequence of a dream when the dew is off the grass. all i remember is a sort of wonder:--why these incredible pains to seek out an amphibious battle ground whereon two sets of people who have no cause of quarrel can blow one another to atoms? why are these straits the cockpit of the world? what is it all about? what on earth has happened to sanity when the whale and elephant are locked in mortal combat making between them a picture which might be painted by one of h.m.'s commissioners in lunacy to decorate an asylum for homicides. whizz--flop--bang--what an ass i am to be here. if we keep on another thirty seconds we are in for a visit to davy jones's locker. now above the _queen elizabeth_, making slowly backwards and forwards up in the neck of the narrows, were other men-o'-war spitting tons of hot metal at the turks. the forts made no reply--or none that we could make out, either with our ears or with glasses. perhaps there was an attempt; if so, it must have been very half-hearted. the enemy's fixed defences were silenced but the concealed mobile guns from the peninsula and from asia were far too busy and were having it all their own way. close to us were steam trawlers and mine-sweepers steaming along with columns of spray spouting up close by them from falling field gun shells, with here and there a biggish fellow amongst them, probably a five or six inch field howitzer. one of them was in the act of catching a great mine as we drew up level with her. some yards from us was the _inflexible_ slowly coming out of the straits, her wireless cut away and a number of shrapnel holes through her tops and crow's nest. suddenly, so quickly did we turn that, going at speed, the decks were at an angle of ° and several of us (d'amade for one) narrowly escaped slipping down the railless decks into the sea. the _inflexible_ had signalled us she had struck a mine, and that we must stand by and see her home to tenedos. we spun round like a top (escaping thereby a salvo of four from a field battery) and followed as close as we dared. my blood ran cold--for sheer deliberate awfulness this beat everything. we gazed spellbound: no one knew what moment the great ship might not dive into the depths. the pumps were going hard. we fixed our eyes on marks about the water line to see if the sea was gaining upon them or not. she was very much down by the bows, that was a sure thing. crew and stokers were in a mass standing strictly at attention on the main deck. a whole bevy of destroyers crowded round the wounded warrior. in the sight of all those men standing still, silent, orderly in their ranks, facing the imminence of death, i got my answer to the hasty moralizings about war, drawn from me (really) by a regret that i would very soon be drowned. on the deck of that battleship staggering along at a stone's throw was a vindication of war in itself; of war, the state of being, quite apart from war motives or gains. ten thousand years of peace would fail to produce a spectacle of so great virtue. where, in peace, passengers have also shown high constancy, it is because war and martial discipline have lent them its standards. once in a generation a mysterious wish for war passes through the people. their instinct tells them that _there is no other way_ of progress and of escape from habits that no longer fit them. whole generations of statesmen will fumble over reforms for a lifetime which are put into full-blooded execution within a week of a declaration of war. there is _no other way_. only by intense sufferings can the nations grow, just as the snake once a year must with anguish slough off the once beautiful coat which has now become a strait jacket. how was it going to end? how touching the devotion of all these small satellites so anxiously forming escort? onwards, at snail's pace, moved our cortege which might at any moment be transformed into a funeral affair, but slow as we went we yet went fast enough to give the go-by to the french battleship _gaulois_, also creeping out towards tenedos in a lamentable manner attended by another crowd of t.b.s and destroyers eager to stand to and save. the _inflexible_ managed to crawl into tenedos under her own steam but we stood by until we saw the _gaulois_ ground on some rocks called rabbit island, when i decided to clear right out so as not to be in the way of the navy at a time of so much stress. after we had gone ten miles or so, the _phaeton_ intercepted a wireless from the _queen elizabeth_, ordering the _ocean_ to take the _irresistible_ in tow, from which it would appear that she (the _irresistible_) has also met with some misfortune. thank god we were in time! that is my dominant feeling. we have seen a spectacle which would be purchased cheap by five years of life and, more vital yet, i have caught a glimpse of the forces of the enemy and of their forts. what with my hurried scamper down the aegean coast of the peninsula and the battle in the straits, i begin to form some first-hand notion of my problem. more by good luck than good guidance i have got into personal touch with the outer fringes of the thing we are up against and that is so much to the good. but oh, that we had been here earlier! winston in his hurry to push me out has shown a more soldierly grip than those who said there was no hurry. it is up to me now to revolve to-day's doings in my mind; to digest them and to turn myself into the eyes and ears of the war office whose own so far have certainly not proved themselves very acute. how much better would i be able to make them see and hear had i been out a week or two; did i know the outside of the peninsula by heart; had i made friends with the fleet! and why should i not have been? have added a p.s. to k.'s letter:-- "between tenedos and lemnos. p.m.--this has been a very bad day for us judging by what has come under my own personal observation. after going right up to bulair and down again to the south-west point looking at the network of trenches the turks have dug commanding all possible landing places, we turned into the dardanelles themselves and went up about a mile. the scene was what i believe naval writers describe as 'lively.'" (then follows an account based on my diary jottings). i end: "i have not had time to reflect over these matters, nor can i yet realise on my present slight information the extent of these losses. certainly it looks at present as if the fleet would not be able to carry on at this rate, and, if so, the soldiers will have to do the trick.": "later. "the _irresistible_, the _ocean_ and the _bouvet_ are gone! the _bouvet_, they say, just slithered down like a saucer slithers down in a bath. the _inflexible_ and the _gaulois_ are badly mauled." _ th march, ._ _h.m.s. "franconia."_--last night i left h.m.s. _phaeton_ and went on board the _franconia_. to-day, we have been busy fixing things up. the chance sailors, seen by the staff, have been using highly coloured expletives about the mines. sheer bad luck they swear; bad luck that would not happen once in a hundred tries. they had knocked out the forts, they claim, and one, three-word order, "full steam ahead," would have cut the gordian knot the diplomats have been fumbling at for over a hundred years by slicing their old turkey in two. then came the big delay owing to ships changing stations during which mines set loose from up above had time to float down the current, when, by the devil's own fluke, they impinge upon our battleships, and blow de robeck and his plans into the middle of next week--or later! these are ward-room yarns. de robeck was working by stages and never meant, so far as we know, to run through to the marmora yesterday. cabled to lord k. telling him of yesterday's reconnaissance by me and the battle by de robeck. have said i have no official report to go upon but from what i saw with my own eyes "i am being most reluctantly driven to the conclusion that the straits are not likely to be forced by battleships as at one time seemed probable and that, if my troops are to take part, it will not take the subsidiary form anticipated. the army's part will be more than mere landings of parties to destroy forts, it must be a deliberate and progressive military operation carried out at full strength so as to open a passage for the navy." to be able, if necessary, to act up to my own words i sent another message to the admiral and told him, if he could spare the troops from the vicinity of the straits, i would like to take them right off to alexandria so as to shake them out there and reship them ready for anything. he has wirelessed back asking me, on political grounds, to delay removing the troops "until our attack is renewed in a few days' time." bravo, the admiral! still; if there are to be even a few days' delay i must land somewhere as mules and horses are dying. and, practically, alexandria is the only port possible. wemyss has just sent me over the following letter. it confirms officially the loss of the three battleships:-- _friday._ "my dear general, "the enclosed is a copy of a signal i have received from de robeck. i sincerely hope that the word disastrous is too hard. it depends upon what results we have achieved i think. i gather from intercepted signals that the _ocean_ also is sunk, but of this i am not quite certain. i am off in _dublin_ immediately she comes in and expect i may be back to-night. this of course depends a good deal upon what de robeck wants. captain boyle brings this and will be at your disposal. he is the senior naval officer here in my absence. "believe me, sir, "yours sincerely, (_sd._) "r. wemyss." copy of telegram enclosed:-- "_from_ v.a.e.m.s. "_to_ s.n.o. mudros. "_date, th march, ._ "negative demonstration at gaba tepe, th. will you come to tenedos and see me to-morrow. we have had disastrous day owing either to floating mines or torpedoes from shore tubes fired at long range. h.m.s. _irresistible_ and _bouvet_ sunk. h.m.s. _ocean_ still afloat, but probably lost. h.m.s. _inflexible_ damaged by mine. _gaulois_ badly damaged by gunfire. other ships all right, and we had much the best of the ports." _ th march, ._ _h.m.s. "franconia." mudros harbour._ stormy weather, and even here, inside mudros harbour, touch with the shore is cut off. after i was asleep last night, an answer came in from k., straight, strong and to the point. he says, "you know my view that the dardanelles passage must be forced, and that if large military operations on the gallipoli peninsula by your troops are necessary to clear the way, those operations must be undertaken after careful consideration of the local defences and must be carried through." very well: all hinges on the admiral. _ st march, ._ _h.m.s. "franconia."_ a talk with admiral wemyss and general d'amade. wemyss is clear that the navy must not admit a check and must get to work again as quickly as they can. wemyss is senior naval officer at the dardanelles and is much liked by everyone. he has put his seniority in his pocket and is under his junior--fighting first, rank afterwards! a letter from de robeck, dated "q.e. the th," has only just come to hand:-- "our men were splendid and thank heaven our loss of life was quite small, though the french lost over men when _bouvet_ struck a mine. "how our ships struck mines in an area that was reported clear and swept the previous night i do not know, unless they were floating mines started from the narrows! "i was sad to lose ships and my heart aches when one thinks of it; one must do what one is told and take risks or otherwise we cannot win. we are all getting ready for another 'go' and not in the least beaten or downhearted. the big forts were silenced for a long time and everything was going well, until _bouvet_ struck a mine. it is hard to say what amount of damage we did, i don't know, there were big explosions in the forts!" little birdie, now grown up into a grand general, turned up at p.m. i was enchanted to see him. we had hundreds and thousands of things to talk over. although the confidence of the sailors seems quite unshaken by the events of the th, birdie seems to have made up his mind that the navy have shot their bolt for the time being and that we have no time to lose in getting ready for a landing. but then he did not see the battle and cannot, therefore, gauge the extent to which the turkish forts were beaten. _ nd march, ._ _h.m.s. "franconia."_ at a.m. we had another conference on board the _queen elizabeth_. present:-- admiral de robeck, admiral wemyss, general birdwood, general braithwaite, captain pollen, myself. the moment we sat down de robeck told us _he was now quite clear he could not get through without the help of all my troops_. before ever we went aboard braithwaite, birdwood and i had agreed that, whatever we landsmen might think, we must leave the seamen to settle their own job, saying nothing for or against land operations or amphibious operations until the sailors themselves turned to us and said they had abandoned the idea of forcing the passage by naval operations alone. they have done so. the fat (that is us) is fairly in the fire. no doubt we had our views. birdie and my own staff disliked the idea of chancing mines with million pound ships. the hesitants who always make hay in foul weather had been extra active since the sinking of the three men-of-war. suppose the fleet _could_ get through with the loss of another battleship or two--how the devil would our troopships be able to follow? and the store ships? and the colliers? this had made me turn contrary. during the battle i had cabled that the chances of the navy pushing through on their own were hardly fair fighting chances, but, since then, de robeck, the man who should know, had said twice that he _did_ think there was a fair fighting chance. had he stuck to that opinion at the conference, then i was ready, as a soldier, to make light of military croaks about troopships. constantinople must surrender, revolt or scuttle within a very few hours of our battleships entering the marmora. memories of one or two obsolete six inchers at ladysmith helped me to feel as constantinople would feel when her rail and sea communications were cut and a rain of shell fell upon the penned-in populace from de robeck's terrific batteries. given a good wind that nest of iniquity would go up like sodom and gomorrah in a winding sheet of flame. but once the admiral said his battleships could not fight through without help, there was no foothold left for the views of a landsman. so there was no discussion. at once we turned our faces to the land scheme. very sketchy; how could it be otherwise? on the german system plans for a landing on gallipoli would have been in my pocket, up-to-date and worked out to a ball cartridge and a pail of water. by the british system (?) i have been obliged to concoct my own plans in a brace of shakes almost under fire. strategically and tactically our method may have its merits, for though it piles everything on to one man, the commander, yet he is the chap who has got to see it through. but, in matters of supply, transport, organisation and administration our way is the way of colney hatch. here am i still minus my adjutant-general; my quartermaster-general and my medical chief, charged with settling the basic question of whether the army should push off from lemnos or from alexandria. nothing in the world to guide me beyond my own experience and that of my chief of the general staff, whose sphere of work and experience lies quite outside these administrative matters. i can see that lemnos is practically impossible; i fix on alexandria in the light of braithwaite's advice and my own hasty study of the map. almost incredible really, we should have to decide so tremendous an administrative problem off the reel and without any administrative staff. but time presses, the responsibility cannot be shirked, and so i have cabled k. that lemnos must be a wash-out and that i am sending my troops to get ship-shape at alexandria although, thereby, i upset every previous arrangement. then i have had to cable for engineers, trench mortars, bombs, hand grenades, periscopes. then again, seeing things are going less swimmingly than k. had thought they would, i have had to harden my heart against his horror of being asked for more men and have decided to cable for leave to bring over from egypt a brigade of gurkhas to complete birdwood's new zealand division. last, and worst, i have had to risk the fury of the q.m.g. to the forces by telling the war office that their transports are so loaded (water carts in one ship; water cart horses in another; guns in one ship; limbers in another; entrenching tools anyhow) that they must be emptied and reloaded before we can land under fire. these points were touched upon at the conference. i told them too that my intelligence folk fix the numbers of the enemy now at the dardanelles as , on the gallipoli peninsula with a reserve of , behind bulair: on the asiatic side of the straits there are at least a division, but there _may_ be several divisions. the admiral's information tallies and, so birdie says, does that of the army in egypt. the war office notion that the guns of the fleet can sweep the enemy off the tongue of the peninsula from achi baba southwards is moonshine. my trump card turns out to be the joker; best of all cards only it don't happen to be included in this particular pack! as ideas for getting round this prickly problem were passing through my mind, two suggestions for dealing with it were put forward. the sailors say some lighters were being built, and probably by now are built, for the purpose of a landing in the north: they would carry five hundred men; had bullet-proof bulwarks and are to work under their own gas engines. if i can possibly get a petition for these through to winston we would very likely be lent some and with their aid the landing under fire will be child's play to what it will be otherwise. but the cable must get to winston: if it falls into the hands of fisher it fails, as the sailors tell me he is obsessed by the other old plan and grudges us every rope's end or ha'porth of tar that finds its way out here. rotten luck to have cut myself off from wiring to winston: still i see no way out of it: with k. jealous as a tiger--what can i do? also, although the sailors want me to pull this particular chestnut out of the fire, it is just as well they should know i am not going to speak to their boss even under the most tempting circs.: but they won't cable themselves: frightened of fisher: so i then and there drafted this to k. from myself:-- "our first step of landing under fire will be the most critical as well as the most vital of the whole operations. if the admiralty will improvise and send us out post haste to large lighters difficulty and duration of this phase will be cut down to at least one half. the lighters should each be capable of conveying to men or to horses. they should be protected by bullet-proof armour." everyone agreed but birdwood pointed out that, by sending this message, we implied in so many words, that we would not land until the lighters came out from england. he assumed that we had definitely turned down any plan of scrambling ashore forthwith, as best we could? i said, "yes," and that the navy were with me in that view, a statement confirmed by de robeck and wemyss who nodded their heads. birdwood said he only wanted to be quite clear about it, and there the matter dropped. actually i had thought a lot about that possibility. to a man of my temperament there was every temptation to have a go in and revenge the loss of the battleships forthwith. we might sup to-morrow night on achi baba. with luck we really might. had i been here for ten days instead of five, and had i had any time to draft out any sort of scheme, i might have had a dart. but the operation of landing in face of an enemy is the most complicated and difficult in war. under existing conditions the whole attempt would be partial, _décousu_, happy-go-lucky to the last degree. there are no small craft to speak of. there is no provision for carrying water. there is no information _at all_ about springs or wells ashore. there is no arrangement for getting off the wounded and my principal medical officer and his staff won't be here for a fortnight. my orders against piecemeal occupation are specific. but the th division is our _pièce de résistance_ and it won't be here, we reckon--not complete--for another three weeks. all the same, i might chance it, for, by taking all these off chances we _might_ pull off the main chance of stealing a march upon the turks. what puts me off is not the chances of war but the certainties of commonsense. if i did so handle my troops on the spot as to sup on achi baba to-morrow night, i still could not counter the inevitable reaction of numbers, time and space. the turks would have at least a fortnight to concentrate their whole force against my half force; to defeat them and then to defy the other half. i must wait for the th division. by the time they come i can get things straight for a smashing simultaneous blow and i am resolved that, so far as in me lies, the orders and preparations will then be so thoroughly worked out--so carefully rehearsed as to give every chance to my men.[ ] if the th division were here--or near at hand--i could balance shortage against the obvious evils of giving the turks time to reinforce and to dig. could i hope for the th division within a week it might be worth my while to fly in the face of k. by grasping the peninsula firmly by her toe: or,--had my staff and self been here ten days ago, we could have already got well forward with our plans and orders, as well as with the laying of our hands upon the thousand odds and ends demanded by the invasion of a barren, trackless extremity of an empire--odds and ends never thought of by anyone until the spur of reality brought them galloping to the front. then the moment the fleet cried off, we might have had a dash in, right away, with what we have here. the onslaught could have been supported from egypt and the th division might have been treated as a reserve. but, taking things as they are:-- ( ). no detail thought out, much less worked out or practised, as to form or manner of landing; ( ). absence of th division; ( ). lack of gear (naval and military) for any landing on a large scale or maintenance thereafter; ( ). unsettled weather; my ground is not solid enough to support me were i to put it to k. that i had broken away from his explicit instructions. the navy, i.e., de robeck, wemyss and keyes, entirely agree. they see as well as we do that the military force ought to have been ready before the navy began to attack. what we have to do now is to repair a first false step. the admiral undertakes to keep pegging away at the straits whilst we in alexandria are putting on our war paint. he will see to it, he says, that they think more of battleships than of landings. he is greatly relieved to hear _i_ have practically made up my mind to go for the south of the peninsula and to keep in closest touch with the fleet. the commodore also seems well pleased: he told us he hoped to get his fleet sweeps so reorganised as to do away with the danger from mines by the rd or th of april; then, he says, with us to do the spotting for the naval guns, the battleships can smother the forts and will alarm the turkish infantry as to that tenderest part of an army--its rear. so i may say that all are in full agreement,--a blessing. have cabled home begging for more engineers, a lot of hand grenades, trench mortars, periscopes and tools. the barbed wire bothers me! am specially keen about trench mortars; if it comes to close fighting on the peninsula with its restricted area trench mortars may make up for our lack of artillery and especially of howitzers. luckily, they can be turned out quickly. _ rd march, . h.m.s. "franconia."_ at a.m. general d'amade and his staff came aboard. d'amade had been kept yesterday by his own pressing business from attending the conference. i have read him these notes and have shown him my cable of yesterday to lord k. in which i say that "the french commander is equally convinced that a move to alexandria is a practical necessity, although a point of honour makes it impossible for him to suggest turning his back to the turks to his own government." but, i say, "he will be enchanted if they give him the order." d'amade says i have not quite correctly represented his views. not fantastic honour, he says, caused him to say we had better, for a while, hold on, but rather the sense of prestige. he thought the departure of the troops following so closely on the heels of the naval repulse would have a bad moral effect on the balkans. but he agrees that, in practice, the move has now become imperative; the animals are dying; the men are overcrowded, whilst mudros is impossible as a base. my cable, therefore, may stand. at o'clock he, birdie and myself landed to inspect a battalion of australians ( th battalion of the rd brigade). i made them carry out a little attack on a row of windmills, and really, they did not show much more imagination over the business than did don quixote in a similar encounter. but the men are superb specimens. some of the troop transports left harbour for egypt during the afternoon. bad to see these transports sailing the wrong way. what a d----d pity! is what every soldier here feels--and says. but to look on the bright side, our fellows will be twice as well trained to boat work, and twice as well equipped by the time the th turn up, and by then the weather will be more settled. as d'amade said too, it will be worth a great deal to us if the french troops get a chance of working a little over the ground together with their british comrades before they go shoulder to shoulder against the common enemy. all the same, if i had my men and guns handy, i'd rather get at the turks quick than be sure of good weather and good _band-o-bast_ and be sure also of a well-prepared enemy. in the afternoon braithwaite brought me a draft cable for lord k. _re_ yesterday's conference. i have approved. in it i say, "on the thoroughness with which i can make the preliminary arrangements, of which the proper allocation of troops, etc., to transports is not the least important, the success of my plans will largely depend." therefore, i am going to alexandria, as a convenient place for this work and, "the turks will be kept busy meanwhile by the admiral." _ th march, . h.m.s. "franconia."_ d'amade and staff came aboard at a.m. he has got leave to move and will sail to alexandria forthwith. roger keyes from the flagship came shortly afterward. he is sick as a she-bear robbed of her cubs that his pets: battleships, t.b.s, destroyers, submarines, etc., should have to wait for the army. well, we are not to blame! keyes has been shown my cables to k. and is pleased with them. he accepts the fact, i think, that the army must tackle the mobile artillery of the turks before the navy can expect to silence the light guns protecting the mine fields and then clear out the mines with the present type of mine sweeper. but the admiral's going to fix up the mine sweeper question while we are away. once he has done that, keyes believes the fleet can knock out the forts; wipe out the protective batteries and sweep up the mines quite comfortably. he said one illuminating and encouraging thing to braithwaite; viz., that he had never felt so possessed of the power of the navy to force a passage through the narrows as in the small hours of the th when he got back to the flagship after trying in vain to salve the _ocean_ and the _irresistible_. keyes brought me a first class letter from the admiral--very much to the point:-- "h.m.s. _q.e._ _ th march, ._ "my dear general, "i hear the authorities at 'home' have been sending hastening telegrams to you. they most unfortunately did the same to us and probably if our work had been slower and more thorough it would have been better. if only they were on the _spot_, they would realise that to hurry would write failure. in my very humble opinion, good co-operation and organisation means everything for the future. a great triumph is much better than scraping through and poor results! we are entirely with you and can be relied on to give any assistance in our power. we will not be idle! "believe me, "yours sincerely, (_sd._) "j.m. de robeck." - . admiral thursby (just arrived with the _queen_ and _implacable_) came to make his salaams. we served together at malta and both broke sinews in our calves playing lawn tennis--a bond of union. have cabled to lord k. telling him i am just off to alexandria. have said that the ruling factor of my date of landing must be the arrival of the th division "(see para. of your formal instructions to me the foresight of which appeals to me with double force now we are at close quarters with the problem[ ])." i have pointed out that birdwood's australians are very weak in artillery; that the naval division has none at all and that the guns of the th division make that body even more indispensable than he had probably realised. i would very much like to add that these are no times for infantry divisions minus artillery seeing that they ought to have three times the pre-war complement of guns, but braithwaite's good advice has prevailed. as promised at the conference i express a hope that i may be allowed "to complete birdwood's new zealand division with a brigade of gurkhas who would work admirably in the terrain" of the peninsula. in view of what we have gathered from keyes, i wind up by saying, "the admiral, whose confidence in the navy seems to have been raised even higher by recent events, and who is a thruster if ever there was one, is in agreement with this telegram." actually keyes will show him a copy; we will wait one hour before sending it off and, if we don't hear then, we may take it de robeck will have endorsed the purport. of course, if he does not agree the last sentence must come out, and he will have to put his own points to the admiralty. _later_.--have sent doughty wylie to athens to do "intelligence": the cable was approved by navy; duly despatched; and now--up anchor! chapter iii egypt _ th march, . h.m.s. "franconia." at sea._ a fine smooth sea and a flowing tide. have written to k. and mr. asquith. number two has caused me _fikr_.[ ] the p.m. lives in another plane from us soldiers. so it came quite easily to his lips to ask _me_ to write to him,--a high honour, likewise an order. but k. is my soldier chief. as c.-in-c. in india he refused point blank to write letters to autocratic john morley behind the back of the viceroy, and morley never forgave him. k. told me this himself and he told me also that he resented the correspondence which was, he knew, being carried on, behind his (k.'s) back, between the army in france and his (k.'s) own political boss: that sort of action was, he considered, calculated to undermine authority. i have had a long talk with braithwaite _re_ this quandary. he strongly holds that my first duty is to k. and that it is for us a question of k. and no one but k. were the s. of s. only a civilian (instead of being a field marshal) the case _might_ admit of argument; as things are, it does not. so have written the p.m. on these lines and shall send k. the carbons of all my letters to him. to k. himself i have written backing up my cable and begging for a brigade of gurkhas. really, it is like going up to a tiger and asking for a small slice of venison: i remember only too well his warning not to make his position impossible by pressing for troops, etc., but egypt is not england; the westerners don't want the gurkhas who are too short to fit into their trenches and, last but not least, our landing is not going to be the simple, row-as-you-please he once pictured. the situation in fact, is not in the least what he supposed it to be when i started; therefore, i am justified, i think, in making this appeal:--"i am very anxious, if possible, to get a brigade of gurkhas, so as to complete the new zealand divisional organisation with a type of man who will, i am certain, be most valuable on the gallipoli peninsula. the scrubby hillsides on the south-west face of the plateau are just the sort of terrain where those little fellows are at their brilliant best. there is already a small indian commissariat attached to the mountain batteries, so there would be no trouble on the score of supply." "as you may imagine, i have no wish to ask for anything the giving of which would seriously weaken our hold on egypt, but you will remember that four mounted brigades belonging to birdwood's force are being left behind to look after the land of the pharaohs, and a mounted brigade for a battalion seems a fair exchange. egypt, in fact, so far as i can make out, seems stiff with troops, and each little gurkha might be worth his full weight in gold at gallipoli." wrote fitz in much the same sense:--"we are desperately keen to extract a gurkha brigade out of egypt and you might lend a hand, not only to us, but to all your own sikh and dogra regiments, by making k. see that the indian army was never given a dog's chance in the mudholes. they were benumbed: _it was not their show_. here, in the warm sun; pitted against the hereditary _dushman_[ ] who comes on shouting 'allah!' they would gain much _izzat_.[ ] _now mind_, if you see any chance of an indian contingent for constantinople, do everyone a good turn by rubbing these ideas into k." braithwaite has already picked up a number of useful hints from roger keyes. his old friendship with the commodore should be a help. keyes is a fine fellow; radiating resolve to do and vigour to carry through--hereditary qualities. his mother, of whom he is an ugly likeness, was as high-spirited, fascinating, clever a creature as ever i saw. camel riding, hawking, dancing, making good _band-o-bast_ for a picnic, she was always at the top of the hunt; the idol of the punjab frontier force. his father, sir charles, grim old paladin of the marshes, whose loss of several fingers from a sword cut earned him my special boyish veneration, was really the devil of a fellow. my first flutter out of the sheltered nest of safe england into the outer sphere of battle, murder and sudden death, took place under the auspices of that warrior so famouséd in fight when i was aged twenty. riding together in the early morning from the mud fort of dera ismail khan towards the mountain of sheikh budin, we suddenly barged into a mob of wild waziri tribesmen who jumped out of the ditch and held us up--hand on bridle. the old general spoke pushtu fluently, and there was a parley, begun by him, ordinarily the most silent of mankind. where were they going to? to buy camels at dera ghazi khan. how far had they come? three days' march; but they had no money. the general simulated amazement--"you have come all that distance to buy camels without money? those are strange tales you tell me. i fear when you pass through dera ismail you will have to raise the wind by selling your nice pistols and knives: oh yes, i see them quite well; they are peeping at me from under your poshteens." the waziris laughed and took their hands off our reins. instantly, the general shouted to me, "come on--gallop!" and in less than no time we were going hell for leather along the lonely frontier road towards our next relay of horses. "that was a narrow squeak," said the general, "but _you may take liberties with a waziri if only you can make him laugh_." _ th march, . h.m. . "franconia." at sea._ inspected troops on board. a keen, likely looking lot. all naval division; living monuments, these fellows, to winston churchill's contempt for convention. reached port said about . p.m. nipped into a "special" which seems to have become my "ordinary" vehicle and left for cairo. opened despatches from london. "bullet-proof lighters cannot be provided." "i quite agree that the th division with its artillery is necessary." not a word about the gurkhas. arrived at p.m., and was met by maxwell. _ th march, cairo._ working hard at headquarters all day till . p.m., when i made my salaam to the sultan at the abdin palace. a real generals' dinner--what we used to call a _burra khana_--at maxwell's hospitable board:-- general birdwood, general godley, general bridges, general douglas, general braithwaite, myself. _ th march, . cairo._ inspected east lancashire division and a yeomanry brigade (westminster dragoons and herts). how i envied maxwell these beautiful troops. they will only be eating their heads off here, with summer coming up and the desert getting as dry as a bone. the lancashire men especially are eye-openers. how on earth have they managed to pick up the swank and devil-may-care airs of crack regulars? they _are_ regulars, only they are bigger, more effective specimens than manchester mills or east lancashire mines can spare us for the regular service in peace time. anyway, no soldier need wish to see a finer lot. on them has descended the mantle of my old comrades[ ] of elandslaagte and caesar's camp, and worthily beyond doubt they will wear it. [illustration: lieut.-gen. the rt. hon. sir j. g. maxwell, g.c.b., k.c.m.g.] the enthusiasm of the natives was a pleasing part of the show. during four years of egyptian inspections i recall no single instance of any manifestation of friendliness to our troops, or even of interest in them, by gyppies. but the territorials seem, somehow, to have conquered their goodwill. as each stalwart company swung past there was a spontaneous effervescence of waving hands along the crowded street and murmurs of applause from bedouins, blacks and fellaheen. maxwell will have a fit if i ask for them! he will fall down in a fit, i am sure. already he is vexed at my having cabled and written lord k. for _his_ (maxwell's) brigade of gurkhas. to him i appear careless of his (maxwell's) position and of the narrowness of his margin of safety. for the life of him k. can't help putting his lieutenants into this particular cart. the same old story as the eight small columns in the western transvaal: co-equal and each thinking his own beat on the veldt the only critical spot in south africa: and the funny thing is that maxwell was then running the base at vryberg and i was in command in the field! but _there_ my word was law; _here_ maxwell is entirely independent of me, which is as much as to say, that the feet are not under control of the head; i.e., that the expedition must move like a drunken man. that is my fear: maxwell will do what lies in him to help, but in action it is better to order than to ask. grand lunch at the abdin palace with the sultan. most of the cabinet present. the sultan spoke french well and seems clever as well as most gracious and friendly. he assured me that the turkish forts at the dardanelles were absolutely impregnable. the words "absolute" and "impregnable" don't impress me overmuch. they are only human opinions used to gloss over flaws in the human knowledge or will. nothing is impregnable either--that's a sure thing. no reasons were given me by his highness. have just written home about these things: midnight. _ th march, . . p.m. palace hotel, alexandria._ early start to the mena camp to see the australians. a devil of a blinding storm gave a foretaste of dust to dust. that was when they were marching past, but afterwards i inspected the infantry at close quarters, taking a good look at each man and speaking to hundreds. many had been at my inspections in their own country a year ago, but most were new hands who had never worn uniform till they 'listed for the war. the troops then marched back to camp in mass of quarter columns--or rather swept by like a huge yellow cloud at the heart of which sparkled thousands of bayonets. next i reviewed the artillery, engineers and cavalry; winding up with the overhaul of the supply and transport column. this took time, and i had to make the motor travel getting across twelve miles or so to inspect a mixed division of australians and new zealanders at heliopolis. godley commanded. great fun seeing him again. these fellows made a real good show; superb physique: numbers of old friends especially amongst the new zealanders. another scurry in the motor to catch the . for alexandria. tiring day if i had it in my mind to be tired, but this , crowd of birdwood's would straighten up the back of a pacifist. there is a bravery in their air--a keenness upon their clean cut features--they are spoiling for a scrap! where they have sprung from it is hard to say. not in brisbane, adelaide, sydney, melbourne or perth--no, nor in dunedin, christchurch, wellington or auckland, did i meet specimens like unto these. the spirit of war has breathed its fires into their hearts; the drill sergeant has taken thought and has added one cubit to their stature. d'amade has just been to make me known to a couple of frenchmen about to join my staff. they seem to be nice fellows. the french have been here some days and they are getting on well. hunter-weston landed this morning; his first batch of transports are in the harbour. i am to see the french troops in four days' time; hunter-weston's th division on the fifth day. neither commander has yet worked out how long it will take before he has reloaded his transports. they declare it takes three times as long to repack a ship loaded at haphazard as it would have taken to have loaded her on a system in the first instance. six days per ship is their notion of what they can do, but i trust to improve a bit on that. hunter-weston had written me a letter from malta (just to hand) putting it down in black and white that we have not a reasonable prospect of success. he seemed keen and sanguine when we met and made no reference to this letter: so it comes in now as rather a startler. but it is best to have the black points thrust upon one's notice beforehand--so long always as i keep it fixed in the back of my mind that there was never yet a great thought or a great deed which was not cried down as unreasonable before the fact by a number of reasonable people! _ th march, . alexandria._ have just dictated a long letter to lord k. in the course of which i have forced myself to say something which may cause the great man annoyance. i feel it is up to me to risk that. one thing--he knows i am not one of those rotters who ask for more than they can possibly be given so that, if things go wrong, they may complain of their tools. i have promised k. to help him by keeping my demands down to bedrock necessities. i make no demand for ammunition on the france and flanders scale but--we must have _some_! there must be a depot somewhere within hail. here is the crucial para.:-- "i realise how hard up you must be for ammunition, but i hope the m.g.o. will have by now put in hand the building up of some reserves at our base in alexandria. if our batteries or battalions now serving in france run short, something, at a pinch, can always be scraped together in england and issued to them within hours. here it would be a question of almost as many days, and, if it were to turn out that we have a long and severe struggle, with no reserves nearer us than woolwich--well--it would not be pleasant! moreover the number of howitzers, guns and rifles in france is so enormous that it is morally impossible they should all be hotly engaged at the same time. thus they automatically form their own reserves. in other words, a force possessing only ten howitzers ought to have at least twice the reserves of a force possessing a hundred howitzers. so at least it seems to me." in the same letter i tell him about "birdwood's crowd" and of their splendid physique; their growing sense of discipline, their exceeding great keenness, and wind up by saying that, given a fair chance, they will, for certain, "render a very good account of themselves." confabs with d'amade and hunter-weston. hunter-weston's "appreciation" of the situation at the dardanelles is to be treated as an _ad interim_ paper; he wrote it, he says now, without the fuller knowledge he is daily acquiring--knowledge which is tending to make him more sanguine. his stay at malta and his talks with officers there had greatly impressed him with the hardness of the nut we have to try and crack; so much so that his paper suggests an indefinite putting off of the attempt to throw open the straits. i asked him if he had laid his view before k. in london and he said, no; that he had not then come to it and that he had not definitely come to it now. d'amade's own inclinations would have led him to asia. when he left france he did not know he was to be under me and he had made up his mind to land at adramiti. but now he waives all preconceived ideas and is keen to throw himself heart and soul into lord k.'s ideas and mine. he would rather i did not even refer to his former views as he sees they are expressly barred by the tenor of my instructions. the french are working to time in getting ship-shape. the th division are arriving up to date and about one-third of them have landed. we are fixing up our gear for floating and other piers and are trying to improvise ways and means of coping with the water problem--this ugly nightmare of a water problem. the question of the carriage and storage of water for thousands of men and horses over a roadless, mainly waterless track of country should have been tackled before we left england. to solve these conundrums we have had to recreate for ourselves a special field service system of food, water and ammunition supply. as an instance we have had to re-organise baggage sections of trains and fit up store ships as substitutes for additional ammunition columns and parks. we are getting on fairly fast with our work of telling off troops to transports so that each boat load of men landed will be, so to say, on its own; victualled, watered and munitioned. but it takes some doing. greatly handicapped by absence of any administrative, or q. staff. the general staff are working double shifts, at a task for which they have never been trained:-- it's a way we have in the aaarmy! it's a way we have in the naaaavy!! it's a way we have in the eeeeeempire!!! that nobody can deny!!!! what would my friends on the japanese general staff say--or my quondam friends on the german general staff--if they knew that a commander-in-chief had been for a fortnight in touch with his troops, engaged with them upon a huge administrative job, and that he had not one administrative staff officer to help him, but was willynilly using his general staff for the work? they would say "mad englishmen" and this time they would be right. the british public services are poisoned by two enormous fallacies: (_a_) if a man does well in one business, he will do equally well or better in another; (_b_) if a man does badly in one business he will do equally badly or worse in another. there is nothing beyond a vague, floating reputation or public opinion to enable a new minister to know his subordinates. the germans have tabulated the experiences and deficiencies of our leaders, active and potential, in peace and war--we have not! every british general of any note is analysed, characterised and turned inside out in the bureau records of the great german general staff in berlin. we only attempt anything of that sort with burglars. my own portrait is in those archives and is very good if not very flattering; so a german who had read it has told me. this is organisation: this is business; but official circles in england are so remote in their methods from these particular notions of business that i must turn to a big newspaper shop to let anyone even begin to understand what it is to run q. business with a g.s. team. suppose lord northcliffe decided to embark upon a journalistic campaign in canada and that his scheme turned upon time; that it was a question of northcliffe catching time by the forelock or of time laying northcliffe by the heels. suppose, further, that he had no first-hand knowledge of canada and had decided to place the conduct of the campaign in the hands of his brother who would spy out the land; choose the best site; buy a building; order the printing press; engage hands and start the paper. well; what staff would he send with him? a couple of leader writers, a trio of special correspondents and half a dozen reporters? probably; but would there not also be berths taken in the cunarder for a manager trained in the business side of journalism? quite a fair way of putting the present case, although, on the other side, it is also fair to add that british officers have usually had to play so many parts in the charade of square pegs in round holes, that they can catch a hold anywhere, at any time, and carry on somehow. _ st march, . alexandria._--quill driving and dictating. have made several remonstrances lately at the way mcmahon is permitting the egyptian press to betray our intentions, numbers, etc. it is almost incredible and maxwell doesn't see his way clear to interfere. for the last day or two they have been telling the turks openly where we are bound for. so i have written mcmahon the following:-- "general headquarters, " rue el caied gohar, "alexandria, / / . "dear high commissioner, "i was somewhat startled a couple of mornings ago by an article in the _egyptian gazette_ giving away the arrival of the french troops, and making open references to the gallipoli peninsula. the very frankness of such communications may of course mislead the turk into thinking we mean thereby to take his mind off some other place which is our real objective, but i doubt it. he knows our usual methods too well. "consequently as it is very important at least to throw him into some state of bewilderment as to our movements, i propose sending the following cable to lord kitchener:-- "'whether of set purpose or through inadvertence articles have appeared in egyptian press openly discussing arrival of french and british troops and naming gallipoli as their destination. is there any political objection to my cautiously spreading rumour that our true objective is, say, smyrna?' "before i despatch the wire, however, i think i should like you to see it, in case you have any objections. i have all the facilities for spreading any rumour i like through my intelligence branch, which would be less suspected than information leaking out from political sources. "could you kindly send me a wire on receipt of this? "yours sincerely, (_sd._) "ian hamilton." "i only propose to ask lord k. in case there may be political reasons why i should not select any particular place about which to spread a rumour of our landing." forgot to note a step taken yesterday--to nowhere perhaps--perhaps to constantinople. yesterday the _doris_ brought me a copy of a long cable sent by winston to de robeck six days ago, together with a copy of the v.a.'s reply. the first lord is clearly in favour of the fleet going on knocking the forts to pieces whilst the army are getting on with their preparations; clearly also he thinks that, under rough handling from q.e. & co., the turkish resistance might at any moment collapse. then we should sail through as per lord k.'s programme. well; nothing would suit me so well. if we are to have an opposed landing better kill two birds with one stone and land bang upon the bosphorus. the nearer to the heart i can strike my first blow, the more telling it will be. cable puts the case very well. winston hits the nail on the head, so it seems to me, when he points out that the navy is not tied to the apron strings of the army but that it is the other way about: i.e., if the fleet makes another big push whilst we are getting ready, they can still fall back on the combined show with us if they fail; whereas, if they succeed they will save us all the loss of life and energy implied by an opposed landing at the dardanelles. certainly braithwaite and i had understood that de robeck would work to that end; that this is what he was driving at when he said he would not be idle but would keep the turks busy whilst we were getting ready. nothing will induce me to volunteer opinions on naval affairs. but de robeck's reply to winston might be read as if i _had_ expressed an opinion, so i am bound to clear up that point--definitely. "_from_ general sir ian hamilton. "_to_ vice-admiral sir john de robeck. "copy of number from admiralty received aaa i had already communicated outline of our plan to lord kitchener and am pushing on preparations as fast as possible aaa war office still seems to cherish hope that you may break through without landing troops aaa therefore, as regards yourself i think wisest procedure will be to push on systematically though not recklessly in attack on forts aaa it is always possible that opposition may crumple up aaa if you should succeed be sure to leave light cruisers enough to see me through my military attack in the event of that being after all necessary aaa if you do not succeed then i think we quite understand one another aaa "ian hamilton." _ st april, . alexandria._ the _arcadian_ has arrived bringing my a.g. and q.m.g. with the second echelon of the staff. god be praised for this immense relief! the general staff can now turn to their legitimate business--the enemy, instead of struggling night and day with a.g. and q.m.g. affairs; allocating troops and transports; preparing for water supply; tackling questions of procedure and discipline. we are all sorry for the q. staff who, through no fault of their own, have been late for the fair, _their_ special fair, the preparation, and find the show is practically over. on paper at least, the australians and new zealanders and the th division are properly fixed up. we should begin embarking these formations within the next three days. after that will come the naval division from port said and the french division from here. _ nd april, . alexandria._ hard at it all day in office. am leaving to-night by special train for port said to hurry things along. a cable in from the foreign office telling me that the russian part of my force consists of a complete army corps under general istomine--evidently war and foreign offices still work in watertight compartments! left alexandria last night at and came into port said at dawn. after breakfast mounted an arab charger which seems to have emerged out of the desert to meet my wishes just as do special trains and banquets: as if i wore on my finger the magic ring of the arabian fairy tale: so i do i suppose, in the command it has pleased k., imperial grand vizier, to bestow upon this humble but lively speck of dust. mounting we cantered through the heavy sand towards the parade ground near the docks. here, like a wall, stood winston's far-famed naval division drawn up in its battle array. general paris received me backed by olivant and staff. after my inspection the division marched past, and marched past very well indeed, much better than they did when i saw them some months ago in kent, although the sand was against them, muffling the stamp of feet which binds a company together and telling unevenly on different parts of the line. admiral pierce and his flag captain, burmeister, honoured the occasion: they were on foot and so, not to elevate the stature of the army above that of the senior service, i took the salute dismounted. next had a look round camp. found things so, so. saw arthur asquith and rupert brooke of the howe battalion, both sick, neither bad. asked brooke to join my personal staff, not as a fire insurance (seeing what happened to ronnie brooke at elandslaagte and to ava at waggon hill) but still as enabling me to keep an eye on the most distinguished of the georgians. young brooke replied, as a _preux chevalier_ would naturally reply,--he realised the privileges he was foregoing, but he felt bound to do the landing shoulder-to-shoulder with his comrades. he looked extraordinarily handsome, quite a knightly presence, stretched out there on the sand with the only world that counts at his feet. lunched on the _franconia_ and conversed with lieutenant-colonel matthews and major mewes of the plymouth battalion; also with major palmer. to see with your eyes; to hear with your ears; to touch with your fingers enables you to bring the truth home to yourself. five minutes of that personal touch tells a man more than five weeks of report reading. in five minutes i gained from these officers five times more knowledge about sedd-el-bahr and kum kale than all their own bald despatches describing their own landings and cutting-out enterprises had given me. paris' account had not helped me much either, the reason being that it was not first hand,--was only so many words that he had heard,--was not what he had _felt_. now, i do really, at last and for the first time, realistically grasp the lie of the land and of the turks. the prospect is not too rosy, but wolfe, i daresay, saw blue as he gazed over the water at his problem, without map or general staff plan to help him. there lay quebec; within cannon shot; but that enemy was thrice his strength; entrenched in a fortress--there they lay confident--a landing was "impossible!" but all things are possible--to faith. he had faith in pitt; faith in his own bright particular star; faith in the british fleet standing resolute at his back:--he launched his attack; he got badly beaten at the landing; he pulled himself together; he met a thousand and one mishaps and delays, and when, at the long last, he fell, he had the plum in his pocket. the turks lie close within a few yards of the water's edge on the peninsula. matthews smiled sarcastically at the war office idea that no turks can exist south of achi baba! at sedd-el-bahr, the first houses are empty, being open to the fire of the fleet, but the best part of the other houses are defiladed by the ground and a month ago they were held. glad i did not lose a minute after seeing the ground in asking maxwell and methuen to make me some trench mortars. methuen says he can't help, but maxwell's ordnance people have already fixed up a sample or two--rough things, but better than nothing. we have too little shrapnel to be able to spare any for cutting entanglements. trench mortars may help where the fleet can't bring their guns to bear. the thought of all that barbed wire tucked away into the folds of the ground by the shore follows me about like my shadow. left port said for kantara and got there in half an hour. general cox, an old indian friend of the days when i was a.d.c. to sir fred., met me at the station. he commands the indian troops in egypt. we nipped into a launch on the canal, and crossed over to inspect the companies of the nelson, drake, howe and anson battalions in their fort, whilst cox hurried off to fix up a parade of his own. the indian brigade were drawn up under brigadier-general mercer. after inspection, the troops marched past headed by the band of the th sikhs. no one not a soldier can understand what it means to an old soldier who began fighting in the afghan war under roberts of kandahar to be in touch once again with sikhs and gurkhas, those splendid knights-errant of india. after about eighteen years' silence, i thought my hindustani would fail me, but the words seemed to drop down from heaven on to my tongue. am able now to understand the astonishment of st. paul when he found himself jabbering nineteen to the dozen in lingo, greek to him till then. but he at least was exempt from my worst terror which was that at any moment i might burst into german! after our little _durbar_, the men were dismissed to their lines and i walked back to the fort. there i suddenly ordered the alarm to be sounded (i had not told anyone of my intention) so the swift yet smooth fall-in to danger posts was a feather in cox's helmet. back to main camp and there saw troops not manning the fort. there were the:-- queen victoria's own sappers captain hogg, r.e., th punjabis colonel harding, th punjabis colonel campbell, th k.g.o. sikhs colonel palin, st bn. th gurkhas colonel bruce, th mountain battery and the bikaner camel corps major bruce. had a second good talk to the native officers, shaking hands all round. much struck with the turn-out of the th mountain battery which is to come along with the australian and new zealand army corps to the dardanelles. from the platform of the fort the lines of our defences and the way the turks attacked them stood out very clearly to a pair of field glasses. why, with so many mounted men some effort was not made to harry the enemy's retreat, cox cannot tell me. there were no trenches and the desert had no limits. _now_ (in the train on my way back to alexandria) i must have one more try at k. about these gurkhas! my official cable and letter asking for the gurkha brigade have fallen upon stony ground. no notice of any sort has been vouchsafed to my modest request. has _any_ action been taken upon them? possibly the matter has been referred to maxwell for opinion? if so, he has said nothing about it, which does not promise well. cox has heard nothing from cairo; only no end of camp rumours. most likely k. is vexed with me for asking for these troops at all, and thinks i am already forgetting his warning not to put him in the cart by asking for too many things. france must not be made jealous and egypt ditto, i suppose. i cannot possibly repeat my official cable and my demi-official letter. the whole is _most_ disappointing. here is cox and here are his men, absolutely wasted and frightfully keen to come. there are the dardanelles short-handed; there is the new zealand division short of a brigade. if surplus and deficit had the same common denominator, say "k." or "g.s." they would wipe themselves out to the instant simplification of the problem. as it is, they are kept on separate sheets of paper; too many troops too few troops maxwell hamilton * * * * * have just finished dictating a letter to k., giving him an account of my inspection of the indian troops and of how "they made my mouth water, especially the th gurkhas." i ask him if i could not anyway have _them_ "as a sort of escort to the mountain battery," and go on to say, "the desert is drying up, cox tells me; such water as there is is becoming more and more brackish and undrinkable; and no other serious raid, in his opinion, will be possible this summer." i might have added that once we open the ball at the dardanelles the old turks must dance to our tune, and draw in their troops for the defence of constantinople but it does not do to be too instructive to one's grandmother. so there it is: i have done the best i can. _ th april, . alexandria._ busy day in office. things beginning to hum. a marvellous case of "two great minds." k. has proffered his advice upon the tactical problem, and how it should be dealt with, and, as i have just cabled in answer, "no need to send you my plan as you have got it in one, even down to details, only i have not shells enough to cut through barbed wire with my field guns or howitzers." i say also, "i should much like to have some hint as to my future supply of gun and rifle ammunition. the naval division has only rounds per rifle and the th division only rounds which means running it fine." what might seem, to a civilian, a marvellous case of coincidence or telepathy were he ever to compare my completed plan with k.'s cabled suggestion is really one more instance of the identity of procedure born of a common doctrine between two soldiers who have worked a great deal together. given the same facts the odds are in favour of these facts being seen eye to eye by each. forgot to note that mcmahon answered my letter of the st personally, on the telephone, saying he had no objection to my cabling k. or spreading any reports i liked through my intelligence, but that he is not keeper of the _egyptian gazette_ and must not quarrel with it as egypt is not at war! no wonder he prefers the telephone to the telegram i begged him to send me if he makes these sort of answers. egypt is in the war area and, if it were not, mcmahon can do anything he likes. the _gazette_ continues to publish full details of our actions and my only hope is that the turks will not be able to believe in folly so incredible. _ th april, . alexandria._ motored after early breakfast to french headquarters at the victoria college. here i was met by d'amade and an escort of cuirassiers, and, getting on to my australian horse, trotted off to parade. coming on to the ground, the french trumpeters blew a lively fanfare which was followed by a roll of drums. never was so picturesque a parade, the verdict of one who can let his mind rove back through the military pageants of india, russia, japan, germany, austria, switzerland, china, canada, u.s.a., australia, and new zealand. yes, alexandria has seen some pretty shows in its time; cleopatra had an eye to effect and so, too, had the great napoleon. but i doubt whether the townsfolk have ever seen anything to equal the _coup d'oeil_ engineered by d'amade. under an eastern sun the colours of the french uniforms, gaudy in themselves, ran riot, and the troops had surely been posted by one who was an artist in more than soldiering. where the yellow sand was broken by a number of small conical knolls with here and there a group, and here and there a line, of waving palms, there, on the knolls, were clustered the mountain batteries and the batteries of mitrailleuses. the horse, foot and guns were drawn up, infantry in front, cavalry in rear, and the field artillery--the famous s--at right angles. infantry of the line in grey; zouaves in blue and red; senegalese wore dark blue and the foreign legion blue-grey. the cavalry rode arabs and barbs mostly white stallions; they wore pale blue tunics and bright scarlet breeches. i rode down the lines of infantry first and then galloped through the heavy sand to the right of the cavalry and inspected them, by d'amade's request, at a trot, winding up with the six batteries of artillery. on reaching the saluting base, i was introduced to the french minister whilst d'amade presented colours to two regiments ( th régiment de marche d'afrique and the th colonial regiment) making a short and eloquent speech. he then took command of the parade and marched past me at the head of his forces. were all the houris of paradise waving lily hands on the one side, and were these french soldiers on the other side, i would give my cold shoulder to the houris. the cavalry swung along at the trot to the cadence of the trumpets and to the clink-clank and glitter of steel. the beautiful, high-stepping barbs; the trembling of the earth beneath their hoofs; the banner streaming; the swordsmen of france sweeping past the saluting base; breaking into the gallop; sounding the charge; charging; _ventre à terre_; out into the desert where, in an instant, they were snatched from our sight and changed into a pillar of dust! high, high soared our hopes. jerusalem--constantinople? no limit to what these soldiers may achieve. the thought passed through the massed spectators and set enthusiasm coursing through their veins. loudly they cheered; hats off; and hurrah for the infantry! hurrah, hurrah for the cavalry!! hurrah, hurrah, hurrah for the s!!! at the end i said a few farewell words to the french minister and then galloped off with d'amade. the bystanders gave us, too, the warmest greetings, the bulk of them (french and greek) calling out "d'amade!" and the britishers also shouting all sorts of things at the pitch of their voices. almost lost my temper with woodward, my new a.g., and this was the thusness thereof:-- time presses: k. prods us from the rear: the admiral from the front. to their eyes we seem to be dallying amidst the fleshpots of egypt whereas, really, we are struggling like drowning mariners in a sea of chaos; chaos in the offices; chaos on the ships; chaos in the camps; chaos along the wharves; chaos half seas over rolling down the seven sisters road. the powers of maxwell as c.-in-c., egypt; of the sultan and mcmahon, high commissioner of egypt, and of myself, c.-in-c., m.e.f., not to speak of the powers of our police civil and military, have all to be defined and wheeled into line. we cannot go rushing off into space leaving pandemonium behind us as our base! i know these things from a very long experience. braithwaite believes in the principle as a student and ex-teacher of students. and yet that call to the front! we've _got_ to tackle the landing scheme on the spot and quick. luckily the problems at alexandria are _all_ non-tactical; pure a.g. and q.m.g. staff questions; whereas, at present, the problems awaiting me at the dardanelles are mainly tactical; g.s. questions. so i am going to treat g.h.q. as solomon threatened to treat the baby; i.e., leave the administrative staff here until they knock their pidgin more or less into shape and send off the g.s. to pluck _their_ pidgin at the straits. the q. people have still to commandeer offices for woodward's men, three quarters of whom stay here permanently to do the casualty work; they have to formulate a local code of discipline; take up buildings for base hospitals and arrange for their personnel and equipment; outline their schemes for getting sick and wounded back from the front; finish up the loading of the ships, etc., etc., etc., _ad infinitum_. whilst the q. staff are thus pulling their full weight, the g. staff will sail off quickly and put their heads together with the admiral and his staff. as to myself, i'm off: i cannot afford to lose more time in getting into touch with the sailors, and the scene of action. all was well until the commander-in-chief said he was going, but that moment arose the good old trouble--the trouble which muddled our start for the relief of chitral and ruined the tirah campaign. everyone wants to rush off to the excitement of the firing line--(a spasm usually cured by the first hard fight), and to leave the hum-drum business of the base and line of communication to shift for itself. braithwaite, of all people, was good natured enough to plead for the administration. he came to tell me that it might tend towards goodwill amongst the charmed circle of g.h.q. if even now, at the eleventh hour, i would sweeten woodward by bringing him along. i said, yes, if he, braithwaite, would stand surety that he, woodward, had fixed up his base hospitals and third echelon, but if not, no! next came woodward himself. with great pertinacity he represented that his subordinates could do all that had to be done at the base. he says he speaks for the q.m.g., as well as for the director general of medical services, and that they all want to accompany me on my reconnaissance of the coasts of the peninsula. i was a little sharp with him. these heads of departments think they must be sitting in the c.-in-c.'s pocket lest they lose caste. but i say the departments must be where their work lies, or else the c.-in-c. will lose caste, and luckily he can still put his own staff where he will. finally, i agreed to take with me the assistant to the director of medical services to advise his own chief as to the local bearings of his scheme for clearing out the sick and wounded; the others stay here until they get their several shows into working order, and with that my a.g. had fain to be content. d'amade and two or three frenchmen are dining with me to-night. sir john maxwell has just arrived. _ th april, . alexandria._ started out at . with d'amade and sir john to review the mounted troops of the th division. we first saw them march down the road in column of route. what a contrast between these solid looking men on their magnificent weight-carrying horses and our wiry little allies on their barbs and arabs. the r.h.a. were superb. after seeing the troops i motored to mex camp and inspected the th and th infantry brigades. there was a strong wind blowing which tried to spoil the show, but could not--that infantry was too superb! alexander, hannibal, caesar, napoleon; not one of them had the handling of legionaries like these. the fusilier brigade were the heavier. if we don't win, i won't be able to put it on the men. maxwell left at p.m. for cairo. i have pressed him hard about cox's indian brigade and told him of my conversation with cox himself and of how keen all ranks of the brigade are to come. no use. he expects, so he says, a big attack on the canal any moment; he has heard nothing from k.; the fact that k. has ignored my direct appeal to him shows he would not approve, etc., etc., etc. all this is just the line i myself would probably take--i admit it--if asked by another general to part with my troops. the arrangement whereby i have to sponge on maxwell for men if i want them is a detestable arrangement. at the last he consented to cable k. direct on the point himself and then he is to let me know. two things are quite certain; the brigade are not wanted in egypt. old campaigners versed in egyptian war lore tell me that the drying up of the wells must put the lid on to any move across the desert until the winter rains, and, apart from this, how in the name of the beard of their own false prophet can the turks attack egypt whilst we are at the gates of constantinople? but if the brigade are not wanted on the canal, we are bound to be the better for them at the dardanelles, whatever course matters there may take. concentration is the cue! the german or japanese general staffs would tumble to these truths and act upon them presto. k. sees them too, but nothing can overcome his passion for playing off one commander against another, whereby k. of k. keeps all reins in his hands and remains sole arbiter between them. birdwood has just turned up. we're off to-morrow evening. 'phoned maxwell last thing telling him to be sure not to forget to jog k.'s elbow about cox and his gurkhas. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian." p.m._ d'amade looked in to say good-bye. on my way down to the harbour i overhauled the assyrian jewish refugee mule corps at the wardian camp. their commander, author of that thrilling shocker, "the man-killers of tsavo," finds assyrians and mules rather a mouthful and is going to tabloid bipeds and quadrupeds into "the zion corps." the mules look very fit; so do the assyrians and, although i did not notice that their cohorts were gleaming with purple or gold, they may help us to those habiliments: they may, in fact, serve as ground bait to entice the big jew journalists and bankers towards our cause; the former will lend us the colour, the latter the coin. anyway, so far as i can, i mean to give the chosen people a chance. got aboard at . , but owing to some hitch in the arrangements for filling up our tanks with fresh water, we are held up and won't get off until to-morrow morning. if there drops a gnat into the ointment of the general, be sure there are ten thousand flies stinking the ointment of the troops. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian."_ sailing free to the northwards. a fine day and a smooth sea. what would not richard coeur de lion or napoleon have given for the _arcadian_ to take them to st. jean d'acre and jerusalem? as we were clearing harbour a letter was brought out to us by a launch: "union club, "alexandria. "the following telephone received from general maxwell, cairo:--your message re cox, i will do my best to meet your wishes. will you in your turn assist me in getting the seaplanes arriving here in _ganges_? i have wired to admiral de robeck, i want them badly, so please help me if you can. "_forwarded by_ admiral robinson." cutlet for cutlet! i wish it had occurred to me sooner to do a deal with some aeroplanes. but, then i have none. no matter: i should have promised him de robeck's! south africa repeats itself! egypt and mudros are not one but two. maxwell and i are co-equal allies; _not_ a combine under a boss! chapter iv clearing for action _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian."_ isles of the aegean; one more lovely than the other; weather warm; wireless off; a great ship steaming fast towards a great adventure--why do i walk up and down the deck feeling a ton's weight of trouble weighing down upon my shoulders? never till to-day has solicitude become painful. this is the fault of birdwood, hunter-weston and paris. i read their "appreciations of the situation" some days ago, but until to-day i have not had the unbroken hour needed to digest them. birdwood begins by excusing himself in advance against any charge of vacillation. at our first meeting he said he was convinced our best plan would be to go for the south of the gallipoli peninsula. now he has, in fact, very much shifted his ground under the influence of a new consideration, "(which i only learned after leaving lemnos) that the turks now have guns or howitzers on the asiatic side which could actually command our transports should they anchor off morto bay." "as i told you," he says, "after thinking it out thoroughly, i was convinced our best plan would be to go for the south of the gallipoli peninsula," but now he continues, he finds his staff "all seem to be keen on a landing somewhere between saros bay and enos. for this i have no use, as though i think we should doubtless be able to effect a landing there pretty easily, yet i do not see that we shall be any 'forrarder' by doing so. we might put ourselves in front of the bulair lines, but there would be far less object in attacking them and working south-west with the navy only partially able to help us, than by working up from the other end with the navy on either flank." birdwood himself rather inclines towards a landing on the asiatic side, for preference somewhere south of tenedos. the attractive part of his idea is that if we did this the turks must withdraw most of their mobile artillery from the peninsula to meet us, which would give the navy just the opportunity they require for mine-sweeping and so forcing the narrows forthwith. they know they can give the superstition of old forts being stronger than new ships its quietus if only they can clear a passage through the minefield. there are forts and forts, ships and ships, no doubt. but from what we have done already the sailors know that our ships here can knock out those forts here. but first they must tackle the light guns which protect the minefield from the sweepers. birdwood seems to think we might dominate the peninsula from the country round chunuk. in his p.s. he suggests that anyway, if we are beaten off in our attempt to land on the peninsula we may have this asiatic scheme in our mind as a second string. disembarkation plans already made would "probably be suitable _anywhere_ with very slight modifications. we might perhaps even think of this--if we try the other first and can't pull it off?" in my answer, i say i am still for taking the shortest, most direct route to my objective, the narrows. first, because "i have no roving commission to conquer asia minor." my instructions deny me the whole of that country when they lay down as a principle that "the occupation of the asiatic side by military forces is to be strongly deprecated." secondly, because i agree that a landing between saros bay and enos would leave us no "forrarder." there we should be attacked in front from rodosto; in flank from adrianople; in rear from bulair; whilst, as we advanced, we would lose touch with the fleet. but if our scheme is to be based on severance from the fleet we must delay another month or six weeks to collect pack transport. thirdly, the asiatic side _does not_ dominate the peninsula whereas the kilid bahr plateau _does_ dominate the asiatic narrows. fourthly, the whole point of our being here is to work hand-in-glove with the fleet. we are here to help get the fleet through the dardanelles in the first instance and to help the russians to take constantinople in the second. the war office, the admiralty, the vice-admiral and the french commander-in-chief all agree now that the peninsula is the best place for our first step towards these objects. hunter-weston's appreciation, written on his way out at malta, is a masterly piece of work. he understands clearly that our true objective is to let our warships through the narrows to attack constantinople. "the immediate object," he says, "of operations in the dardanelles is to enable our warships, with the necessary colliers and other unarmoured supply ships--without which capital ships cannot maintain themselves--to pass through the straits in order to attack constantinople." and again:-- "it is evident that land operations at this stage must be directed entirely towards assisting the fleet; and no operations should be commenced unless it is clear that their result will be to enable our warships, with their necessary colliers, etc., to have the use of the straits." the fleet, he holds, cannot do this without our help because of:-- ( ). improvement of the defences. ( ). the mobile howitzers. ( ). the leon floating mines. things being so, he sets himself to consider how far the army can help, in the light of the following premises:-- "the turkish army having been warned by our early bombardments and by the landings carried out some time ago, has concentrated a large force in and near the gallipoli peninsula." "it has converted the peninsula into an entrenched camp, has, under german direction, made several lines of entrenchments covering the landing places, with concealed machine gun emplacements and land mines on the beach; and has put in concealed positions guns and howitzers capable of covering the landing places and approaches with their fire." "the turkish army in the peninsula is being supplied and reinforced from the asiatic side and from the sea of marmora and is not dependent on the isthmus of bulair. the passage of the isthmus of bulair by troops and supplies at night cannot be denied by the guns of our fleet." after estimates of our forces and of the difficulties they may expect to encounter, hunter-weston comes to the conclusion that, "the only landing places worth serious consideration are: "( ). those near cape suvla, ( ). those near cape helles." of these two he advises helles, because:--"the fleet can also surround this end of the peninsula and bring a concentrated fire on any turks holding it. we, therefore, should be able to make sure of securing the achi baba position." also, because our force is too weak to hold the big country round suvla bay and at the same time operate against kilid bahr. if this landing at helles is successful, he considers the probable further course of the operations. broadly, he thinks that we are so short of ammunition and particularly of high explosive shell that there is every prospect of our getting tied up on an extended line across the peninsula in front of the kilid bahr trenches. should the enemy submarines arrive we should be "up a tree." the cards in the game of life are the characters of men. staking on those cards i take my own opinions--always. but when we play the game of death, things are our counters--guns, rivers, shells, bread, roads, forests, ships--and in totting up the values of these my friend hunter-weston has very few equals in the army. therefore, his conclusion depresses me very much, but not so much as it would have done had i not seen him. for certainly during his conference on the th march with d'amade and myself he never said or implied in any way that under conditions as he found them and as they were then set before him, there was no reasonable prospect of success:--quite the contrary. here are the conclusions as written at malta:-- "conclusion. the information available goes to show that if this expedition had been carefully and secretly prepared in england, france and egypt, and the naval and military details of organisation, equipment and disembarkation carefully worked out by the general staff and the naval war staff, and if no bombardment or other warning had been given till the troops, landing gear, etc., were all ready and despatched, (the troops from england ostensibly for service in egypt and those in egypt ostensibly for service in france) the capture of the gallipoli peninsula and the forcing of the dardanelles would have been successful. "von der goltz is reported to have visited the dardanelles on th february and before that date it appears that very little had been done. "now big guns have been brought from chatalja, adrianople and elsewhere,--roads have been made,--heavy movable armaments provided,--troops and machine guns have been poured into the peninsula,--several lines of trenches have been dug,--every landing place has been trenched and mined, and all that clever german officers under von der goltz can design, and hard working diggers like the turks can carry out, has been done to make the peninsula impregnable. "the prizes of success in this expedition are very great. "it was indeed the most hopeful method of finishing the war. "no loss would be too heavy and no risks too great if thereby success would be attained. "but if the views expressed in this paper be sound, there is not in present circumstances a reasonable chance of success. (the views are founded on the information available to the writer at the time of leaving malta, and may be modified by further information at first hand on arrival at force head quarters.) "the return of the expedition when it has gone so far will cause discontent, much talk, and some laughter; will confirm roumania and greece in the wisdom of their neutrality, and will impair the power of our valuable friend m. venezelos. it will be a heavy blow to all of us soldiers, and will need great strength and moral courage on the part of the commander and government. "but it will not do irreparable harm to our cause, whereas to attempt a landing and fail to secure a passage through the dardanelles would be a disaster to the empire. "the threat of invasion by the allies is evidently having considerable effect on the balkan states. "it is therefore advisable to continue our preparations;--to train our troops for landing, and to get our expedition properly equipped and organised for this difficult operation of war; so as to be ready to take advantage of any opportunity for successful action that may occur. "but i would repeat; no action should be taken unless it has been carefully thought out in all its possibilities and details and unless there is a reasonable _probability_ of success. "a. hunter-weston, m.g." paris's appreciation gives no very clear lead. "the enemy is of strength unknown," he says, "but within striking distance there must be , ." he also lays stress on the point that the enemy are expecting us--"surprise is now impossible--.... the difficulties are now increased a hundredfold.... to land would be difficult enough if surprise was possible but hazardous in the extreme under present conditions." he discusses gaba tepe as a landing place; also smyrna, and bulair. on the whole, he favours sedd-el-bahr as it "is the only place where transports could come in close and where the actual landing may be unopposed. it is open to question whether a landing could be effected elsewhere. with the aid of the fleet it may be possible to land near cape helles almost unopposed and an advance of ten miles would enormously facilitate the landing of the remainder south of gaba tepe." the truth is, every one of these fellows agrees in his heart with old von der goltz, the berlin experts, and the sultan of egypt that the landing is impossible. well, we shall see, d.v., we shall see!! one thing is certain: we must work up our preparations to the _n_th degree of perfection: the impossible can only be overborne by the unprecedented; i.e., by an original method or idea. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ cast anchor at a.m. after breakfast went on board the _queen elizabeth_ where braithwaite and i worked for three hours with admiral de robeck, admiral wemyss and commodore roger keyes. last time the admiral made the running; to-day it was my turn for i had to unfold my scheme and go through it point by point with the sailors. but first i felt it my duty to read out the appreciations of hunter-weston, birdwood and paris. then i gave them my own view that history had never offered any nation so clean cut a chance of bringing off an immeasurably big coup as she had done by putting our fleet and army precisely where it was at present on the map of the war world. half that unique chance had already been muddled away by the lack of secrecy and swiftness in our methods. with check mate within our grasp we had given two moves to the enemy. still, perhaps; nay, probably, there was time. were we to prolong hesitation, or, were we, now that we had done the best we could with the means under our hands, to go boldly forward? here was the great issue: there was no use discussing detail until the principle was settled. by god's mercy the vice-admiral, wemyss and keyes were all quite clear and quite determined. they rejected bulair; they rejected asia; most of all they spurned the thought of further delay or of hanging about hoping for something to turn up. so i then told them my plan. the more, i said, i had pondered over the map and reflected upon the character, probable numbers and supposed positions of the enemy, the more convinced i had become that the first and foremost step towards a victorious landing was to upset the equilibrium of liman von sanders, the enemy commander who has succeeded djavad in the command of the fifth army. i must try to move so that he should be unable to concentrate either his mind or his men against us. here i was handicapped by having no knowledge of my opponent whereas the german general staff is certain to have transferred the "life-like picture" schröder told me they had of me to constantinople. still, sea power and the mobility it confers is a great help, and we ought to be able to rattle the enemy however imperturbable may be his nature and whatever he knows about us if we throw every man we can carry in our small craft in one simultaneous rush against selected points, whilst using all the balance in feints against other likely places. prudence here is entirely out of place. there will be and can be no reconnaissance, no half measures, no tentatives. several cautious proposals have been set before me but this is neither the time nor the place for paddling about the shore putting one foot on to the beaches with the idea of drawing it back again if it happens to alight upon a land mine. no; we've got to take a good run at the peninsula and jump plump on--both feet together. at a given moment we must plunge and stake everything on the one hazard. i would like to land my whole force in one,--like a hammer stroke--with the fullest violence of its mass effect--as close as i can to my objective, the kilid bahr plateau. but, apart from lack of small craft, the thing cannot be done; the beach space is so cramped that the men and their stores could not be put ashore. i have to separate my forces and the effect of momentum, which cannot be produced by cohesion, must be reproduced by the simultaneous nature of the movement. from the south, achi baba mountain is our first point of attack, and the direct move against it will start from the beaches at cape helles and sedd-el-bahr. as it is believed that the turks are there in some force to oppose us, envelopment will be attempted by landing detachments in morto bay and opposite krithia village. at the same time, also, the a. and n.z. corps will land between gaba tepe and fisherman's hut to try and seize the high backbone of the peninsula and cut the line of retreat of the enemy on the kilid bahr plateau. in any case, the move is bound to interfere with the movements of turkish reinforcements towards the toe of the peninsula. while these real attacks are taking place upon the foot and at the waist of the peninsula, the knife will be flourished at its neck. transports containing troops which cannot be landed during the first two days must sail up to bulair; make as much splash as they can with their small boats and try to provide matter for alarm wires to constantinople and the enemy's chief. so much for europe. asia is forbidden but i hold myself free, as a measure of battle tactics, to take half a step troywards. the french are to land a brigade at kum kale (perhaps a regiment may do) so as, first, to draw the fire of any enemy big guns which can range morto bay; secondly, to prevent turkish troops being shipped across the narrows. with luck, then, within the space of an hour, the enemy chief will be beset by a series of s.o.s. signals. over an area of miles, from five or six places; from krithia and morto bay; from gaba tepe; from bulair and from kum kale in asia, as well as, if the french can manage it, from besika bay, the cables will pour in. i reckon liman von sanders will not dare concentrate and that he will fight with his local troops only for the first forty-eight hours. but what is the number of these local troops? alas, there is the doubtful point. we think forty thousand rifles and a hundred guns, but, if my scheme comes off, not a tenth of them should be south of achi baba for the first two days. hints have been thrown out that we are asking the french cat to pull the hottest chestnut out of the fire. not at all. at kum kale, with their own ships at their back, and the deep mendere river to their front, d'amade's men should easily be able to hold their own for a day or two,--all that we ask of them. the backbone of my enterprise is the th division. at dawn i intend to land the covering force of that division at sedd-el-bahr, cape helles and, d.v., in morto bay. i tack my d.v. on to morto bay because the transports will there be under fire from asia unless the french succeed in silencing the guns about troy or in diverting their aim. whether then our transports can stick it or not is uncertain, like everything else in war, only more so. they must if they can and if they can they must; that is all that can be said at present. as to the effort to be made to envelop the enemy's right flank along the coast between helles and krithia, i have not yet quite fixed on the exact spot, but i am personally bent upon having it done as even a small force so landed should threaten the line of retreat and tend to shake the confidence of any turks resisting us at the southernmost point. some think these cliffs along that north-west coast unclimbable, but i am sure our fellows will manage to scramble up, and i think their losses should be less in doing so than in making the more easy seeming lodgment at sedd-el-bahr or helles. the more broken and precipitous the glacis, the more the ground leading up to the objective is dead. the guns of the fleet can clear the crest of the cliffs and the strip of sand at their foot should then be as healthy as brighton. if the turks down at helles are nervous, even a handful landing behind their first line (stretching from the old castle northwards to the coast) should make them begin to look over their shoulders. as to the a. and n.z. landing, that will be of the nature of a strong feint, which may, and we hope will, develop into the real thing. my general staff have marked out on the maps a good circular holding position, starting from fisherman's hut in the north round along the upper spurs of the high ridges and following them down to where they reach the sea, a little way above gaba tepe. if only birdwood can seize this line and fix himself there for a bit, he should in due course be able to push on forward to kojah dere whence he will be able to choke the turks on the southern part of the peninsula with a closer grip and a more deadly than we could ever hope to exercise from far away bulair. we are bound to suffer serious loss from concealed guns, both on the sea and also during the first part of our landing before we can win ground for our guns. that is part of the hardness of the nut. the landings at gaba tepe and to the south will between them take up all our small craft and launches. so i am unable to throw the naval division into action at the first go off. they will man the transports that sail to make a show at bulair. this is the substance of my opening remarks at the meeting: discussion followed, and, at the end, the navy signified full approval. neither de robeck, wemyss nor roger keyes are men to buy pigs in pokes; they wanted to know all about it and to be quite sure they could play their part in the programme. their agreement is all the more precious. they (the admirals and the commodore) are also, i fancy, happier in their minds now that they know for sure what we soldiers are after. rumours had been busy in the fleet that we were shaping our course for bulair. had that been the basis of my plan, we should have come to loggerheads, i think. as it is, the sailors seem eager to meet us in every possible way. so now we've got to get our orders out. on maps and charts the scheme may look neat and simple. on land and water, the trouble will begin and only by the closest thought and prevision will we find ourselves in a position to cope with it. to throw so many men ashore in so short a time in the teeth of so rapid a current on to a few cramped beaches; to take the chances of finding drinking water and of a smooth sea; these elemental hazards alone would suffice to give a man grey hairs were we practising a manoeuvre exercise on the peaceful essex coast. so much thought; so much _band-o-bast_; so much dove-tailing and welding together of naval and military methods, signals, technical words, etc., and the worst punishment should any link in the composite chain give way. and then--taking success for granted--on the top of all this--comes the turk; "unspeakable" he used to be, "unknowable" now. but we shall give him a startler too. if only our plans come off the turk won't have time to turn; much less to bring into play all the clever moves foreseen for him by some whose stomachs for the fight have been satisfied by their appreciation of its dangers. units of the th division have been coming along in their transports all day. the bay is alive with ships. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian."_ one of those exquisite days when the sunlight penetrates to the heart. admiral guépratte, commanding the french fleet, called at . and in due course i returned his visit, when i was electrified to find at his cabin door no common sentry but a beefeater armed with a large battleaxe, dating from about the period of charlemagne. the admiral lives quite in the old style and is a delightful personage; very gay and very eager for a chance to measure himself against the enemy. guépratte, though he knows nothing officially, believes that his government are holding up their sleeve a second french division ear-marked gallipoli! but why bottle up trumps; trumps worth a king's ransome, or a kaiser's? he gives twice who gives quickly (in peace); he gives tenfold who gives quickly (in war). the devil of it is the french dare not cable home to ask questions, and as for myself, i have not been much encouraged--so far! during the afternoon admirals de robeck and wemyss came on board to work together with the general staff on technical details. they too have heard these rumours about the second french division, and wemyss is in dismay at the thought of having to squeeze more ships into mudros harbour. his anxiety has given me exactly the excuse i wanted, so i have dropped this fly just in front of k.'s nose, telling him that "there are persistent rumours here amongst the french that general d'amade's command is to be joined by another french division. just in case there is truth in the report you should know that mudros harbour is as full as it will hold until our dash for the peninsula has been made." we will see what he says. if the division exists, then the naval people will recommend bizerta for their base; the ships can sail right up to the peninsula from there and land right away until things on lemnos and tenedos have shaken themselves down. our first taube: it passed over the harbour at a great height. one of our lumbering seaplanes went up after it like an owl in sunlight, but could rise no higher than the masts of the fleet. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ the _queen elizabeth_ has been having some trouble with her engines and in the battle of the th was only able to use one of her propellers. now she has been overhauled and the admiral has asked me to come on board for her steam trials. these are to take place along the coastline of the peninsula and i have got leave to bring with me a party selected from divisions and brigades. so when i went aboard this morning at . there were about thirty-five officers present. starting at once, we steamed at great pace half way up the gulf of saros and about o'clock turned to go back, slowing down and closing in to let me take a second good look at the coast. our studies were enlivened by an amusing incident. nearing cape helles, the _queen elizabeth_ went astern, so as to test her reverse turbines. the enemy, who must have been watching us like a mouse does a cat, had the ill-luck to select just this moment to salute us with a couple of shells. as they had been allowing for our speed they were ludicrously out of it, the shot striking the water half a mile ahead. we then lay off cape helles whilst a very careful survey of the whole of that section was being made. the turks, disgusted by their own bad aim, did not fire again. on our way back we passed three fakes, old liners painted up, funnelled and armed with dummy guns to take off the _tiger_, the _inflexible_ and the _indomitable_. riding at anchor there, they had quite the man-o'-war air and if they draw the teeth of enemy submarines (their torpedoes), as they are meant to do, the artists should be given decorations. at p.m. dropped anchor and i transhipped myself to the _arcadian_. birdwood and hunter-weston had turned up during the day; the latter dined and is now more sanguine than myself. he has been getting to know his new command better and he says that he did not appreciate the th division when he wrote his appreciation! _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian."_ heavy squalls of rain and wind last night. _band-o-bast_ badly upset; boats also bottoms upwards and at dawn--here in harbour--we found ourselves clean cut off from the shore. what a ticklish affair the great landing is going to be! how much at the mercy of the winds and waves! aeolus and neptune have hardly lost power since greeks and trojans made history out yonder! have sent k. an electrical pick-me-up saying that the height of the _queen elizabeth_ fire control station had enabled me to see the lie of the land better than on my previous reconnaissance, and that, given good luck, we hope to get ashore without too great a loss. in the afternoon the wind moderated and i spent an hour or two watching practice landings by senegalese. our delay is loss, but yet not clear loss; that's a sure thing. these niggy-wigs were as awkward as golly-wogs in the boats. every extra hour's practice will save some lives by teaching them how to make short work of the ugliest bit of their job. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian," lemnos._ a day so exquisitely lovely that it should be chronicled in deathless verse. but we gaze at the glassy sea and turn to the deep blue cloudless sky, victory our only thought. colonel dick, king's messenger, has arrived bringing letters up to rd instant. or rather, he was supposed to have brought them, and it was hoped the abundance of his intelligence would have borne some relation to the cost of his journey,--about £ it has been reckoned. as a matter of fact, apart from some rubbish, he brings _one_ letter for me; none for any of the others. not even a file of newspapers; not even a newspaper! in india many, many years ago, we used to call dick _burra dik haì_, hindustani for, _it is a great worry_. so he is only playing up to his sobriquet. the little ewe lamb is an epistle from fitz giving me a lively sketch of the rumpus at the war office when its pontiffs grasped for the first time the true bearing of their own orders. there was a rush to saddle poor us with the delay as soon as the cabinet began to show impatience. they seem to have expected the th division to arrive at top speed in a united squadron to rush straightway ashore. they don't yet quite realise, i daresay, that not one of their lovely ships has yet put in an appearance. that the men who packed the transports and fixed their time tables should say we are too slow is hardly playing the game. never lose your hair: that is a good soldier's motto. my cable of last night, wherein i tried to calm their minds by telling them the sea was rough and that, even if every one had been here with gaiter buttons complete, i must have waited for a change in the weather, has answered fitz's letter by anticipation. worked all day in my office like a nigger and by mid-day had got almost as black as my simile! we are coaling and life has grown dark and noisy. in the middle of it, ashmead-bartlett came aboard to see me. he has his quarters on the _queen elizabeth_ as one of the admiralty authorised press correspondents, or rather, as the only authorised correspondent. in manchuria he was known and his writing was well liked. when he had gone, de robeck and i put through a good lot of business very smoothly. a little later on, captain ivanoff, commanding h.i.m.s. _askold_, (a russian cruiser well-known to fame in manchurian days), did me the honour to call. after lunch went ashore and saw parties of australians at embarking and disembarking drill. colonel paterson, the very man who bear-led me on tour during my australian inspection, was keeping an eye on the "boys." the work of the australians and senegalese gave us a good object lesson of the relative brain capacities of the two races. next i went and inspected the armoured car section of the royal naval division under lieutenant-commander wedgwood. he is a mighty queer chap. took active part in the south african war. afterwards became a pacifist m.p.; here he is again with war paint and tomahawk. give me a pacifist in peace and a jingo in war. too often it is the other way about. all this took me on to . p.m. and when i came back on board, hunter-weston was here. he has been out since last night on h.m.s. _dartmouth_ to inspect the various landing places. his whole tone about the expedition has been transformed. now he has become the most sanguine of us all. he has great hopes that we shall have achi baba in our hands by sunset on the day of landing. if so he thinks we need have no fear for the future. all is worked out now and i do not quite see how we could improve upon our scheme with the means at our disposal. if these "means" included a larger number of boats and steam launches, then certainly, by strengthening our forces on either flank, viz., at morto bay (where we are sending only one battalion) and at a landing under the cliffs a mile west of krithia (where we are sending one battalion), we should greatly better our chances. also, a battery of field guns attached to the morto bay column, and a couple of mountain guns added to the krithia column would add to our prospects of making a real big scoop. but we cannot spare the sea transport except by too much weakening and delaying the landing at the point of the peninsula; nor dare i leave myself without any reserve under my own hand. i am inclined, all the same, to squeeze one marine battalion out of the naval division to strengthen our threat to krithia. hunter-weston will be in executive command of everything south of achi baba; birdwood of everything to the north. i went very closely with hunter-weston into the question of a day or night attack. my own leanings are in favour of the first boat-loads getting ashore before break of dawn, but hunter-weston is clear and strong for daylight. there is a very strong current running round the point; the exact lie of the beaches is unknown and he thinks the confusion inseparable from any landing will be so aggravated by attempting it in the dark that he had rather face the losses the men in boats must suffer from aimed fire. executively he is responsible and he is backed by his naval associates. birdwood, on the other hand, is of one mind with me and is going to get his first boat-loads ashore before it is light enough to aim. he has no current to trouble him, it is true, but he is not landing on any surveyed beach and the opposition he will meet with is even more unknown than in the case of helles and sedd-el-bahr. when a sportsman goes shark fishing, he should beware lest he be mistaken for the bait. gaily i cast my fly over k. and now he has snapped off my head. that story about a second french division was false. k. merely quotes the number of my question and adds, "the rumour is baseless." well, "_tant pis_," as guépratte would say with a shrug of his shoulders. our first step won't have the weight behind it we had permitted ourselves for some hours to hope. _everywhere_ the first is the step that counts but _nowhere_ more so than in an oriental war. now that the french division has been snuffed out, how about the grand duke nicholas, general istomine and their russian divisions? are they also to prove phantoms? certainly, in some form or another, they ought to be brought into our scheme and, even if only at a distance, bring some pressure to bear upon the turks at the time of our opening move. i think my best way of getting into touch will be by wireless from de robeck to the russian admiral in the black sea. dick dines, also birdwood. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ boarded h.m.s. _dublin_ (captain kelly) at . this morning, where admiral de robeck met me. sailed at once and dropped anchor off tenedos at noon. landed and made a close inspection of the aerodrome where we were taken round by two young friends of mine, commander samson and captain davies, naval air service. by a queer fluke these are the very two men with whom i did my very first flight! on that never to be forgotten day samson took up winston and davies took me. like mallards we shot over the medway and saw the battleships as if they were little children's playthings far away down below us. now the children are going to use their pretty toys and will make a nice noise with them in the world. after lunch spent the best part of two hours in a small cottage with samson and keyes trying to digest the honey brought back by our busy aeroplane bees from their various flights over gallipoli. the admiral went off on some other naval quest. samson and davies are fliers of the first water--and not only in the air. they carry the whole technique of their job at their finger tips. the result of k.'s washing his hands of the air is that the admiralty run that element entirely. samson is boss. he has brought with him two maurice farmans and three b.e. s. the maurice farmans with h.p. renaults; the b.e. s with renaults. these five machines are good although one of the b.e. s is dead old. also, he brought eight henri farmans with gnome engines. he took them because they were new and there was nothing else new; but they are no use for war. two b.e. c.s with renaults: these are absolutely useless as they won't take a passenger. one broguet h.p. canton engine; won't fly. two sopwith scouts: gnome engines; very old and can't be used owing to weakness of engine mounting. one very old but still useful maurice farman with canton engine. that is the demnition total and it pans out at five serviceable aeroplanes for the army. there are also some seaplanes with us but they are not under samson, and are purely for naval purposes. amongst those are two good "shorts," but the others are no use, they say, being wrong type and underpowered. the total nominal strength of samson's corps is eleven pilots and one hundred and twenty men. as everyone knows, no corps or service is ever up to its nominal strength; least of all an air corps. the dangerous shortage is that in two-seater aeroplanes as we want our air service now for spotting and reconnaissances. if, _after_ that requirement had been met, we had only a bombing force at our disposal, the gallipoli peninsula, being a very limited space with only one road and two or three harbours on it, could probably be made untenable. commander samson's estimate of a minimum force for this "stunt," as he calls our great enterprise, is good two-seater machines; fighters; pilots and men. so equipped he reckons he could take the peninsula by himself and save us all a vast lot of trouble. but, strange as it may seem, flying is not my "stunt." i dare not even mention the word "aeroplane" to k., and i have cut myself off from correspondence with winston. i did this thing deliberately as braithwaite reminds me every time i am tempted to sit down and unbosom myself to one who would sympathise and lend us a hand if he could: in truth, i am torn in two about this; but i still feel it is wiser and better so; not only from the k. point of view but also from de robeck's. he (de robeck) might be quite glad i should write once to winston on one subject but he would never be sure afterwards i was not writing on others. on the way back i spoke to the admiral, but i don't know whether he will write himself or not. ventured also a little bit out of my own element in another direction, and begged him not to put off sending the submarine through the straits until the day of our landing, but to let her go directly she was ready. he does not agree. he has an idea (i hope a premonition) that the submarine will catch enver hurrying down to the scene of action if we wait till the day of the attack. even more than in the fleet i find in the air service the profound conviction that, if they could only get into direct touch with winston churchill, all would be well. their faith in the first lord is, in every sense, _touching_. but they can't get the contact and they are thoroughly imbued with the idea that the sea lords are at the best half-hearted; at the worst, actively antagonistic to us and to the whole of our enterprise. the photographs, etc., i have studied make it only too clear that the turks have not let the grass grow under their feet since the first bombardment; the peninsula, in fact, is better defended than it was. _per contra_ the momentum, precision, swiftness and staying power of our actual attack will be at least twice as great now as it would have been at the end of march. returned to lemnos about . p.m. while we were away my staff got aboard the destroyer _colne_ and steamed in her to the mouth of the dardanelles. there the whole precious load of red tabs transshipped to h.m.s. _triumph_ (captain fitzmaurice), who forthwith took up her station opposite morto bay and began firing salvos with her -inch guns at the trenches on the face of the hill. at first the staff watched the show with much enjoyment from the bridge, but when howitzers from the asiatic side began to lob shell over the ship, the captain hustled them all into the conning tower. the turks seem to have shot pretty straight. the first three fell fifty yards short of the ship; the fourth shell about twenty yards over her. the next three got home. one cut plumb through the bridge (where all my brains had been playing about two minutes previously) and burst on the deck just outside the conning tower. some cordite cartridges were lying outside of it and these went off with a great flare. another struck the funnel and the third came in on the waterline. fifteen more shells were then fired with just a little bit too much elevation and passed over. only two men were wounded,--fractured legs. captain fitzmaurice now decided that honour and dignity were satisfied and so fell back slowly towards cape helles to try the effect of his guns on the barbed wire entanglements. a good deal of ammunition was expended but only one hit on the entanglement was registered, and that did not seem to do any harm. the fire was described to me as inaccurate. the fact is, as was agreed between the two services at malta, the whole principle of naval gunnery is different from the principles of garrison or field artillery shooting. before they will be much good at landmarks, the sailors will have to take lessons in the art. passed a very interesting evening, every one excited, i with my aeroplane reports; the staff with the powder they had smelt. two of the australian commanding officers dined and i showed them the aerial photographs of the enemy trenches, etc. the face of one of them grew very long; so long, in fact, that i feared he was afraid; for i own these photos are frightening. so i said, "you don't seem to like the look of that barbed wire, colonel?" to which he replied, "i was worrying how and where i would feed and water the prisoners." _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ spent the forenoon in interviews beginning at a.m. with de robeck and mr. fitzmaurice, late dragoman at the embassy at constantinople. mr. fitzmaurice says the turks will put up a great fight at the dardanelles. they had believed in the british navy, and, a month ago, they were shaking in their shoes. but they had not believed in the british army or that a body so infinitely small would be so saucy as to attack them on their own chosen ground. even now, he says, they can hardly credit their spies, or their eyes, and it ought to be easy enough to make them think all this is a blind, and that we are really going to smyrna or adramiti. they are fond of saying, "if the english are fools enough to enter our mouth we only have to close it." enver especially brags he will make very short work with us if we set foot so near to the heart of his empire, and gives it out that the whole of us will be marching through the streets of constantinople, not as conquerors, but as prisoners, within a week from the date of our making the attempt. all the same, despite this bragging, the turks realise that if we were to get the fleet through the narrows; or, if it were to force its own way through whilst we absorb the attention of their mobile guns, the game would be up. so they are straining every nerve to be ready for anything. the moral of all these rather contradictory remarks is just what i have said time and again since south africa. the fact that war has become a highly scientific business should not blind us to the other fact that its roots still draw their nutriment from primitive feelings and methods; the feelings and methods of boy scouts and red indians. it is a huge handicap to us here that our great men keep all their tricks for their political friends and have none to spare for their natural enemies. there has been very little attempt to disguise our aims in england, and maxwell and mcmahon in egypt have allowed their press to report every arrival of french and british troops, and to announce openly that we are about to attack at gallipoli. i have protested and reported the matter to k. but nothing in the strategic sphere can be done now although, in the tactical sphere, we have several deceptions ready for them. colonel napier, military attaché at sofia, and braithwaite came in after these pseudo-secrets had been discussed and joined in the conversation. i doubt whether either fitzmaurice or napier have solid information as to what is in front of us, and their yarns about balkan politics are neither here nor there. john bull is quite out of his depth in the defiles of the balkans. with just so much pull over the bulk of my compatriots as has been given me by my having spent a little time with their armies, i may say that the balkan nations loathe and mistrust one another to so great a degree that it is sheer waste of time to think of roping them all in on our side, as fitzmaurice and napier seem to propose. we may get greece to join us, and russia may get roumania to join her--_if we win here_--but then we make an enemy of bulgaria, and _vice versa_. if they will unearth my report at the war office they will see that, at that time, one bulgarian battalion of infantry was worth two battalions of roumanian infantry--which may be a help to them in making their choice. the balkan problem is so intricate that it must be simply handled. the simple thing is to pay your money and pick the best card, knowing you can't have a full hand. so let us have no more beating about the bush and may we be inspired to make use of the big boom this expedition has given to great britain in the balkans to pick out a partner straightway. birdie came later and we took stock together of ways and means. we see eye to eye now on every point. just before lunch we heard the transport _manitou_ had been attacked by a turkish torpedo boat from smyrna. the first wireless came in saying the enemy had made a bad shot and only a few men had been drowned lowering the boats. admiral rosy wemyss and hope, the flag-captain, of the q.e. were my guests and naturally they were greatly perturbed. late in the evening we heard that the turkish t.b. had been chased by our destroyers and had run ashore on a greek island where she was destroyed (international laws notwithstanding) by our landing parties. at . p.m. hunter-weston came along and i had the best part of an hour with him. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ hunter-weston came over early to finish off business left undone last night. admiral wemyss also took part in our discussions over the landing. picture puzzles are child's play compared with this game of working an unheard of number of craft to and fro, in and out, of little bits of beaches. at mid-day the _manitou_ steamed into harbour and colonel peel, commander of the troops, came on board and reported fully to me about the attack by the turkish torpedo boat. the turks seem to have behaved quite decently giving our men time to get into their boats and steaming some distance off whilst they did so. during the interval the turks must have got wind of british warships, for they rushed back in a great hurry and fired torpedoes at so short a range that they passed under the ship. very exciting, we were told, watching them dart beneath the keel through the crystal clear water. i can well believe it. went ashore in the afternoon to watch the australian artillery embark. spoke to a lot of the men, some of whom had met me during my tour through australia last year. general paris came to see me this evening. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ working all morning in office. in the afternoon inspected embarkation of some howitzers. d'amade turned up later from the _southland_. we went over the landing at kum kale. he is in full sympathy and understands. winter, woodward and their administrative staffs also arrived in the _southland_ and have taken up their quarters on this ship. they report everything fixed up at alexandria before they sailed. we are all together now and their coming will be a great relief to the general staff. quite hot to-day. sea dead smooth. the usual ebb and flow of visitors. saw the three corps commanders and many staff officers. we are rather on wires now that the time is drawing near; woodward, though he has only been here one night, is on barbed wires. his cabin is next the signallers and he could not get to sleep. he wants some medical detachments sent up post haste from alexandria. i have agreed to cable for them and now he is more calm. a big pow-wow on the "q.e." (d'amade, birdie, hunter-weston, godley, bridges, guépratte, thursby, wemyss, phillimore, vyvian, dent, loring), whereat the rd was fixed for our attack and the naval landing orders were read and fully threshed out. i did not attend as the meeting was rather for the purpose of going point by point into orders already approved in principle than of starting any fresh hares. staff officers who have only had to do with land operations would be surprised, i am sure, at the amount of original thinking and improvisation demanded by a landing operation. the naval and military beach personnel is in itself a very big and intricate business which has no place in ordinary soldier tactics. the diagrams of the ships and transports; the lists of tows; the action of the destroyers; tugs; lighters; signal arrangements for combined operations: these are unfamiliar subjects and need very careful fitting in. braithwaite came back and reported all serene; everyone keen and cooperating very loyally. d'amade has now received the formal letter i wrote him yesterday after my interview and sees his way clear about kum kale. went ashore in the afternoon and saw big landing by australians, who took mules and donkeys with them and got them in and out of lighters. these australians are shaping into marines in double quick time and cairo high jinks are wild oats sown and buried. where everyone wants to do well and to do it in the same way, discipline goes down as slick as mother's milk. action is a discipline in itself. the three officers forming the french mission to my headquarters made salaams, viz., captain bertier de sauvigny, lieutenant pelliot and lieutenant de la borde. the first is a man of the world, with manners suave and distinguished; the second is a savant and knows the habits of obscure and out of the way people. what de la borde's points may be, i do not know: he is a frank, good looking young fellow and spoke perfect english. _ th april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ a big wind rose in the night. a clerk from my central office at the horse guards developed small pox this morning. no doubt he has been in some rotten hole in alexandria and this is the result,--a disgusting one to all of us as we have had to be vaccinated. ready now, but so long as the wind blows, we have to twiddle our thumbs. got the full text of d'amades' orders for his kum kale landing as well as for the besika bay make-believe. _ st april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ blowing big guns. the event with which old mother time is in labour is so big that her pains are prodigious and prolonged out of all nature. so near are we now to our opening that the storm means a twenty four hours' delay. have issued my orders to the troops. yesterday our plans were but plans. to-day the irrevocable steps out on to the stage. general headquarters, _ st april, ._ _soldiers of france and of the king._ before us lies an adventure unprecedented in modern war. together with our comrades of the fleet, we are about to force a landing upon an open beach in face of positions which have been vaunted by our enemies as impregnable. the landing will be made good, by the help of god and the navy; the positions will be stormed, and the war brought one step nearer to a glorious close. "remember," said lord kitchener when bidding adieu to your commander, "remember, once you set foot upon the gallipoli peninsula, you must fight the thing through to a finish." the whole world will be watching your progress. let us prove our selves worthy of the great feat of arms entrusted to us. ian hamilton, _general_. _ nd april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ wind worse than ever, but weather brighter. another twenty four hours' delay. russian military attaché from athens (makalinsky) came to see me at . p.m. he cannot give me much idea of how the minds of the athenians are working. he says our russian troops are of the very best. delay is the worst nerve-cracker. charley burn, king's messenger, came; with him a captain coddan, to be liaison between me and istomine's russians. the king sends his blessing. special order, general headquarters, _ nd april, ._ the following gracious message has been received to-day by the general commanding:-- "the king wishes you and your army every success, and you are constantly in his majesty's thoughts and prayers." _ rd april, . s.s. "arcadian." lemnos._ a gorgeous day at last; fitting frame to the most brilliant and yet touching of pageants. all afternoon transports were very, very slowly coming out of harbour winding their way in and out through the other painted ships lying thick on the wonderful blue of the bay. the troops wild with enthusiasm and tremendously cheering especially as they passed the warships of our allies. _nunc dimittis_, o lord of hosts! not a man but knows he is making for the jaws of death. they know, these men do, they are being asked to prove their enemies to have lied when they swore a landing on gallipoli's shore could never make good. they know that lie must pass for truth until they have become targets to guns, machine guns and rifles--huddled together in boats, helpless, plain to the enemy's sight. and they are wild with joy; uplifted! life spins superbly through their veins at the very moment they seek to sacrifice it for a cause. o death, where is thy sting? o grave, where is thy victory? a shadow has been cast over the wonders of the day by a wireless to say that rupert brooke is very dangerously ill--from the wording we fear there can be no hope. dent, principal naval transport officer, left to-day to get ready. wemyss said good-bye on going to take up command of his squadron. have got d'amade's revised orders for the landing at kum kale and also for the feint at besika bay. very clear and good. at . p.m. we got this message from k.:-- "please communicate the following messages at a propitious moment to each of those concerned. "( ) my best wishes to you and all your force in carrying to a successful conclusion the operations you have before you, which will undoubtedly have a momentous effect on the war. the task they have to perform will need all the grit britishers have never failed to show, and i am confident your troops will victoriously clear the way for the fleet to advance on constantinople. "( ) convey to the admiral my best wishes that all success may attend the fleet. the army knows they can rely on their energy and effective co-operation while dealing with the land forces of the enemy. "( ) assure general d'amade and the french troops of our entire confidence that their courage and skill will result in the triumph of their arms. "(end of message)--" personal: "all my thoughts will be with you when operations begin." we, here, think of lord k. too. may his shadow fall dark upon the germans and strike the fear of death into their hearts. just got following from the admiral:-- "h.m.s. _queen elizabeth_, "_ rd april, ._ "my dear general, "i have sent orders to all admirals that operations are to proceed and they are to take the necessary measures to have their commands in their assigned positions by sunday morning, april th! "i pray that the weather may be favourable and nothing will prevent our proceeding with the scheme. 'may heaven's light be our guide' and god give us the victory. "think everything is ready and in some ways the delay has been useful, as we have now a few more lighters and tugs available. "yours sincerely, (_sd._) "j. m. de robeck." i have sent a reply:-- "s.s. _arcadian_, _ rd april, ._ "my dear admiral, "your note just received gives expression to my own sentiments. the sooner we get to work now the better and may the best cause win. "yours sincerely, (_sd._) "ian hamilton." rupert brooke is dead. straightaway he will be buried. the rest is silence. twice was "the sight" vouchsafed me:--in london when i told eddie i would bespeak the boy's services; at port said when i bespoke them. death on the eve of battle, death on a wedding day--nothing so tragic save that most black mishap, death in action after peace has been signed. death grins at my elbow. i cannot get him out of my thoughts. he is fed up with the old and sick--only the flower of the flock will serve him now, for god has started a celestial spring cleaning, and our star is to be scrubbed bright with the blood of our bravest and our best. youth and poetry are the links binding the children of the world to come to the grandsires of the world that was. war will smash, pulverise, sweep into the dustbins of eternity the whole fabric of the old world: therefore, the firstborn in intellect must die. is _that_ the reading of the riddle? almighty god, watchman of the milky way, shepherd of the golden stars, have mercy upon us, smallest of the heavenly shiners. our star burns dim as a corpse light: the huge black chasm of space closes in: if only by blood ...? thy will be done. _en avant_--at all costs--_en avant_! chapter v the landing _ th april, . h.m.s. "queen elizabeth." tenedos._ boarded the queen lizzie at . p.m. anchored off tenedos just before p.m. lay outside the roadstead; close by us is the british fleet with an armada of transports,--all at anchor. as we were closing up to them we spotted a floating mine which must have been passed touch-and-go during the night by all those warships and troopships. a good omen surely that not one of them fell foul of the death that lurks in that ugly, horned devil--not dead itself, but very much alive, for it answered a shot from one of our three pounders with the dull roar and spitting of fire and smoke bred for our benefit by the kindly german kultur. i hope i may sleep to-night. i think so. if not, my wakefulness will wish the clock's hand forward. _ th april, . h.m.s. "queen elizabeth."_ our _queen_ chose the cold grey hour of a.m. to make her war toilette. by . she had sunk the lady and put on the man of war. gone were the gay companions; closed the tight compartments and stowed away under armour were all her furbelows and frills. in plain english, our mighty battleship was cleared for action, and--my mind--that also has now been cleared of its everyday lumber: and i am ready. if this is a queer start for me, so it is also for de robeck. in sea warfare, the fleet lies in the grip of its admiral like a platoon in the hands of a subaltern. the admiral sees; speaks the executive word and the whole fleet moves; not, as with us, each commander carrying out the order in his own way, but each captain steaming, firing, retiring to the letter of the signal. in the navy the man at the gun, the man at the helm, the man sending up shells in the hoist has no discretion unless indeed the gear goes wrong, and he has to use his wits to put it right again. with us the infantry scout, a boy in his teens perhaps, may have to decide whether to open fire, to lie low or to fall back; whether to bring on a battle or avoid it. but the fleet to-day is working like an army; the ships are widely scattered each one on its own, except in so far as wireless may serve, and that is why i say de robeck is working under conditions just as unusual to him as mine are to me. my station is up in the conning tower with de robeck. the conning tower is a circular metal chamber, like a big cooking pot. here we are, all eyes, like potatoes in the cooking pot aforesaid, trying to peep through a slit where the lid is raised a few inches, _ad hoc_, as these blasted politicians like to say. my staff are not with me in this holy of holies, but are stowed away in steel towers or jammed into -inch batteries. so we kept moving along and at . a.m. were off sedd-el-bahr. all quiet and grey. thence we steamed for gaba tepe and midway, about o'clock, heard a very heavy fire from helles behind us. the turks are putting up some fight. now we are off gaba tepe! the day was just breaking over the jagged hills; the sea was glassy smooth; the landing of the lads from the south was in full swing; the shrapnel was bursting over the water; the patter of musketry came creeping out to sea; we are in for it now; the machine guns muttered as through chattering teeth--up to our necks in it now. but would we be out of it? no; not one of us; not for five hundred years stuffed full of dullness and routine. by . the rattle of small arms quieted down; we heard that about , fighting men had been landed; we could see boat-loads making for the land; swarms trying to straighten themselves out along the shore; other groups digging and hacking down the brushwood. even with our glasses they did not look much bigger than ants. god, one would think, cannot see them at all or he would put a stop to this sort of panorama altogether. and yet, it would be a pity if he missed it; for these fellows have been worth the making. they are not charging up into this sari bair range for money or by compulsion. they fight for love--all the way from the southern cross for love of the old country and of liberty. wave after wave of the little ants press up and disappear. we lose sight of them the moment they lie down. bravo! every man on our great ship longs to be with them. but the main battle called. the admiral was keen to take me when and where the need might most arise. so we turned south and steamed slowly back along the coast to cape helles. opposite krithia came another great moment. we have made good the landing--sure--it is a fact. i have to repeat the word to myself several times, "fact," "fact," "fact," so as to be sure i am awake and standing here looking at live men through a long telescope. the thing seems unreal; as though i were in a dream, instead of on a battleship. to see words working themselves out upon the ground; to watch thoughts move over the ground as fighting men....! both battalions, the plymouth and the k.o.s.b.s, had climbed the high cliff without loss; so it was signalled; there is no firing; the turks have made themselves scarce; nothing to show danger or stress; only parties of our men struggling up the sandy precipice by zigzags, carrying munitions and large glittering kerosine tins of water. through the telescope we can now make out a number of our fellows in groups along the crest of the cliff, quite peacefully reposing--probably smoking. this promises great results to our arms--not the repose or the smoking, for i hope that won't last long--but the enemy's surprise. in spite of egypt and the _egyptian gazette_; in spite of the spy system of constantinople, we have brought off our tactical _coup_ and surprised the enemy chief. the bulk of the turks are not at gaba tepe; here, at "y," there are none at all! in a sense, and no mean sense either, i am as much relieved, and as sanguine too, at the _coup_ we have brought off here as i was just now to see birdie's four thousand driving the turks before them into the mountains. the schemes are not on the same scale. if the australians get through to mal tepe the whole turkish army on the peninsula will be done in. if the "y" beach lot press their advantage they may cut off the enemy troops on the toe of the peninsula. with any luck, the k.o.s.b.s and plymouths at "y" should get right on the line of retreat of the turks who are now fighting to the south. the point at issue as we sailed down to "x" beach was whether that little force at "y" should not be reinforced by the naval division who were making a feint against the bulair lines and had, by now, probably finished their work. braithwaite has been speaking to me about it. the idea appealed to me very strongly because i have been all along most keen on the "y" beach plan which is my own special child; and this would be to make the most of it and press it for all it was worth. but, until the main battle develops more clearly at gaba tepe and at sedd-el-bahr i must not commit the only troops i have in hand as my commander-in-chief's reserve. when we got to "x" beach the foreshore and cliffs had been made good without much loss in the first instance, we were told, though there is a hot fight going on just south of it. but fresh troops will soon be landing:--so far so good. further round, at "w" beach, another lodgment had been effected; very desperate and bloody, we are told by the naval beachmaster: and indeed we can see some of the dead, but the lancashire fusiliers hold the beach though we don't seem yet to have penetrated inland. by sedd-el-bahr, where we hove to about . , the light was very baffling; land wrapped in haze, sun full in our eyes. here we watched as best we could over the fight being put up by the turks against our forlorn hope on the _river clyde_. very soon it became clear that we were being held. through our glasses we could quite clearly watch the sea being whipped up all along the beach and about the _river clyde_ by a pelting storm of rifle bullets. we could see also how a number of our dare-devils were up to their necks in this tormented water trying to struggle on to land from the barges linking the river clyde to the shore. there was a line of men lying flat down under cover of a little sandbank in the centre of the beach. they were so held under by fire they dared not, evidently, stir. watching these gallant souls from the safety of a battleship gave me a hateful feeling: roger keyes said to me he simply could not bear it. often a commander may have to watch tragedies from a post of safety. that is all right. i have had my share of the hair's breadth business and now it becomes the turn of the youngsters. but, from the battleship, you are outside the frame of the picture. the thing becomes monstrous; too cold-blooded; like looking on at gladiators from the dress circle. the moment we became satisfied that none of our men had made their way further than a few feet above sea level, the _queen_ opened a heavy fire from her -inch batteries upon the castle, the village and the high steep ground ringing round the beach in a semi-circle. the enemy lay very low somewhere underground. at times the _river clyde_ signalled that the worst fire came from the old fort and sedd-el-bahr; at times that these bullets were pouring out from about the second highest rung of seats on the west of that amphitheatre in which we were striving to take our places. ashore the machine guns and rifles never ceased--tic tac, tic tac, brrrr--tic tac, tic tac, brrrrrr...... drowned every few seconds by our tremendous salvoes, this more nervous noise crept back insistently into our ears in the interval. as men fixed in the grip of nightmare, we were powerless--unable to do anything but wait. [illustration: s.s. "river clyde" "central news" photo.] when we saw our covering party fairly hung up under the fire from the castle and its outworks, it became a question of issuing fresh orders to the main body who had not yet been committed to that attack. there was no use throwing them ashore to increase the number of targets on the beach. roger keyes started the notion that these troops might well be diverted to "y" where they could land unopposed and whence they might be able to help their advance guard at "v" more effectively than by direct reinforcement if they threatened to cut the turkish line of retreat from sedd-el-bahr. braithwaite was rather dubious from the orthodox general staff point of view as to whether it was sound for g.h.q. to barge into hunter-weston's plans, seeing he was executive commander of the whole of this southern invasion. but to me the idea seemed simple common sense. if it did not suit hunter-weston's book, he had only to say so. certainly hunter-weston was in closer touch with all these landings than we were; it was not for me to force his hands: there was no question of that: so at . i wirelessed as follows: "g.o.c. in c. to g.o.c. _euryalus_." "would you like to get some more men ashore on 'y' beach? if so, trawlers are available." three quarters of an hour passed; the state of affairs at sedd-el-bahr was no better, and in an attack if you don't get better you get worse; the supports were not being landed; no answer had come to hand. so repeated my signal to hunter-weston, making it this time personal from me to him and ordering him to acknowledge receipt. (lord bobs' wrinkle):-- "general hamilton to general hunter-weston, _euryalus_. "do you want any more men landed at 'y'? there are trawlers available. acknowledge the signal." at a.m. i got this answer:-- "from general hunter-weston to g.o.c. _queen elizabeth_. "admiral wemyss and principal naval transport officer state that to interfere with present arrangements and try to land men at 'y' beach would delay disembarkation." there was some fuss about the _cornwallis_. she ought to have been back from morto bay and lending a hand here, but she had not turned up. all sorts of surmises. now we hear she has landed our right flank attack very dashingly and that we have stormed de tott's battery! i fear the south wales borderers are hardly strong enough alone to move across and threaten sedd-el-bahr from the north. but the news is fine. how i wish we had left "v" beach severely alone. big flanking attacks at "y" and "s" might have converged on sedd-el-bahr and carried it from the rear when none of the garrison could have escaped. but then, until we tried, we were afraid fire from asia might defeat the de tott's battery attack and that the "y" party might not scale the cliffs. the turks are stronger down here than at gaba tepe. still, i should doubt if they are in any great force; quite clearly the bulk of them have been led astray by our feints, and false rumours. otherwise, had they even a regiment in close reserve, they must have eaten up the s.w.b. as they stormed the battery. about noon, a naval officer (lieutenant smith), a fine fellow, came off to get some more small arm ammunition for the machine guns on the _river clyde_. he said the state of things on and around that ship was "awful," a word which carried twentyfold weight owing to the fact that it was spoken by a youth never very emotional, i am sure, and now on his mettle to make his report with indifference and calm. the whole landing place at "v" beach is ringed round with fire. the shots from our naval guns, smashing as their impact appears, might as well be confetti for all the effect they have upon the turkish trenches. the _river clyde_ is commanded and swept not only by rifles at yards' range, but by pom-poms and field guns. her own double battery of machine guns mounted in a sandbag revetment in her bows are to some extent forcing the enemy to keep their heads down and preventing them from actually rushing the little party of our men who are crouching behind the sand bank. but these same men of ours cannot raise head or hand one inch beyond that lucky ledge of sand by the water's brink. and the bay at sedd-el-bahr, so the last messengers have told us, had turned red. the _river clyde_ so far saves the situation. she was only ready two days before we plunged. at . heard that d'amade had taken kum kale. de robeck had already heard independently by wireless that the french (the th colonials under nogués) had carried the village by a bayonet charge at . a.m. on the asiatic side, then, things are going as we had hoped. the russian _askold_ and the _jeanne d'arc_ are supporting our allies in their attack. being so hung up at "v," i have told d'amade that he will not be able to disembark there as arranged, but that he will have to take his troops round to "w" and march them across. at two o'clock a large number of our wounded who had taken refuge under the base of the arches of the old fort at sedd-el-bahr began to signal for help. the _queen elizabeth_ sent away a picket boat which passed through the bullet storm and most gallantly brought off the best part of them. soon after o'clock we were cheered by sighting our own brave fellows making a push from the direction of "w." we reckon they must be worcesters and essex men moving up to support the royal fusiliers and the lancashire fusiliers, who have been struggling unaided against the bulk of the turkish troops. the new lot came along by rushes from the westwards, across from "x" to "w" towards sedd-el-bahr, and we prayed god very fervently they might be able to press on so as to strike the right rear of the enemy troops encircling "v" beach. at . the leading heroes--we were amazed at their daring--actually stood up in order the better to cut through a broad belt of wire entanglement. one by one the men passed through and fought their way to within a few yards of a redoubt dominating the hill between beaches "w" and "v." this belt of wire ran perpendicularly, not parallel, to the coastline and had evidently been fixed up precisely to prevent what we were now about to attempt. to watch v.c.s being won by wire cutting; to see the very figure and attitude of the hero; to be safe oneself except from the off chance of a shell,--was like being stretched upon the rack! all day we hung _vis-à-vis_ this inferno. with so great loss and with so desperate a situation the white flag would have gone up in the south african war but there was no idea of it to-day and i don't feel afraid of it even now, in the dark of a moonless night, where evil thoughts are given most power over the mind. nor does hunter-weston. we had a hurried dinner, de robeck, keyes, braithwaite, godfrey, hope and i, in the signal office under the bridge. as we were finishing hunter-weston came on board. after he had told us his story, breathlessly and listened to with breathless interest, i asked him what about our troops at "y"? he thought they were now in touch with our troops at "x" but that they had been through some hard fighting to get there. his last message had been that they were being hard pressed but as he had heard nothing more since then he assumed they were all right--! anyway, he was cheery, stout-hearted, quite a good tonic and--on the whole--his news is good. to sum up the doings of the day; the french have dealt a brilliant stroke at kum kale; we have fixed a grip on the hills to the north of gaba tepe; also, we have broken through the enemy's defences at "x" and "w," two out of the three beaches at the south point of the peninsula. the "hold-up" at the third, "v" (or sedd-el-bahr) causes me the keenest anxiety--it would never do if we were forced to re-embark at night as has been suggested--we must stick it until our advance from "x" and "w" opens that sally port from the sea. there is always in the background of my mind dread lest help should reach the enemy _before_ we have done with sedd-el-bahr. the enveloping attacks on both enemy flanks have come off brilliantly, but have not cut the enemy's line of retreat, or so threatened it that they have to make haste to get back. at "s" (eski hissarlick or morto bay) the nd south wales borderers have landed in very dashing style though under fire from big fortress artillery as well as field guns and musketry. on shore they deployed and, helped by sailors from the _cornwallis_, have carried the turkish trenches in front of them at the bayonet's point. they are now dug in on a commanding spur but are anxious at finding themselves all alone and say they do not feel able, owing to their weakness, to manoeuvre or to advance. from "y," opposite krithia, there is no further news. but two good battalions at large and on the war path some four or five miles in rear of the enemy should do something during the next few hours. i was right, so it seems, about getting ashore before the enemy could see to shoot out to sea. at gaba tepe; opposite krithia and by morto bay we landed without too much loss. where we waited to bombard, as at helles and sedd-el-bahr, we have got it in the neck. this "v" beach business is the blot. sedd-el-bahr was supposed to be the softest landing of the lot, as it was the best harbour and seemed to lie specially at the mercy of the big guns of the fleet. would that we had left it severely alone and had landed a big force at morto bay whence we could have forced the sedd-el-bahr turks to fall back. one thing is sure. whatever happens to us here we are bound to win glory. there are no other soldiers quite of the calibre of our chaps in the world; they have _esprit de corps_; they are _volunteers_ every one of them; they are _for it_; our officers--our rank and file--have been so _entered_ to this attack that they will all die--that we will all die--sooner than give way before the turk. the men are not fighting blindly as in south africa: they are not fighting against forces with whose motives they half sympathise. they have been told, and told again, exactly what we are after. they understand. their eyes are wide open: they _know_ that the war can only be brought to an end by our joining hands quickly with the russians: they _know_ that the fate of the empire depends on the courage they display. should the fates so decree, the whole brave army may disappear during the night more dreadfully than that of sennacherib; but assuredly they will not surrender: where so much is dark, where many are discouraged, in this knowledge i feel both light and joy. here i write--think--have my being. to-morrow night where shall we be? well; what then; what of the worst? at least we shall have lived, acted, dared. we are half way through--we shall not look back. as night began to settle down over the land, the _queen elizabeth_ seemed to feel the time had come to give full vent to her wrath. an order from the bridge, and, in the twinkling of an eye, she shook from stem to stern with the recoil from her own efforts. the great ship was fighting all out, all in action. every gun spouted flame and a roar went up fit to shiver the stars of heaven. ears stopped with wax; eyes half blinded by the scorching yellow blasts; still, in some chance seconds interval, we could hear the hive-like b rr rr rr rr rr r r r r of the small arms plying on the shore; still see, through some break in the acrid smoke, the profile of the castle and houses; nay, of the very earth itself and the rocky cliff; see them all, change, break, dissolve into dust; crumble as if by enchantment into strange new outlines, under the enormous explosions of our -in. lyddite shells. buildings gutted: walls and trenches turned inside out and upside down: friend and foe surely must be wiped out together under such a fire: at least they are stupefied--must cease taking a hand with their puny rifles and machine guns? not so. amidst falling ruins; under smoke clouds of yellow, black, green and white; the beach, the cliffs and the ramparts of the castle began, in the oncoming dusk, to sparkle all over with hundreds of tiny flecks of rifle fire. just before the shadows of night hid everything from sight, we could see that many of our men, who had been crouching all day under the sandy bank in the centre of the arena, were taking advantage of the pillars of smoke raised between them and their enemy to edge away to their right and scale the rampart leading to the fort of sedd-el-bahr. other small clusters lay still--they have made their last attack. now try to sleep. what of those men fighting for their lives in the darkness. i put them there. might they not, all of them, be sailing back to safe england, but for me? and i sleep! to sleep whilst thousands are killing one another close by! well, why not; i _must_ sleep whilst i may. the legend whereby a commander-in-chief works wonders during a battle dies hard. he may still lose the battle in a moment by losing heart. he may still help to win the battle by putting a brave face upon the game when it seems to be up. by his character, he may still stop the rot and inspire his men to advance once more to the assault. the old bible idea of the commander:--when his hands grew heavy amalek advanced; when he raised them and willed victory israel prevailed over the heathen! as regards directions, modifications, orders, counter-orders,--in precise proportion as his preparations and operation orders have been thoroughly conceived and carried out, so will the actual conflict find him leaving the actual handling of the troops to hunter-weston as i am bound to do. old oyama cooled his brain during the battle of the shaho by shooting pigeons sitting on chinese chimneys. king richard before bosworth saw ghosts. my own dark hours pass more easily as i make my cryptic jottings in pedlar's french. the detachment of the writer comes over me; calms down the tumult of the mind and paves a path towards the refuge of sleep. no order is to be issued until i get reports and requests. i can't think now of anything left undone that i ought to have done; i have no more troops to lay my hands on--hunter-weston has more than he can land to-night; i won't mend matters much by prowling up and down the gangways. braithwaite calls me if he must. no word yet about the losses except that they have been heavy. if the turks get hold of a lot of fresh men and throw them upon us during the night,--perhaps they may knock us off into the sea. no general knows his luck. that's the beauty of the business. but i feel sanguine in the spirit of the men; sanguine in my own spirit; sanguine in the soundness of my scheme. what with the landing at gaba tepe and at kum kale, and the feints at bulair and besika bay, the turkish troops here will get no help to-night. and our fellows are steadily pouring ashore. _ th april, . h.m.s. "queen elizabeth."_ at . a.m. i was dragged out of a dead sleep by braithwaite who kept shaking me by the shoulder and saying, "sir ian! sir ian!!" i had been having a good time for an hour far away somewhere, far from bloody turmoil, and before i quite knew where i was, my chief of staff repeated what he had, i think, said several times already, "sir ian, you've got to come right along--a question of life and death--you must settle it!" braithwaite is a cool hand, but his tone made me wide awake in a second. i sprang from bed; flung on my "british warm" and crossed to the admiral's cabin--not his own cabin but the dining saloon--where i found de robeck himself, rear-admiral thursby (in charge of the landing of the australian and new zealand army corps), roger keyes, braithwaite, brigadier-general carruthers (deputy adjutant and quartermaster-general of the australian and new zealand army corps) and brigadier-general cunliffe owen (commanding royal artillery of the australian and new zealand army corps). a cold hand clutched my heart as i scanned their faces. carruthers gave me a message from birdwood written in godley's writing. i read it aloud:-- "both my divisional generals and brigadiers have represented to me that they fear their men are thoroughly demoralised by shrapnel fire to which they have been subjected all day after exhaustion and gallant work in morning. numbers have dribbled back from firing line and cannot be collected in this difficult country. even new zealand brigade which has been only recently engaged lost heavily and is to some extent demoralised. if troops are subjected to shell fire again to-morrow morning there is likely to be a fiasco as i have no fresh troops with which to replace those in firing line. i know my representation is most serious but if we are to re-embark it must be at once. (_sd._) "birdwood." the faces round that table took on a look--when i close my eyes there they sit,--a look like nothing on earth unless it be the guests when their host flings salt upon the burning raisins. to gain time i asked one or two questions about the tactical position on shore, but carruthers and cunliffe owen seemed unable to add any detail to birdwood's general statement. i turned to thursby and said, "admiral, what do you think?" he said, "it will take the best part of three days to get that crowd off the beaches." "and where are the turks?" i asked. "on the top of 'em!" "well, then," i persisted, "tell me, admiral, what do _you_ think?" "what do i think: well, i think myself they will stick it out if only it is put to them that they must." without another word, all keeping silence, i wrote birdwood as follows:-- "your news is indeed serious. but there is nothing for it but to dig yourselves right in and stick it out. it would take at least two days to re-embark you as admiral thursby will explain to you. meanwhile, the australian submarine has got up through the narrows and has torpedoed a gunboat at chunuk. hunter-weston despite his heavy losses will be advancing to-morrow which should divert pressure from you. make a personal appeal to your men and godley's to make a supreme effort to hold their ground. (_sd._) "ian hamilton." "p.s. you have got through the difficult business, now you have only to dig, dig, dig, until you are safe. ian h." the men from gaba tepe made off with this letter; not the men who came down here at all, but new men carrying a clear order. be the upshot what it may, i shall never repent that order. better to die like heroes on the enemy's ground than be butchered like sheep on the beaches like the runaway persians at marathon. de robeck and keyes were aghast; they pat me on the back; i hope they will go on doing so if things go horribly wrong. midnight decisions take it out of one. turned in and slept for three solid hours like a top till i was set spinning once more at a.m. at dawn we were off gaba tepe. thank god the idea of retreat had already made itself scarce. the old _queen_ let fly her first shot at . a.m. her shrapnel is a knockout. the explosion of the monstrous shell darkens the rising sun; the bullets cover an acre; the enemy seems stunned for a while after each discharge. one after the other she took on the turkish guns along sari bair and swept the skyline with them. a message of relief and thankfulness came out to us from the shore. seeing how much they loved us--or rather our long toms--we hung around until about half-past eight smothering the enemy's guns whenever they dared show their snouts. by that hour our troops had regained their grip of themselves and also of the enemy, and the firing of the turks was growing feeble. an organised counter-attack on the grand scale at dawn was the one thing i dreaded, and that has not come off; only a bit of a push over the downland by gaba tepe which was steadied by one of our enormous shrapnel. about this time we heard from hunter-weston that there was no material change in the situation at helles and sedd-el-bahr. i wirelessed, therefore, to d'amade telling him he would not be able to land his men at "v" under sedd-el-bahr as arranged but that he should bring all the rest of the french troops up from tenedos and disembark them at "w" by cape helles. about this time, also, i.e., somewhere about a.m., we picked up a wireless from the o.c. "y" beach which caused us some uneasiness. "we are holding the ridge," it said, "till the wounded are embarked." why "till"? so i told the admiral that as birdwood seemed fairly comfortable, i thought we ought to lose no time getting back to sedd-el-bahr, taking "y" beach on our way. at once we steamed south and hove to off "y" beach at . a.m. there the _sapphire_, _dublin_ and _goliath_ were lying close inshore and we could see a trickle of our men coming down the steep cliff and parties being ferried off to the _goliath_: the wounded no doubt, but we did not see a single soul going _up_ the cliff whereas there were many loose groups hanging about on the beach. i disliked and mistrusted the looks of these aimless dawdlers by the sea. there was no fighting; a rifle shot now and then from the crests where we saw our fellows clearly. the little crowd and the boats on the beach were right under them and no one paid any attention or seemed to be in a hurry. our naval and military signallers were at sixes and sevens. the _goliath_ wouldn't answer; the _dublin_ said the force was coming off, and we could not get into touch with the soldiers at all. at about a quarter to ten the _sapphire_ asked us to fire over the cliffs into the country some hundreds of yards further in, and so the _queen e._ gave krithia and the south of it a taste of her metal. not much use as the high crests hid the intervening hinterland from view, even from the crow's nests. a couple of shrapnel were also fired at the crestline of the cliff about half a mile further north where there appeared to be some snipers. but the trickling down the cliffs continued. no one liked the look of things ashore. our chaps can hardly be making off in this deliberate way without orders; and yet, if they _are_ making off "by order," hunter-weston ought to have consulted me first as birdwood consulted me in the case of the australians and new zealanders last night. my inclination was to take a hand myself in this affair but the staff are clear against interference when i have no knowledge of the facts--and i suppose they are right. to see a part of my scheme, from which i had hoped so much, go wrong before my eyes is maddening! i imagined it: i pressed it through: a second battalion was added to it and then the south wales borderers' company. many sailors and soldiers, good men, had doubts as to whether the boats could get in, or whether, having done so, men armed and accoutred would be able to scale the yellow cliffs; or whether, having by some miracle climbed, they would not be knocked off into the sea with bayonets as they got to the top. i admitted every one of these possibilities but said, every time, that taken together, they destroyed one another. if the venture seemed so desperate even to ourselves, who are desperadoes, then the enemy chief would be of the same opinion only more so; so that, supposing we _did_ get up, at least we would not find resistance organised against us. whether this was agreed to, or not, i cannot say. the logic of a c.-in-c. has a convincing way of its own. but in all our discussions one thing was taken for granted--no one doubted that once our troops had got ashore, scaled the heights and dug themselves in, they would be able to hold on: no one doubted that, with the british fleet at their backs, they would at least maintain their bridge-head into the enemy's vitals until we could decide what to do with it. at a quarter past ten we steamed, with anxious minds, for cape helles, and on the way there, braithwaite and i finished off our first cable to k.:-- "thanks to god who calmed the seas and to the royal navy who rowed our fellows ashore as coolly as if at a regatta; thanks also to the dauntless spirit shown by all ranks of both services, we have landed , upon six beaches in the face of desperate resistance from strong turkish infantry forces well backed by artillery. enemy are entrenched, line upon line, behind wire entanglements spread to catch us wherever we might try to concentrate for an advance. worst danger zone, the open sea, now traversed, but on land not yet out of the wood. our main covering detachment held up on water's edge, at foot of amphitheatre of low cliffs round the little bay west of sedd-el-bahr. at sunset last night a dashing attack was made by the th division south-west along the heights from tekke burnu to set free the dublins, munsters and hants, but at the hour of writing they are still pinned down to the beach. "the australians have done wonderfully at gaba tepe. they got , ashore to one beach between . a.m. and . a.m.: due to their courage; organisation; sea discipline and steady course of boat practice. navy report not one word spoken or movement made by any of these thousands of untried troops either during the transit over the water in the darkness or nearing the land when the bullets took their toll. but, as the keel of the boats touched bottom, each boat-load dashed into the water and then into the enemy's fire. at first it seemed that nothing could stop them, but by degrees wire, scrub and cliffs; thirst, sheer exhaustion broke the back of their impetus. then the enemy's howitzers and field guns had it all their own way, forcing attack to yield a lot of ground. things looked anxious for a bit, but by this morning's dawn all are dug in, cool, confident. "but for the number and good shooting of turkish field guns and howitzers, birdwood would surely have carried the whole main ridge of sari bair. as it is, his troops are holding a long curve upon the crests of the lower ridges, identical, to a hundred yards, with the line planned by my general staff in their instructions and pencilled by them upon the map. "the french have stormed kum kale and are attacking yeni shahr. although you excluded asia from my operations, have been forced by tactical needs to ask d'amade to do this and so relieve us from artillery fire from the asiatic shore. "deeply regret to report the death of brigadier-general napier and to say that our losses, though not yet estimated, are sure to be very heavy. "if only this night passes without misadventures, i propose to attack achi baba to-morrow with whatever hunter-weston can scrape together of the th division. such an attack should force the enemy to relax their grip on sedd-el-bahr. i can look now to the australians to keep any enemy reinforcements from crossing the waist of the peninsula."[ ] relief about gaba tepe is almost swallowed up by the "y" beach fiasco--as we must, i suppose, take it to be. no word yet from hunter-weston. at helles things are much the same as last night; only, the south wales borderers are now well dug in on a spur above morto bay and are confident. at . d'amade came aboard in a torpedo boat to see me. he has been ashore at kum kale and reports violent fighting and, for the time being, victory. a very dashing landing, the village stormed; house to house struggles; failure to carry the cemetery; last evening defensive measures, loopholed walls, barbed wire fastened to corpses; at night savage counter attacks led by germans; their repulse; a wall some hundred yards long and several feet high of turkish corpses; our own losses also very heavy and some good officers among them. all this partly from d'amade to me; partly his staff to my staff. nogués and his brave lads have done their bit indeed for the glory of the army of france. meanwhile, d'amade is anxious to get his men off soon: he cannot well stay where he is unless he carries the village of yeni shahr. yeni shahr is perched on the height a mile to the south of him, but it has been reinforced from the besika bay direction and to take it would be a major operation needing a disembarkation of at least the whole of his division. he is keen to clear out: i agreed, and at . he went to make his preparations. ten minutes later, when we were on our way back to gaba tepe, the admiral and braithwaite both tackled me, and urged that the french should be ordered to hold on for another twenty-four hours--even if for no longer. had they only raised their point before d'amade left the _queen elizabeth_! as it is, to change my mind and my orders would upset the french very much and--on the whole--i do not think we have enough to go upon to warrant me in doing so. the admiral has always been keen on kum kale and i quite understand that naval aspect of the case. but it is all i can do, as far as things have gone, to hang on by my eyelids to the peninsula, and let alone k.'s strong, clear order, i can hardly consent, as a soldier, to entangle myself further in asia, before i have made good achi baba. we dare not lose another moment in getting a firm footing on the peninsula and that was why i had signalled d'amade from gaba tepe to bring up all the rest of his troops from tenedos and to disembark them at "w" (seeing we were still held up at "v") and why i cannot now perceive any other issue. we are not strong enough to attack on both sides of the straits. given one more division we might try: as things are, my troops won't cover the mileage. on a small scale map, in an office, you may make mole-hills of mountains; on the ground there's no escaping from its features. as soon as the french commander took his leave, we steamed back for gaba tepe, passing cape helles at . p.m. weather now much brighter and warmer. passing "y" beach the re-embarkation of troops was still going on. all quiet, the _goliath_ says: the enemy was so roughly handled in an attack they made last night that they do not trouble our withdrawal--too pleased to see us go, it seems! so this part of our plan has gone clean off the rails. keyes, braithwaite, aspinall, dawnay, godfrey are sick--but their disappointment is nothing to mine. de robeck agrees that we don't know enough yet to warrant us in fault-finding or intervention. my orders ought to have been taken before a single unwounded officer or man was ferried back aboard ship. never, since modern battles were invented by the devil, has a commander-in-chief been so accessible to a message or an appeal from any part of the force. each theatre has its outfit of signallers, wireless, etc., and i can either answer within five minutes, or send help, or rush myself upon the scene at miles an hour with the _q.e.'s_ fifteen inchers in my pocket. here there is no question of emergency, or enemy pressure, or of haste; so much we see plain enough with our own eyes. whilst having a hurried meal, jack churchill rushed down from the crow's nest to say that he thought we had carried the fort above sedd-el-bahr. he had seen through a powerful naval glass some figures standing erect and silhouetted against the sky on the parapet. only, he argued, british soldiers would stand against the skyline during a general action. that is so, and we were encouraged to be hopeful. on to gaba tepe just in time to see the opening, the climax and the end of the dreaded turkish counter attack. the turks have been fighting us off and on all the time, but this is--or rather i can happily now say "was"--an organised effort to burst in through our centre. whether burglars or battles are in question, give me sunshine. what had been a terror when braithwaite woke me out of my sleep at midnight to meet the gaba tepe deputation was but a heightened, tightened sensation thirteen hours later. no doubt the panorama was alarming, but we all of us somehow--we on the _q.e._--felt sure that australia and new zealand had pulled themselves together and were going to give enver and his army a very disagreeable surprise. the contrast of the actual with the might-have-been is the secret of our confidence. imagine, had these brave lads entrusted to us by the commonwealth and dominion now been crowding on the beaches--crowding into their boats--whilst some desperate rearguard was trying to hold off the onrush of the triumphant turks. never would any of us have got over so shocking a disaster; now they are about to win their spurs (d.v.). here come the turks! first a shower of shells dropping all along the lower ridges and out over the surface of the bay. very pretty the shells--at half a mile! prince of wales's feathers springing suddenly out of the blue to a loud hammer stroke; high explosives: or else the shrapnel; pure white, twisting a moment and pirouetting as children in their nightgowns pirouette, then gliding off the field two or three together, an aerial ladies' chain. next our projectiles, thursby's from the _queen_, _triumph_, _majestic_, _bacchante_, _london_, and _prince of wales_; over the sea they flew; over the heads of our fighters; covered the higher hillsides and skyline with smudges of black, yellow and green. smoky fellows these--with a fiery spark at their core, and wherever they touch the earth, rocks leap upwards in columns of dust to the sky. under so many savage blows, the labouring mountains brought forth turks. here and there advancing lines; dots moving over green patches; dots following one another across a broad red scar on the flank of sari bair: others following--and yet others--and others--and others, closing in, disappearing, reappearing in close waves converging on the central and highest part of our position. the tic tac of the machine guns and the rattle of the rifles accompanied the roar of the big guns as hail, pouring down on a greenhouse, plays fast and loose amidst the peals of god's artillery: we have got some guns right up the precipitous cliff: the noise doubled; redoubled; quadrupled, expanded into one immense tiger-like growl--a solid mass of the enemy showed itself crossing the green patch--and then the good _queen lizzie_ picked up her targets--crash!!! stop your ears with wax. the fire slackened. the attack had ebbed away; our fellows were holding their ground. a few, very few, little dots had run back over that green patch--the others had passed down into the world of darkness. a signaller was flag-wagging from a peak about the left centre of our line:--"the boys will never forget the _queen elizabeth's_ help" was what he said. jack churchill was right. at . a wireless came in to say that the irish and hants from the _river clyde_ had forced their way through sedd-el-bahr village and had driven the enemy clean out of all his trenches and castles. ah, well; _that_ load is off our minds: every one smiling. passed on the news to birdwood: i doubt the turks coming on again--but, in case, the th division's feat of arms will be a tonic. i was wrong. at p.m. the enemy made another effort, this time on the left of our line. we shook them badly and were rewarded by seeing a new zealand charge. two battalions racing due north along the coast and foothills with levelled bayonets. then again the tumult died away. at . we left gaba tepe and sailed for helles. at . we were opposite krithia passing "y" beach. the whole of the troops, plus wounded, plus gear, have vanished. only the petrol tins they took for water right and left of their pathway up the cliff; huge diamonds in the evening sun. the enemy let us slip off without shot fired. the last boat-load got aboard the _goliath_ at p.m., but they had forgotten some of their kit, so the bluejackets rowed ashore as they might to southsea pier and brought it off for them--and again no shot fired! hove to off cape helles at quarter past five. joyous confirmation of sedd-el-bahr capture and our lines run straight across from "x" to morto bay, but a very sad postscript now to that message: doughty wylie has been killed leading the sally from the beach. the death of a hero strips victory of her wings. alas, for doughty wylie! alas, for that faithful disciple of charles gordon; protector of the poor and of the helpless; noblest of those knights ever ready to lay down their lives to uphold the fair fame of england. braver soldier never drew sword. he had no hatred of the enemy. his spirit did not need that ugly stimulant. tenderness and pity filled his heart and yet he had the overflowing enthusiasm and contempt of death which alone can give troops the volition to attack when they have been crouching so long under a pitiless fire. doughty wylie was no flash-in-the-pan v.c. winner. he was a steadfast hero. years ago, at aleppo, the mingled chivalry and daring with which he placed his own body as a shield between the turkish soldiery and their victims during a time of massacre made him admired even by the moslems. now; as he would have wished to die, so has he died. for myself, in the secret mind that lies beneath the conscious, i think i had given up hope that the covering detachment at "v" would work out their own salvation. my thought was to keep pushing in troops from "w" beach until the enemy had fallen back to save themselves from being cut off. the hampshires, dublins and munsters have turned their own tight corner, but i hope these fine regiments will never forget what they owe to one doughty wylie, the mr. greatheart of our war. the admiral and braithwaite have been at me again to urge that the french should hang on another day at kum kale. they point out that the crisis seems over for the time being both at helles and gaba tepe and argue that this puts a different aspect on the whole question. that is so, and on the whole, i think "yes" and have asked d'amade to comply. at . p.m. started back intending to see all snug at gaba tepe, but, picking up some turkish guns as targets in krithia and on the slopes of achi baba, we hove to off cape tekke and opened fire. we soon silenced these guns, though others, unseen, kept popping. at . we ceased fire. at , admiral guépratte came on board and tells us splendid news about kum kale. at o'clock the artillery fire from shore and ships became too hot for the turks entrenched in the cemetery and they put up the white flag and came in as prisoners, of them. a hundred more had been taken during the night fighting, but there was treachery and some of those were killed. kum kale has been a brilliant bit of work, though i fear we have lost nearly a quarter of our effectives. guépratte agrees we would do well to hold on for another hours. at a quarter past seven he took his leave and we let drop our anchor where we were, off cape tekke. so now we stand on turkish _terra firma_. the price has been paid for the first step and that is the step that counts. blood, sweat, fire; with these we have forged our master key and forced it into the lock of the hellespont, rusty and dusty with centuries of disuse. grant us, o lord, tenacity to turn it; determination to turn it, till through that open door _queen elizabeth_ of england sails east for the golden horn! when in far off ages men discuss over vintages ripened in mars the black superstitions and bloody mindedness of the georgian savages, still they will have to drain a glass to the memory of the soldiers and sailormen who fought here. chapter vi making good _ th april, . getting on for midnight. h.m.s. "queen elizabeth."_ all sorts of questions and answers. at a.m. got a signal from admiral guépratte, "situation at kum kale excellent, but d'amade gave orders to re-embark. it has begun. much regret it is not in my power to stop it." well, so do i regret it. with just one more brigade at our backs we would have taken yeni shahr and kept our grip on kum kale; helping along the fleet; countering the big guns from asia. but, there it is; as things are i was right, and beggars can't be choosers. the french are now free to land direct at sedd-el-bahr, or "v," instead of round by "w." during the small hours i wrote a second cable to k. telling him hunter-weston could not attack achi baba yesterday as his troops were worn out and some of his battalions had lost a quarter of their effectives: also that we were already short of ammunition. also that "sedd-el-bahr was a dreadful place to carry by open assault, being a labyrinth of rocks, galleries, ruins and entanglements." "with all the devoted help of the navy, it has taken us a day's hard fighting to make good our footing. achi baba hill, only a cannon shot distant, will be attacked to-morrow, the th." after shipping ammunition for her big guns the _q.e._ sailed at a.m. for gaba tepe where we found birdwood's base, the beach, being very severely shelled. the fire seemed to drop from half the points of the compass towards that one small strip of sand, so marvellously well defiladed by nature that nine-tenths of the shot fell harmlessly into the sea. the turkish gunners had to chance hitting something by lobbing shrapnel over the main cliff or one of the two arm-like promontories which embraced the little cove,--and usually they didn't! yet even so the beach was hardly a seaside health resort and it was a comfort to see squads of these young soldiers marching to and fro and handling packing cases with no more sign of emotion than railway porters collecting luggage at margate. at . we presented the turks with some remarkable specimens of sea shells to recompense them for their trouble in so narrowly searching our beaches. they accepted our inchers with a very good grace. often one of our h.e. hundred pounders seemed to burst just where a field gun had been spotted:--and before our triumphant smiles had time to disentangle themselves from our faces, the beggars would open again. but the -inch shrapnel, with its , bullets, was a much more serious projectile. the turks were not taking more than they could help. several times we silenced a whole battery by one of these monsters. no doubt these very batteries are now getting back into concealed positions where our ships' guns will not be able to find them. still, even so, to-day and to-morrow are the two most ticklish days; after that, let the storm come--our troops will have rooted themselves firmly into the soil. have been speaking to the sailors about getting man-killing h.e. shell for the mediterranean squadron instead of the present armour piercers which break into only two or three pieces and are, therefore, in the open field, more alarming than deadly. they don't seem to think there would be much good gained by begging for special favours through routine channels. officialdom at the admiralty is none too keen on our show. if we can get at winston himself, then we can rely on his kicking red tape into the waste-paper basket; otherwise we won't be met half way. as for me, i am helpless. i cannot write winston--not on military business; least of all on naval business. i am fixed, i won't write to any public personage re my wants and troubles excepting only k. braithwaite agrees that, especially in war time, no man can serve two masters. there has been so much stiletto work about this war, and i have so often blamed others for their backstairs politics, that i must chance hurt feelings and shall not write letters although several of the powers that be have told me to keep them fully posted. the worst loss is that of winston's ear; high principles won't obtain high explosives. as to writing to the army council--apart from k., the war office is an oubliette. the foregoing sage reflections were jotted down between and . a.m., when i was clapped into solitary confinement under armour. an aeroplane had reported that the _goeben_ had come into the narrows, presumably to fire over the peninsula with her big guns. there was no use arguing with the sailors; they treat me as if i were a mascot. so i was duly shut up out of harm's way and out of their way whilst they made ready to take on the ship, which is just as much the cause of our iliad as was helen that of homer's. up went our captive balloon; in ten minutes it was ready to spot and at . we got off the first shot which missed the _goeben_ by just a few feet to the right. the enemy then quickly took cover behind the high cliffs and i was let out of my prison. some turkish transports remained, landing troops. off flew the shell, seven miles it flew; over the turkish army from one sea into another. a miss! again she let fly. this time from the balloon came down that magic formula "o.k." (plumb centre). we danced for joy though hardly able really to credit ourselves with so magnificent a shot: but it was so: in two minutes came another message saying the transport was sinking by the stern! o.k. for us; u.p. with the turks. simple letters to describe a pretty ghastly affair. fancy that enormous shell dropping suddenly out of the blue on to a ship's deck swarming with troops! a wireless from wemyss to say that the whole of hunter-weston's force has advanced two miles on a broad front and that the enemy made no resistance. at p.m. a heavy squall came down from the north and the aegean was no place for flyers whether heavier or lighter than air. all the turkish guns we could spot from the ship had been knocked out or silenced, so birdwood and his men were able to get along with their digging. we cast anchor off cape helles at about . p.m. at hunter-weston came on board and dined. he is full of confidence and good cheer. _he never gave any order to evacuate "y"; he never was consulted; he does not know who gave the order._ he does well to be proud of his men and of the way they played up to-day when he called upon them to press back the enemy. he has had no losses to speak of and we are now on a fairly broad three-mile front right across the toe of the peninsula; about two miles from the tip at helles. had our men not been so deadly weary, there was no reason we should not have taken achi baba from the turks, who put up hardly any fight at all. but we have not got our mules or horses ashore yet in any numbers, and the digging, and carriage of stores, water and munitions to the firing line had to go on all night, so the men are still as tired as they were on the th, or more so. the intelligence hear that enemy reinforcements are crossing the narrows. so it is a pity we could not make more ground whilst we were about it, but we had no fresh men to put in and the used battalions were simply done to a turn. we did not talk much about the past at dinner, except--ah me, how bitterly we regretted our per cent. margin to replace casualties,--a margin allowed by regulation and afforded to the b.e.f. just think of it. to-day each battalion of the th division would have been joined by two keen officers and one hundred keen men--fresh--all of them fresh! the fillip given would have been far, far greater than that which the mere numbers ( , for the division) would seem to imply. hunter-weston says that he would sooner have a pick-me-up in that form than two fresh battalions, and i think, in saying so, he says too little. tired or not tired, we attack again to-morrow. we must make more--much more--elbow room before the turks get help from asia or constantinople. are we to strike before or after daylight? hunter-weston is clear for day and we have made it so. the hour is to be a.m. showed h.w. the cable we got at tea time from k., quoting some message de robeck has apparently sent home and saying, "maxwell will give you any support from the garrison of egypt you may require." i am puzzled how to act on this. maxwell won't give me "any support" i "may require"; otherwise, naturally, i'd have had the gurkhas with me now: he has his own show to run: i have my own show to run: it is for k. to split the differences. k. gave me fair warning before i started i must not embroil him with french, france, or british politicians by squeezing him for more troops. it was up to me to take the job on those terms or leave it--and i took it on. i did think egypt might be held to be outside this tacit covenant, but when i asked first, directly, for the indian brigade; secondly, for the brigade or even for one gurkha battalion, i only got that chilliest of refusals--silence. since then, there has been some change in his attitude. i do wish k. would take me more into his confidence. never a word to me about the indian brigade, yet now it is on its way! also, here comes this offer of more troops. hunter-weston's reading of the riddle is that troops ear-marked for the western front are still taboo but that k. finds himself, since our successful landing, in a more favourable political atmosphere and is willing, therefore, to let us draw on egypt. he thinks, in a word, that as far as egypt goes, we should try and get what we can get. said good-night with mutual good wishes, and have worked till now ( a.m.) answering wireless and interviewing winter and woodward, who had come across from the _arcadian_ to do urgent administrative work. each seems satisfied with the way his own branch is getting on: winter is the quicker worker. wrote out also a second long cable to k. (the first was operations) formally asking leave to call upon maxwell to send me the east lancs. division and showing that maxwell can have my second mounted division in exchange. have thought it fair to cable maxwell also, asking him to hold the east lancs. handy. k.'s cable covers me so far. no commander enjoys parting with his troops and maxwell may play on one of the tenderest spots in k.'s adamantine heart by telling him his darling egypt will be endangered; still it is only right to give him fair warning. lord hindlip, king's messenger, has brought us our mails. _ th april, . h.m.s. "queen elizabeth." off gallipoli._ at a.m. general d'amade came aboard and gave me the full account of the kum kale landing, a brilliant piece of work which will add lustre even to the illustrious deeds of france. i hope the french government will recognize this dashing stroke of d'amade's by something more solid than a thank you. at . general paris and the staff of the naval division also came aboard, and were telling me their doings and their plans when the noise of the battle cut short the pow-wow. the fire along the three miles front is like the rumble of an express train running over fog signals. clearly we are not going to gain ground so cheaply as yesterday. at o'clock the _q.e._ was steaming slowly northwards and had reached a point close to the old "y" landing place (well marked out by the glittering kerosine tins). suddenly, inland, a large mass of men, perhaps two thousand, were seen doubling down a depression of the ground heading towards the coast. we had two -inch guns loaded with , shrapnel bullets each, but there was an agony as to whether these were our fellows falling back or turks advancing. the admiral and keyes asked me. the flag captain was with us. the thing hung on a hair but the horror of wiping out one of my own brigades was too much for me: to they were turkish reinforcements which had just passed through krithia-- to they were turks--and then--the ground seemed to swallow them from view. ten minutes later, they broke cover half a mile lower down the peninsula and left us no doubt as to what they were, advancing as they did in a most determined manner against some of our men who had their left flank on the cliffs above the sea. the turks were no longer in mass but extended in several lines, less than a pace between each man. before this resolute attack our men, who were much weaker, began to fall back. one turkish company, about a hundred strong, was making an ugly push within rifle shot of our ship. its flank rested on the very edge of the cliff, and the men worked forward like german infantry in a regular line, making a rush of about fifty yards with sloped arms and lying down and firing. they all had their bayonets fixed. through a glass every move, every signal, could be seen. from where we were our guns exactly enfiladed them. again they rose and at a heavy sling trot came on with their rifles at the slope; their bayonets glittering and their officer ten yards ahead of them waving his sword. some one said they were cheering. crash! and the _q.e._ let fly a shrapnel; range , yards; a lovely shot; we followed it through the air with our eyes. range and fuse--perfect. the huge projectile exploded fifty yards from the right of the turkish line, and vomited its contents of , bullets clean across the stretch whereon the turkish company was making its last effort. when the smoke and dust cleared away nothing stirred on the whole of that piece of ground. we looked for a long time, nothing stirred. one hundred to the right barrel--nothing left for the second barrel! the tailor of the fairy tale with his "seven at a blow" is not in it with the gunnery lieutenant of a battleship. our beloved _queen_ had drawn the teeth of the turkish counter-attack on our extreme left. the enemy no longer dared show themselves over the open downs by the sea, but worked over broken ground some hundreds of yards inland where we were unable to see them. the _q.e._ hung about here shelling the enemy and trying to help our fellows on for the whole day. as was signalled to us from the shore by an officer of the border regiment, the turks were in great strength somewhere not easy to spot a few hundred yards inland from "y" beach. some were in a redoubt, others working down a ravine. a party of our men had actually got into the trench dug by the "y" beach covering party on the day of the landing, but had been knocked out again, a few minutes before the _queen elizabeth_ came to the rescue, and, in falling back, had been (so the officer signaller told us) "badly cut up." asked again who were being badly cut up, he replied, "all of us!" no doubt the _q.e._ turned up in the very nick of time, at a moment when we were being forced to retire too rapidly. a certain number of stragglers were slipping quietly back towards cape helles along the narrow sandy strip at the foot of the high cliffs, so, as it was flat calm, i sent aspinall off in a small boat with orders to rally them. he rowed to the south so as to head them off and as the dinghy drew in to the shore we saw one of them strip and swim out to sea to meet it half way. by the time the young fellow reached the boat the cool salt water had given him back his presence of mind and he explained, as if it was the most natural thing in the world, that he had swum off to get help for the wounded! after landing, a show of force was needed to pull the fugitives up but once they did pull up they were splendid, and volunteered to a man to follow aspinall back into the firing line. many of them were wounded and the worst of these were put into a picket boat which had just that moment come along. one of the men seemed pretty bad, being hit in the head and in the body. he wanted to join in but, naturally, was forbidden to do so. aspinall then led his little party back and climbed the cliff. when he got to the top and looked round he found this severely wounded man had not only disobeyed orders and followed him, but had found strength to lug up a box of ammunition with him. "i ordered you not to come," said aspinall: "i can still pull a trigger, sir," replied the man.[ ] to-day's experiences have been of the strangest. as armies have grown and as the range of firearms has increased, the commander-in-chief of any considerable force has been withdrawn further and further from the fighting. to-day i have stood in the main battery which has fired a shot establishing, in its way, a record in the annals of destruction. on our left we had gained three miles and had been driven back a mile or rather more after doing so, apparently by fresh enemy forces. what would have been a promenade if our original covering party had stuck to "y" beach, had become too difficult for that wearied and greatly weakened brigade. on the british right the th brigade pushed back the turks easily enough at first, but afterwards they too came up against stiffer resistance from what seemed to be fresh enemy formations until at last, i.e., about mid-day, they were held up. the reserve were then ordered to pass through and attack. small parties are reported to have got into krithia and one complete battalion gained a position commanding krithia--so wemyss has been credibly informed; but things went wrong; they seem to have been _just_ too weak. hunter-weston is confident as ever and says once his men have dug themselves in, even a few inches, they will hold what they have gained against any number of turks. we have been handicapped by the trouble that is bred in the bone of any landing on enemy soil. the general wants to strike quick and hard from the outset. to do so he must rush his men ashore and by very careful plans he may succeed; but even then, unless he can lay hands upon wharves, cranes, and all the mechanical appliances to be found in an up-to-date harbour, he cannot keep up the supply of ammunition, stores, food, water, on a like scale. he cannot do this because, just in proportion as he is successful in getting a large number of men on shore and in quickly pushing them forward some distance inland, so will it become too much for his small craft and his beach frontage to cope with the mule transport and carts. hence, shortage of ammunition and shortage of water, which last was the worse felt to-day. but the heavy fighting at the landings was what delayed us most. an enemy aeroplane (a taube) has been dropping bombs on and about the _river clyde_. there is little of the "joy of the contest" in fighting battles with worn-out troops. even when the men respond by doing wonders, the commander is bound to feel his heart torn in two by their trials, in addition to having his brain tortured on anxiety's rack as to the result. the number of officers we have lost is terrible. seen from the flagship, the sun set exactly behind the purple island of imbros, and as it disappeared sent out long flame-coloured streamers into the sky. the effect was that of a bird of paradise bringing balm to our overwrought nerves. have published the following order:-- "i rely on all officers and men to stand firm and steadfast to resist the attempt of the enemy to drive us back from our present position which has been so gallantly won. "the enemy is evidently trying to obtain a local success before reinforcements can reach us; but the first portion of these arrive to-morrow and will be followed by a fresh division from egypt. "it behoves us all, french and british, to stand fast, hold what we have gained, wear down the enemy and thus be prepared for a decisive victory. "our comrades in flanders have had the same experience of fatigue after hard won fights. we shall, i know, emulate their steadfastness and achieve a result which will confer added laurels to french and british arms. "ian hamilton, "general." two cables from k.:-- the first repeats a cable he has sent maxwell. he begins by saying, "in a cable just in from the dardanelles french admiral, i see he thinks reinforcements are needed for the troops landed on gallipoli. hamilton has not made any mention of this to me. all the same yesterday i cabled him as follows:--" (here he quotes the cable already entered in by me yesterday.) k. goes on, "i hope all your troops are being kept ready to embark, and i would suggest you should send the territorial division if hamilton wants them. peyton's transports, etc., etc., etc." the second cable quotes mine of last night wherein i ask leave to call for the east lancs. and says, "i feel sure you had better have the territorial division, and i have instructed maxwell to embark them. my no. addressed to maxwell and repeated to you was sent before receiving your telegram under reply. you had better tell him to send off the division to you. i am very glad the troops have done so well. give them a message of hearty congratulations on their successful achievement to buck them up." bravo k.! but kind as is your message the best buck up for the army will be the news that the lads from manchester are on their way to help us. the cable people have pinned a minute to these two messages saying that the two hours' pull we have over greenwich time ought to have let k. get my message _before_ he wired to maxwell. he may think maxwell will take it better that way. before going to bed, i sent him (k.) two cables:-- ( ) "last night the turks attacked the australians and new zealanders in great force, charging right up to the trenches, bugles blowing and shouting 'allah hu!' they were bayoneted. the french are landing to lend a hand to the th division. birdwood's men are very weary and i am supporting them with the naval division." these, i may say, are my very last reserves. ( ) telling k. how "i shall now be able to cheer up my troops by the prospect of speedy reinforcements, whilst informing them of your congratulations, and appealing to them to continue as they have commenced," i go on to say that we have used up the french and the naval division "so that at present i have no reserve except cox when he arrives and the remainder of the french." i also say, simply, and without any reference to the war office previous denial that there _was_ any second french division, "d'amade informs me that the other french division is ready to embark if required, so i hope you will urge that it be despatched." as to the delay in letting me have the indian brigade; a delay which has to-day, so say the th division, cost us krithia and achi baba, i say "unluckily cox's brigade is a day late, but i still trust it will arrive to-morrow during the day." _bis dot qui cito dat_. o truest proverb! one fresh man on gallipoli to-day was worth five afloat on the mediterranean or fifty loafing around london in the central force. at home they are carefully totting up figures--i know them--and explaining to the p.m. and the senior wranglers with some complacency that the sixty thousand effective bayonets left me are enough--seeing they are british--to overthrow the turkish empire. so they would be if i had that number, or anything like it, for my line of battle. but what are the facts? exactly one half of my "bayonets" spend the whole night carrying water, ammunition and supplies between the beach and the firing line. the other half of my "bayonets," those left in the firing line, are up the whole night armed mostly with spades digging desperately into the earth. now and then there is a hell of a fight, but that is incidental and a relief. a single division of my old "central force," so easily to be spared, so wasted where they are, could take this pick and spade work off the fighters. but the civilians think, i am certain, we are in france, with a service of trains and motor transport at our backs so that our "bayonets" are really free to devote their best energies to fighting. my troops are becoming thoroughly worn out. and when i think of the three huge armies of the central force i commanded a few weeks ago in england--! _ th april, . h.m.s. "q.e." off the peninsula._ a biggish sea running, subsiding as the day went on--and my mind grew calmer with the waves. for we are living hand-to-mouth now in every sense. two days' storm would go very near starving us. until we work up some weeks' reserve of water, food and cartridges, i shan't sleep sound. have lent birdwood four battalions of the royal naval division and two more battalions are landing at helles to form my own reserve. two weak battalions; that is the exact measure of my executive power to shape the course of events; all the power i have to help either d'amade or hunter-weston. water is a worry; weather is a worry; the shelling from asia is a thorn in my side. the sailors had hoped they would be able to shield the southern point of the peninsula by interposing their ships but they can't. their gunnery won't run to it--was never meant to run to it--and with five going aeroplanes we can't do the spotting. our regiments, too, will not be their superb selves again--won't be anything like themselves--not until they get their terrible losses made good. there is no other way but fresh blood for it is sheer human nature to feel flat after an effort. any violent struggle for life always lowers the will to fight even of the most cut-and-come-again:--don't i remember well when sir george asked me if the elandslaagte brigade had it in them to storm pepworth? i had to tell him they were still the same brigade but not the same men. no use smashing in the impregnable sea front if we don't get a fresh dose of energy to help us to push into the, as yet, very pregnable hinterland. since yesterday morning, when i saw our men scatter right and left before an enemy they would have gone for with a cheer on the th or th,--ever since then i have cursed with special bitterness the lack of vision which leaves us without that per cent. margin above strength which we could, and should, have had with us. the most fatal heresy in war, and, with us, the most rank, is the heresy that battles can be won without heavy loss--i don't care whether it is in men or in ships. the next most fatal heresy is to think that, having won the battle, decimated troops can go on defeating fresh enemies without getting their per cent. renewed. [illustration: "w" beach] at o'clock i boarded h.m.s. _kennett_, a destroyer, and went ashore. commodore roger keyes came along with me, and we set foot on turkish soil for the first time at . a.m. at "w" beach. what a scene! an ants' nest in revolution. five hundred of our fighting men are running to and fro between cliffs and sea carrying stones wherewith to improve our pier. on to this pier, picket boats, launches, dinghies, barges, all converge through the heavy swell with shouts and curses, bumps and hair's-breadth escapes. other swarms of half-naked soldiers are sweating, hauling, unloading, loading, road-making; dragging mules up the cliff, pushing mules down the cliff: hundreds more are bathing, and through this pandemonium pass the quiet stretchers bearing pale, blood-stained, smiling burdens. first we spent some time speaking to groups of officers and men and hearing what the beachmasters and engineers had to say; next we saw as many of the wounded as we could and then i walked across to the headquarters of the th division (half a mile) to see hunter-weston. a strange abode for a boss; some holes burrowed into a hillock. in south africa, this feature which looks like, and actually is, a good observing post, would have been thoroughly searched by fire. the turks seem, so far, to have left it pretty well alone. after a long talk during which we fixed up a good many moot points, went on to see general d'amade. unluckily he had just left to go on to the flagship to see me. i did not like to visit the french front in his absence, so took notes of the turkish defences on "v" and had a second and a more thorough inspection of the beach, transport and storage arrangements on "w." roper, phillimore (r.n.) and fuller stood by and showed me round. at . p.m. re-embarked on the _q.e._ and sailed towards gaba tepe. after watching our big guns shooting at the enemy's field pieces for some time i could stand it no longer--the sight seeing i mean--and boarded the destroyer _colne_ which took me towards the beach. commodore keyes came along, also pollen, dawnay and jack churchill. our destroyer got within a hundred yards or so of the shore when we had to tranship into a picquet boat owing to the shallow water. quite a good lot of bullets were plopping into the water, so the commodore ordered the _colne_ to lie further out. at this distance from the beach, withdrawn a little from the combat, (there was a hottish scrimmage going on), and yet so close that friends could be recognised, the picture we saw was astonishing. no one has ever seen so strange a spectacle and i very much doubt if any one will ever see it again. the australians and new zealanders had fixed themselves into the crests of a series of high sandy cliffs, covered, wherever they were not quite sheer, with box scrub. these cliffs were not in the least like what they had seemed to be through our glasses when we reconnoitred them at a distance of a mile or more from the shore. still less were they like what i had originally imagined them to be from the map. their features were tumbled, twisted, scarred--unclimbable, one would have said, were it not that their faces were now pock-marked with caves like large sand-martin holes, wherein the men were resting or taking refuge from the sniping. from the trenches that ran along the crest a hot fire was being kept up, and swarms of bullets sang through the air, far overhead for the most part, to drop into the sea that lay around us. yet all the time there were full five hundred men fooling about stark naked on the water's edge or swimming, shouting and enjoying themselves as it might be at margate. not a sign to show that they possess the things called nerves. while we were looking, there was an alarm, and long, lean figures darted out of the caves on the face of the cliffs and scooted into the firing line, stooping low as they ran along the crest. the clatter of the musketry was redoubled by the echoing cliffs, and i thought we had dropped in for a scrap of some dimensions as we disembarked upon a fragile little floating pier and were met by birdie and admiral thursby. a full general landing to inspect overseas is entitled to a salute of guns--well, i got my dues. but there is no crisis; things are quieter than they have been since the landing, birdie says, and the turks for the time being have been beat. he tells me several men have already been shot whilst bathing but there is no use trying to stop it: they take the off chance. so together we made our way up a steep spur, and in two hours had traversed the first line trenches and taken in the lie of the land. half way we met generals bridges and godley, and had a talk with them, my first, with bridges, since duntroon days in australia. from the heights we could look down on to the strip of sand running northwards from ari burnu towards suvla bay. there were machine guns here which wiped out the landing parties whenever they tried to get ashore north of the present line. the new zealanders took these with the bayonet, and we held five or six hundred yards more coast line until we were forced back by turkish counter-attacks in the afternoon and evening of the th. the whole stretch is now dominated by turkish fire from the ridges, and along it lie the bodies of those killed at the first onset, and afterwards in the new zealand bayonet charge. several boats are stranded along this no man's land; so far all attempts to get out at night and bury the dead have only led to fresh losses. no one ever landed out of these boats--so they say. towards evening we re-embarked on the _colne_ and at the very moment of transhipment from the picquet boat the enemy opened a real hot shrapnel fire, plastering with impartiality and liberality our trenches, our beaches and the sea. the _colne_ was in strangely troubled water, but, although the shot fell all about her, neither she nor the picquet boat was touched. five minutes later we should have caught it properly! the turkish guns are very well hidden now, and the _q.e._ can do nothing against them without the balloon to spot; we can't often spare one of our five aeroplanes for gaba tepe. going back we had some long range shots with the -inch guns at batteries in rear of achi baba. anchored off cape helles at dark. a reply in from maxwell about the east lancs. they are coming! the worst enemy a chief has to face in war is an alarmist. the turks are indeed stout and terrifying fellows when seen, not in a poetry book but in a long line running at you in a heavy jogtrot way with fixed bayonets gleaming. but they don't frighten me as much as one or two of my own friends. no matter. we are here to stay; in so far as my fixed determination can make it so; alive or dead, we stay. _ th april, . h.m.s. queen elizabeth._ from dawn to breakfast time all hands busy slinging shells--modern war sinews--piles of them--aboard. the turks are making hay while the sun shines and are letting "v" beach have it from their -inch howitzers on the plains of troy. so, once upon a time, did paris shoot forth his arrows over that selfsame ground and plug proud achilles in the heel--and never surely was any fabulous tendon more vulnerable than are our southern beaches from asia. the audacious commander samson cheers us up. he came aboard at . a.m. and stakes his repute as an airman that his fellows will duly spot these guns and that once they do so the ships will knock them out. i was so pleased to hear him say so that i took him ashore with me to "w" beach, where he was going to fix up a flight over the asiatic shore, as well as select a flat piece of ground near the tip of the peninsula's toe to alight upon. saw hunter-weston: he is quite happy. touched on "y" beach; concluded least said soonest mended. the issues of the day before yesterday's battle seem certainly to have hung on a hair. apart from "y" beach might-have-beens, it seems that, further inland, detachments of our men got into a position dominating krithia; a position from which--could they have held it--turkish troops in or south of krithia could have been cut off from their supplies. these men saw the turks clear out of krithia taking machine guns with them. but after half an hour, as we did not come on, they began to come back. we were too weak and only one battalion was left of our reserves--otherwise the day was ours. street, the g.s.o.i. of the division, was in the thick of the battle--too far in for his rank, i am told, and he is most emphatic that with one more brigade achi baba would now be in our hands. he said this to me in presence of his own chief and i believe him, although i had rather disbelieve. to my mind "a miss is as good as a mile" should run a "miss is far worse than a mile." he is a sober-spoken, most gallant officer. but it can't be helped. this is not the first time in history when the lack of a ha'porth of tar has spoilt the ship of state. i would bear my ills without a groan were it not that from the very moment when i set eyes on the narrows i was sent to prize open, i had set my heart upon just this very identical ha'porth of tar--_videlicet_, the indian brigade. our men are now busy digging themselves into the ground they gained on the th. the turks have done a good lot of gunnery but no real counter-attack. hunter-weston's states show that during the past twenty-four hours well over half of his total strength are getting their artillery ashore, building piers, making roads, or bringing up food, water and ammunition into the trenches. this does not take into account men locally struck off fighting duty as cooks, orderlies, sentries over water, etc., etc. altogether, it seems that not more than one-third of our fast diminishing total are available for actual fighting purposes. had we even a brigade of those backward territorial reserve battalions with whom the south of england is congested, they would be worth i don't know what, for they would release their equivalent of first-class fighting men to attend to their own business--the fighting. there are quite a little budget of knotty points to settle between hunter-weston and d'amade, so i made a careful note of them and went along to french headquarters. by bad luck d'amade was away, up in the front trenches, and i could not well deliver myself to des coigns. so i said i would come again sometime to-morrow and once more wended my way along the busy beaches, and in doing so revisited the turkish defences of "v" and "w." the more i look, the more do i marvel at the invincible spirit of the british soldier. nothing is impossible to him; no general knows what he can do till he tries. therefore, he, the british general, must always try! must never listen to the rule-of-thumb advisers who seek to chain down adventure to precedent. but our wounds make us weaker and weaker. oh that we could fill up the gaps in the thinned ranks of those famous regiments....! had ten minutes' talk with the french captain commanding the battery of 's now dug in close to the old fort, where general d'amade sleeps, or rather, is supposed to sleep. here is the noisiest spot on god's earth. not only do the 's blaze away merrily from morn till dewy eve, and again from dewy eve till morn, to a tune that turns our gunners green with envy, but the enemy are not slow in replying, and although they have not yet exactly found the little beggars (most cunningly concealed with green boughs and brushwood), yet they go precious near them with big shell and small shell, shrapnel and h.e. as i was standing here i was greeted by an old manchurian friend, le capitaine reginald kahn. he fought with the boers against us and has taken his immense bulk into one campaign after another. a very clever writer, he has been entrusted by the french government with the compilation of their official history of these operations. on my way back to the _arcadian_ (we are leaving the _queen elizabeth_ for a time)--i met a big batch of wounded, knocked out, all of them, in the battle of the th. i spoke to as many of them as i could, and although some were terribly mutilated and disfigured, and although a few others were clearly dying, one and all kept a stiff upper lip--one and all were, or managed to appear--more than content--happy! this scene brought tears into my eyes. the courage of our soldiers goes far beyond belief. were it not so war would be unbearable. how strongly god keeps the balance even. in fullest splendour the soul shines out amidst the dark shadows of adversity; as a fire goes out when the sunlight strikes it, so the burning, essential quality in men is stifled by prosperity and success. _later_. our battleships have been bombarding chunuk--chucking shells into it from the aegean side of the peninsula--and a huge column of smoke is rising up into the evening sky. a proper bonfire on the very altar of mars. _ st may, . h.m.s. "arcadian."_ went ashore first thing. odd shells on the wing. visited french headquarters. again d'amade was away. had a long talk with des coigns, the chief of staff, and told him i had just heard from lord k. that the st brigade of the new french division would sail for the dardanelles on the rd inst. des coigns is overjoyed but a tiny bit hurt, too, that french headquarters should get the news first from me and not from their own war ministry. he insists on my going round the french trenches and sent a capitaine de la fontaine along with me. until to-day i had quite failed to grasp the extent of the ground we had gained. but we want a lot more before we can begin to feel safe. the french trenches are not as good as ours by a long chalk, and bullets keep coming through the joints of the badly built sandbag revetment. but they say, "_un peu de repos, après, vous verrez, mon général._" during my peregrinations i struck the headquarters of the mediterranean brigade under general vandenberg, who came round his own men with me. a sturdy, thickset fair man with lots of go and very cheery. he is of dutch descent. later on i came to the colonial brigade headquarters and made the acquaintance of colonel ruef, a fine man--every inch a soldier. the french have suffered severely but are in fine fighting form. they are enchanted to hear about their second division. for some reason or another they have made up their minds that france is not so keen as we are to make a present of constantinople to russia. their intelligence on european questions seems much better than ours and they depress me by expressing doubts as to whether the grand duke nicholas has munitions enough to make further headway against the turks in the caucasus: also, as to whether he has even stuff enough to equip istomine and my rather visionary army corps. by the time we had passed along the whole of the french second line and part of their front line trenches, i had had about enough. so took leave of these valiant frenchmen and cheery senegalese and pushed on to the advanced observation post of the artillery where i met general stockdale, commanding the th brigade, r.f.a., and not only saw how the land lay but heard some interesting opinions. also, some ominous comments on what armies spend and what governments scrimp:--that is ammunition. at p.m., got back having had a real good sweat. must have walked at least a dozen miles. soon afterwards cox, commanding the th indian brigade, came on board to make his salaam. better late than never is all i could say to him: he and his brigade are sick at not having been on the spot to give the staggering turks a knock-out on the th, but he's going to lose no more chances; his men are landing now and he hopes to get them all ashore in the course of the day. the intelligence have just translated an order for the th april found upon the dead body of a turkish staff officer. "be sure," so it runs, "that no matter how many troops the enemy may try to land, or how heavy the fire of his artillery, it is absolutely impossible for him to make good his footing. supposing he does succeed in landing at one spot, no time should be left him to co-ordinate and concentrate his forces, but our own troops must instantly press in to the attack and with the help of our reserves in rear he will forthwith be flung back into the sea." _ nd may, . h.m.s. "arcadian."_ had a sleepless night and strain was too great to write or do anything but stand on bridge and listen to the firing or go down to the general staff and see if any messages had come to hand. about p.m. i was on the bridge thinking how dark it was and how preternaturally still; i felt all alone in the world; nothing stirred; even the french 's had ceased their nerve-racking bark, and then, suddenly, in one instant, hell was let loose upon earth. like a hundred peals of thunder the turkish artillery from both continents let fly their salvoes right, left and centre, and the french and ourselves did not lose many seconds in reply. the shells came from asia and achi baba:--in a fiery shower, they fell upon the lines of our front trenches. half an hour the bombardment and counter-bombardment, and then there arose the deadly crepitation of small arms--no messages--ten times i went back and forward to the signal room--no messages--until a new and dreadful sound was carried on the night wind out to sea--the sound of the shock of whole regiments--the turkish allah din!--our answering loud hurrahs. the moments to me were moments of unrelieved agony. i tried to think of some possible source of help i had overlooked and could not. to hear the battle cries of the fighting men and be tied to this _arcadian_--what torture! soon, amidst the dazzling yellow flashes of the bursting shells and star bombs, there rose in beautiful parabolas all along our front coloured balls of fire, green, red or white; signals to their own artillery from the pistols of the officers of the enemy. an ugly feature, these lights so beautiful, because, presumably, in response to their appeal, the turkish shell were falling further down the peninsula than at first, as if they had lengthened their range and fuse, i.e., as if we were falling back. by now several disquietening messages had come in, especially from the right, and although bad news was better than no news, or seemed so in that darkness and confusion, yet my anxious mind was stretched on the rack by inability to get contact with the headquarters of the th division and the french. bullets or shell had cut some of the wires, and the telephone only worked intermittently. at in the morning i had to send a battalion of my reserve from the royal naval division to strengthen the french right. at a.m. we heard--not from the british--that the british had been broken and were falling back upon the beaches. at we heard from hunter-weston that, although the enemy had pierced our line at one or two points, they had now been bloodily repulsed. thereupon, i gave the word for a general counter-attack and our line began to advance. the whole country-side was covered with retreating turks and, as soon as it was light enough to see, our shrapnel mowed them down by the score. we gained quite a lot of ground at first, but afterwards came under enfilade fire from machine guns cunningly hidden in folds of the ground. there was no forcing of these by any _coup de main_ especially with worn out troops and guns which had to husband their shell, and so we had to fall back on our starting point. we have made several hundreds prisoners, and have killed a multitude of the enemy. i took braithwaite and others of the g.s. with me and went ashore. at the pier at "w" were several big lighters filled with wounded who were about to be towed out to hospital ships. spent the best part of an hour on the lighters. the cheeriness of the gallant lads is amazing--superhuman! went on to see hunter-weston at his headquarters,--a queer headquarters it would seem to our brethren in france! braithwaite, street, hunter-weston and myself. some of our units are shaken, no doubt, by loss of officers (complete); by heavy losses of men (not replaced, or replaceable, under a month) and by sheer physical exertion. small wonder then that one weak spot in our barrier gave way before the solid mass of the attacking turks, who came on with the bayonet like true ghazis. the first part of the rifle fire last night was entirely from our own men. the break by one battalion gave a grand chance to the only territorial unit in the th division, the th royal scots, who have a first-class commanding officer and are inspired not only by the indomitable spirit of their regular comrades, but by the special fighting traditions of auld reekie. they formed to a flank as if on a peace parade and fell on to the triumphant turkish stormers with the cold steel, completely restoring the fortunes of the night. it would have melted a heart of stone, hunter-weston said, to see how tired our men looked in the grey of morning when my order came to hand urging them to counter-attack and pursue. not the spirit but the flesh failed them. with a fresh division on the ground nothing would have prevented us from making several thousand prisoners; whether they would have been able to rush the machine guns and so gain a great victory was more problematical. anyway, our advance at dawn was half heroic, half lamentable. the men were so beat that if they tripped and fell, they lay like dead things. the enemy were almost in worse plight and so we took prisoners, but as soon as we came up against nerveless, tireless machine guns we had to stagger back to our trenches. as i write dead quiet reigns on the peninsula, literally dead quiet. not a shot from gun or rifle and the enemy are out in swarms over the plain! but they carry no arms; only stretchers and red crescent flags, for they are bearing away their wounded and are burying their piles of dead. it is by my order that the turks are being left a free hand to carry out this pious duty. the stretcher-bearers carry their burdens over a carpet of flowers. life is here around us in its most exquisite forms. those flowers! poppies, cornflowers, lilies, tulips whose colours are those of the rainbow. the coast line curving down and far away to meet the extravagant blueness of the aegean where the battleships lie silent--still--smoke rising up lazily--and behind them, through the sea haze, dim outlines of imbros and samothrace. going back, found that the lighter loads of wounded already taken off have by no means cleared the beach. more wounded and yet more. here, too, are a big drove of turkish prisoners; fine-looking men; well clothed; well nourished; more of them coming in every minute and mixing up in the strangest and friendliest way with our wounded with whom they talk in some dumb-crambo lingo. the turks are doing yeoman service for germany. if only india were pulling her weight for us on the same scale, we should by now be before the gates of vienna. in the afternoon d'amade paid me a long visit. he was at first rather chilly and i soon found out it was on account of my having gone round his lines during his absence. he is quite right, and i was quite wrong, and i told him so frankly which made "all's well" in a moment. my only excuse, namely, that i had been invited--nay pressed--to do so by his own chief of staff, i thought it wiser to keep to myself. yesterday evening he got a cable from his own war ministry confirming k.'s cable to me about the new french division; numbered the th, it is to be commanded by bailloud, a distinguished general who has held high office in africa--seventy years old, but sharp as a needle. d'amade is most grateful for the battalion of the naval division; most complimentary about the officers and men and is dying to have another which is, _évidemment_, a real compliment. he promises if i will do so to ration them on the best of french conserves and wine. the fact is, that the proportion of white men in the french division is low; there are too many senegalese. the battalion from the naval division gives, therefore, greater value to the whole force by being placed on the french right than by any other use i can put it to although it does seem strange to separate a small british unit by the entire french front from its own comrades. when d'amade had done, de robeck came along. no one on the _q.e._ slept much last night: to them, as to us, the dark hours had passed like one nightmare after another. were we miles back from the trenches as in france, and frankly dependent on our telephones, the strain would be softened by distance. here we see the flashes; we hear the shots; we stand in our main battery and are yet quite cut off from sharing the efforts of our comrades. too near for reflection; too far for intervention: on tenter hooks, in fact; a sort of mental crucifixion. cox is not going to take his punjabi mahommedans into the fighting area but will leave them on "w" beach. he says if we were sweeping on victoriously he would take them on but that, as things are, it would not be fair to them to do so. that is exactly why i asked k. and fitz for a brigade of gurkhas; not a mixed brigade. _ rd may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ at p.m. last night there was another furious outburst of fire; mainly from the french. 's and rifles vied against one another in making the most infernal _fracas_. i thought we were in for an _encore_ performance, but gradually the uproar died away, and by midnight all was quiet. the turks had made another effort against our right, but they could not penetrate the rampart of living fire built up against them and none got within charging distance of our trenches, so d'amade 'phones. he also says that a mass of turkish reserves were suddenly picked up by the french searchlights and the 's were into them like a knife, slicing and slashing the serried ranks to pieces before they had time to scatter. birdie boarded us at a.m. and told us his troubles. he has straightened out his line on the left; after a fierce fight which has cost him no less than fresh casualties. but he feels safer now and is pretty happy! he is sure he can hold his own against anything except thirst. his _band-o-bast_ for taking water up to the higher trenches is not working well, and the springs he has struck along the beach and in the lower gullies are brakish. we are going to try and fix this up for him. at o'clock went ashore with braithwaite and paid visits to hunter-weston and to d'amade. we had a conference with each of them, generals and staff who could be spared from the fighting being present. the feeling is hopeful if only we had more men and especially drafts to fill up our weakened battalions. the shell question is serious although, in this respect, thank heavens, the french are quite well found. when we got back to the ship, heard a taube had just been over and dropped a bomb, which fell exactly between the _arcadian_ and the ammunition ship, anchored only about or yards off us! _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ last night again there was all sorts of firing and fighting going on, throughout those hours peaceful citizens ear-mark for sleep. i had one or two absolutely hair-raising messages. not only were the french troops broken but the th division were falling back into the sea. though frightened to death, i refused to part with my reserve and made ready to go and take command of it at break of dawn. in the end the french and hunter-weston beat off the enemy by themselves. but there is no doubt that some of the french, and two battalions of our own, are badly shaken,--no wonder! both hunter-weston and d'amade came on board in the forenoon, hunter-weston quite fixed that _his_ men are strained to breaking point and d'amade emphatic that _his_ men will not carry on through another night unless they get relief. to me fell the unenviable duty of reconciling two contrary persuasions. much argument as to where the enemy was making his main push; as to the numbers of our own rifles (french and english) and the yards of trenches each (french and english) have to hold. i decided after anxious searching of heart to help the french by taking over some portion of their line with the naval brigade. there was no help for it. hunter-weston agreed in the end with a very good grace. in writing k. i try to convey the truth in terms which will neither give him needless anxiety or undue confidence. the facts have been stated very simply, plus one brief general comment. i tell him that the turks would be playing our game by these assaults were it not that in the french section they break through the senegalese and penetrate into the position. i add a word of special praise for the naval division, they have done so well, but i know there are people in the war office who won't like to hear it. i say, "i hope the new french division will not steam at economic, but full, speed"; and i sum up by the sentence, "the times are anxious, but i believe the enemy's cohesion should suffer more than ours by these repeated night attacks." chapter vii shells to-day, the th, shells were falling from asia on both "v" and "w" beaches. we have landed aeroplanes on the peninsula. the taube has been bothering us again, but wound up its manoeuvres very decently by killing some fish for our dinner. approved an out-spoken cable from my ordnance to the war office. heaven knows we have been close-fisted with our meagre stocks, but when the turks are coming right on to the assault it is not possible to prevent a spurt of rapid fire from men who feel the knife at their throat. "ammunition is becoming a very serious matter, owing to the ceaseless fighting since april th. the _junia_ has not turned up and has but a small supply when she does. pr. shell is vital necessity." _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ a wearing, nerve-racking, night-long fire by the turks and the french 's. they, at least, both of them, seem to have a good supply of shell. to the jews, god showed himself once as a pillar of fire by night; to the french soldier whose god is the he reveals himself in just the same way, safeguarding his flimsy trenches from the impact of the infidel horde. the curse of the method is its noise--let alone its cost. but last night it came off: no turks got through anywhere on the french front and the men had not to stand to their arms or use their rifles. we british, worse luck, can't dream of these orgies of explosives. our batteries last night did not fire a shot and the men had to drive back the enemy by rifle fire. they did it easily enough but the process is wearing. an answer has come to my prayer for pr. stuff: not the answer that turns away wrath, but the answer that provokes a plaster saint. "we have under consideration your telegram of yesterday. the ammunition supply for your force, however, was never calculated on the basis of a prolonged occupation of the gallipoli peninsula, we will have to reconsider the position if, after the arrival of the reinforcements now on their way out to you, the enemy cannot be driven back and, in conjunction with the fleet, the forts barring the passage of the dardanelles cannot be reduced. it is important to push on." now von donop is a kindly man despite that overbearing "von": yet, he speaks to us like this! the survivors of our half dead force are to "push on"; for, "it is important to push on" although whitehall seems to have time and to spare to "consider" my cable and to "reconsider the position." death first, diagnosis afterwards. wherever is the use of reconsidering the position now? the position has taken charge. when a man has jumped off westminster bridge to save a drowning russian his position has got beyond reconsideration: there is only one thing to do--as quickly as you can, as much help as you can--and if it comes to a choice between the _quick_ and the _much_: hark to your swimmer and hear him cry "quick! quick!! quick!!!" the war office urge me to throw my brave troops yet once more against machine guns in redoubts; to do it on the cheap; to do it without asking for the shell that gives the attack a sporting chance. i don't say they are wrong in so saying; there may be no other way out of it; but i do say the war office stand convicted of having gone hopelessly wrong in their estimates and preparations. for we must have been held up somewhere, surely; we must have fought _somewhere_. i suppose, even if we had forced the straits--even if we had taken constantinople without firing a shot, we must have fought somewhere! otherwise, a child's box of tin soldiers sent by post would have been just the thing for the dardanelles landing! no; it's not the advice that riles me: it's the fact that people who have made a mistake, and should be sorry, slur over my appeal for the stuff advances are made of and yet continue to urge us on as if we were hanging back. a strong wind blows and helles is smothered in dust. hunter-weston spent an hour with me this morning and an hour with the g.s. putting the final touches to the plan of attack discussed by us yesterday. the lancashire brigade of the nd division has landed. hunter-bunter stayed to lunch. _later_. in the afternoon went ashore and inspected the lancashire brigade of the east lancs. division just landed; and a very fine lot of officers and men they are. they are keen and ready for to-morrow. yes, to-morrow we attack again: i have men enough now but very, very little shell. the turks have given us three bad nights and they ought to be worn out. with our sea power we can shift a couple of brigades from gaba tepe to helles or vice versa quicker than the turks can march from the one theatre to the other. so the first question has been whether to reinforce gaba tepe from helles or vice versa. for reasons too long to write here i have decided to attack in the south especially as i had a cable from k. himself yesterday in which he makes the suggestion:-- "i hope," he says, "the th" (that's to-day) "will see you strong enough to press on to achi baba anyway, as delay will allow the turks to bring up more reinforcements and to make unpleasant preparations for your reception. the australians and new zealanders will have had reinforcements from egypt by then, and, if they hold on to their trenches with the help of the naval division, could spare you a good many men for the advance." old k. is as right as rain here but a little bit after the shower. had he and maxwell tumbled to the real situation when i first saw with my own eyes the lie of the land instead of the lies on their maps; and had they let me have the brigade of gurkhas i asked for by my letters and by my cable of th march, and by word of mouth and telephone up to the last moment of my leaving egypt, these homilies about the urgency of seizing achi baba would be beside the mark, seeing we should be sitting on the top of it. in the matter of giving k. is built on the model of pharaoh: nothing less than the firstborn of the nation will make him suffer his subjects to depart from egypt; and maxwell sees eye to eye with him--that is natural. no word of the bombs and trench mortars i asked for six weeks ago, but the "bayonets" are coming in liberally now. two of birdwood's brigades sail down to-night and join up with a brigade from the naval division, thus making a new composite division for the southern theatre. the th, who have lost so very heavily, are being strengthened by the new lancashire fusilier brigade, and cox's indian brigade. by no manner the same thing, this, as getting drafts to fill up the ranks of the th. always in war there is three times better value in filling up an old formation than in making up the total by bringing in a new formation. i have given the french the naval brigade; the new, naval-australian division is to form my general reserve. so there! to-morrow morning. we have men enough, and good men too, but we are short of pebbles for goliath of achi baba. these three nights have made a big hole in our stocks. hunter-weston feels that all is in our favour but the artillery. in flanders, he says, they would never attack with empty limbers behind them; they would wait till they were full up. but the west is not in its essence a time problem; there, they can wait--next week--next month. if we wait one week the turks will have become twice as strong in their numbers, and twice as deep in their trenches, as they are to-day. hunter-weston and d'amade see that perfectly. i hold the idea myself that it would be good tactics, seeing shell shortage is our weakness, to make use of the half hour before dawn to close with the enemy and then fight it out on their ground. to cross the danger zone, in fact, by night and overthrow the enemy in the grey dawn. but hunter-weston says that so many regimental officers have been lost he fears for the company leading at night:--for that, most searching of military tests, nothing but the best will do. hard up as we are for shell he thinks it best to blaze it away freely before closing and to trust our bayonets when we get in. he and d'amade have both of them their western experience to guide them. i have agreed, subject only to the condition that we must keep some munitions in reserve until we hear for certain that more is on its way. the enemy had trusted to their shore defences. there was no second line behind them--not this side of achi baba, at least. now, i.e., ever since the failure of their grand attempt on the night of the nd- rd may, they have been hard at work. already their lines cover quite half the ground between the aegean and the straits; whilst, in rear again, we can see wired patches which we guess to be enfilading machine gun redoubts. we must resolutely and at all cost make progress and smash up these new spiders' webs of steel before they connect into elastic but unbreakable patterns. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ three days on the rack! since the morning of the th not a word have i written barring one or two letters and one or two hasty scraps of cables. now, d.v., there is the best part of a day at my disposal and it is worth an effort to put that story down. first i had better fix the sequence of the munition cables, for upon them the whole attack has hung--or rather, hung fire. on the th, the evening of the opening day, we received a postscript to the refusal already chronicled:-- "until you can submit a return of the amount you have in hand to enable us to work out the rates of expenditure, it is difficult to decide about further supplies of ammunition." when i read this i fell on my knees and prayed god to grant me patience. am i to check the number of rounds in the limbers; on the beaches and in transit during a battle? two days after my s.o.s. the war office begin to think about tables of averages! i directed my answer to lord k. himself:-- "with reference to your no. of th inst., please turn to my letter to you of th march,[ ] wherein i have laid stress on the essential difference in the matter of ammunition supply between the dardanelles and france. in france, where the factories are within hours' distance from the firing line, it may be feasible to consider and reconsider situations, including ammunition supply. here we are distant a fortnight. i consider that . inch, pr. and other ammunition, especially mark vii rifle ammunition, should instantly be despatched here _via_ marseilles. "battle in progress. advance being held up by stubborn opposition." within a few hours k.'s reply came in; he says:-- "it is difficult for me to judge the situation unless you can send me your expenditure of ammunition for which we have repeatedly asked. the question is not affected by the other considerations you mention." if space and time have no bearing on strategy and tactics, then k. is right. if ships sail over the sea as fast as railways run across the land; if helles is nearer woolwich than calais; then he is right. i use the capital k. here impersonally, for i am sure the great man did not indite the message himself even though it may be headed from him to me. late that night came another cable from the master general of the ordnance saying he was sending out "in the next relief ship , rounds of pr. shrapnel, and , rounds of . inch high explosive." but why the next relief ship? it won't get here for another three weeks and by that time we should be, by all the laws of nature and of war, in davy jones's locker. true, we don't mean to be, whatever the ordnance may do or leave undone but, so far as i can see, that won't be their fault. neither i nor my staff can make head or tail of these cables. they seem so unlike k.; so unlike all the people. here we are:--the turks in front of us--too close: the deep sea behind us--too close. we beg them "instantly" to send us . inch and other ammunition; "instantly, _via_ marseilles":--they tell us in reply that they will send , rounds of the vital stuff, the . high explosive, "_in the next relief ship_"! why, even in the south african war, before the siege of ladysmith, one battery would fire five hundred rounds in a day. and this , rounds in the next relief ship (_via_ alexandria) will take three weeks to get to us whereas stress was laid by me upon the marseilles route. now, to-day, (the th), i have at last been able to send the ordnance a statement (made under extreme difficulty) of our ammunition expenditure; up to the th may; i.e., before the three days' battle began. we were then nine million small arm still to the good having spent eleven million. we had shot away , shrapnel, pr., and had , in hand. we had fired off , of that (most vital) . howitzer and had , remaining. a.p.s. has been added saying the amounts shown had been greatly reduced by the last two days' battle. actually, they have fallen to less than half and, as i have said, we had, on the evening of the th, only , rounds of pr. on hand for the whole peninsula. out of this we have fought the battle of the th and i believe we have run down now to under , , some fear as low as , . very well. now for my last night's cable which, in the opinion of my officers, summarises general result of lack of shell:-- "for the past three days we have fought our hardest for achi baba winding up with a bayonet charge by the whole force along the entire front, from sea to sea. faced by a heavy artillery, machine gun and rifle fire our troops, french and british alike, made a fine effort; the french especially got well into the turks with the bayonet, and all along, excepting on our extreme left, our line gained ground. i might represent the battle as a victory, as the enemy's advanced positions were driven in, but essentially the result has been failure, as the main object remains unachieved. the fortifications and their machine guns were too scientific and too strongly held to be rushed, although i had every available man in to-day. our troops have done all that flesh and blood can do against semi-permanent works, and they are not able to carry them. more and more munitions will be needed to do so. i fear this is a very unpalatable conclusion, but i see no way out of it. "i estimate that the turks had about , opposed to our , rifles. there are , more in front of australian-new zealand army corps' , rifles at gaba tepe. by bringing men over from the asiatic side and from adrianople the turks seem to be able to keep up their strength. i have only one more brigade of the lancashire territorial division to come; not enough to make any real effect upon the situation as regards breaking through." hard must be the heart that is not wrung to think of all these brave boys making their effort; giving their lives; all that they had; it is too much; almost more than can be borne. now to go back and make my notes, day by day, of the battle:-- on the th instant we began at . after half an hour's bombardment,--we dared not run to more. a strong wind was blowing and it was hard to land or come aboard. till p.m. i remained glued to the telephone on board and then went ashore and saw both hunter-weston and d'amade in their posts of command. the live long day there were furious semi-detached fights by battalions and brigades, and we butted back the enemy for some or yards. so far so good. but we did not capture any of the main turkish trenches. i still think we might have done as well at much less cost by creeping up these or yards by night. however! at . we dropped our high-vaulting achi baba aspirations and took to our spades. the hood battalion of the royal naval division had been roughly handled. in the hospital clearing tent by the beach i saw and spoke to (amongst many others) young asquith, shot through the knee, and commander wedgwood, who had been horribly hurt by shrapnel. each in his own way was a calm hero; wrapped in the mantle bequeathed to english soldiers by sir philip sidney. coming back in the evening to the ship we watched the manchester brigade disembarking. i have never seen a better looking lot. the th battalion would serve very well as picked specimens of our race; not so much in height or physique, but in the impression they gave of purity of race and distinction. here are the best the old country can produce; the hope of the progress of the british ideal in the world; and half of them are going to swap lives with turks whose relative value to the well-being of humanity is to theirs as is a locust to a honey-bee. that night bailloud, commander of the new french division, came to make his salaam. he is small, alert, brimful of jokes and of years; seventy they say, but he neither looks it nor acts it. the th was stormy and the sea dangerously rough. at a.m. the lancashire fusilier brigade were to lead off on our left. they could not get a move on, it seemed, although we had hoped that the shelling from the ships would have swept a clear lane for them. the thought that "y" beach, which was holding up this brigade, was once in our hands, adds its sting to other reports coming from that part of the field. in france these reports would have been impersonal messages arriving from afar. in asia or africa i would have been letting off the steam by galloping to d'amade or hunter-weston. here i was neither one thing nor the other:--neither a new fangled commander sitting cool and semi-detached in an office; nor an old fashioned commander taking personal direction of the show. during so long drawn out a suspense i tried to ease the tension by dictation. from the carbons i select these two paragraphs: they occur in a letter fired off to colonel clive wigram at " . a.m., th may, ." "i broke off there because i got a telephone message in from hunter-weston to say his centre was advancing, and that by a pretty piece of co-operation between infantry and artillery, he had driven the turks out of one very troublesome trench. he cannot see what is on his left, or get any message from them. on his left are the lancashire fusiliers (territorials). they are faced by a horrid redoubt held by machine guns, and they are to rush it with the bayonet.[ ] it is a high thing to ask of territorials but against an enemy who is fighting for his life, and for the existence of his country, we have to call upon every one for efforts which, under any other conditions, might be considered beyond their strength. "were we still faced by the divisions which originally held the gallipoli peninsula we would by now, i firmly believe, be in possession of the kilid bahr plateau. but every day a regiment or two dribble into gallipoli, either from asia or from constantinople, and in the last two days an entire fresh division has (we have heard) arrived from adrianople, and is fighting against us this morning. the smallest demonstration on the part of bulgaria would, i presume, have prevented this big reinforcement of fresh troops reaching the enemy, but it seems beyond the resources of diplomacy to get anyone to create a diversion." at . i ordered a general assault; the th brigade to be thrown in on the top of the th; the new zealand brigade in support; the french to conform. our gunners had put more than they could afford into the bombardment and had very little wherewith to pave the way. by the th instant i had seen danger-point drawing near and now it was on us. five hundred more rounds of howitzer . and aeroplanes to spot whilst we wiped out the machine guns; that was the burden of my prayer. still, we did what we could and for a quarter of an hour the whole of the turkish front was wreathed in smoke, but these were naval shells or pr shrapnel; we have no pr high explosive and neither naval shells nor shrapnel are very much good once the targets have got underground. on our left no move forward.[ ] elsewhere our wonderful infantry fought like fresh formations. in face of a tempest of shot and shell and of a desperate resistance by the turks, who stuck it out very bravely to the last, they carried and held the first line enemy trenches. at night several counter-attacks were delivered, in every case repulsed with heavy loss. we are now on our last legs. the beautiful battalions of the th april are wasted skeletons now; shadows of what they had been. the thought of the river of blood, against which i painfully made my way when i met these multitudes of wounded coming down to the shore, was unnerving. but every soldier has to fight down these pitiful sensations: the enemy may be harder hit than he: if we do not push them further back the beaches will become untenable. to overdrive the willingest troops any general ever had under his command is a sin--but we must go on fighting to-morrow! on saturday, the th, i went ashore and by . had taken up my quarters in a little gully between "w" and "x" beaches within yards of the headquarters of the royal naval division. there i was in direct telephonic touch with both hunter-weston and d'amade. the storm had abated and the day was fine. our troops had now been fighting for two days and two nights but there were messages in from the front telling us they were keen as ever to get something solid for their efforts. the lancashire fusiliers brigade had been withdrawn into reserve, and under my orders the new zealand brigade was to advance through the line taken up during the night by the th brigade and attack krithia. the th brigade were to try and gain ground over that wicked piece of moorland to the west of the great ravine which--since the days when it was in the hands of the troops who landed at "y"--has hopelessly held up our left. every gun-shot fired gives me a pain in my heart and adds to the deadly anxiety i feel about our ammunition. we have only one thousand rounds of . h.e. left and we dare not use any more. the pr shrapnel is running down, down, down to its terminus, for we _must_ try and keep , rounds in hand for defence. the french have still got enough to cover their own attacks. the ships began to fire at . and after a quarter of an hour the flower of new zealand advanced in open order to the attack. after the most desperate hand to hand fighting, often by sections or sometimes by groups of half a dozen men, we gained slowly, very slowly, perhaps a couple of hundred yards. there was an opinion in some quarters that we had done all we could, but i resolved firmly to make one more attempt. at o'clock i issued orders that the whole line, reinforced by the australians, should on the stroke of . fix bayonets and storm krithia and achi baba. at . the men-of-war went at it hot and strong with their big guns and fifteen minutes later the hour glass of eternity dropped a tiny grain labelled . p.m. . . into the lap of time. as that moment befell, the wide plain before us became alive. bayonets sparkled all over the wide plain. under our glasses this vague movement took form and human shape: men rose, fell, ran, rushed on in waves, broke, recoiled, crumbled away and disappeared. at the speed of the minute hand of a watch the left of our line crept forward. on the right, at first nothing. then suddenly, in the twinkling of an eye, the whole of the northern slopes of the kereves dere ravine was covered by bright coloured irregular surging crowds, moving in quite another way to the khaki-clad figures on their left:--one moment pouring over the debatable ground like a torrent, anon twisted and turning and flying like multitudes of dead leaves before the pestilent breath of the howitzers. no living man has ever seen so strange a vision as this: in its disarray; in its rushing to and fro; in the martial music, shouts and evolutions! my glasses shook as i looked, though i _believe_ i seemed very calm. it seemed; it truly seemed as if the tide of blue, grey, scarlet specks was submerging the enemy's strongholds. a thousand of them converged and rushed the redoubt at the head of the kereves dere. a few seconds later into it--one! two!! three!!! fell from the clouds the turkish six inchers. where the redoubt had been a huge column of smoke arose as from the crater of a volcano. then fast and furious the enemy guns opened on us. for the first time they showed their full force of fire. again, the big howitzers led the infernal orchestra pitting the face of no man's land with jet black blotches. the puppet figures we watched began to waver; the senegalese were torn and scattered. once more these huge explosions unloading their cargoes of midnight on to the evening gloom. all along the zouaves and senegalese gave way. another surge forward and bayonets crossed with the turks: yet a few moments of tension and back they fell to their trenches followed by salvo upon salvo of shell bursts. night slid down into the smoke. the last thing--against the skyline--a little column of french soldiers of the line charging back upwards towards the lost redoubt. after that--darkness! the battle is over. both sides have fought with every atom of energy they possessed. the heat is oppressive. a heavy mail from england. on shore all quiet. a young wounded officer of the th division said it was worth ten years of tennis to see the australians and new zealanders go in. began writing at daylight and now it is midnight. no word yet of the naval offer to go through. issued a special order to the troops. they deserve everything that anyone can give them in this world and the next. general headquarters, _ th may, ._ "sir ian hamilton wishes the troops of the mediterranean expeditionary force to be informed that in all his past experiences, which include the hard struggles of the russo-japanese campaign, he has never seen more devoted gallantry displayed than that which has characterised their efforts during the past three days. he has informed lord kitchener by cable of the bravery and endurance displayed by all ranks here and has asked that the necessary reinforcements be forthwith dispatched. meanwhile, the remainder of the east lancashire division is disembarking and will henceforth be available to help us to make good and improve upon the positions we have so hardly won." _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ fell asleep last night thinking of admirals, commodores and men-o'-war and of how they _might_, within the next forty-eight hours, put another complexion upon our prospects. so it seemed quite natural when, the first thing in the morning, a cable came in with the tea asking me whether i have been consulting de robeck as to "the future operations that will be necessary." k. adds, "i hope you and the admiral will be able to devise some means of clearing a passage." have just cabled back "every day i have consultations with the admiral": i cannot say more than this as i am not supposed to know anything about de robeck's cable as to the "means of clearing a passage" which went, i believe, yesterday. no doubt it lay before k. when he wired me. i have not been shown the cable; i have not been consulted about it, nor, i believe, has braithwaite, but i do happen to be aware of its drift. without embarking on another endless yarn let me note the fact that there are two schools amongst our brethren afloat. roger keyes and those of the younger school who sport the executive curl upon their sleeves are convinced that now, when we have replaced the ramshackle old trawlers of th march by an unprecedented mine-sweeping service of -knot destroyers under disciplined crews, the forcing of the straits has become as easy ... well; anyway; easier than what we soldiers tried to do on saturday. upon these fire-eaters de robeck has hitherto thrown cold water. he thought, as we thought, that the army would save his ships. but our last battle has shown him that the army would only open the straits at a cost greater than the loss of ships, and that the time has come to strike home with the tremendous mechanism of the fleet. on that basis he quickly came to terms with the views of his thrusting lieutenants. on two reservations, he still insisted: ( ) he was not going to deprive me of the close tactical support of his battleships if there was the least apprehension we might be "done in" in his absence. ( ) he was not going to risk his ships amongst the mines unless we were sure, if he did get through, we could follow on after him by land. on both issues there was, to my thinking, no question:--( ) although we cannot push through "under present conditions without more and more ammunition," _vide_ my cable of yesterday, all the turks in asia will not shift us from where we stand even if we have not one battleship to back us. ( ) if the ships force the straits, beyond doubt, we can starve out the turks; scupper the forts and hold the bulair lines. we know enough now about the communications and reserves of food and munitions of the turks to be positively certain they cannot stick it on the peninsula if they are cut off from sea communication with asia and with constantinople. within a fortnight they will begin to run short; we are all agreed there. so now, (i.e., yesterday) the admiral has cabled offering to go through, and "now" is the moment of all others to let lord k. clearly face the alternative to that proposal. so i have said (in the same cable in which i answer his question about consultations with the admiral) "if you could only spare me two fresh divisions organized as a corps i could push on with great hopes of success both from helles and gaba tepe; otherwise i am afraid we shall degenerate into trench warfare with its resultant slowness." birdie ran down from anzac and breakfasted. he brings news of an a. affair. two of his battalions, the th and th australians, stormed three rows of turkish trenches with the bayonet, and then sat down in them. at dawn to-day the enemy counter-attacked in overwhelming strength. the healthy part of the story lies herein, that our field guns were standing by in action, and as the enemy came on they let them have it hot with shrapnel over a space of yards. terrible as this fire was, it failed to beat off the turks. they retook the trenches, but they have paid far more than their price, for birdwood assures me that their corpses lie piled up so thick one on top of the other that our snipers can take cover behind them. a curious incident: during the night a fleet-sweeper tied up alongside, full of wounded, chiefly australians. they had been sent off from the beach; had been hawked about from ship to ship and every ship they hailed had the same reply--"full up"--until, in the end, they received orders to return to the shore and disembark their wounded to wait there until next day. the officers, amongst them an australian brigadier of my acquaintance, protested; and so, the fleet-sweeper crew, not knowing what to do, came and lashed on to us.[ ] no one told me anything of this last night, but the ship's captain and his officers and my own staff officers have been up on watches serving out soup, etc., and tending these wounded to the best of their power. as soon as i heard what had happened i first signalled the hospital ship _guildford castle_ to prepare to take the men in (she had just cast anchor); then i went on board the fleet-sweeper myself and told the wounded how sorry i was for the delay in getting them to bed. they declared one and all they had been very well done but "the boys" never complain; my a.g. is the responsible official; i have told him the _band-o-bast_ has been bad; also that a court of enquiry must be called to adjudicate on the whole matter. were an example to be sought of the almighty influence of "time" none better could be found than in the fact that, to-day, i have almost forgotten to chronicle a passage in k.'s cable aforesaid that might well have been worth the world and the glories thereof only forty-eight short hours ago. k. says, "more ammunition is being pushed out to you _via_ marseilles." i am glad. i am deeply grateful. our anxieties will be lessened, but _that same message, had it only reached us on saturday morning, would have enabled us to fire , more shrapnel and more . howitzer h.e. to cover our last assault!_ chapter viii two corps or an ally? _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ day dull and overcast. vice-admiral came over to see me in the morning. neither of us has had a reply to his cable; instead, he has been told two enemy submarines are on their way to pay us a visit. the approach of these mechanical monsters opens up vistas thronged with shadowy forebodings. de robeck begs me to set his mind at ease by landing with my staff forthwith. have sent officers to survey the ground between helles and sedd-el-bahr and to see if they can find room for us. we would all rather be on shore than board ship, but helles and "v" beaches are already overcrowded, and we should be squeezed in cheek by jowl, within a few hundred yards of the two divisional headquarters staffs. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ raining hard. busy all morning. a cable from lord k. to say he is sending out the lowland division. we are all as pleased as punch! especially (so braithwaite tells me) roger keyes who looks on this as a good omen for the naval attack proposals. had he not meant the fleet to shove in k. must have made some reference to the second division, surely. have cabled back at once to k. giving him warmest thanks and begging him to look, personally, into the question of the command of the coming division. have begged him to take leslie rundle's opinion on the point and have pressed it by saying, "imperturbable calm in the commander is essential above all things in these operations." most of the troop transports have left their anchorage and gone back to mudros for fear of submarines. went ashore at o'clock. saw hunter-weston and then inspected the th division just in from the firing line. the ground was heavy and sloppy after the rain. i walked as far as the trenches of the th brigade and saw amongst other corps the essex, hants, lancashire fusiliers and th royal scots. spent over an hour chatting to groups of officers and men who looked like earth to earth, caked as they were with mud, haggard with lack of sleep, pale as the dead, many of them slightly wounded and bandaged, hand or head, their clothes blood-stained, their eyes blood-shot. who could have believed that only a fortnight ago these same figures were clean as new pins; smart and well-liking! two-thirds of each battalion were sound asleep in pools of mud and water--like corpses half buried! this sounds horrible but the hearty welcome extended to us by all ranks and the pride they took in their achievements was a sublime triumph of mind over matter. our voluntary service regulars are the last descendants of those rulers of the ancient world, the roman legionaries. oh that their ranks could be kept filled and that a mould so unique was being used to its fullest in forming new regulars. on my way back to the beach i saw the plymouth battalion as it marched in from the front line. they were quite different excepting only in the fact that they also had done marvels of fighting and endurance. they were done: they had come to the end of their tether. not only physical exhaustion but moral exhaustion. they could not raise a smile in the whole battalion. the faces of officers and men had a crushed, utterly finished expression: some of the younger officers especially had that true funeral set about their lips which spreads the contagion of gloom through the hearts of the bravest soldiers. as each company front formed the knees of the rank and file seemed to give way. down they fell and motionless remained. an hour or two of rest, their colonel says, will make all the difference in what the french call their _allure_, but not quite so soon i think. these are the new armies. they are not specialised types like the old army. they have nerves, the defects of their good qualities. they are more susceptible to the horrors and discomforts of what they were never brought up to undergo. the philosophy of the battlefield is not part of their panoply. no one fights better than they do--for a spell--and a good long spell too. but they have not the invincible carelessness or temperamental springiness of the old lot--and how should they? in the evening i received general d'amade who had come over to pay his farewell visit. he is permitted to let me see his order of recall. "important modifications having come about in the general political situation" his government have urgent need for his services on a "military mission." d'amade is a most charming, chivalrous and loyal soldier. he has lost his son fighting in france and he has had his headquarters right down in the middle of his 's where the infernal din night and day must indeed murder sleep. he is a delightful person and, in the combat, too brave. we all wish him luck. for kum kale and for what he has done, suffered and lost he deserves great kudos in his country. by order of the vice-admiral this ship is to anchor at tenedos. my informal confab with the heroes of the th division, and their utter unconsciousness of their own glorious conduct have moved me to write these few words in their honour:-- general headquarters, _ th may, ._ for the first time for days and nights it has been found possible to withdraw the th division from the fire fight. during the whole of that long period of unprecedented strain the division has held ground or gained it, against the bullets and bayonets of the constantly renewed forces of the foe. during the whole of that long period they have been illuminating the pages of military history with their blood. the losses have been terrible, but mingling with the deep sorrow for fallen comrades arises a feeling of pride in the invincible spirit which has enabled the survivors to triumph where ordinary troops must inevitably have failed. i tender to major-general hunter-weston and to his division at the same time my profoundest sympathy with their losses and my warmest congratulations on their achievement. ian hamilton, _general._ [illustration: general d'amade] also i have penned a farewell line to d'amade: general headquarters, medn. exped. force, _ th may, ._ mon gÉnÉral, with deep personal sadness i learn that your country has urgent need of your great experience elsewhere. from the very first you and your brave troops have done all, and more than all, that mortal man could do to further the cause we have at heart. by day and by night, for many days and nights in succession, you and your gallant troops have ceaselessly struggled against the enemy's fresh reinforcements and have won from him ground at the bayonet point. the military records of france are most glorious, but you, mon général, have added fresh brilliancy, if i may say so, even to those dazzling records. the losses have been cruel: such losses are almost unprecedented, but it may be some consolation hereafter to think that only by so fierce a trial could thus have been fully disclosed the flame of patriotism which burns in the hearts of yourself and your men. with sincere regrets at your coming departure but with the full assurance that in your new sphere of activity, you will continue to render the same valuable service you have already given to france. i remain, mon général, your sincere friend, ian hamilton, _general._ _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ hot and bright. dead calm sea. last night a dense fog during which a turkish torpedo boat sneaked down the straits and torpedoed the _goliath_. david and his sling on the grand scale. no details yet to hand. the enemy deserve decorations--confound them! got hold of a fleet-sweeper and went off to cape helles. again visited headquarters th division, and afterwards walked through the trenches of the th brigade. saw that fine soldier, brigadier-general marshall, in command. chatted to no end of his men--inniskillings, dublin fusiliers, etc. they have recovered their exhaustion; have cleaned up, and look full of themselves, twice the size in fact. as i stepped on to the little pier at cape helles an enemy's six-incher burst about yards back, a lump of metal just clearing my right shoulder strap and shooting into the sea with an ugly hiss. not a big fragment but enough! the staff have made up their minds that we should be very much in the wrong box if we dossed down on the toe of the peninsula. first,--unless we get between the divisional generals and the enemy, there is literally no room! secondly,--i should be further, in point of time, from birdwood and his men than if i was still on board ship. thirdly,--the several headquarters of divisions, whether french or british, would all equally hate to have braithwaite and myself sitting in their pockets from morning to night. have sent out another party, therefore, to explore tenedos and see if we can find a place there which will serve us till we can make more elbow room on gallipoli. the gurkhas have stalked the bluff redoubt and have carried it with a rush! they are absolutely the boys for this class of country and for this class of enemy. cabled lord k. about the weakness of the th division. at the very moment when we are hoping so much from a fresh push made in conjunction with a naval attack, the division, the backbone of my force, are short by over , men and officers! as a fighting unit they are on their last legs and when they will be set upon their feet again lord k. knows. were we in france we'd get the men to-morrow. if i had my own depots in egypt still i could see my way, but, as things are, there seems no chance of getting a move on for another fortnight. have cabled k. saying, "i hope the th division is soon to be made up to strength. i had no idea when i left england that the customary per cent. reinforcement was not being taken with it by the division although it was to operate at so great a distance from its base." if k. gets into a bad temper over the opening of my cable, its tail end should lift him out again. for the enemy's extremely tenacious right has been shifted at last. under cover of a hooroosh by the manchesters, the gurkhas have rushed a bluff yards ahead of our line and are sticking to their winnings. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ hot day, smooth sea. disembarking to bivouac on shore. what a contrast we must present to the headquarters in france! there the stately _château_; sheets, table-cloths and motor cars. here the red tab patricians have to haul their own kits over the sand. in the afternoon d'amade came back with general gouraud, his successor, the new chief of the french. a resolute, solid looking _gaillard_ is gouraud. he brings a great reputation with him from the western front. quite late the admiral came over to see me. he brings bad news. roger keyes and the forwards will be cut to the heart. the admiralty have turned down the proposal to force the straits simultaneously by land and sea. we are to go on attacking; the warships are to go on supporting. from the earliest days great commanders have rubbed in the maxim, "if you attack, attack with all your force." our people know better; we are to go on attacking with half our force. first we attack with the naval half and are held up--next we attack with the army half and are held up. the admiral has changed his mind about our landing and thinks it would be best not to fix g.h.q. at tenedos; first, because there might be delay in getting quickly to anzac; secondly, because tenedos is so close to asia that we might all be scuppered in our beds by a cutting-out party of besika bay ruffians, unless we had a guard. but we can't run to the pomp and circumstance of a commander-in-chief's guard here. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ till p.m. the perspiring staff were re-embarking their gear. sailed then for helles when i saw hunter-weston who gave me a full account of the attacks made on the newly gained bluff upon our left. shells busy bursting on "w" beach. some french aeroplanes have arrived--god be praised! shocked to hear birdie has been hit, but another message to say nothing serious, came close on the heels of the first. anchored at imbros when i got a cable asking me what forces i shall need to carry right through to a finish. a crucial question, very much affected by what the admiral told me last night. nothing easier than to ask for , men and then, if i fail say i didn't get what i wanted, but the boldest leaders, bobs, white, gordon, k., have always "asked for more" with a most queasy conscience. on the face of it i need many more men if the fleet is not to attack, and yet i am not even supposed to have knowledge, much less an opinion, as to what passes between the fleet and the admiralty! _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ de robeck came off the _lord nelson_, his new flagship, in the morning. the submarines are shadowing him already, and there seems little doubt they are on their way. bridges has been badly wounded. the news upset me so got hold of h.m.s. _rattlesnake_ (commander wedgwood), and started off for anzac. went ashore and saw birdie. doing so, i received a different sort of salute from that to which a commander-in-chief landing on duty is entitled by regulation. quite a shower of shell fell all about us, the turks having spotted there was some sort of "bloke" on the _rattlesnake_. we went round a bit of the line, and found all well, the men in great heart and, amidst a constant crackle of musketry, looking as if they liked it. birdie himself is still a little shaken by his wound of yesterday. he had a close shave indeed. a bullet came through the chinks of a sandbag and scalped him. he fell to the ground senseless and pouring with blood, but when he had been picked up and washed he wanted to finish his round of the trenches. embarked again under brisk shell fire and proceeded to the hospital ship _gascon_ where i saw general bridges. he looked languid and pale. but his spirit was high as ever and he smiled at a little joke i managed to make about the way someone had taken the shelling we had just gone through. the doctors, alas, give a bad, if not desperate, account of him. were he a young man, they could save him by cutting off his leg high up, but as it is he would not stand the shock. on the other hand, his feet are so cold from the artery being severed that they anticipate mortification. i should have thought better have a try at cutting off the leg, but they are not for it. bridges will be a real loss. he was a single-minded, upright, politics-despising soldier. with all her magnificent rank and file, australia cannot afford to lose bridges. but perhaps i am too previous. may it be so! spent a good long time talking to wounded men--australians, new zealanders and native indians. both the former like to meet someone who knows their native country, and the natives brighten up when they are greeted in hindustani. on returning to imbros, got good news about the lancashire territorials who have gained yards of ground without incurring any loss to speak of. they are real good chaps. they suffer only from the regular soldiers' fault; there are too few of them here. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian." p.m._ too much work to move. in the evening the admiral came to see me and read my rough draft for an answer to lord k.'s cable. we show the navy all our important operations cables; they have their own ways of doing things and don't open out so freely. on the face of it, we are invited to say what we want. well, to steer a middle course between my duty to my force and my loyalty to k. is not so simple as it might seem. that middle course is (if i can only hit it) my duty to my country. the chief puzzle of the problem is that nothing turns out as we were told it would turn out. the landing has been made but the balkans fold their arms, the italians show no interest, the russians do not move an inch to get across the black sea (the grand duke nicholas has no munitions, we hear); our submarines have got through but they can only annoy, they cannot cut the sea communications, and so the turks have not fled to bulair. instead, enemy submarines are actually about to get at us and our ships are being warned they may have to make themselves scarce: last--in point of time--but not least, not by a long way, the central idea of the original plan, an attack by the fleet on the forts appears to have been entirely shelved. at first the fleet was to force its way through; we were to look on; next, the fleet and the army were to go for the straits side by side; to-day, the whole problem may fairly be restated on a clean sheet of paper, so different is it from the problem originally put to me by k. when it was understood i would put him in an impossible position if i pressed for reinforcements. we should be on velvet if we asked for so many troops that we must win if we got them; whereas, if we did not get them we could say victory was impossible. but we are not the only fighters for the empire. the admiral, braithwaite, roger keyes agree with me that the fair and square thing under the circumstances is to ask for _what is right_; not a man more than we, in our consciences, believe we will really need,--not a man less. actually, after much heart searching and head scratching, my mind has made itself up and has gone home by cable to-day. the statement is entirely frank and covers all the ground except as regards the fleet, a pidgin which flies out of range:-- "(m.f. ). "your no. cipher, of the th instant. the following is my appreciation of the situation: "on the one hand, there are at present on the peninsula as many troops as the available space and water supply can accommodate. "on the other hand, to break through the strong opposition on my front will require more troops. i am, therefore, in a quandary, because although more troops are wanted there is, at present, no room for them.[ ] moreover, the difficulty in answering your question is accentuated by the fact that my answer must depend on whether turkey will continue to be left undisturbed in other parts and therefore free to make good the undoubtedly heavy losses incurred here by sending troops from adrianople, keshan, constantinople and asia; we now have direct evidence that the latter has been the case. "if the present condition of affairs in this respect were changed by the entry into the struggle of bulgaria or greece or by the landing of the russians, my present force, kept up to strength by the necessary drafts, plus the army corps asked for in my no. m.f. of the th may, would probably suffice to finish my task. if, however, the present situation remains unchanged and the turks are still able to devote so much exclusive attention to us, i shall want an additional army corps, that is, two army corps additional in all. "i could not land these reinforcements on the peninsula until i can advance another , yards and so free the beaches from the shelling to which they are subjected from the western side and gain more space; but i could land them on the adjacent islands of tenedos, imbros and lemnos and take them over later to the peninsula for battle. this plan would surmount the difficulties of water and space on the peninsula and would, perhaps, enable me to effect a surprise with the fresh divisions. "i believe i could advance with half the loss of life that is now being reckoned upon, if i had a liberal supply of gun ammunition, especially of high explosive." only bitterest experience has forced me to insert the two stipulations which should go without saving, ( ) that my force is kept up to strength, ( ) that i have a decent allowance of gun ammunition, especially of high explosives. will lord k. meet us half way, i wonder? he is the idol of england, and take him all in all, the biggest figure in the world. he believes, he has an instinct, that here is the heel of the german colossus, otherwise immune to our arrows. let him but put his foot down, and who dare say him nay? the most vital of my demands is that my formations should be kept full. an extra , men in the shape of a new army corps is one thing. an extra , men to feed war-trained units already in the field is another, and very different, and very much better thing. the value of keeping the veteran corps up to strength and the value of the same number of rifles organized into raw battalions commanded by inexperienced leaders is as the value of the sun to the moon. but k. and i have never seen eye to eye here, and never will. the spirit of man is like a precious stone: the greater it is the more room in it for a flaw. who in the world but k. would have swept up all the odds and ends of detachments from about twenty different regiments of mine sent from pretoria to elandsfontein to bring up remounts and clothing to their units; who but k. could have conceived the idea of forming them into a new corps and expecting them to fight as well as ever--instead of legging it like the wind as they did at the first whistle of a bullet? on the other hand, who but k., at that time, could have run the war at all? the th division have managed to snatch another yards from the enemy, greatly strengthening the bluff upon which the gurkhas dug themselves in. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ villiers stuart, birdie's staff officer, has been killed on anzac by a shell. the submarine e. sailed into harbour after a series of hair-raising adventures in the sea of marmora. she is none the worse, bar the loss of one periscope from a turkish lucky shot. her commander, boyle, comes only after nasmith as a pet of roger keyes! she got a tremendous ovation from the fleet. the exploits of the submarine give a flat knock-out to norman angell's contention that excitement and romance have now gone out of war. have asked that the maoris may be sent from malta to join the new zealanders at anzac. i hope and believe that they will do well. their white comrades from the northern island are very keen to have them. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian"._ compton mackenzie has come on board. he is to be attached to the intelligence. general gouraud and his chief of staff, girodon, lunched. i do not know many french officers, but girodon happens to be an old acquaintance. i met him six years ago on the austrian manoeuvres. he is a delightful personality; a very sound soldier and a plucky one also. i reminded him how, in , he had told me that the germans would end by binding together all the other peoples of europe against the common danger of their dominance. this was at teschen on the borderland between austrian and prussian silesia during the austrian manoeuvres. he remembered the occasion and the remark. well, he has proved a true prophet! a cable from k. in answer to mine giving two more army corps as my minimum unless some neutral or allied power is going to help us against the turks. i knew he would be greatly upset:-- "( , cipher). "private and personal. with reference to your telegram no. m.f. , i am quite certain that you fully realize what a serious disappointment it has been to me to discover that my preconceived views as to the conquest of positions necessary to dominate the forts on the straits, with naval artillery to support our troops on land, and with the active help of naval bombardment, were miscalculated. "a serious situation is created by the present check, and the calls for large reinforcements and an additional amount of ammunition that we can ill spare from france. "from the stand-point of an early solution of our difficulties, your views, as stated, are not encouraging. the question whether we can long support two fields of operation draining on our resources requires grave consideration. i know that i can rely upon you to do your utmost to bring the present unfortunate state of affairs in the dardanelles to as early a conclusion as possible, so that any consideration of a withdrawal, with all its dangers in the east, may be prevented from entering the field of possible solutions. "when all the above is taken into consideration, i am somewhat surprised to see that the , which maxwell can send you are apparently not required by you. with the aid of these i had hoped that you would have been in a position to press forward. "the lowland division is leaving for you." this is a queer cable. seems as if k. was beginning to come up against those political forces which have ever been a british commander's bane. the words in which he begs me to try and prevent "a withdrawal with all its dangers in the east ... from entering the field of possible solutions," sounds uncommonly like a cry for help. he means that i should help him by remembering, and by making smaller calls upon him. but the only way i can _really_ help him is by winning a battle: to pretend i could win that battle without drafts, munitions and the army corps asked for would be a very short-lived bluff both for him and for me. we have had it from other sources that this strange notion of running away from the turk, after singeing his beard, has arisen in london and in france. so now that the murder has peeped out, i am glad to know where we are and to feel that k. stands solid and sound behind us. he need have no fear; all that man can do i will do by pressing on here and by asking for not one man or round more than is absolutely essential for the job. as to that passage about the , australians, a refusal of australians would indeed be good cause for surprise--only--it has never taken place, and never will take place. i can only surmise that my request made to maxwell that these , men should come to me as drafts for my skeleton units, instead of as a raw brigade, has twisted itself, going down some office corridor, into a story that i don't want the men! k. tells me egypt is mine and the fatness thereof; yet, no sooner do i make the most modest suggestion concerning anything or anyone egyptian than k. is got at and i find he is the barmecide and i schac'abac. "how do you like your lentil soup?" says k. "excellently well," say i, "but devil a drop is in the plate!" i have got to enter into the joke; that's the long and the short of it. but it is being pushed just a trifle too far when i am told i _apparently do not require_ , australians! the whole of k.'s cable calls for close thinking. how to try and help him to pump courage into faint-hearted fellows? how to do so without toning down my demands for reinforcements?--for evidently these demands are what are making them shake in their shoes. here is my draft for an answer: i can't change my estimate: it was the least i could safely ask for: but i can make it clear i do not want to ask for more than he can give:-- "(m.f. ). "with reference to your no. , cipher. private and personal. you need not be despondent at anything in the situation. remember that you asked me to answer on the assumption that you had adequate forces at your disposal, and i did so. "maxwell must have misinformed you. i want the australian reinforcements to fill existing cadres. maxwell, possibly not to disappoint senior officers, has sent them as weak brigades, which complicates command and organization exceedingly. "we gain ground surely if slowly every day, and now at p.m. the french and naval divisions are fighting their way forward." tidings of great joy from anzac. the whole of the enemy's freshly-arrived contingent have made a grand assault and have been shattered in the attempt. samson dropped bombs on them as they were standing on the shore after their disembarkation. next, they were moved up into the fight where a tremendous fire action was in progress. last, they stormed forward in the densest masses yet seen on the peninsula. then, they were mown down and driven back headlong. so they have had a dreadnought reception. this has not been a local trench attack but a real battle and a fiery one. i have lost no time in cabling the glorious news to k. the cloud of these coming enemy reinforcements has cast its shadow over us for awhile and now the sun shines again. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ aubrey herbert saw me before dinner. he brings a message from birdie to say that there has been some sort of parley with the enemy who wish to fix up an armistice for the burial of their dead. herbert is keen on meeting the turks half way and i am quite with him, _provided_ birdie clearly understands that no corps commander can fix up an armistice off his own bat, and _provided_ it is clear we do not ask for the armistice but grant it to them--the suppliants. herbert brings amazing fine detail about the night and day battle on the high ridges. birdie has fairly taken the fighting edge off liman von sanders' two new divisions: he has knocked them to bits. a few more shells and they would have been swept off the face of the earth. as it is we have slaughtered a multitude. since the th we are down to two rounds per gun per diem, but the turks who have been short of stuff since the th instant are now once more well found. admiral thursby tells me he himself counted shells falling on one of birdwood's trenches in the space of ten minutes. i asked him if that amounted to one shell per yard and he said the whole length of the trench was less than yards. on the th fifty heavy shells, including -inch and -inch, dropped out of the blue vault of heaven on to the anzacs. everyone sorry to say good-bye to thursby who goes to italy. rumours that winston is leaving the admiralty. this would be an awful blow to us out here, would be a sign that providence had some grudge against the dardanelles. private feelings do not count in war, but alas, how grievous is this set-back to one who has it in him to revive the part of pitt, had he but pitt's place. haldane, too. are the benefits of his organization of our army to be discounted because they had a german origin? _fas est et ab hoste doceri_. half the guns on the peninsula would have been scrap-iron had it not been for haldane! but if this turns out true about winston, there will be a colder spirit (let them appoint whom they will) at the back of our battleships here. _ st may, . h.m.t. "arcadian." imbros._ de robeck came on board with lieutenant-commander boyle of e. fame. i was proud indeed to meet the young and modest hero. he gets the v.c.; his other two officers the d.s.o.; his crew the d.c.m. also he brought with him the reuter giving us the cabinet changes and the resignations of fisher and winston and this, in its interest, has eclipsed even v.c.s for the moment. de robeck reminded me that lord k.'s cable (begging me to help him to combat any idea of withdrawal) must have been written that very day. a significant straw disclosing the veering of the winds of high politics! evidently k. felt ill at ease; evidently he must now be sitting at a round table surrounded by masked figures. have just finished writing him to sympathize; to say he is not to worry about me as "i know that as long as you remain at the war office no one will be allowed to harm us out here." nor could they if he were the k. of old; the k. who downed milner and chamberlain by making a peace by agreement with the boers and then swallowed a viceroy and his military member of council as an appetiser to his more serious digest of india. but is he? where are the instruments?--gone to france or gone to glory. callwell is the exception. i would give a great deal for one good talk with k.--i would indeed. but this is not france. time and space forbid my quitting the helm and so i must try and induce the mountain to come to mahomet. my letter goes on to say, "could you not take a run out here and see us? if once you realize with your own eyes what the troops are doing i would never need to praise them again. travelling in the _phaeton_ you would be here in three days; you would see some wonderful things and the men would be tremendously bucked up. the spirit of all ranks rises above trials and losses and is confident of the present and cheery about the future." quite apart from any high politics, or from my coming to a fresh, clear, close understanding with k. on subjects neither of us understood when last we spoke together, i wish, on the grounds of ordinary tactics, he could make up his mind to come out. the man who has _seen_ gains self-confidence and the prestige of his subject when he encounters others who have only _heard_ and _read_. k. might snap his fingers at the new hands in the cabinet once he had been out and got the real gallipoli at their tips. i can't keep my thoughts from dwelling on the fate of winston. how will he feel now he realizes he is shorn of his direct power to help us through these dark and dreadful straits? since i started nothing has handicapped me more than the embargo which a double loyalty to k. and to de robeck has imposed upon my communications to winston. what a tragedy that his nerve and military vision have been side-tracked: his eclipse projects a black shadow over the dardanelles. very likely the next great war will have begun before we realize that the three days' delay in the fall of antwerp saved calais. no more brilliant effort of unaided genius in history than that recorded in the scene when winston burst into the council chamber and bucked up the burgomeisters to hold on a little bit longer. any comfort our people may enjoy from being out of cannon shot of the germans--they owe it to the imagination, bluff and persuasiveness of winston and to this gallant naval division now destined to be starved to death! sent my first despatch home to-day by king's messenger. never has story been penned amidst so infernal a racket. chapter ix submarines _ nd may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ news in to say that yesterday, whilst herbert was here to take orders about an armistice, some sort of an informal parley actually took place. both sides suddenly got panic stricken, thinking the others were treacherous, and fire was opened, some stretcher bearers being killed. nothing else was to be expected when things are done in this casual and unauthorized way. i felt very much annoyed, but aubrey herbert was still on board and i saw him before breakfast and told him walker seemed to have taken too much upon himself parleying with the turks and that birdwood must now make this clear to everyone for future guidance. although aubrey herbert is excessively unorthodox he quite sees that confabs with enemies must be carried out according to cocker. after breakfast landed at cape helles. inspected the detachment of the works department of the egyptian army as it was on its way to the french headquarters. colonel micklem was in charge. at sedd-el-bahr lunched with gouraud and his staff. general bailloud rode up just as i was about to enter the porch of the old fort. he was in two minds whether or not to embrace me, being in very high feather, his men having this morning carried the haricot redoubt overlooking the kereves dere. at lunch he was the greatest possible fun, bubbling over with jokes and witty sallies. just as we were finishing, news came through the telephone that bailloud's brigade had been driven in by a big turkish counter-attack, with a loss of men and some first class officers. most of us showed signs, i will not say of being rattled, but of having stumbled against a rattlesnake. gouraud remained unaffectedly in possession of himself as host of a lunch party. he said, "we will not take the trenches by not taking the coffee. let us drink it first, and then we will consider." so we drank our coffee; lit our smokes, and afterwards gouraud, through girodon, issued his orders in the most calm and matter-of-fact way. he declares the redoubt will be in our hands again to-morrow. our lunch was to furnish us with yet another landmark for bad luck. as we were leaving, a message came in to say that an enemy submarine had been sighted off gaba tepe. the fresh imprint of a tiger's paw upon the pathway gives the same sort of feel to the indian herdsman. tall stories from neighbouring villages have been going the round for weeks, only half-believed, but here is the very mark of the beast; the horror has suddenly taken shape. he mutters the name of god, wondering what eyes may even now be watching his every movement; he wonders whose turn will come first--and when--and where. this was the sort of effect of the wireless and in a twinkling every transport round the coast was steering full steam to imbros. in less than no time we saw a regatta of skedaddling ships. so dies the invasion of england bogey which, from first to last, has wrought us an infinity of harm. born and bred of mistrust of our own magnificent navy, it has led soldiers into heresy after fallacy and fallacy after heresy until now it is the cause of my divisions here being hardly larger than brigades, whilst the men who might have filled them are "busy" guarding london! if one rumoured submarine can put the fear of the lord into british transports how are german or any other transports going to face up to a hundred british submarines? the theory of the war office has struggled with the theory of the admiralty for the past five years: now there is nothing left of the war office theory; no more than is left of a soap bubble when you strike it with a battleaxe. some other stimulus to our territorial recruiting than the fear of invasion will have to be invented in future. after lunch went to the headquarters of the th division where all the british divisional generals had assembled together to meet me. the same story everywhere--lack of men, meaning extra work--which again means sickness and still greater lack of men. on my return found a letter from the turkish commander-in-chief giving his "full consent" to the armistice he himself had asked me for! a save-face document, no doubt: the wounded are all turks as our men did not leave their trenches on the th; the dead, also, i am glad to say, almost entirely turks; but anyway, one need not be too punctilious where it is a matter of giving decent burial to so many men. grand quartier gÉnÉral de la me armÉe ottomane. _le mai ._ "excellence! "j'ai l'honneur d'informer votre excellence que les propositions concernant la conclusion d'un armistice pour enterrer les morts et secourir les blessés des deux parties adverses, ont trouvé mon plein consentement--et que seule nos sentiments d'humanité nous y ont déterminés. "j'ai investi le lieutenant-colonel fahreddin du pouvoir de signer en mon nom. "j'ai l'honneur d'être avec l'assurance de ma plus haute considération. (_sd._) "liman von sanders, "commandant en chef de la me armée ottomane. "commandant en chef des forces britanniques, sir john hamilton, excellence." _ rd may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ blazing hot. wrote all day. had an hour and a half's talk with de robeck--high politics as well as our own rather anxious affairs. no one knows how the new first lord will play up, but asquith, for sure, chucks away his mainspring if he parts with winston: as to fisher, he too has energy but none of it came our way so he will have no tears from us, though he has friends here too. the submarine scare is full on; the beastly things have frightened us more than all the turks and all their german guns. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ vice-admiral nicol, french naval commander-in-chief, came aboard to pay me a visit. armistice from . a.m. to . p.m. for burial of turkish dead. all went off quite smoothly.... this moment, . p.m. the captain has rushed in to say that h.m.s. _triumph_ is sinking! he caught the bad news on his wireless as it flew. beyond doubt the german submarine. what exactly is about to happen, god knows. the fleet cannot see itself wiped out by degrees; and yet, without the fleet, how are we soldiers to exist? one more awful conundrum set to us, but the navy will solve it, for sure. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ bad news confirmed. the admiral came aboard and between us we tried to size up the new situation and to readjust ourselves thereto. our nicely worked out system for supplying the troops has in a moment been tangled up into a hundred knotty problems. instead of our small craft working to and fro in half mile runs, henceforth they will have to cover miles per trip. until now the big ocean going ships have anchored close up to helles or anzac; in future mudros will be the only possible harbour for these priceless floating depots. imbros, here, lies quite open to submarine attacks, and in a northerly gale, becomes a mere roadstead. the admiral, who regards soldiers as wayward water babes, has insisted on lashing a merchantman to each side of the _arcadian_ to serve as torpedo buffers. there are, it seems, at least two german submarines prowling about at the present moment between gaba tepe and cape helles. after torpedoing the _triumph_ the same submarine fired at and missed the _vengeance_. the _lord nelson_ with the admiral, as well as three french battleships, zig-zagged out of harbour and made tracks for mudros in the afternoon. we are left all alone in our glory with our two captive merchantmen. the attitude is heroic but not, i think, so dangerous as it is uncomfortable. the big ocean liners lashed to port and starboard cut us off from air as well as light and one of them is loaded with cheddar. when mr. jorrocks awoke james pigg and asked him to open the window and see what sort of a hunting morning it was, it will be remembered that the huntsman opened the cupboard by mistake and made the reply, "hellish dark and smells of cheese." well, that immortal remark hits us off to a t. never mind. light will be vouchsafed. amen. the burial of , turks by armistice at anzac seems to have been carried out without a hitch. all these , turks were killed between the th and th instant. by the usual averages this figure implies over , wounded so the lord has vouchsafed us a signal victory indeed. birdwood's men were all out and his reserves, or rather the lack of them, would not permit him to counter-attack the moment the enemy's assault was repulsed. when we read of battles in histories we feel, we see, so clearly the value of counter-attack and the folly of passive defence; but, in the field, the struggle has sometimes been so close that the victorious defence are left gasping. the enemy were very polite during the armistice, and by way of being highly solemn and correct, but they could not refrain from bursting into laughter when the australians held up cigarettes and called out "baksheesh." last night the french and the naval brigade made a good advance with slight loss. the east lancs also pushed on a little bit. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ entertained a small party of australian officers as my private guests for hours, my idea being to give them a bit of a rest. colonel monash, commanding th australian infantry brigade, was the senior. he is a very competent officer. i have a clear memory of him standing under a gum tree at lilydale, near melbourne, holding a conference after a manoeuvre, when it had been even hotter than it is here now. i was prepared for intelligent criticisms but i thought they would be so wrapped up in the cotton wool of politeness that no one would be very much impressed. on the contrary, he stated his opinions in the most direct, blunt, telling way. the fact was noted in my report and now his conduct out here has been fully up to sample. a horrid mishap. landing some new zealand mounted rifles at anzac, the destroyer anchored within range of the turkish guns instead of slowly steaming about out of range until the picket boats came off to bring the men ashore. the turks were watching and, as soon as she let go her anchor, opened fire from their guns by the olive, and before the destroyer could get under weigh six of these fine new zealand lads were killed and forty-five wounded. a hundred fair fighting casualties would affect me less. to be knocked out before having taken part in a battle, or even having set foot upon the promised land--nothing could be more cruel. a special order to the troops:-- general headquarters, _ th may, ._ . now that a clear month has passed since the mediterranean expeditionary force began its night and day fighting with the enemy, the general commanding desires me to explain to officers, non-commissioned officers and men the real significance of the calls made upon them to risk their lives apparently for nothing better than to gain a few yards of uncultivated land. . a comparatively small body of the finest troops in the world, french and british, have effected a lodgment close to the heart of a great continental empire, still formidable even in its decadence. here they stand firm, or slowly advance, and in the efforts made by successive turkish armies to dislodge them the rotten government at constantinople is gradually wearing itself out. the facts and figures upon which this conclusion is based have been checked and verified from a variety of sources. agents of neutral powers possessing good sources of information have placed both the numbers and the losses of the enemy much higher than they are set forth here, but the general commanding prefers to be on the safe side and to give his troops a strictly conservative estimate. before operations began the strength of the defenders of the dardanelles was:-- gallipoli peninsula , and about guns. asiatic side of straits , all the troops on the gallipoli peninsula and fifty per cent. of the troops on the asiatic side were nizam, that is to say, regular first line troops. they were transferable, and were actually transferred to this side upon which the invaders disembarked. our expeditionary force effected its landing it will be seen, in the face of an enemy superior, not only to the covering parties which got ashore the first day, but superior actually to the total strength at our disposal. by the th may, the turkish army of occupation had been defeated in several engagements, and would have been at the end of their resources had they not meanwhile received reinforcements of , infantry and batteries of field artillery. still the expeditionary force held its own, and more than its own, inflicting fresh bloody defeats upon the newcomers and again the turks must certainly have given way had not a second reinforcement reached the peninsula from constantinople and smyrna amounting at the lowest estimate to , men. . from what has been said it will be understood that the mediterranean expeditionary force, supported by its gallant comrades the fleet, but with constantly diminishing effectives, has held in check or wrested ground from some , turkish troops elaborately entrenched and supported by a powerful artillery. the enemy has now few more nizam troops at his disposal and not many redif or second class troops. up to date his casualties are , , and again, in giving this figure, the general commanding has preferred to err on the side of low estimates. daily we make progress, and whenever the reinforcements close at hand begin to put in an appearance, the mediterranean expeditionary force will press forward with a fresh impulse to accomplish the greatest imperial task ever entrusted to an army. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ the _majestic_ has been torpedoed and has sunk off cape helles. got the news at mid-day. fuller, my artillery commander, and ashmead-bartlett, the correspondent, were both on board, and both were saved--minus kit! about men have gone under. bad luck. a naval officer who has seen her says she is lying in shallow water-- fathoms--bottom upwards looking like a stranded whale. he says the german submarine made a most lovely shot at her through a crowd of cargo ships and transports. like picking a royal stag out of his harem of does. to my staff, they tell me, he delivered himself further but, as i said to the officer who repeated these criticisms to me, "judge not that ye be not judged." _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ went for a walk with the admiral. he refuses any longer to accept the responsibility of keeping us afloat. as helles, anzac and tenedos have each been ruled out, we are going to doss down on this sandbank opposite us. one thing, it will be central to both my theatres of work. _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ the commodore, roger keyes, arrived mid-day and invited me to come over to helles with him on a destroyer, h.m.s. _scorpion._ he was crossing in hopes--_in hopes,_ if you please--of hitting off the submarine. the idea that it might hit him had not seemed to occur to him. on the way we were greatly excited to see the bladder of an indicator net smoking. so we rushed about the place and bombs were got ready to drop. but the net remained motionless and, as the water was too deep for the submarine to be lying at the bottom, it seemed (although no one dared to say so) that a porpoise had been poking fun at the commodore. landing at helles inspected the various roads, which were in the making. next saw hunter-weston. canvassed plans with him and felt myself refreshed. then went on to gouraud's headquarters, taking the commodore with me. my commanders are an asset which cancels many a debit. gouraud is in excellent form and gave us tea. walked down to "v" beach at p.m. when we got on to the pier, which ends in the _river clyde_, we found another destroyer, the _wolverine_, under lieutenant-commander keyes, the brother of the commodore. she was to take us across, and (of all places in the world to select for a berth!) she had run herself alongside the _river clyde_ which was, at that moment, busy playing target to the heavy guns of asia. i imagined that taking aboard a boss like the commander-in-chief, as well as that much bigger boss (in naval estimates) his own big brother, the commodore, our lieutenant-commander would nip away presto. not a bit of it! no sooner had he got us aboard than he came out boldly and very, very slowly, stern first, from the lee of the _river clyde_ and began a duel against asia with -inch lyddite from the _wolverine's_ after gun. the fight seems quite funny to me now but, at the time, serio-comic would have better described my impressions. shells ashore are part of the common lot; they come in the day's work: on the water; in a cockleshell--well, you can't go to ground, anyway! [illustration: view of "v" beach, taken from s.s. "river clyde" _"central news" photo._] heavy fighting at anzac. the turks fired a mine under quinn's post and then rushed a section of the defence isolated by the explosion. at in the morning the crater was, birdie says, most gallantly retaken with the bayonet. there are excursions and alarms; attacks and counter-attacks; bomb-showers to which the bayonet charge is our only retort--but we hold fast the crater! when i tell them at home that if they will give me munitions enough to let me advance two miles i will give them constantinople, that is the truth. on paper, the turks no doubt might assert with equal force that if they got forces enough together to drive the australians back a short two hundred yards they could give the sultan the resounding prestige of a peninsula freed from the giaour. but that would require more turks than the turks could feed, whereas we know we could do it now, as we are--given the wherewithal--trench mortars, hand grenades and bombs, for example. a message from hanbury williams, who is with the grand duke nicholas, to say that all idea of sending me a russian army corps to land at the bosphorus has been abandoned!!! _ th may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ went to anzac in a destroyer. the cove was being heavily shelled, and the troops near the beach together with the fatigue parties handling stores and ammunition, had dashed into their dugouts like marmots at the shadow of an eagle. birdwood came out to meet me on this very unhealthy spot; indeed, in spite of my waving him back, he walked right on to the end of the deserted pier. just as we were getting near his quarters, a couple of shrapnel burst at an angle and height which, by the laws of gravity, momentum and velocity ought to have put a fullstop to this chronicle. actually, we walked on--through the "valley of death"--past the spot where the brave bridges bit the dust, to the headquarters of the th australian infantry brigade. thence i could see the enemy trenches in front of quinn's post, and also a very brisk bomb combat in full flame where the new zealand mounted rifles were making good the turkish communicating post they had seized earlier in the day. nothing more strange than this inspection. along the path at the bottom of the valley warning notices were stuck up. the wayfarer has to be as punctilious about each footstep as christian in the "pilgrim's progress." should he disregard the placards directing him to keep to the right or to the left of the track, he is almost certainly shot. half of the pathway may be as safe as piccadilly, whilst he who treads the other had far better be up yonder at hand grips with the turks. presumably some feature of the ground defilades one part, for the enemy cannot see into the valley, although, were they only yards nearer the edge of the cliff, they would command its whole extent. the spirit of the men is invincible. only lately have we been able to give them blankets: as to square meals and soft sleeps, these are dreams of the past, they belonged to another state of being. yet i never struck a more jovial crew. men staggering under huge sides of frozen beef; men struggling up cliffs with kerosine tins full of water; men digging; men cooking; men card-playing in small dens scooped out from the banks of yellow clay--everyone wore a bank holiday air;--evidently the ranklings and worry of mankind--miseries and concerns of the spirit--had fled the precincts of this valley. the boss--the bill--the girl--envy, malice, hunger, hatred--had scooted far away to the antipodes. all the time, overhead, the shell and rifle bullets groaned and whined, touching just the same note of violent energy as was in evidence everywhere else. to understand that awful din, raise the eyes degrees to the top of the cliff which closes in the tail end of the valley and you can see the turkish hand grenades bursting along the crest, just where an occasional bayonet flashes and figures hardly distinguishable from mother earth crouch in an irregular line. or else they rise to fire and are silhouetted a moment against the sky and then you recognize the naked athletes from the antipodes and your heart goes into your mouth as a whole bunch of them dart forward suddenly, and as suddenly disappear. and the bomb shower stops dead--for the moment; but, all the time, from that fiery crest line which is quinn's, there comes a slow constant trickle of wounded--some dragging themselves painfully along; others being carried along on stretchers. bomb wounds all; a ceaseless, silent stream of bandages and blood. yet three out of four of "the boys" have grit left for a gay smile or a cheery little nod to their comrades waiting for their turn as they pass, pass, pass, down on their way to the sea. there are poets and writers who see naught in war but carrion, filth, savagery and horror. the heroism of the rank and file makes no appeal. they refuse war the credit of being the only exercise in devotion on the large scale existing in this world. the superb moral victory over death leaves them cold. each one to his taste. to me this is no valley of death--it is a valley brim full of life at its highest power. men live through more in five minutes on that crest than they do in five years of bendigo or ballarat. ask the brothers of these very fighters--calgoorlie or coolgardie miners--to do one quarter the work and to run one hundredth the risk on a wages basis--instanter there would be a riot. but here,--not a murmur, not a question; only a radiant force of camaraderie in action. the turks have heaps of cartridges and more shells, anyway, than we have. they have as many grenades as they can throw; we have--a dozen per company. there is a very bitter feeling amongst all the troops, but especially the australians, at this lack of elementary weapons like grenades. our overseas men are very intelligent. they are prepared to make allowances for lack of shell; lack of guns; lack of high explosives. but they know there must be something wrong when the turks carry ten good bombs to our one bad one; and they think, some of them, that this must be my fault. far from it. _directly_ after the naval battle of the th march--i.e., over two months ago, i wrote out a cable asking for bombs. i sent this on my own happy thought, and i had hoped for a million by the date of landing five weeks later. but i got, practically, none; nor any promise for the future. in default of help from home, we have tried to manufacture these primitive but very effective projectiles for ourselves with jam pots, meat tins and any old rubbish we can scrape together. de lothbinière has shown ingenuity in thus making bricks without straw. the fleet, too, has played up and de robeck has guaranteed me two thousand to be made by the artificers on the battleships. maxwell in egypt has been improvising a few; methuen at malta says they can't make them there. but what a shame that the sons of a manufacturing country like great britain should be in straits for engines so simple. yesterday and to-day we have fired, for us, a terrible lot of shells ( , shrapnel) but never was shot better spent. we reckon the enemy's casualties between , and , mainly caused by our guns playing on the columns which came up trying to improve upon their lodgment in quinn's post. add this to the , killed, and, say, , wounded on the th instant, and it is clear no troops in the world can stand it very long. but we are literally at the end of our shrapnel; and as to high explosive, according to the standards of the gunners, we have never had any! left on a picket boat with birdie to board my destroyer to an accompaniment of various denominations of projectiles. one or two shells burst hard by just as we were scrambling up her side. vice-admiral nicholls called after my return. courtauld thomson, the red cross man, dined; very helpful; very well stocked with comforts and everyone likes him, even the r.a.m.c. _ st may, . h.m.t. "arcadian."_ worked in the forenoon. gouraud, girodon and hunter-weston lunched and we spent the afternoon at the scheme for our next fight. each of us agreed that fortune had not been over kind. by one month's hard, close hammering we had at last made the tough _moral_ of the turks more pliant, when lo and behold, in broad daylight, thousands of their common soldiery see with their own eyes two great battleships sink beneath the waves and all the others make an exit more dramatic than dignified. most of the armada of store ships had already cleared out and now the last of the battleships has offed it over the offing; a move which the whole of the german grand fleet could not have forced them to make! what better pick-me-up could providence have provided for the badly-shaken turks? no more inquisitive cruisers ready to let fly a salvo at anything that stirs. no more searchlights by night; no more big explosives flying from the aegean into the dardanelles! _ st june, . imbros._ came ashore and stuck up my -lb. tent in the middle of a sandbank whereon some sanguine greek agriculturalist has been trying to plant wheat. we shall live the simple life; the same life, in fact, as the men, but are glad to be off the ship and able to stretch our legs. hard fighting in the north zone and the south. both outposts captured by us on the th may at anzac and on the french right at helles heavily attacked. in the north we had to give ground, but not before we had made the enemy pay ten times its value in killed and wounded. had we only had a few spare rounds of shrapnel we need never have gone back. the war office have called for a return of my . howitzer ammunition during the past fortnight, and i find that, since the th may, we have expended shell altogether at anzac and helles combined. in the south the enemy twice recaptured the redoubt taken by the french on the th, but gouraud, having a nice little parcel of high explosive on hand, was able to drive them out definitely and to keep them out. _ nd june, . imbros._ working all day in camp. blazing hot, tempered by a cool breeze towards evening. de robeck came ashore and we had an hour together in the afternoon. everything is fixed up for our big attack on the th. from aeroplane photographs it would appear that the front line turkish trenches are meant more as traps for rash forlorn hopes than as strongholds. in fact, the true tug only begins when we try to carry the second line and the flanking machine guns. gouraud has generously lent us two groups of s with h.e. shell, and i am cabling the fact to the war office as it means a great deal to us. when i say they are lent to us, i do not mean that they put the guns at our disposal. they are only ours for defensive purposes; that is to say, they remain in their own gun positions in the french lines and are to help by thickening the barrage in front of the naval division. de robeck and keyes are quite as much at sea as braithwaite and myself about this original scheme of the british government for treating a tearing, raging crisis; i.e., by taking no notice of it. i guess that never before in the history of war has a commander asked urgently that his force might be doubled and then got no orders; no answer of any sort or kind! when i sent k. my m.f. of the th may asking for two corps, or for allies, one or the other, i got a reply by return expressing his disappointment; since then, nothing. during that fortnight of silence the whole of the turkish empire has been moving--closing in--on the dardanelles. then, by a side-wind i happen to hear of the abstraction of a russian army corps from my supposed command; an army corps, who by the mere fact of "being," held off a large force of turks from gallipoli. so i have put down a few hard truths. unpalatable they may be but some day they've got to be faced and the sooner the better. time has slipped away, but to-day is still better than to-morrow. what a change since the war office sent us packing with a bagful of hallucinations. naval guns sweeping the turks off the peninsula; the ottoman army legging it from a british submarine waving the union jack; russian help in hand; greek help on the _tapis_. now it is our fleet which has to leg it from the german submarine; there is no ammunition for the guns; no drafts to keep my divisions up to strength; my russians have gone to galicia and the greeks are lying lower than ever. "no. m.f. . from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. with reference to my telegrams no. m.f. of th may, and no. m.f. of th may. if the information sent by hanbury-williams, to which i referred in my no. m.f. , is correct it is advisable that i should send you a fresh appreciation of the situation. "i assumed in my no. m.f. that you had adequate forces at your disposal, but on the other hand i assumed that some , turks would be kept occupied by the russians. by the defection of russia, , turks are set free in the caucasus and european turkey. after deduction of casualties there are at least , turks now against us in the peninsula. there are , turks on the bulgarian frontier which, assuming that bulgaria remains neutral, are able to reinforce gallipoli; some, in fact, have already arrived showing the restoration of turkish confidence in king ferdinand. close by on the asiatic side there remain , turks, making a total of , , to which must be added , who are under training in europe. "the movement of the turkish troops has already begun. there are practically no troops left in smyrna district, and there are already in the field numbers of troops from european garrisons, while recently it was reported that more are coming. "the movement of a quarter of a million men against us seems to be well under way, and although many of these are ill-trained still with well-run supply and ammunition columns and in trenches designed by germans the turk is always formidable. "as regards ammunition, the enemy appears to have an unlimited supply of small-arm ammunition and as many hand-grenades as they can fling. though there is some indication that gun ammunition is being husbanded, it was reported as late as th may, that supplies of shells were being received _via_ roumania, and yesterday it was suggested that artillery ammunition can be manufactured at constantinople where it is reported that over two hundred engineers have arrived from krupp's. "at the same time, the temporary withdrawal of our battleships owing to enemy submarines has altered the position to our disadvantage; while not of the highest importance materially this factor carries considerable moral weight. "taking all these factors into consideration, it would seem that for an early success some equivalent to the suspended russian co-operation is vitally necessary. the ground gained and the positions which we hold are not such as to enable me to envisage with soldierly equanimity the probability of the large forces adumbrated above being massed against my troops without let or hindrance from elsewhere. fresh light may be shed on the matter by the battle now imminent, but i am cabling on reasoned existing facts. time is an object, but if greece came in, preferably _via_ enos, the problem would be simplified. it is broadly my view that we must obtain the support of a fresh ally in this theatre, or else there should be got ready british reinforcements to the full extent mentioned in my no. m.f. , though as stated above the disappearance of russian co-operation was not contemplated in my estimate." _ rd june, . imbros._ meant to go to anzac; sea too rough; in the afternoon saw de robeck and roger keyes. braithwaite came over and we went through my cable of yesterday. the sailors would just as soon i had left out that remark about the enemy being bucked up by the retreat of our battleships. but the passage implied also that their mere visible presence was shown to be most valuable. both of them agree that i am well within the mark in saying what i did about the loss of my russian army corps. roger keyes next launched a dry land criticism. he rightly thinks that the weakness of our _present_ units is _the_ real weakness: he thinks we are far more in need of drafts than of fresh units; he suggests that a rider be sent now to insist that the estimates in yesterday's cable were only made on the assumption that my present force is kept up to strength. i did press that very point in my first cable of th may, which is referred to in the opening of this cable; further, we keep on saying it every week in our war office cable giving strengths. after all, k. is . he still believes "a man's a man and a rifle's a rifle"; i still believe that half the value of every human being depends upon his environment:--we are not going to convert one another now. as we were actually talking, williams brought over an answer:-- "no. , cipher. from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. with reference to your no. m.f. . owing to the restricted nature of the ground you occupy and the experience we have had in flanders of increased forces acting in trench positions, i own i have some doubts of an early decisive result being obtained by at once increasing the forces at your disposal, but i should like your views as soon as you can--to-day if possible. are you convinced that with immediate reinforcements to the extent you mention you could force the kilid bahr position and thus finish the dardanelles operations? "you mentioned in a previous telegram that you intended to keep reinforcements on islands, is this your intention with regard to the lowland division, now on its way to you, and the other troops when sent?" k.'s brief cable is _intensely_ characteristic. i have taken down hundreds of his wires. we are face to face here with his very self at _first hand_. how curiously it reveals the man's instinct, or genius--call it what you will. k. sees in a flash what the rest of the world does not seem to see so clearly; viz., that the piling up of increased forces opposite entrenched positions is a spendthrift, unscientific proceeding. he wishes to know if i mean to do this. to draw me out he assumes if i get the troops, i _would_ at once commit them to trench warfare by crowding them in behind the lines of helles or anzac. actually i intend to keep the bulk of them on the islands, so as to throw them unexpectedly against some key position which is _not_ prepared for defence. but i have to be very careful what i say, seeing that the turks got wind of the date of our first landing from london _via_ vienna. least said to a cabinet, least leakage. that is not all. curt as is the cable it has yet scope to show up a little more of our great k.'s outfit. his infernal hurry. "to-day":--i am to reply, to-day! he has taken some two and a half weeks to answer my request for two army corps and i am to answer a far more obscure question in two and a half minutes. why, since my appeal of th may the situation has not stood still. a commander in the field is like a cannon ball. if he stops going ahead, he falls dead. you can't stop moving for a fortnight and then expect to carry on where you left off; i think the duke of wellington said this; if he didn't he should have. to err is to be human and the troops, if sent at once, may or may not, fulfil our hopes. all we here can say is this:-- ( ) if the army corps had been sent at once (i.e., two weeks ago) the results should have been decisive. ( ) if the army corps are not sent at once, there can be no early decision. braithwaite, de robeck and keyes agree to ( ) and ( ) but the cabled answer will not be so simple and, in spite of k.'s sudden impatience, i must sleep over it first. written whilst williams waits:-- "no. m.f. . from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. secret. to-morrow, th june, i am fighting a general action. therefore i feel sure that you will wish me to defer my answer to your telegram no. , cipher, until i see the result." these lofty strategical questions must not make me forget an equally vital munitions message just to hand. i have cabled k. twice in the past day or two about shells. on the st instant i had said, "i still await the information promised in your x. , a. , of th instant. in my opinion the supply of gun ammunition can hardly be considered adequate or safe until the following conditions can be filled:--( ) that the amounts with units and on the lines of communication should be made up to the number of rounds per gun which is allowed in war establishment figures of th division. ( ) that these full amounts should be maintained and despatched automatically without any further application from us, beyond a weekly statement of the expenditure which will be cabled to you every saturday. ( ) in view of the number and the extent of the entrenchments to be dealt with it is necessary that a high proportion of high explosive shell for pounder and howitzers be included in accordance with the report of my military advisers." we now have his reply:-- "no. , cipher. from earl kitchener to sir ian hamilton. with reference to your telegrams no. m.f. and no. m.f.g.t. . we cannot supply ammunition to maintain a , rounds a gun owing to the demands from france, but consignments are being sent which amount to rounds per gun per day for the pounder and . .-inch howitzer; this is considered by general joffre and sir john french as necessary. as much as possible of other natures will be sent. as regards quantities, you will be informed as early as possible. as available, h.e. shells will be sent for pounder guns and howitzers." if we get rounds per gun per day for the pounders and . howitzers we shall indeed be on velvet. to be given what satisfies joffre and french--that sounds too good to be true. so ran my thoughts and braithwaite's on a first reading. then came the c.r.a. who puts another light on the proposal and points out that the implied comparison with france is fallacious. we are undergunned here as compared with france in the proportion of to . i mean to say that, in proportion to "bayonets" we have rather less than one third of the "guns." _therefore_, if we were really to have munitions on the scale "considered necessary by general joffre and sir john french," we ought to have three times rounds per day per gun; i.e. rounds per day per gun. but never mind. _if we do get_ the rounds we shall be infinitely better off than we have been: "and so say all of us!" putting this cable together with yesterday's we all of us feel that the home folk are beginning to yawn and rub their eyes and that ere long they may really be awake. _ th june, . imbros._ left camp after breakfast and boarded the redoubtable _wolverine_ under that desperado lieutenant-commander keyes. the general staff came alongside and we made our way to cape helles through a blinding dust storm--at least, the dust came right out to sea, but it was on shore that it became literally blinding. on the pier i met gouraud who walked up with me. gouraud was very grave but confident. my post of command had been "dug out" for me well forward on the left flank by hunter-weston. in that hole two enormous tarantulas and i passed a day that seems to me ten years. the torture of suspense; the extremes of exaltation and of depression; the red indian necessity of showing no sign: all this varied only by the vicious scream of shell sailing some feet over our heads on their way towards the pounders near the point. a commander feels desperately lonely at such moments. on him, and on him alone, falls the crushing onus of responsibility: to be a corps commander is child's play in _that_ comparison. the staff are gnawed with anxiety too--are saying their prayers as fast as they can, no doubt, as they follow the ebb and flow of the long khaki line through their glasses. yes, i have done that myself in the old days from charasia onwards. yet how faintly is my anguish reflected in the mere anxiety of their minds. chapters could be written about this furious battle fought in a whirlwind of dust and smoke; some day i hope somebody may write them. after the first short spell of shelling our men fixed bayonets and lifted them high above the parapet. the turks thinking we were going to make the assault, rushed troops into their trenches, until then lightly held. no sooner were our targets fully manned than we shelled them in earnest and went on at it until--on the stroke of mid-day--out dashed our fellows into the open. for the best part of an hour it seemed that we had won a decisive victory. on the left all the front line turkish trenches were taken. on the right the french rushed the _"haricot"_--so long a thorn in their flesh; next to them the anson lads stormed another big turkish redoubt in a slap-dash style reminding me of the best work of the old regular army; but the boldest and most brilliant exploit of the lot was the charge made by the manchester brigade[ ] in the centre who wrested two lines of trenches from the turks; and then, carrying right on; on to the lower slopes of achi baba, had _nothing_ between them and its summit but the clear, unentrenched hillside. they lay there--the line of our brave lads, plainly visible to a pair of good glasses--there they actually lay! we wanted, so it seemed, but a reserve to advance in their support and carry them right up to the top. we said--and yet could hardly believe our own words--"we are through!" alas, too previous that remark. everything began to go wrong. first the french were shelled and bombed out of the _"haricot"_; next the right of the naval division became uncovered and they had to give way, losing many times more men in the yielding than in the capture of their ground. then came the turn of the manchesters, left in the lurch, with their right flank hanging in the air. by all the laws of war they ought to have tumbled back anyhow, but by the laws of the manchesters they hung on and declared they could do so for ever. how to help? men! men, not so much now to sustain the manchesters as to force back the turks who were enfilading them from the _"haricot"_ and from that redoubt held for awhile by the r.n.d. on their right. i implored gouraud to try and make a push and promised that the naval division would retake their redoubt if he could retake the _"haricot"_. gouraud said he would go in at p.m. the hour came; nothing happened. he then said he could not call upon his men again till o'clock, and at o'clock he said definitely that he would not be able to make another assault. the moment that last message came in i first telephoned and then, to make doubly sure, ran myself to hunter-weston's headquarters so as not to let another moment be lost in pulling out the manchester brigade. i had yards to go, and, rising the knoll, i would have been astonished, had i had any faculty of astonishment left in me, to meet beetleheim, the turk, who was with french in south africa. i suppose he is here as an interpreter, or something, but i didn't ask. seeing me alone for the moment he came along. he had quite a grip of the battle and seemed to hope i might let the manchesters try and stick it out through the night, as he thought the turks were too much done to do much more. but it was not good enough. to fall back was agony; not to do it would have been folly. hunter-weston felt the same. when fate has first granted just a sip of the wine of success the slip between the cup and lip comes hardest. the upshot of the whole affair is that the enemy still hold a strong line of trenches between us and achi baba. our four hundred prisoners, almost all made by the manchester brigade, amongst whom a good number of officers, do not console me. having to make the manchesters yield up their hard won gains is what breaks my heart. had i known the result of our fight before the event, i should have been happy enough. three or four hundred yards of ground plus four hundred prisoners are distances and numbers which may mean little in russia or france, but here, where we only have a mile or two to go, land has a value all its own. yes, i should have been happy enough. but, to have to yield up the best half--the vital half--of our gains--to have had our losses trebled on the top of a cheaply won victory--these are the reverse side of our medal for the th june. going back we fell in with a blood-stained crowd from the hood, howe and anson battalions. down the little gully to the beach we could only walk very slowly. at my elbow was colonel crauford stuart, commanding the hood battalion. he had had his jaw smashed but i have seen men pull longer faces at breaking a collar stud. he told me that the losses of the naval division has been very heavy, the bulk of them during their retreat. from the moment the turks drove the french out of the _"haricot"_ the enfilade fire became murderous. on the beach was general de lisle, fresh from france. he is taking over the th division from hunter-weston who ascends to the command of the newly formed th army corps. de lisle seemed in very good form although it must have been rather an eye-opener landing in the thick of this huge stream of wounded. how well i remember seeing him galloping at the head of his mounted infantry straight for pretoria; and my rage when, under orders from headquarters, i had to send swift messengers to tell him he must rein back for some reason never made clear. _ th june, . imbros._ best part of the day occupied in a hundred and one sequels of the battle. the enemy have been quiet; they have had a belly-full. de robeck came off to see me at . , to have a final talk (amongst other things) as to the enos and bulair ideas before i send my final answer to k. if we dare not advertise the detail of our proposed tactics, we may take the lesser risk of saying what we are _not_ going to attempt. the admiral is perfectly clear against bulair. there is no protection there for the ships against submarines except enos harbour and enos is only one fathom deep. after all, the main thing they want is that i should commit myself to a statement that if i get the drafts and troops asked for in my various cables, i will make good. that, i find quite reasonable. _ th june, . imbros._ a very hot and dusty day. still sweeping up the _débris_ of the battle. besides my big cable have been studying strengths with my a.g. the battalions are dwindling to companies and the divisions to brigades. the cable is being ciphered: not a very luminous document: how could it be? the great men at home seem to forget that they cannot draw wise counsels from their servants unless they confide in them and give them _all_ the factors of the problem. if a client goes to a lawyer for advice the first thing the lawyer asks him to do is to make a clean breast of it. before k. asks me to specify what i can do if he sends me these unknown and--in great britain--most variable quantities, territorial or new army divisions, he ought to make a clean breast of it by telling me:-- ( ) what he has. ( ) what sir john french wants. ( ) whether italy will move--or greece. ( ) what is happening in the balkans,--in the caucasus,--in mesopotamia. after all, the armies of the caucasus and of mesopotamia are not campaigning in the moon. they are two allied armies working with me (or supposed to be working with me) against a common enemy. the first part of my cable i discuss the cause which led to the disappointing end to the battle of the th already described and then go on to say, "i am convinced by this action that with my present force my progress will be very slow, but in the absence of any further important alteration in the situation such as a definite understanding between turkey and bulgaria, i believe the reinforcements asked for in my no. will eventually enable me to take kilid bahr and will assuredly expedite the decision. i entirely agree that the restricted nature of the ground i occupy militates against me in success, however much i am reinforced; that was why in my nos. m.f. and m.f. i emphasized the desirability of securing co-operation of new allied forces acting on a second line of operations. i have been very closely considering the possibility of opening a new line of operations myself, _via_ enos, if sufficient reinforcements should be available. the vice-admiral, however, is at present strongly averse to the selection of enos owing to the open and unprotected nature of anchorage and to the presence of enemy submarines. otherwise enos offers very favourable prospects, both strategically and tactically, and is so direct a threat to constantinople as to necessitate withdrawal of turkish troops from the peninsula to meet it. smyrna or even adramyti which are not open to the same objections are too far from me, but the effect of entry of a fresh ally at either place would inevitably make itself felt before very long in preventing further massing of the turkish army against me, and perhaps even in drawing off troops; a considerable moral and political effect might also be produced, and all information points to those districts being denuded of troops. "with regard to the employment of the reinforcements asked for in my no. m.f. , general birdwood estimates that four brigades are necessary to clear and extend his front sufficiently to prepare a serious move towards maidos. i should therefore allocate a corps to the australian-new zealand army corps as the other two brigades would be required to give weight to his advance. the french force as at present constituted, and the naval division which has been roughly handled, would be replaced in front of the line by the other corps. this reinforcement to be exclusive of any help we may receive from allied troops operating on a second line of operations so distant as smyrna. "with reference to your last paragraph i have no alternative, until achi baba is in my possession, but to keep reinforcements on islands or elsewhere handy. i have made arrangements at present, however, for one infantry brigade and engineers of the lowland division on the peninsula, one infantry brigade at imbros and the remaining infantry brigade at alexandria to be ready to start at hours' notice whenever i telegraph for it. besides all the reasons given above, no troops in existence can continue fighting night and day without respite." three weeks have passed now since i asked for two british corps or for allies and still no reply or notice of any sort except that message of the rd instant expressing doubts as to whether any good purpose will be served by sending us help "at once." well; there hasn't been much "at once" about it but i have not played the sybilline book trick or doubled my demand with each delay as i ought perhaps to have done. now i think we are bound to hear something but i can't make out what has come over k. of k. in the old days his prime force lay in his faculty of focusing every iota of his energy upon the pivotal project, regardless (so it used to appear) of the other planks of the platform. a "side show" to him meant the non-vital part of the business, _at that moment_: it was not a question of troops or of ranks of generals. for the time being the interests of an enterprise of five thousand would obliterate those of fifty. no man ever went the whole hog better. he would turn the whole current of his energy to help the man of the hour. the rest were bled white to help him. if they howled they found that k. and his staff were deaf, and for the same reason, as the crew of ulysses to the sirens. several times in south africa k., so doing, carried the imperial standard to victory through a series of hair's breadth escapes. but to-day, though he sees, the power of believing in his own vision and of hanging on to it like a bulldog, seems paralysed. he hesitates. ten short years ago, if k.'s heart had been set on constantinople, why, to constantinople he would have gone. paris might have screamed; he would not have swerved a hair's breadth till he had gripped the golden horn. _ th june, . imbros._ left camp early and went to cape helles on a destroyer. on our little sandbag pier, built by egyptians and turkish prisoners, i met general wallace and his a.d.c. (a son of walter long's). wallace has come here to take up his duty as inspector-general of communications. about ten days ago he was forced upon us. he is reputed a good executive brigadier of the indian army, but we want him, not to train sepoys but to create one of the biggest organizing and administrative jobs in the world. his work will comprise the whole of the transhipment of stores from the ships to small craft; their dispatch over miles of sea to the peninsula, and the maintenance of all the necessary machinery in good running order. the task is tremendous, and here is a simple soldier, without any experience of naval men or matters, or the british soldier, or of administration on a large scale, or even of superior staff duties, sent me for the purpose. we want a competent business man at mudros, ready to grapple with millions of public money; ready to cable on his own for goods or gear by the ten thousand pounds worth. we want a man of tried business courage; a man who can tackle contractors. we are sent an indian brigadier who has never, so far as i can make out, in his longish life had undivided responsibility for one hundred pounds of public belongings. i cabled to k. my objection as strongly as seemed suitable, but he tells me to carry on. he tells me to carry on and, in doing so, throws an amusing sidelight upon himself. into his cable he sticks the words, "ellison cannot be spared." k. believes that my protest _re_ wallace has, at the back of it, a wish to put in the staff officer he took from me when i started. he doesn't believe in my zeal for efficiency at mudros; he thinks my little plan is to work general ellison into the billet. certainly, i'd like an organizer of ellison's calibre, but he had not, it so happens, entered my mind till k. put him there! landing at "w" beach, i walked over to the th division and met generals hunter-weston, de lisle and doran. as we were having our confab, the turkish guns from asia were steadily pounding the ridge just south of headquarters. one or two big fellows fell within yards of the mess. after an a. lunch (for which much glory to carter, a.d.c.) visited gouraud at french headquarters. going along the coast we were treated to an exciting spectacle. the turkish guns in asia stopped firing at headquarters and turned on to a solitary french transport containing forage, which had braved the submarines and instead of transhipping (as is now the order) at mudros, had anchored close to "v" beach. after several overs and unders they hit her three times running and set her on fire. destroyers and trawlers rushed to her help. bluejackets boarded her; got her fire under control; got her under steam and moved out. the amazing part of the affair lay in the conduct of the turks. having made their three hits, then was the moment to sink the bally ship. but no; they switched back once more onto the peninsula, and left their helpless prize to make a leisurely and unmolested escape. anyone but a turk would have opened rapid fire on seeking his target smoking like a factory chimney, ringed round by a crowd of small craft. but these old turks are real freaks. their fierce courage on the defensive is the only cert about them. on all other points it becomes a fair war risk to presume upon their happy-go-lucky behaviour. if this crippled ship had been full of troops instead of hay they would equally have let her slip through their fingers. i stayed the best part of an hour with gouraud. he can throw no light from the french side upon the reason for the strange hesitations of our governments. as he says, after reporting an entirely unexpected and unprepared for situation and asking for the wherewithal to cope with it, a commander should get fresh orders. either: we cannot give you what you ask, so fall back onto the defensive; or, go ahead, we will give you the means. taking leave we came back again by the th headquarters where i saw douglas, commanding the nd division. got home latish. as i was on my way to our destroyer took in a wireless saying that submarine e. had returned safely after three fruitful weeks in the marmora. a most singular message is in:-- "(no. ). "from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. "with reference to your telegram no. m.f. , instead of sending such telegrams reporting operations, privately to earl kitchener, will you please send them to the secretary of state. a separate telegram might have been sent dealing with the latter part about doran." may the devil fly away with me if i know what that means! braithwaite is as much at a loss as myself. no one knows better than we do how much store k. sets on having all these messages addressed to him personally. there's more in this than meets the common or garden optic! very heavy firing on the peninsula at o'clock; a ceaseless tremor of the air which--faint here--denotes tremendous musketry there. chapter x a decision and the plan _ th june, . imbros._ we are getting "three divisions of the new army"! the cabinet "are determined to support" us! and why wouldn't they be? thus runs the cable:-- "(no. , cipher). your difficulties are fully recognized by the cabinet who are determined to support you. we are sending you three divisions of the new army. the first of these will leave about the end of this week, and the other two will be sent as transport is available. "the last of the three divisions ought to reach you not later than the first fortnight in july. by that time the fleet will have been reinforced by a good many units which are much less vulnerable to submarine attack than those now at the dardanelles, and you can then count on the fleet to give you continuous support. "while steadily pressing the enemy, there seems no reason for running any premature risks in the meantime." in face of k.'s hang-fire cable of the rd, and in face of this long three weeks of stupefaction, thank god our rulers have got out of the right side of their beds and are not going to run away. the first thing to be done was to signal to the admiral to come over. at p.m. he and roger keyes turned up. the great news was read out and yet, such is the contrariness of human nature that neither the hornpipe nor the highland fling was danced. three weeks ago--two weeks ago--we should have been beside ourselves, but irritation now takes the fine edge off our rejoicings. why not three weeks ago? that was the tone of the meeting. at first:--but why be captious in the very embrace of fortune? so we set to and worked off the broad general scheme in the course of an hour and a half. just as the admiral was going, ward (of the intelligence) crossed over with a nasty little damper. the turks keep just one lap ahead of us. two new divisions have arrived and have been launched straightway at our trenches. at the moment we get promises that troops asked for in the middle of may will arrive by the middle of july the turks get their divisions in the flesh:--so much so that they have gained a footing in the lines of the east lanes: but there is no danger; they will be driven out. we have taken some prisoners. dined on board the _triad_. sat up later than usual. not only had we news from home and the news from the peninsula to thresh out, but there was much to say and hear about e. and that apple of roger keyes' eye, the gallant nasmith. their adventures in the sea of marmora take the shine out of those of the argonauts. coming back along the well-beaten sandy track, my heart sank to see our mess tent still lit up at midnight. it might be good news but also it might not. fortunately, it was pleasant news; i.e., colonel chauvel, commanding st australian light horse brigade, waiting to see me. i had known him well in melbourne where he helped me more than anyone else to get the hang of the australian system. he stays the night. _ th june, . imbros._ a cable saying the new divisions will form the th corps and asking me my opinion of mahon as corps commander. i shall reply at once he is good up to a point and brave, but not up to running a corps out here. have been sent a gas-mask and a mosquito-net. quite likely the mask is good bizz and may prolong my poor life a little bit, but this is problematical whereas there's no blooming error about the net. this morning instead of being awakened at . a.m. by a cluster of house-flies having a garden party on my nose i just opened one eye and looked at them running about outside my entrenchments, then closed it and fell asleep again for an hour. _ th june, . imbros._ nothing doing but sheer hard work. the sailors the same. sent one pretty stiff cable as we all agreed that we must make ourselves quite clear upon the question of guns and shell. after all, any outsider would think it a plain sailing matter enough--a demand, that is to say, from simpson-baikie at helles that he should be gunned and shell supplied on the same scale as the formations he quitted on the western front only a few weeks ago. simpson-baikie has been specially sent to us by lord k., who has a high opinion of his merits. a deep-thinking, studious and scientific officer. well, baikie says that to put him on anything like the western front footing he wants another forty-eight -pounders; eight -inch hows.; eight . . hows.; eight -inch; four . hows.; four anti-aircraft guns and a thousand rounds a month per field gun; these "wants" he puts down as an absolute minimum. he also wishes me at once to cable for an aeroplane squadron of three flights of four machines each, one flight for patrol work; the other two for spotting. there is no use enraging people for nothing and "nothing" i am sure would be the result of this demand were it shot in quite nakedly. but i have pressed baikie's vital points home all the same, _vide_ attached:-- "(no. m.f. ). "your no. . after a further consideration of the ammunition question in light of the expenditure on the th and th june, i would like to point out that i have only the normal artillery complement of two divisions, although actually i have five divisions here. consequently, each of my guns has to do the work which two and a half guns are doing in flanders. any comparison based on expenditure per gun must therefore be misleading. also a comparison based on numbers of troops would prove to be beside the point, for conditions cannot be identical. therefore, as i know you will do your best for me and thus leave me contented with the decision you arrive at, i prefer to state frankly what amount i consider necessary. this amount is at least rounds a day for -pr. and . howitzer already ashore, and i hope that a supply on this scale may be possible. the number of guns already ashore is beginning to prove insufficient for their task, for the enemy have apparently no lack of ammunition and their artillery is constantly increasing. therefore i hope that the new divisions may be sent out with the full complement of artillery, but, if this is done, the ammunition supply for the artillery of the fresh divisions need only be on the normal scale. "since the above was written, i have received a report that the enemy has been reinforced by , germans for fortress artillery; perhaps their recent shooting is accounted for by this fact." as to our air service, the way this feud between admiralty and war office has worked itself out in the field is simply heart-breaking. the war office wash their hands of the air entirely (at the dardanelles). i cannot put my own case to the admiralty although the machines are wanted for overland tactics--a fatal blind alley. all i could do i did this afternoon when the admiral came to tea and took me for a good stiff walk afterwards. _ th june, . imbros._ sailed over to anzac with braithwaite. took birdwood's views upon the outline of our plan (which originated between him and skeen) for entering the new army against the turks. to do his share, _durch und durch_ (god forgive me), he wants three new brigades; with them he engages to go through from bottom to top of sari bair. well, i will give him four; perhaps five! our whole scheme hinges on these crests of sari bair which dominate anzac and maidos; the dardanelles and the aegean. the destroyers next took us to cape helles where i held a pow wow at army headquarters, generals hunter-weston and gouraud being present as well as birdwood and braithwaite. everyone keen and sanguine. many minor suggestions; warm approval of the broad lines of the scheme. afterwards i brought birdie back to anzac and then returned to imbros. a good day's work. half the battle to find that my corps commanders are so keen. they are all sworn to the closest secrecy; have been told that our lives depend upon their discretion. i have shown them my m.f. of the th june so as to let them understand they are being trusted with a plan which is too much under the seal to be sent over the cables even to the highest. every general i met to-day spoke of the shortage of bombs and grenades. the anzacs are very much depressed to hear they are to get no more bombs for their six japanese trench mortars. we told the ordnance some days ago to put this very strongly to the war office. after all, bombs and grenades are easy things to make if the tails of the manufacturers are well twisted. _ th june, . imbros._ stayed in camp where de robeck came to see me. i wonder what k. is likely to do about mahon and about ammunition. when he told me joffre and french thought rounds per gun per day good enough, and that he was going to give me as much, there were several qualifications to our pleasure, but we _were_ pleased, because apart from all invidious comparisons, we were anyway going to get more stuff. but we have not yet tasted this new french ration of rounds per gun. are we too insistent? i think not. one dozen small field howitzer shells, of . . calibre, save one british life by taking two turkish lives. and although the . . are what we want the old -inch are none so bad. where would we be now, i wonder, had not haldane against press, public and four soldiers out of five stuck to his guns and insisted on creating those batteries of territorial field artillery? a depressing wire in from the war office expressing doubt as to whether they will be able to meet our wishes by embarking units complete and ready for landing; gear, supplies, munitions all in due proportion, in the transports coming out here from england. should we be forced to redistribute men and material on arrival, we are in for another spell of delay. altogether i have been very busy on cables to-day. the war office having jogged my elbow again about the bulair scheme, i have once more been through the whole series of pros and cons with the admiral who has agreed in the reply i have sent:--clear negative. three quarters of the objections are naval; either directly--want of harbours, etc.; or indirectly--as involving three lines of small craft to supply three separate military forces. the number of small craft required are not in existence. _ th june, . imbros._ the war office forget every now and then other things about the coastline above the narrows. i have replied: "your first question as to the fortification of the coast towards gallipoli can be satisfactorily answered only by the navy as naval aeroplane observation is the only means by which i can find out about the coast fortifications. from time to time it has been reported that torpedo tubes have been placed at the mouth of soghan dere and at nagara point. these are matters on which i presume admiral has reported to admiralty, but i am telegraphing to him to make sure as he is away to-day at mudros. i will ask him to have aeroplane reconnaissance made regarding the coast fortifications you mention, to see if it can be ascertained whether your informant's report is correct, but there are but few aeroplanes and the few we have are constantly required for spotting for artillery, photographing trenches, and for reconnaissances of the troops immediately engaged with us." i am being forced by war office questions to say rather more than i had intended about plans. the following cable took me the best part of the morning. i hope it is too technical to effect a lodgment in the memories of the gossips:-- "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. with reference to your no. , cipher. from the outset i have fully realized that the question of cutting off forces defending the peninsula lay at the heart of my problem. see my no. m.f. , last paragraph, and paragraphs and of my instructions to general officer commanding australian and new zealand army corps, of th april, before landing. i still consider, as indicated therein, that the best and most practicable method of stopping enemy's communications is to push forward to the south-east from australian and new zealand army corps. "the attempt to stop bulair communications further north than the australian and new zealand army corps position would give the turks too much room to pass our guns. an advance of little more than two miles in a south-eastern direction would enable us to command the land communications between bulair and kilid bahr. this, in turn, would render ak bashi liman useless to the enemy as a port of disembarkation for either chanak or constantinople. it would enable us, moreover, to co-operate effectively with the navy in stopping communication with the asiatic shore, since kilia liman and maidos would be under fire from our land guns. "it was these considerations which decided me originally to land at australian and new zealand army corps position, and in spite of the difficulties of advancing thence, i see no reason to expect that a new point of departure would make the task any easier. i have recently been obliged by circumstances to concentrate my main efforts on pushing forward towards achi baba so as to clear my main port of disembarkation of shell fire. i only await the promised reinforcements, however, to enable me to take the next step in the prosecution of my main plan from the australian and new zealand army corps. "i cannot extend the present australian position until they arrive. see my no. m.f. , as to estimate of troops required, and my no. , th june, as to state of siege at australian and new zealand army corps. if i succeed the enemy's communications _via_ bulair and, with the navy's help, _via_ asiatic coast should both be closed, as far as possible, by the one operation. if, in addition, submarines can stop sea communications with constantinople the problem will be solved. "with regard to supplies and ammunition which can be obtained by the enemy across the dardanelles, since panderma and karabingha are normally important centres of collection of food supplies, both cereals and meat, and since the panderma-chanak road is adequate, it would be possible to provision the peninsula from a great supply depot at chanak where there are steam mills, steam bakeries and ample shallow draught craft. if land communications were blocked near bulair, ammunition could only be brought by sea to panderma, and thence by road to chanak or by sea direct to kilid bahr. "either for supplies or ammunition, however, the difficulty of effectively stopping supply by sea may be increased by the large number of shallow craft available at rodosto, chanak, constantinople and panderma. but as soon as i can make good advance south-east from australian and new zealand army corps, my guns, plus the submarines, should be able to make all traffic from the asiatic shore very difficult for the enemy. "it is vitally important that future developments should be kept absolutely secret. i mention this because, although the date of our original landing was known to hardly anyone here before the ships sailed, yet the date was cabled to the turks from vienna." the message took some doing and could not, therefore, get clear of camp till o'clock when i boarded the destroyer _grampus_, and sailed for helles. lunched with hunter-weston at his headquarters, and then walked out along the new road being built under the cliffs from "w" beach to gurkha gully. on the way i stopped at the th divisional headquarters where i met de lisle. thence along the coast where the th brigade were bathing. in the beautiful hot afternoon weather the men were happy as sandboys. their own mothers would hardly know them--burnt black with the sun, in rags or else stark naked, with pipes in their mouths. but they like it! after passing the time of day to a lot of these boys, i climbed the cliff and came back along the crests, stopping to inspect some of the east lancashire division in their rest trenches. got back to hunter-weston's about and had a cup of tea. there cox of the indian brigade joined me, and i took him with me to imbros where he is going to stay a day or two with braithwaite. _ th june, . imbros._ k. sends me this brisk little pick-me-up:-- "report here states that your position could be made untenable by turkish guns from the asiatic shore. please report on this." no doubt--no doubt! yet i was once his own chief of staff into whose hands he unreservedly placed the conduct of one of the most crucial, as it was the last, of the old south african enterprises: i was once the man into whose hands he placed the defence of his heavily criticized action at the battle of paardeburg. there it is: he used to have great faith in me, and now he makes me much the sort of remark which might be made by a young lady to a marine. the answer, as k. well knows, depends upon too many imponderabilia to be worth the cost of a cable. the size and number of the turkish guns; their supplies of shell; the power of our submarines to restrict those supplies; the worth of our own ship and shore guns; the depth of our trenches; the _moral_ of our men, and so on _ad infinitum_. the point of the whole matter is this:--the turks haven't got the guns--and we know it:--if ever they do get the guns it will take them weeks, months, before they can get them mounted and shells in proportion amassed. k. should know better than any other man in england--lord bobs, alas, is gone--that if there was any real fear of guns from asia being able to make us loosen our grip on the peninsula, i would cable him quickly. then why does he ask? well--and why shouldn't he ask? i must not be so captious. much better turn the tables on him by asking him to enable us to knock out the danger he fears:-- "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. with reference to your telegram no. . as already reported in my telegram, fire from the asiatic shore is at times troublesome, but i am taking steps to deal with it. of course another battery of -inch howitzers would greatly help in this." by coincidence a letter has come in to me this very night, on the very subject; a letter written by a famous soldier--gouraud--the lion of the ardennes, who is, it so happens, much better posted as to the asiatic guns than the jeremiah who has made k. anxious. the french bear the brunt of this fire and gouraud's cool decision to ignore it in favour of bigger issues marks the contrast between the fighter who makes little of the enemy and the writer who makes much of him. i look upon gouraud more as a coadjutor than as a subordinate, so it is worth anything to me to find that we see eye to eye at present. for, there is much more in the letter than his feelings about the guns of asia: there is an outline sketch, drawn with slight but masterly touches, covering the past, present and future of our show:-- _q.g. le juin ._ corps expéditionnaire d'orient. cabine du gÉnÉral. n. cab. secret. le général de division gouraud, commandant le corps expéditionnaire d'orient, à sir ian hamilton, g.c.b., d.s.o., commandant le corps expéditionnaire méditerranéen. quartier gÉnÉral. mon gÉnÉral, vous avez bien voulu me communiquer une dépêche de lord kitchener faisant connaître que le gouvernement anglais allait envoyer incessamment aux dardanelles trois nouvelles divisions et des vaisseaux moins vulnérables aux sous-marins. d'après les renseignements qui m'ont été donnés, on annonce de ces monitors; seraient armés de pièces de à m/ de pièces de , les autres de . c'est donc sur terre et sur mer un important renfort. j'ai l'honneur de vous soumettre ci-dessous mes idées sur son emploi. jetons d'abord un coup d'oeil sur la situation. il s'en dégage, ce me semble, deux faits. d'une part, le combat du juin, qui, malgré une préparation sérieuse n'a pas donné de résultat en balance avec le vigoureux et couteux effort fourni par les troupes alliées, a montré que, guidés par les allemands, les turcs ont donné à leur ligne une très grande force. la presqu'île est barrée devant notre front de plusieurs lignes de tranchées fortement établies, précédées en plusieurs points de fil de fer barbelés, flanquées de mitrailleuses, communiquant avec l'arrière par des boyaux, formant un système de fortification comparable à celui du grand front. dans ces tranchées les turcs se montrent bons soldats, braves, tenaces. leur artillerie a constamment et très sensiblement augmenté en nombres et en puissance depuis trois semaines. dans ces conditions, et étant donné que les turcs ont toute liberté d'amener sur ce front étroite toute leur armée, on ne peut se dissimuler que les progrès seront lents et que chaque progrès sera couteux. les allemands appliqueront certainement dans les montagnes et les ravins de la presqu'île le système qui leur a réussi jusqu'ici en france. d'autre part l'ennemi parait avoir changé de tactique. il a voulu au début nous rejeter à la mer; après les pertes énormes qu'il a subi dans les combats d'avril et de mai, il semble y avoir renoncé du moins pour le moment. son plan actuel consiste à chercher à nous bloquer de front, pour nous maintenir sur l'étroit terrain que nous avons conquis, et à nous y rendre la vie intenable en bombardant les camps et surtout les plages de débarquement. c'est ainsi que les quatre batteries de grosses pièces récemment installées entre erenkeui et yenishahr ont apporté au ravitaillement des troupes une gêne qu'on peut dire dangereuse, puisque la consommation dans dernières journées a légèrement dépassé le ravitaillement. au résumé nous sommes bloqués de front et pris par derrière. et cette situation ira en empirant du fait des maladies, résultant du climat, de la chaleur, du bivouac continuel, peut être des épidémies, et du fait que la mer rendra très difficile tout débarquement dès la mauvaise saison, fin août. ceci posé, comment employer les gros renforts attendus. plusieurs solutions se présentent à l'esprit. primo, en asie. c'est la première idée qui se présente; étant donné l'intérêt de se rendre maître de la région yenishahr-erenkeui, qui prend nos plages de débarquement à revers. mais c'est là une mesure d'un intérêt défensif, qui ne fera pas faire un pas en avant. il est permis d'autre part de penser que les canons des monitors anglais, qui sont sans doute destinés à détruire les défenses du détroit, commenceront par nous débarrasser des batteries de l'entrée. enfin nous disposerons d'ici peu d'un front de mer seddul-bahr eski hissarlick, dont les pièces puissantes contrebattront efficacement les canons d'asie. secundo, vers gaba-tépé. au sud de gaba tépé s'étend une plaine que les cartes disent accessible au débarquement. des troupes débarquées là se trouvent à kilomètres environ de maidos, c'est à dire au point où la presqu'île est la plus étroite. sans nul doute, trouveront elles devant elles les mêmes difficultés qu'ici et il sera nécessaire notemment de se rendre maître des montagnes qui dominent la plaine au nord. mais alors que la prise d'achi baba ne sera qu'un grand succès militaire, qui nous mettra le lendemain devant les escarpements de kilid-bahr, l'occupation de la région gaba tépé-maidos nous placerait au delà des détroits, nous permettrait d'y constituer une base où les sous-marins de la mer de marmara pourraient indéfiniment s'approvisionner. si le barrage des dardanelles n'était pas brisé, il serait tourné. tertio, vers boulair. cette solution apparait comme le plus radicale, celui qui déjouerait le plan de l'ennemi. constantinople serait directement menacé par ce coup retentissant. toute la question est de savoir si, avec leurs moyens nouveaux, les monitors, les amiraux sont en mesure de protéger un débarquement, qui comme celui du avril nécessiterait de nombreux bateaux. en résumé, j'ai l'honneur d'émettre l'avis de poser nettement aux amiraux la question du débarquement à boulair, d'y faire reconnaître l'état actuel des défenses par bateaux, avions et si possible agents, sans faire d'acte de guerre pour ne pas donner l'éveil. au cas où le débarquement serait jugé impossible, j'émet l'avis d'employer les renforts dans la région gaba-tépé, où les australiens ont déjà implanté un solide jalon. concurremment, je pense qu'il serait du plus vif intérêt pour hâter la décision, de créer au gouvernement turc des inquiétudes dans d'autres parties de l'empire, pour l'empêcher d'amener ici toutes ses forces. dans cet ordre d'idées on peut envisager deux moyens. l'un, le plus efficace, est l'action russe ou bulgare. la grêce est mal placée géographiquement pour exercer une action sur la guerre. seule la bulgarie, par sa position géographique, prend les turcs à revers. sans doute, à voir la façon dont les turcs amènent devant nous les troupes et les canons d'adrianople, ont ils un accord avec la bulgarie, mais la guerre des balkans prouve que la bulgarie n'est pas embarrassée d'un accord si elle voit ailleurs son intérêt. la question est donc d'offrir un prix fort à la bulgarie. l'autre est de provoquer des agitations dans différentes parties de l'empire, d'y faire opérer des destructions par des bandes, d'obliger les turcs à y envoyer du monde. cela encore vaut la peine d'y mettre le prix. je suis, avec un profond respect, mon général, votre très dévoué, (_sd._) gouraud. boarded a destroyer at . a.m. and sailed straight for gully beach. then into dinghy and paddled to shore where i lunched with de lisle at the th divisional headquarters. hunter-weston had come up to meet me from corps headquarters. with both generals i rode a couple of miles up the gully seeing the th brigade as we went. when we got to the mouth of the communication trench leading to the front of the indian brigade, bruce of the gurkhas was waiting for us, and led me along through endless sunken ways until we reached his firing line. every hundred yards or so i had a close peep at the ground in front through de lisle's periscope. the enemy trenches were sometimes not more than yards away and the rifles of the turks moving showed there was a man behind the loophole. many corpses, almost all turks, lay between the two lines of trenches. there was no shelling at the moment, but rifle bullets kept flopping into the parapet especially when the periscope was moved. at the end of the gurkha line i was met by colonel wolley dod, who took me round the fire trenches of the th brigade. the dublin fusiliers looked particularly fit and jolly. getting back to the head of the gully i rode with hunter-weston to his corps headquarters where i had tea before sailing. when i got to imbros the fleet were firing at a taube. she was only having a look; flying around the shipping and headquarters camp at a great height, but dropping no bombs. after a bit she scooted off to the south-east. cox dined. _ th june, . imbros._ yesterday i learned some detail about the conduct of affairs the other day--enough to make me very anxious indeed that no tired or nervy leaders should be sent out with the new troops. so i have sent k. a cable!-- "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. "with reference to the last paragraph of your telegram no. , cipher, and my no. m.f. . i should like to submit for your consideration the following views of the qualities necessary in an army corps commander on the gallipoli peninsula. in that position only men of good stiff constitution and nerve will be able to do any good. everything is at such close quarters that many men would be useless in the somewhat exposed headquarters they would have to occupy on this limited terrain, though they would do quite good work if moderately comfortable and away from constant shell fire. i can think of two men, byng and rawlinson. both possess the requisite qualities and seniority; the latter does not seem very happy where he is, and the former would have more scope than a cavalry corps can give him in france." left camp the moment i got this weight off my chest; boarded the _savage_, or rather jumped on her ladder like a chamois and scrambled on deck like a monkey. it was blowing big guns and our launch was very nearly swamped. crossing to helles big seas were making a clean sweep of the decks. jolly to look at from the bridge. after a dusty walk round piers and beaches lunched with hunter-weston before inspecting the th and th brigades. on our road we were met by brigadier-generals erskine and scott-moncrieff. walked the trenches where i chatted with the regimental officers and men, and found my compatriots in very good form. went on to the royal naval division headquarters where paris met me. together we went round the rd marine brigade section under brigadier-general trotman. these old comrades of the first landing gave me the kindliest greetings. got back to th corps headquarters intending to enjoy a cup of tea _al fresco_, but we were reckoning without our host (the turkish one) who threw so many big shell from asia all about the mound that, (only to save the tea cups), we retired with dignified slowness into our dugouts. whilst sitting in these funk-holes, as we used to call them at ladysmith, general gouraud ran the gauntlet and made also a slow and dignified entry. he was coming back with me to imbros. as it was getting late we hardened our hearts to walk across the open country between headquarters and the beach, where every twenty seconds or so a big fellow was raising cain. fortune favouring we both reached the sea with our heads upon our shoulders. an answer is in to our plea for a western scale of ammunition, guns and howitzers. they cable sympathetically but say simply they can't. soft answers, etc., but it would be well if they could make up their minds whether they wish to score the next trick in the east or in the west. if they can't do that they will be doubly done. a purely passive defence is not possible for us; it implies losing ground by degrees--and we have not a yard to lose. if we are to remain we must keep on attacking here and there to maintain ourselves! but; to expect us to attack without giving us our fair share--on western standards--of high explosive and howitzers shows lack of military imagination. a man's a man for a' that whether at helles or ypres. let me bring my lads face to face with turks in the open field, we _must_ beat them every time because british volunteer soldiers are superior individuals to anatolians, syrians or arabs and are animated with a superior ideal and an equal joy in battle. wire and machine guns prevent this hand to hand, or rifle to rifle, style of contest. well, then the decent thing to do is to give us shells enough to clear a fair field. to attempt to solve the problem by letting a single dirty turk at the maxim kill ten--twenty--fifty--of our fellows on the barbed wire,--ten--twenty--fifty--_each of whom is worth several dozen turks_, is a sin of the holy ghost category unless it can be justified by dire necessity. but there is no necessity. the supreme command has only to decide categorically that the allies stand on the defensive on the west for a few weeks and then von donop can find us enough to bring us through. joffre and french, as a matter of fact, would hardly feel the difference. if the supreme command can't do that; and can't even send us trench mortars as substitutes, let them harden their hearts and wind up this great enterprise for which they simply haven't got the nerve. if only k. would come and see for himself! failing that--if only it were possible for me to run home and put my own case. _ th june, . imbros._ gouraud, a sympathetic guest, left for french headquarters in one of our destroyers at . p.m. he is a real sahib; a tower of strength. the asiatic guns have upset his men a good deal. he hopes soon to clap on an extinguisher to their fire by planting down two fine big fellows of his own morto bay way: we mean to add a couple of old naval six-inchers to this battery. during his stay we have very thoroughly threshed out our hopes and fears and went into the plan which gouraud thinks offers chances of a record-breaking victory. if the character of the new commanders and the spirit of their troops are of the calibre of those on his left flank at helles he feels pretty confident. talking of commanders, my appeal for a young corps commander of a "good stiff constitution" has drawn a startling reply:-- "(no. , cipher). from earl kitchener to sir ian hamilton. your no. m.f. . i am afraid that sir john french would not spare the services of the two generals you mention, and they are, moreover, both junior to mahon, who commands the th division which is going out to you. ewart, who is very fit and well, would i think do. i am going to see him the day after to-morrow. "mahon raised the th division and has produced an excellent unit. he is quite fit and well, and i do not think that he could now be left behind." so the field of selection for the new corps is to be restricted to some lieutenant-general senior to mahon--himself the only man of his rank commanding a division and almost at the top of the lieutenant-generals! oh god, if i could have a corps commander like gouraud! but this block by "mahon" makes a record for the seniority fetish. i have just been studying the army list with pollen. excluding indians, marines and employed men like douglas haig and maxwell, there _are_ only about one dozen british service lieutenant-generals senior to mahon, and, of that dozen only two are _possible_--ewart and stopford! there _are_ no others. ewart is a fine fellow, with a character which commands respect and affection. he is also a cameron highlander whose father commanded the gordons. as a presence nothing could be better; as a man no one in the army would be more welcome. but he would not, with his build and constitutional habit, last out here for one fortnight. despite his soldier heart and his wise brain we can't risk it. we are unanimous on that point. stopford remains. i have cabled expressing my deep disappointment that mahon should be the factor which restricts all choice and saying, "however, my no. m.f. [ ] gave you what i considered to be the qualities necessary in a commander, so i will do my best with what you send me. "with regard to ewart. i greatly admire his character, but he positively could not have made his way along the fire trenches i inspected yesterday. he has never approached troops for fifteen years although i have often implored him, as a friend, to do so. would not stopford be preferable to ewart, even though he does not possess the latter's calm?" i begin to think i shall be recalled for my importunity. but, in for a penny in for a pound, and i have fired off the following protest to a really disastrous cable from the war office saying that the new army is to bring _no_ . -inch howitzers with it; no howitzers at all, indeed, except sixteen of the old, inaccurate -inch territorial howitzers, some of which "came out" at omdurman and were afterwards--the whole category--found so much fault with in south africa. unless they are going to have an august push in france they might at least have lent us forty-eight . hows. from france to see the new army through their first encounter with the enemy. they could all be run back in a fast cruiser and would only be loaned to us for three weeks or a month. if the g.s. at whitehall can't do those things, they have handed over the running of a world war to one section of the army. i attach my ultimatum: i cannot make it more emphatic; instead of death or victory we moderns say howitzers or defeat:-- "(no. , cipher, m.g.o.) from war office to general officer commanding-in-chief, mediterranean expeditionary force. your no. m.f. . it is impossible to send more ammunition than we are sending you. rounds per -pr will be brought out by each division. instead of . -inch howitzers we are sending -inch howitzers with the th division, as there is more -inch ammunition available. by the time that the last of the three divisions arrive we hope to have supplied a good percentage of high explosive shells, but you should try to save as much as you can in the meantime. until more ammunition is available for them, we cannot send you any . -inch howitzers with the other two divisions, and even if more -inch were sent the fortnightly supply of ammunition for them would be very small." "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. with reference to your no. , cipher. i am very sorry that you cannot send the proper howitzers, and still more sorry for the reason, that of ammunition. the turkish trenches are deep and narrow, and only effective weapon for dealing with them is the howitzer. i realize your difficulties, and i am sure that you will supply me with both howitzers and ammunition as soon as you are able to do so. i shall be glad in the meantime of as many more trench mortars and bombs as you can possibly spare. we realize for our part that in the matter of guns and ammunition it is no good crying for the moon, and for your part you must recognize that until howitzers and ammunition arrive it is no good crying for the crescent." the admiral and godley paid me a visit; discussed tea and sea transport, then a walk. there is quite a break in the weather. very cold and windy with a little rain in the forenoon. _ th june, . imbros._ smoother sea, but rough weather in office. a cable from the master general of the ordnance in reply to my petition for another battery of -inch howitzers:-- "(no. , cipher, m.g.o.) from war office to the general officer commanding-in-chief, mediterranean expeditionary force. your telegram no. m.f. . we can send out another battery of -inch howitzers, but cannot send ammunition with it. moreover, we cannot increase the present periodical supply, so that if we send the additional howitzers you must not complain of the small number of rounds per gun sent to you, as experience has shown is sometimes done in similar cases. it is possible that the navy may help you with -inch ammunition. please say after consideration of the above if you want the howitzers sent." my mind plays agreeably with the idea of chaining the m.g.o. on to a rock on the peninsula whilst the asiatic batteries are pounding it. that would learn him to be an m.g.o.; singing us departmental ditties whilst we are trying to hold our asiatic wolf by the ears. i feel very depressed; we are too far away; so far away that we lie beyond the grasp of an m.g.o.'s imagination. that's the whole truth. were the army in france to receive such a message, within hours the commander-in-chief, or at the least his chief of the staff, would walk into the m.g.o.'s office and then proceed to walk into the m.g.o. i can't do that; a bad tempered cable is useless; i have no weapon at my disposal but very mild sarcasm:-- "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. your no. , cipher, m.g.o. please send the battery of -inch howitzers. your admonition will be borne in mind. extra howitzers will be most useful to replace pieces damaged by enemy batteries on the asiatic side of the dardanelles. no doubt in time the ammunition question will improve. only yesterday prisoners reported that more turkish heavy guns were coming to the peninsula." have written another screed to french. as it gives a sort of summing up of the state of affairs to-day i spatchcock (as buller used to say) the carbon:-- "general headquarters, "mediterranean expeditionary force, _ th june, ._ "my dear french, "it must be fully a month since i wrote you but no one understands better than you must do, how time flies under the constant strain of these night and day excursions and alarms. between the two letters there has been a desperate lot of fighting, mostly bomb and bayonet work, and, except for a good many turks gone to glory, there is only a few hundred yards of ground to show for it all at anzac, and about a mile perhaps in the southern part of the peninsula. but taking a wider point of view, i hope our losses and efforts have gained a good deal for our cause although they may not be so measurable in yards. first, the turks are defending themselves instead of attacking egypt and over-running basra; secondly, we are told on high authority, that the action of the italians in coming in was precipitated by our entry into this part of the theatre; thirdly, if we can only hold on and continue to enfeeble the turks, i think myself it will not be very long before some of the balkan states take the bloody plunge. "however all that may be, we must be prepared at the worst to win through by ourselves, and it is, i assure you, a tough proposition. in a manoeuvre battle of old style our fellows here would beat twice their number of turks in less than no time, but, actually, the restricted peninsula suits the turkish tactics to a 't.' they have always been good at trench work where their stupid men have only simple, straightforward duties to perform, namely, in sticking on and shooting anything that comes up to them. they do this to perfection; i never saw braver soldiers, in fact, than some of the best of them. when we advance, no matter the shelling we give them, they stand right up firing coolly and straight over their parapets. also they have unlimited supplies of bombs, each soldier carrying them, and they are not half bad at throwing them. meanwhile they are piling up a lot of heavy artillery of very long range on the asiatic shore, and shell us like the devil with . , -inch, , . and -inch guns--not pleasant. this necessitates a very tough type of man for senior billets. x--y--, for instance, did not last hours. everyone here is under fire, and really and truly the front trenches are safer, or at least fully as safe, as the corps commander's dugout. for, if the former are nearer the infantry, the latter is nearer the big guns firing into our rear. "another reason why we advance so slowly and lose so much is that the enemy get constant reinforcements. we have overcome three successive armies of turks, and a new lot of , from syria are arriving here now, with more heavy guns, so prisoners say, but i hope not. "i have fine corps commanders in birdwood, hunter-weston and gouraud. this is very fortunate. who is to be commander of the new corps i cannot say, but we have one or two terrifying suggestions from home. "last night a brisk attack headed by a senior turkish officer and a german officer was made on the th brigade. both these officers were killed and or of their men, the attack being repulsed. against the south wales borderers a much heavier attack was launched. our fellows were bombed clean out of their trenches, but only fell back yards and dug in. this morning early we got maxims on to each end of the place they had stormed, and then the dublins retook it with the bayonet. two hundred of their dead were left in the trench, and we only had casualties--not so bad! a little later on in the day a d----d submarine appeared and had some shots at our transports and store ships. luckily she missed, but all our landing operations of supplies were suspended. these are the sort of daily anxieties. all one can do is to carry on with determination and trust in providence. "i hope you are feeling fit and that things are going on well generally. give my salaams to the great robertson, also to barry. otherwise please treat this letter as private. with all kind remembrance. "believe me, "yours very sincerely, "(_sd._) ian hamilton." chapter xi bombs and journalists our beautiful east lancs. division is in a very bad way. one more month of neglect and it will be ruined: if quickly filled up with fresh drafts it will be better than ever. have cabled:-- "(m.f.a. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. the following is the shortage of officers and rank and file in each brigade of the xliind east lancashire division including the reinforcements reported as arriving:-- th brigade officers, , rank and file. th brigade officers, , rank and file. th brigade officers, , rank and file. "a stage of wastage has now been reached in this division, especially in the th manchester brigade, when filling up with drafts will make it as good or better than ever. if, however, they have to go on fighting in their present condition and suffer further losses, the remnants will not offer sufficiently wide foundation for reconstituting cadres. "lord kitchener might also like to know this, that a satisfactory proportion of the officers recently sent out to fill casualties are shaping very well indeed." an amalgam of veterans and fresh keen recruits, cemented by a common county feeling as well as by war tradition, makes the best fighting formation in the world. the veterans give experience and steadiness;--when the battle is joined the old hands feel bound to make good their camp-fire boastings to the recruits. the recruits bring freshness and the spirit of competition;--they are determined to show that they are as brave as the old fighters. but, if the east lancs. go on dwindling, the cadre will not retain strength enough to absorb and shape the recruits who will, we must suppose, some day be poured into it. a perishing formation loses moral force in more rapid progression than the mere loss of members would seem to warrant. when a battalion which entered upon a campaign a thousand strong,--all keen and hopeful,--gets down to five hundred, comrades begin to look round at one another and wonder if any will be left. when it falls to three hundred, or less, the unit, in my experience, is better drawn out of the line. the bravest men lose heart when, on parade, they see with their own eyes that their company--the finest company in the army--has become a platoon,--and the famous battalion a company. a mould for shaping young enthusiasms into heroisms has been scrapped and it takes a desperate long time to recreate it. i want to be sure k. himself takes notice and that is why i refer to him at the tail end of the cable. we have also cabled saying that the idea of sending so many rounds per gun per day was excellent, but that "we have received no notice of any despatch later than the s.s. _arabian_, which consignment" (whenever it might arrive?) "was only due to last until the day before yesterday"! so this is what our famous agreement to have munitions on the scale deemed necessary by joffre and french pans out at in practice. two-fifths of their amount and that not delivered! dined with the admiral on board the _triad_. a glorious dinner. the sailormen have a real pull over us soldiers in all matters of messing. linen, plate, glass, bread, meat, wine; of the best, are on the spot, always: even after the enemy is sighted, if they happen to feel a sense of emptiness they have only to go to the cold sideboard. coming back found mess tent brilliantly lit up and my staff entertaining their friends. so i put on my life-saving waistcoat and blew it out; clapped my new gas-mask on my head and entered. they were really startled, thinking the devil had come for them before their time. just got a telegram saying that m. venezelos has gained a big majority in the greek election. also, that the king of greece is dying, and that, therefore, the greek army can't join us until he has come round or gone under. _ th june, . imbros._ went over to kephalos camp to inspect rochdale's th (manchester) brigade. the howe battalion of the nd naval brigade were there (lieutenant-colonel collins), also, the rd field ambulance r.n.d. all these were enjoying an easy out of the trenches and, though only at about half strength, had already quite forgotten the tragic struggles they had passed through. in fattest peace times, i never saw a keener, happier looking lot. i drew courage from the ranks. surely these are the faces of men turned to victory! some twenty unattached officers fresh from england were there: a likely looking lot. one of the brightest a socialist m.p. the inspection took me all forenoon so i had to sweat double shifts after lunch. hunter-weston came over from helles at . p.m. and we dined off crayfish. he was in great form. the war office can get no more bombs for our japanese trench mortars! a catastrophe this! putting the french on one side, we here, in this great force, possess only half a dozen good trench mortars--the japanese. these six are worth their weight in gold to anzac. often those fellows have said to me that if they had twenty-five of them, with lots of bombs, they could render the turkish trenches untenable. twice, whilst their six precious mortars have been firing, i have stood for half an hour with birdie, watching and drinking in encouragement. about one bomb a minute was the rate of fire and as it buzzed over our own trenches like a monstrous humming bird all the naked anzacs laughed. then, _such_ an explosion and a sort of long drawn out ei-ei-ei-ei cry of horror from the turks. it was fine,--a real corpse-reviving performance and now the w.o. have let the stock run out, because some ass has forgotten to order them in advance. have cabled a very elementary question: "could not the japanese bombs be copied in england?" being the centenary of waterloo, the thoughts and converse of hunter-weston and myself turned naturally towards the lives of the heroes of a hundred years ago whose monument had given us our education, and from that topic, equally naturally, to the boys of the coming generation. then wrote out greetings to be sent by wire on my own behalf and on behalf of all wellingtonians serving under my command here: this to the accompaniment of unusually heavy shell fire on the peninsula. _later._--have just heard that after a heavy bombardment the turks made an attack and that fighting is going on now. _ th june, . imbros._ the turks expended last night some h.e. shells; heavy stuff from asia and some thousands of shrapnel. they then attacked; we counter-attacked and there was some confused in-and-out infantry fighting. we hear that the south wales borderers, the worcesters, the th royal scots and the naval division all won distinction. wiring home i say, "if lord kitchener could tell the lord provost of edinburgh how well the th bn. royal scots have done, the whole of this force would be pleased." the turks have left , dead behind them. prisoners say they thought so much high explosive would knock a hole in our line: the bombardment was all concentrated on the south wales borderers' trench. writing most of the day. lord k. has asked the french government to send out extra quantities of h.e. shell to their force here; also, he has begged them to order gouraud to lend me his guns. in so far as the french may get more h.e. this is a. . but if k. thinks the british will _directly_ benefit--i fear he is out of his reckoning: it would be fatal to my relations with gouraud, now so happy, were he even to suspect that i had any sort of lien on his guns. unless i want to stir up jealous feelings, now entirely quiescent, i cannot use this cable as a lever to get french guns across into our area. gouraud's plans for his big attack are now quite complete. a million pities we cannot attack simultaneously. that we should attack one week and the french another week is rotten tactically; but, practically, we have no option. we british want to go in side by side with the french--are burning to do so--but we cannot think of it until we can borrow shell from gouraud; and, naturally, he wants every round he has for his own great push on the st. walked down in the evening to see what progress was being made with the new pier. colonel skeen, birdwood's chief of staff, dined and seems clever, as well as a very pleasant fellow. _ th june, . imbros._ rose early. did a lot of business. the king's messenger's bag closed at a.m. told k. about the arrival of fresh turkish troops and our fighting on the th. the trenches remain as before, but the turks, having failed, are worse off. i have also written him about war correspondents. he had doubted whether my experiences would encourage me to increase the number to two or three. but, after trial, i prefer that the public should have a multitude of councillors. "when a single individual," i say, "has the whole of the london press at his back he becomes an unduly important personage. when, in addition to this, it so happens, that he is inclined to see the black side of every proposition, then it becomes difficult to prevent him from encouraging the enemy, and from discouraging all our own people, as well as the balkan states. if i have several others to counterbalance, then i do not care so much." fired off a second barrel through fitz from whom i have just heard that my despatch cannot be published as it stands but must be bowdlerized first, all the names of battalions being cut out. instead of saying, "the landing at 'w' had been entrusted to the st bn. lancashire fusiliers (major bishop) and it was to the complete lack of the sense of danger or of fear of this daring battalion that we owed our astonishing success," i am to say, "the landing, etc., had been entrusted to a certain battalion." the whole of this press correspondence; press censorship; despatch writing and operations cables hang together and will end by hanging the government. my operations cables are written primarily for k., it is true, but they are meant also to let our own people know what their brothers and sons are up against and how they are bearing up under unheard of trials. there is not a word in those cables which would help or encourage the enemy. i am best judge of that and i see to it myself. what is the result of my efforts to throw light upon our proceedings? a war office extinguisher from under which only a few evil-smelling phrases escape. as i say to fitz:-- "you seem to see nothing beyond the mischief that may happen if the enemy gets to know too much about us; you do not see that this danger can be kept within bounds and is of small consequence when compared with the keenness or dullness of our own nation." the news that the war office were going to send us no more japanese bombs spread so great a consternation at anzac that i have followed up my first remonstrance with a second and a stronger cable:-- "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. your no. , a. .[ ] i particularly request that you may reconsider your proposal not to order more japanese bombs. these bombs are most effective and in high favour with our troops whose locally-made weapons, on which they have frequently to rely, are far inferior to the bombs used by the turks. our great difficulty in holding captured trenches is that the turks always counter-attack with a large number of powerful bombs. apparently their supply of these is limitless. unless the delay in arrival is likely to extend over several months, therefore, i would suggest that a large order be sent to japan. we cannot have too many of these weapons, and this should not cancel my no. m.f.q.t. , which should be treated as additional." drafted also a long cable discussing a diversion on the asiatic shore of the dardanelles. so some work had been done by the time we left camp at . a.m., and got on board the _triad_. after a jolly sail reached mudros at p.m., landing on the australian pier at p.m. mudros is a dusty hole; _ein trauriges nest_, as our german friends would say. worked like a nigger going right through nos. and stationary hospitals. colonel maher, p.m.o., came round, also colonel jones, r.a.m.c., and captain stanley, r.a.m.c. talked with hundreds of men: these are the true philosophers. _ st june, . mudros._ went at it again and overhauled no. stationary hospital under lieutenant-colonel white, as well as no. stationary hospital commanded by lieutenant-colonel bryant. the doctors praised me for inventing something new to say to each man. but all the time in my mind was the thought of gouraud. i have wanted him to do it absolutely on his own, and i could not emphasize this better than by coming right away to mudros. back to the _triad_ by p.m. no news. weighed anchor at once, steaming for imbros, where we cast anchor at about p.m. freddie maitland has arrived here, like a breath of air from home, to be once more my a.d.c.; his features wreathed in the well-known, friendly smile. the french duly attacked at dawn and the nd division have carried a series of redoubts and trenches. the st division did equally well but have been driven back again by counter-attacks. fighting is still going on. while i have been away braithwaite has cabled home in my name asking which of the new divisions is the best, as we shall have to use them before we can get to know them. _ nd june, . imbros._ an anxious night. gouraud has done splendidly; so have his troops. this has been a serious defeat for the turks; a real bad defeat, showing, as it does, that given a modicum of ammunition we can seize the strongest entrenchments of the enemy and stick to them. "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to secretary of state for war. after hours' heavy and continuous fighting a substantial success has been achieved. as already reported, the battle of th- th june resulted in a good advance of my centre to which neither my right nor my left were able to conform, the reason being that the turkish positions in front of the flanks are naturally strong and exceedingly well fortified. at . a.m. yesterday, general gouraud began an attack upon the line of formidable works which run along the kereves dere. by noon the second french division had stormed and captured all the turkish first and second line trenches opposite their front, including the famous haricot redoubt, with its subsidiary maze of entanglements and communication trenches. on their right, the first french division, after fierce fighting, also took the turkish trenches opposite their front, but were counter-attacked so heavily that they were forced to fall back. again, this division attacked, again it stormed the position, and again it was driven out. general gouraud then, at . p.m., issued the following order:" 'from colonel viont's report it is evident that the preparation for the attack at . p.m. was not sufficient. 'it is indispensable that the turkish first line of trenches in front of you should be taken, otherwise the gains of the nd division may be rendered useless. you have five hours of daylight, take your time, let me know your orders and time fixed for preparation, and arrange for infantry assault to be simultaneous after preparation.' "as a result of this order, the bombardment of the turkish left was resumed, the british guns and howitzers lending their aid to the french artillery as in the previous attacks. at about p.m., a fine attack was launched, yards of turkish first line trenches were taken, and despite heavy counter-attacks during the night, especially at . a.m., all captured positions are still in our hands. am afraid casualties are considerable, but details are lacking. the enemy lost very heavily. one turkish battalion coming up to reinforce, was spotted by an aeroplane, and was practically wiped out by the seventy-fives before they could scatter. "type of fighting did not lend itself to taking prisoners, and only some , including one officer, are in our hands. the elan and contempt of danger shown by the young french drafts of the last contingent, averaging, perhaps, years of age, was much admired by all. during the fighting, the french battleship _st. louis_ did excellent service against the asiatic batteries. all here especially regret that colonel girodon, one of the best staff officers existing, has been severely wounded whilst temporarily commanding a brigade. colonel nogués, also an officer of conspicuous courage, already twice wounded, at kum kale, has again been badly hit." girodon is one in ten thousand; serious, brave and far sighted. the bullet went through his lung. we are said to have suffered nearly , casualties. they say that the uproar of battle was tremendous, especially between midnight and a.m. some of our newly arrived troops stood to their arms all night thinking the end of the world had come. at p.m. de robeck, keyes, ormsby johnson and godfrey came over from the flagship to see me. have got an answer about the japanese trench mortars and bombs. in two months' time a thousand bombs will be ready at the japanese arsenal, and five hundred the following month. the trench mortars--bomb guns they call them--will be ready in japan in two and a half months' time. two and a half months, plus half a month for delay, plus another month for sea transit, makes four months! there are some things speak for themselves. blood, they say, cries out to heaven. well, let it cry now. over three months ago i asked--_my first request_--for these primitive engines and as for the bombs, had birmingham been put to it, birmingham could have turned them out as quick as shelling peas. am doing what i can to fend for myself. this dardanelles war is a war, if ever there was one, of the ingenuity and improvised efforts of man against nature plus machinery. we are in the desert and have to begin very often at the beginning of things. the navy _now_ assure me that their dockyard superintendent at malta could make us a fine lot of hand grenades in his workshops if lord methuen will give him the order. so i have directed a full technical specification of the turkish hand grenades being used against us with effects so terrible, to be sent on to methuen telling him it is simple, effective, that i hope he can make them and will be glad to take all he can turn out. _ rd june, . imbros._ another day in camp. de robeck and keyes came over from the _triad_ to unravel knotty points. am enraged to recognize in reuter one of my own cables which has been garbled in egypt. the press censorship is a negative evil in london; in cairo there is no doubt it is positive. after following my wording pretty closely, a phrase has been dovetailed in to say that the turks have day and night to submit to the capture of trenches. these cables are repeated to london and when they get back here what will my own men think me? if, as most of us profess to believe, it is a mistake to tell lies, what a specially fatal description of falsehood to issue short-dated bulletins of victory with only one month to run. i have fired off a remonstrance as follows:-- "(no m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. a reuter telegram dated london, th june, has just been brought to my notice in which it is stated that the press bureau issues despatch in which the following sentence occurs: 'day and night they (the turks) have to submit to capture of trenches.' this information is incorrect, and as far as we are aware, has not been sent from here. this false news puts me in a false position with my troops, who know it to be untrue, and i should be glad if you would trace whence it emanates. "repeated to general officer commanding, egypt." _ th june, . imbros._ three days ago we asked the war office to let us know the merits of the three new divisions. the war office replied placing them in the order xith; xiith; xth, and reminding me that the personality of the commander would be the chief factor for deciding which were to be employed in any particular operation. k. now supplements this by a cable in which he sizes up the commanders. hammersley gets a good _chit_ but the phrase, "he will have to be watched to see that the strain of trench warfare is not too much for him" is ominous. i knew him in october, ' , and thought him a fine soldier. mahon, "without being methodical," is praised. shaw gets a moderate eulogy, but we out here are glad to have him for we know him. on these two war office cables hammersley and the th division should be for it. after clearing my table, embarked with braithwaite and mitchell aboard the _basilisk_ (lieutenant fallowfield) and made her stand in as close as we dared at suvla bay and the coast to the north of it. we have kept a destroyer on patrol along that line, and we were careful to follow the usual track and time, so as to rouse no suspicions. to spy out the land with a naval telescope over a mile of sea means taking a lot on trust as we learned to our cost on april th. we can't even be sure if the salt lake _is_ a lake, or whether the glister we see there is just dry sand. we shall have to pretend to do some gun practice, and drop a shell on to its surface to find out. no sign of life anywhere, not even a trickle of smoke. the whole of the suvla bay area looks peaceful and deserted. god grant that it may remain so until we come along and make it the other thing. on my return the admiral came to hear what i thought about it all. our plan is bold, but there never was a state of affairs less suited to half and half, keep-in-the-middle-of-the-road tactics than that with which the empire is faced to-day. if we get through here, now, the war will, must be, over next year. my manchurian campaign and two russian manoeuvres have taught me that, from grand duke to moujiks, our allies need just that precise spice of initiative which we, only we in the world, can lend them. advice, cash, munitions aren't enough; our palpable presence is the point. the arrival of birdwood, hunter-weston and gouraud at odessa would electrify the whole of the russian army. as to the plan, i have had the g.s. working hard upon it for over a fortnight (ever since the cabinet decided to support us). secrecy is so ultra-vital that we are bound to keep the thing within a tiny circle. i am not the originator. though i have entirely fathered it, the idea was born at anzac. we have not yet got down to precise dates, units or commanders but, in those matters, the two cables already entered this morning should help. the plan is based upon birdwood's confidence that, if only he can be strengthened by another division, he can seize and hold the high crest line which dominates his own left, and in my own concurrence in that confidence. sari bair is the "keep" to the narrows; chunuk bair and hill are its keys: i.e., from those points the turkish trenches opposite birdwood can be enfiladed: the land _and_ sea communications of the enemy holding maidos, kilid bahr and krithia can be seen and shelled and, in fact, any strong force of turks guarding the european side of the narrows can then be starved out, whilst a weak force will not long resist gouraud and hunter-weston. as to our tactical scheme for producing these strategical results, it is simple in outline though infernally complicated in its amphibious and supply aspects. the french and british at helles will attack so as to draw the attention of the turks southwards. to add to this effect, we are thinking of asking the anzacs to exert a preliminary pressure on the gaba tepe alarum to the southwards. we shall then give birdwood what he wants, an extra division, and it will be a problem how to do so without letting the enemy smell a rat. birdwood's intelligence are certain that no trenches have been dug by the enemy along the high ridge from chunuk bair to hill . he is sure that with one more division under his direct command, plus the help of a push from helles to ease his southern flank, he can make good these dominating heights. [illustration: the narrows from chunuk bair] _but_,--here comes the second half of the plan: the balance of the reinforcements from home are also to be thrown into the scale so as at the same time to give further support to birdwood on his _northern_ flank and to occupy a good harbour (suvla bay) whence we can run a light railway line and more effectively feed the troops holding sari bair than they could be fed from the bad, cramped beaches of anzac cove. this will be the more necessary as the process of starving out the turks to the south must take time. suvla bay should be an easy base to seize as it is weakly held and unentrenched whilst, tactically, any troops landed there will, by a very short advance, be able to make birdwood's mind easy about his left. altogether, the plan seems to me simple in outline, and sound in principle. the ground between anzac and the sari bair crestline is worse than the khyber pass but both birdwood and godley say that their troops can tackle it. there are one or two in the know who think me "venturesome" but, after all, is not "nothing venture nothing win" an unanswerable retort? de robeck is excited over some new anti-submarine nets. they are so strong and he can run them out so swiftly that they open, he seems to think, new possibilities of making landings,--not on open coasts like the north of the aegean but at places like yukeri bay, where the nets could be spread from the north and south ends of tenedos to shoals connecting with asia so as to make a torpedo proof basin for transports. the navy, in fact, suddenly seem rather bitten with the idea of landing opposite tenedos. but whereas, this very afternoon, our own eyes confirmed the aeroplane reports that suvla bay is unentrenched, weakly held and quiescent, only yesterday a division of the enemy were reputed to be busy along the whole of the coastline to the south of besika bay. i have raised a hornet's nest by my objection to faked cables; but i will not have it done. they may suppress but they shall not invent. "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. your no. . i do not object to general officer commanding, egypt, publishing any telegram i send him, as i write them for that purpose. but i do object to the addition of news which is untrue, and which can surely be seen through by any reading public. if we can take trenches at our will, why are we still on this side of achi baba? "in compliance with lord kitchener's instructions i send a telegram to the secretary of state for war and repeat it to egypt; also to australia and new zealand if it affect these dominions. please see your no. , , code, and my no. m.f. , instructing me to do this. these telegrams are practically identical when they leave here, and are intended to be used as a communique and to be published. instead of this i find a mutilated and misleading cairo telegram reproduced in london press in place of the true version i sent to the secretary of state for war." general paris crossed from helles to dine and stay the night. after dinner, commodore backhouse came over to make his salaams to his divisional chief. gouraud has sent me his reply to lord k.'s congratulations on his victory of the st. he says, "_vous prie exprimer à lord kitchener mes respectueux remerciements nous n'avons, eu qu'à prendre exemple sur les héroïques régiments anglais qui ont débarqué dans les fils de fer sur la plage de seddulbahr_." _ th june, . imbros._ at a.m. walked down with paris to see him off. worked till a.m. and then crossed over to "k" beach where backhouse, commanding the nd naval brigade, met me. inspected the hood, howe and anson battalions into which had been incorporated the collingwood and benbow units--too weak now to carry on as independent units. the hood, howe and anson are suffering from an acute attack of indigestion, and collingwoods and benbows are sick at having been swallowed. but i had to do it seeing there is no word of the cruel losses of the battle of the th being made good by the admiralty. the howe, hood and anson attacked on our extreme right, next the french. they did most gloriously--most gloriously! as to the collingwoods, they were simply cut to pieces, losing officers out of in a few minutes. down at the roots of this unhappiness lie the neglect to give us our fair share of howitzers and trench mortars--in fact stupidity! the rank and file all round looked much better for their short rest, and seemed to like the few halting words of praise i was able to say to them. lunched with backhouse in a delicious garden under a spreading fig tree; then rode back. at p.m. ashmead-bartlett had an appointment, k. himself took trouble to send me several cables about him a little time ago. referring in one of them to the dangers of letting jeremiah loose in london, k. said, "ashmead-bartlett has promised verbally to speak to no one but his editor, who can be trusted." verbally, or in writing, my astonishment at k.'s confidence can only find expression in verse:-- "oft expectation fails, and most oft there where most it promises;" he, ashmead-bartlett, came to-day to beg me to deliver him out of the hands of the censor. he wants certain changes made and i have agreed. next, he fully explained to me the importance of the bulair lines and urged me to throw the new divisions against them. he seems to think he is mooting to me a spick and span new idea--that he has invented something. finally, he suggests ten shillings and a free pardon be offered to every turk who deserts to our lines with his rifle and kit: he believes we should thus get rid of the whole of the enemy army very quickly. this makes one wonder what would ashmead-bartlett himself do if he were offered ten shillings and a good supper by a mahommedan when he was feeling a bit hungry and hard up amongst the christians. anyway, there is no type of soldier man fighting in the war who is more faithful to his salt than the osmanli turk. were we to offer fifty pounds per head, instead of ten shillings, the bid would rebound in shame upon ourselves. colonel sir mark sykes was my next visitor. he is fulfilling the promise of his 'teens when he was the shining light of the militia; was as keen a galloper as i have had on a list which includes winston and f.e., and, generally, gained much glory, martial, equestrian, histrionic, terpsichorean at our militia training camp on salisbury plain in ' . now he has mysteriously made himself (heaven knows how) into our premier authority on the middle east and is travelling on some ultra-mysterious mission, very likely, _en passant_, as a critic of our doings: never mind, he is thrice welcome as a large-hearted and generous person. dined with de robeck on board the _triad_. he is _most_ hospitable and kind. i have not here the wherewithal to give back cutlet for cutlet, worse luck. _ th june, ._ worked till past o'clock, then started for anzac with braithwaite per destroyer _pincher_ (lieutenant-commander wyld). after going a short way was shifted to the _mosquito_ (lieutenant-commander clarke). we had biscuits in our pockets, but the hospitable navy stood us lunch. when the turks saw a destroyer come bustling up at an unusual hour they said to themselves, "fee faw fum!" and began to raise pillars of water here and there over the surface of the cove. as we got within a few yards of the pier a shell hit it, knocking off some splinters. i jumped on to it--had to--then jumped off it nippier still and, turning to the right, began to walk towards birdie's dugout. as i did so a big fellow pitched plunk into the soft shingle between land and water about five or six yards behind me and five or six yards in front of freddie. the slush fairly smothered or blanketed the shell but i was wetted through and was stung up properly with small gravel. the hardened devils of anzacs, who had taken cover betwixt the shell-proofs built of piles of stores, roared with laughter. very funny--to look at! as the old turks kept plugging it in fairly hot, i sat quiet in birdwood's dugout for a quarter of an hour. then they calmed down and we went the rounds of the right trenches. in those held by the light horse brigade under colonel g. de l. ryrie, encountered lieutenant elliot, last seen a year ago at duntroon. next, met colonel sinclair maclagan commanding rd (australian) infantry brigade. after that saw the lines of colonel smith's brigade, where major browne, r.a., showed me a fearful sort of bomb he had just patented. at last, rather tired by my long day, made my way back, stopping at birdie's dugout en route. boarded the _mosquito_; sailed for and reached camp without further adventure. general douglas of the east lancs division is here. he has dined and is staying the night. a melancholy man before whose eyes stands constantly the tragic melting away without replacement of the most beautiful of the divisions of northern england. _ th june, . imbros._ blazing hot; wound up my mail letters; fought files, flies and irritability; tackled a lot of stuff from q.m.g. and a.g.; won a clear table by tea time. in the evening hung about waiting for de robeck who had signalled over to say he wanted to talk business. at the last he couldn't come. the sequel to the letter telling me i'd have to cut the names of battalions out of my despatch has come in the shape of a war office cable telling me that, if i agree, it is proposed "to have the despatch reviewed and a slightly different version prepared for publication." i hope my reply to fitz may arrive in time to prevent too much titivation. an imaginative war office (were such a thing imaginable) would try first of all to rouse public enthusiasm by letting them follow quite closely the brave doings of their own boys' units whatever these might be. next, they would try and use the press to teach the public that there are three kinds of war, (_a_) military war, (_b_) economic war and (_c_) social war. lastly, they would explain to the cabinet that this war of ours is a mixture of (_a_) and (_b_) with more of (_b_) than (_a_) in it. how can economic victory be won? ( ) by enlisting the sympathy of america; ( ) by taking constantinople. the idea that we can hustle the kaiser back over the rhine and march on to berlin at the double emanates from a school of thought who have devoted much study to the french army, not so much to that of the germans. but we _can_ (no one denies it) hustle the turks out of constantinople if we will make an effort, big, no doubt, in itself but not very big compared to that entailed by a few miles' advance in the west. let us do that and, forthwith, we enlist economics on our side. none of these things can be carried through without the help of the press. second only to enthusiasm of our own folk comes the sweetening of the temper of the neutral. hard to say at present whether our censorship has done most harm in the u.k. or the u.s.a. before leaving for the dardanelles i begged hard for hare and frederick palmer, the americans, knowing they would help us with the yanks just as much as aeroplanes would help us with the turks, but i was turned down on the plea that the london press would be jealous. these are the feelings which have prompted my pen to-day. writing one of the few great men i know i put the matter like this:-- "from my individual point of view a hideous mistake has been made on the correspondence side of the whole of this dardanelles business. had we had a dozen good newspaper correspondents here, the vital life-giving interest of these stupendous proceedings would have been brought right into the hearths and homes of the humblest people in britain.... "as for information to the enemy, this is too puerile altogether. the things these fellows produce are all read and checked by competent general staff officers. to think that it matters to the turks whether a certain trench was taken by the th royal scots or the rd warwicks is just really like children playing at secrets. the censors who are by way of keeping everyone in england in darkness allow extremely accurate outline panoramas of the australian position from the back; trenches, communication tracks, etc., all to scale; a true military sketch, to appear in the _illustrated london news_ of th june. the wildest indiscretions in words could not equal this." again i say the press must win. on no subject is there more hypocrisy amongst big men in england. they pretend they do not care for the press and _sub rosa_ they try all they are worth to work it. how well i remember my chief of the general staff coming up to me at a big conference on salisbury plain where i had spent five very useful minutes explaining the inwardness of things to old bennett burleigh, the war correspondent. he (the c.g.s.) begged me to see burleigh privately, afterwards, as it would "create a bad impression" were i seen by everyone to be on friendly terms with the old man! he meant it very kindly: from his point of view he was quite right. i lay no claim to be more candid than the rest of them: quite the contrary. only, over that particular line of country, i am more candid. whenever anyone ostentatiously washes his hands of the press in my hearing i chuckle over the memory of the administrator who was admonishing me as to the unsuitability of a public servant having a journalistic acquaintance when, suddenly, the door opened; the parlour-maid entered and said, "lord northcliffe is on the 'phone." have told lord k. in my letter we have just enough shell for one more attack. after that, we fold our hands and wait the arrival of the new troops and the new outfit of ammunition:--not "wait and see" but "wait and suffer." a month is a desperate long halt to have in a battle. a month, at least, to let weariness and sickness spread whilst new armies of enemies replace those whose hearts we have broken,--at a cost of how many broken hearts, i wonder, in australasia and england? this enforced pause in our operations is a desperate bad business: for to-day there is a feeling in the air--thrilling through the ranks--that _at last_ the upper hand is ours. now is the moment to fall on with might and main,--to press unrelentingly and without break or pause until we wrest victory from fortune. morally, we are confident but,--materially? alas, to-morrow, for our last "dart" before reinforcements arrive a month hence, my shell only runs to a forty minutes' bombardment of some half a mile of the enemy's trenches. we simply have not shell wherewith to cover more or keep it up any longer. a general laying down the law to a field marshal is as obnoxious to military "form" as a vacuum was once supposed to be to the sentiments of nature. the child, who teaches its grandmother to suck eggs, commits a venial fault in comparison. so i have had to convey my precepts insensibly to milord k.--to convey them in homeopathic doses of parable. the brilliant french success of the st- nd, i explain to him, was due to the showers of shell wherewith they deluged the turkish lines until their defenders were sitting dazed with their dugouts in ruins about them. also, in the same epistle, i have tried to explain anzac. in the domain of tactics our landing at helles speaks for itself. since gunpowder was invented nothing finer than the th division has been achieved. but it will be a long time yet before people grasp that the landing at anzac is just as remarkable in the imaginative domain of strategy. the military student of the future will, i hope and believe, realize the significance of the stroke whereby we are hourly forcing a great empire to commit _hari kiri_ upon these barren, worthless cliffs--whereby we keep pressing a dagger exactly over the black heart of the ottoman raj. only skin deep--so far; only through the skin. yet already how freely bleeds the wound. daily the effort to escape this doom; to push away the threat of that painful point will increase. even if we were never to make another yard's advance,--here--in the cove of anzac--is the cup into which the life blood of the caliphat shall be pressed. and on the whole gallipoli peninsula this little cove is the one and only spot whereon a base could have been established, which is sheltered (to a bearable extent) from the force of the enemy's fire. dead ground; defiladed from inland batteries; deep water right close to the shore! enver dares not leave anzac alone. we are too near his neck; the narrows!! so on this most precarious, god-forsaken spot he must maintain an army of his best troops, mostly supplied by sea,--by sea whereon our submarines swallow per cent. of their drafts, munitions and food, just as a pike takes down the duckling before the eyes of their mother on a pond. hold fast's the word. we have only to keep our grip firm and fast; turkey will die of exhaustion trying to do what she can't do; drive us into the sea! braithwaite and amery dined. great fun seeing amery again. _what_ memories of his concealment in the autocrat's "special" going to the vereeniging conference; of our efforts to create a strategical training ground for british troops in south africa; of our battles against one another over the great voluntary service issue. chapter xii a victory and after _ th june, . imbros._ the fateful day. left camp with braithwaite, dawnay and ward. embarked on the destroyer _colne_ (commander seymour) and sailed for helles. the fire fight was raging. from the bridge we got a fine view as our guns were being focused on and about the north-west coast. the cliff line and half a mile inland is shrouded in a pall of yellow dust which, as it twirls, twists and eddies, blots out achi baba himself. through this curtain appear, dozens at a time, little balls of white,--the shrapnel searching out the communication trenches and cutting the wire entanglements. at other times spouts of green or black vapour rise, mix and lose themselves in the yellow cloud. the noise is like the rumbling of an express train--continuous; no break at all. the turks sitting there in their trenches--our men yards away sitting in _their_ trenches! what a wonderful change in the art,--no not the art, in the mechanism--of war. fifteen years ago armies would have stood aghast at our display of explosive energy; to-day we know that our shortage is pitiable and that we are very short of stuff; perilously short.--(written in the cabin of the _colne_.) jimmy watson met me on the pier. he is commandant advance base. deedes also met me and the whole band of us made our way inland to my battle dugout. this is probably our last onslaught before the new troops and new supplies of shell come to hand in about a month from now. we have just enough stuff to deal with one narrow strip by the coast. had it not been for some help from the french, we could not have entered upon this engagement at all, but must have continued to sit still and be shot at--rather an expensive way of fighting if john bull could only be told the truth. now, although the area is limited the battle is a big one, fairly entitled to be called a general action. as i said, the french are helping simpson-baikie in his bombardment; the fleet are helping us with the fire of the _scorpion_, _talbot_ and _wolverine_, and birdwood has been asked to try and help us from anzac by making a push there to hold the enemy and prevent him sending reinforcements south. on their side the turks are making a very feeble reply. looks as if we had caught them with their ammunition parks empty. i went into the dugout indescribably slack; hardly energy to struggle against the heat and the myriads of flies. i came out of it radiant. the turks are beat. five lines of their best trenches carried (or, at least, four regular lines plus a bit extra); the boomerang redoubt rushed, and in two successive attacks we have advanced , yards. our losses are said to be moderate. the dreaded boomerang collapsed and was stormed with hardly a casualty. this was owing partly to the two trench mortars lent us by the french and partly to the extraordinary fine shooting of our own battery of . howitzers. the whole show went like clockwork--like a field day. first the th brigade took three lines of trenches; then our guns lengthened their range and fuses and the th brigade, with the gallant royal fusiliers at their head, scrambled over the trenches already taken by the th, and took the last two lines in splendid style. we could have gone right on but we had nothing to go on with. how i wish the whole world and his wife could have been here to see our lines advancing under fire quite steadily with intervals and dressing as on parade. a wonderful show! as the th brigade left the trenches at a.m., the enemy opened a hot shrapnel fire on them but although some men fell, none faltered as we could see very well owing to the following device. the th attackers had sewn on to their backs triangles cut out of kerosine tins. the idea was to let these bright bits of metal flash in the sunlight and act as helios. thus our guns would be able to keep an eye on them. the spectacle was extraordinary. from my post i could follow the movements of every man. one moment after a.m. the smoke pall lifted and moved slowly on with a thousand sparkles of light in its wake: as if someone had quite suddenly flung a big handful of diamonds on to the landscape. at . the th brigade likewise advanced; passed through the th and took two more lines of trenches. at mid-day i signalled, "well done th division and th brigade. am watching your splendid attack with admiration. stick to it and your names will become famous in your homes." at . i got a reply, "thanks from all ranks th. we are here to stay." at . i ran across and warmly congratulated hunter-weston, staying with him reading the messages until about p.m. when i went on to see gouraud. hunter-weston, gouraud and braithwaite agree that:--_had we only shell to repeat our bombardment of this morning, now, we could go on another , yards before dark,--result, achi baba to-morrow, or, at the latest, the day after; achi baba_ and fifty guns perhaps with, say, , prisoners. at p.m. gouraud and i walked back to hunter-weston's g.h.q. a load was off our minds--we were wonderfully happy. at . a message from birdie to say the queenslanders had thrust out towards gaba tepe and had "drawn" the turkish reserves who had been badly hammered by our guns. with this crowning mercy in my pocket, walked down and boarded the destroyer _scourge_ (lieutenant tupper) and got back to camp before seven. what a day! may our glorious infantry gain everlasting _kudos_--and the gunners, too, may the good use they made of their shell ration create a legend. the french official photographer has fixed a moment by snapping gouraud and myself overlooking the hellespont from the old battlements. [illustration: general gouraud "central news" photo.] _midnight._--when i lay down in my little tent two hours ago the canvas seemed to make a sort of sounding board. no sooner did i try to sleep than i heard the musketry rolling up and dying away; then rolling up again in volume until i could stick it no longer and simply had to get up and pick a path, through the brush and over sandhills, across to the sea on the east coast of our island. there i could hear nothing. was the firing then an hallucination--a sort of sequel to the battle in my brain? not so; far away i could see faint corruscations of sparks; star shells; coloured fire balls from pistols; searchlights playing up and down the coast. our fellows were being hard beset to hold on to what they had won; there, where the horizon stood out with spectral luminosity. what a contrast; the direct fear, joy, and excitement of the fighting men out there in the searchlights and the dull anguish of waiting here in the darkness; imagining horrors; praying the almighty our men may be vouchsafed valour to stick it through the night; wondering, waiting until the wire brings its colourless message! one thought i have which is in the end a sure sleep-getter--the advancing death. whether by hours or by years, by inches or by leagues, by bullets or bacilli, we struggle-for-lifers will very soon struggle no more. my last salaams are well-nigh due to my audience and to the stage. that rare and curious being called i is more fragile than any porcelain jar. how on earth it has preserved itself so long, heaven only knows. one pellet of lead, it falls in a heap of dust; the peninsula disappears; the fighting men fall asleep; the world and its glories become a blank--not even a dream--nothing! _ th june, . imbros._ sunlight has scattered the spectres of the night,--they have fled, leaving behind them only the matter-of-fact residuum of heavy turkish counter-attacks against our fresh-won ground. the fighting took place along the coastline, and the stillness of the night seems to have helped the sounds of musketry across the twelve miles of sea. the attack was most determined: repulsed by bombs and with the bayonet: at daylight the enemy came under a cross-fire of machine guns and rifles and were shot to pieces. very early approved the revise of my long cable (for the cabinet) outlining my hopes and fears:-- "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. with reference to your telegram no. , cipher. as the cabinet are anxious to consider my situation in all its bearings, it is necessary i should open to you all my mind. in my no. m.f. of th june, i gave you an outline of my plan, based on the news that i was to be given new divisions, and i told you what i should do with a possible fourth division in my no. m.f. of rd june. i am now asked whether i consider a fifth division advisable and necessary. "i have taken time to answer this question, as the addition of each new division necessitates, in such a theatre of war as this, a reconsideration of the whole strategical and tactical situation as well as of the power of the fleet to work up to the increased demands that would be placed upon it. the scheme which might tempt me (naval considerations permitting) of landing the th and th divisions together with the three divisions and one or two divisions from cape helles and anzac on flank of shore of gulf of saros to march on rodosto and constantinople i reject because the th and th divisions cannot reach me simultaneously with all their transport. "but assuming that reinforcements can only reach me in echelon of divisions i have decided that the best policy would be to adhere to my original plan of endeavouring to turn the enemy's right at anzac with the first three divisions and to gain a position from gaba tepe to maidos. i should then use the th and th divisions, in case of non-success at first to reinforce this wing, and in case of success possibly to effect a landing on the southern shore of the dardanelles; and since the enemy's forces south of the straits would probably have been reduced to a minimum in order to oppose my reinforced strength on the peninsula i should in the latter case count upon these two divisions doing more than hold a bridge-head (see my m.f. of th june), and should expect them, reinforced from the northern wing if necessary, to press forward to chanak and thus to cut off this enemy's sole remaining line of supply.[ ] by these means i should hope to compel the surrender of the whole gallipoli army. meanwhile, with my force on the asiatic side i would be enabled to establish in morto bay a base safe from the bad weather which must be expected later on. "with regard to ammunition, the more we can get the more easy will our task be, but i hope we may be able to achieve success at the end of july with the amount available. as we are so far from home, however, we cannot afford to run things too fine, and we shall always be obliged to keep up a large reserve until the arrival of further supply. i should, therefore, like as much as you can spare, particularly high explosive. so far as this question affects sending a th and th division i would not refuse them on the score of ammunition alone, because with the artillery of three new divisions complete i think we shall have as many guns as the terrain will allow us to use in the operations towards maidos, and also sufficient to compete with any artillery which the enemy could bring against the detachment operating on the asiatic shore. "to summarize--i think i have reasonable prospects of eventual success with three divisions, with four the risks of miscalculation would be minimized, and with five, even if the fifth division had little or no gun ammunition, i think it would be a much simpler matter to clear the asiatic shore subsequently of big guns, etc., kilid bahr would be captured at an earlier date and success would be generally assured." next, i boiled down yesterday's battle into telegraphic dispatch form: "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to secretary of state for war. in continuation of my nos. m.f. and . plan of operations yesterday was to throw forward left of my line south-east of krithia, pivoting on point about one mile from the sea, and after advancing extreme left for about half a mile, to establish new line facing east on ground thus gained. this plan entailed the capture in succession of two lines of the turkish trenches east of the saghir dere and five lines of trenches west of it. australian corps was ordered to co-operate by making vigorous demonstration. the action opened at a.m. with bombardment by heavy artillery of the trenches to be captured. "assistance rendered by french in this bombardment was most valuable. at . our field artillery opened fire to cut wire in front of turkish trenches and this was effectively done. great effect on enemy's trench near sea and in keeping down his artillery fire from that quarter was produced by very accurate fire of h.m.s. _talbot_, _scorpion_, and _wolverine_. at . a small turkish advanced work in the saghir dere, known as the boomerang redoubt, was assaulted. this little fort was very strongly sited, protected by extra strong wire entanglements and has long been a source of trouble. after special bombardment by trench mortars and while bombardment of surrounding trenches was at its height part of border regiment, at the exact moment prescribed, leapt from their trenches like a pack of hounds pouring out of cover, raced across and took the work most brilliantly. "artillery bombardment increased in intensity till a.m. when range was lengthened and infantry advanced. infantry attack was carried out with great dash along whole line. west of saghir dere th brigade captured three lines of trenches with little opposition. trenches full of dead turks, many buried by bombardment, and prisoners were taken in them. east of ravine two battalions royal scots made fine attack, capturing the two lines of trenches assigned as their objective, but remainder of th brigade on their right met severe opposition and were unable to get forward. at . , th brigade led by nd bn. royal fusiliers started second phase of attack west of ravine. they advanced with great steadiness and resolution through trenches already captured and on across the open, and taking two more lines of trenches reached objective allotted to them, lancashire fusiliers inclining half right and forming line to connect with our new position east of ravine. "the northernmost objective i had set out to reach had now been attained, but the gurkhas pressing on under the cliffs captured an important knoll still further forward, actually due west of krithia. this they fortified and held during the night, making our total gain on the left precisely , yards. during afternoon th brigade attacked trenches, small portion of which remained uncaptured on right, but enemy held on stubbornly, supported by machine guns and artillery, and attacks did not succeed. during night enemy counter-attacked furthest trenches gained but was repulsed with heavy loss. party of turks who penetrated from flank between two lines of captured trenches, subjected to machine-gun fire at daybreak, suffered very heavily and survivors surrendered. "except for small portion of trench already mentioned which is still held by enemy, all, and more than we hoped for, from operations has been gained. on extreme left, line has been pushed forward to specially strong point well beyond limit of advance originally contemplated. our casualties about , , the greater proportion of which are slight cases of which at anzac, in the useful demonstration made simultaneously there. all engaged did well, but certainly the chief factor in the success was the splendid attack carried out by xxixth division, whose conduct in this as on previous occasions was beyond praise." lastly, i wrote out a special force order thanking the incomparable th. winter brought me over a letter just received from wallace. he is quarrelling with elliot. for that i don't blame him. at the end of his letter wallace says, "i feel that the organization of the lines of communication and making it work is such a task that i sometimes doubt myself whether i am equal to it." wallace is a good fellow and a sensible man placed, by british methods, out of his element and out of his depth. have told winter to tell him i sympathize and will help him and support him all i know; that if it turns out his strong points lie in another direction than administering a huge business machine, i will try and find a handsome way out for him. had been writing, writing, writing since cockcrow so when i heard a trawler was going over with two of the general staff at mid-day, i could not resist the chance of another visit to the scene of yesterday's victorious advance. went to see hunter-weston but he was up at the front where i had no time to follow him. his chief of staff says all goes well, but they have just had cables from my own headquarters to tell them that heavy columns of turks are massing behind achi baba for a fresh counter-attack. thought, therefore, the wisest thing was to get back quickly. reached camp again about p.m., and found more news in office than i got on the spot. last night's firing on the peninsula meant close and desperate fighting. several heavy columns of turks attacked with bomb and bayonet, and in places some of their braves broke through into our new trenches where the defence had not yet been put on a stable footing. when daylight came we got them enfiladed by machine guns and every single mother's son of them was either killed or captured. so we still hold every yard we had gained. the attack by a part of the lowland division seems to have been mishandled. a brigade made the assault east of the ravine; the men advanced gallantly but there was lack of effective preparation. two battalions of the royal scots carried a couple of the enemy's trenches in fine style and stuck to them, but the rest of the brigade lost a number of good men to no useful purpose in their push against h. . one thing is clear. if the bombardment was ineffective, from whatever cause, then the men should not have been allowed to break cover.[ ] _ th june, . imbros._ writing in camp. more good news. it never rains but it pours. the french have made a fine push and got the quadrilateral by a.m. with but little loss. the turks seemed discouraged, they say, and did not offer their usual firm resistance. at . a.m. wired gouraud:--"warm congratulations on this morning's work which will compensate for the loss of your , quarts of wine. your government should now replace it with vintage claret. please send me quickly a sketch of the ground you have gained." gouraud now replies:--"best thanks for congratulations. sketch being made. if our government is pleased to send a finer brand of wine to replace what was wasted by the guns of asia, we frenchmen will drink it to the very good health of our british comrades in arms." how lucky i signalled de robeck p.m. yesterday to let us keep the _wolverine_ and _scorpion_ "in case of a night attack!" sure enough there was another onslaught made against our northernmost post. two turkish regiments were discovered in mass creeping along the top of the cliffs by the searchlights of the _scorpion_. they were so punished by her guns that they were completely broken up and the infantry at daylight had not much to do except pick up the fragments. turks lay dead upon the ground. also, hiding in furze, have gleaned prisoners belonging to the th, th and rd regiments. a circassian prisoner carried in a wounded royal scot on his back under a heavy fire. three wires from helles; the first early this morning; the last just to hand ( p.m.) saying that the lack of hand grenades is endangering all our gains. the turks are much better armed in this respect. de lisle says that where we have hand grenades we can advance still further; where we have not, we lose ground. at mid-day, we wired our reply saying we had no more hand grenades we feared but that we would do our best to scrape up a few; also that several trench mortars had just arrived from home and that they would be sent over forthwith. have returned some interesting minutes on the dardanelles, sent me from home, with this remark:--"looking back i see now clearly that the one fallacy which crept into your plans was non-recognition of the pride and military _moral_ of the turk. there was never any question of the turk being demoralized or even flustered by ships sailing past him or by troops landing in his rear. _at last, i believe_, this _moral_ is beginning to crack up a little (not much) but nothing less than murderous losses would have done it. in their diaries their officers speak of this peninsula as the slaughterhouse." brigadier-general de lothbinière and major ruthven lunched and young brodrick and i dined together on board the _triad_ with the hospitable vice-admiral. we were all very cheery at the happy turn of our fortunes; outwardly, that is to say, for there was a skeleton at the feast who kept tap, tap, tapping on the mahogany with his bony knuckles; tap, tap, tap; the gunfire at helles was insistent, warning us that the turks had not yet "taken their licking." but when i get back, although there is nothing in from hunter-weston there is an officer from anzac who has just given me the complete story of birdwood's demonstration on the th. the tide of war is indeed racing full flood in our favour. when we were working out our scheme for the attack of the th division and th brigade the day before yesterday, as well as gouraud's attack of yesterday, we had reckoned that the turkish high command would get to realize by about a.m. on the th that an uncommon stiff fight had been set afoot to the sou'-west of krithia. l. von s. would then, it might be surmised, draw upon his reserves at maidos and upon his forces opposite anzac: they would get their orders about mid-day: they would be starting about p.m.: they would reach krithia about dusk: they would use their "pull" in the matter of hand grenades to counter-attack by moonlight. so we asked birdie to make one of his most engaging gestures just to delay these reinforcements a little bit; and now it turns out that the australians and new zealanders in their handsome, antipodean style went some per cent. better than their bargain:-- ( ) at p.m. on the th the queensland giants darted out of their caves and went for the low ridge covering gaba tepe, that tenderest spot of the turks. they got on to the foot of it and, by their dashing onslaught, drew the fire of all the enemy guns; but, what was still better, heavy turkish columns, on the march, evidently, from maidos to the help of krithia, turned back northwards and closed in for the defence of gaba tepe. as they drew near they came under fire of our destroyers and of the anzac guns and were badly knocked about and broken up. so both krithia and the french quadrilateral have had to do without the help of these reinforcements from the reserves of liman von sanders. one of the neatest of strokes and the credit of it lies with the queenslanders who were not content to flourish their fists in the enemy's face but ran out and attacked him at close quarters. ( ) now comes the sequel! birdie has just sent in word of the best business done at anzac since may th!! the success of his demonstration towards gaba tepe had given the turks a bad attack of the jumps, followed by a thirst for vengeance. yesterday, they got _very_ nervy during a dust storm and for two hours the whole of their army kept up high pressure fire from every rifle and machine gun they could bring to bear. they simply poured out bullets by the million into the blinding dust. things then gradually quieted down till . this morning when a very serious assault--very serious for the enemy--was suddenly launched against the anzac left, the brunt of it falling on russell's new zealand mounted rifles and chauvel's australian light horse; a bad choice too! our victory complete; bloodless for us. their defeat complete; very bloody. nine fresh enemy battalions smashed to bits: fighting went on until dawn: five hundred turks laid out and counted: no more detail but that is good enough to go to sleep upon. _ st july, . imbros._ good news from helles continues. in the early hours of last night an attack was made on the gurkhas in j trenches. when they ran out of bombs the turks bombed them out. headed by bruce their colonel, whom they adore, they retook the trench and, for the first time, got into the enemy with their _kukris_ and sliced off a number of their heads. at dawn half a battalion of turks tried to make the attack along the top of the cliff and were entirely wiped out. against this i must set down cruel bad news about gouraud. an accursed misadventure. he has been severely wounded by a shell. directly i heard i got the navy to run me over. he was already in the hospital ship; i saw him there. a pure toss up whether he pulls round or not; luckily he has a frame of iron. i was allowed to speak to him for half a minute and he is full of pluck. the shell, an -incher from asia, landed only some half a dozen yards away from him as he was visiting his wounded and sick down by "v" beach. by some miracle none of the metal fragments touched him, but the sheer force of the explosion shot him up into the air and over a wall said to be seven feet high. his thigh, ankle and arm are all badly smashed, simply by the fall. we could more easily spare a brigade. his loss is irreparable. by personal magnetism he has raised the ardour of his troops to the highest power. have cabled to lord k. expressing my profound sorrow and assuring him that "the grave loss suffered by the french, and indirectly by my whole force," is really most serious, as i know, i say, "the french war minister cannot send us another general gouraud." _ nd july, . imbros._ worked all day in camp. birdie, with onslow, his a.d.c--_such_ a nice boy--came over from anzac in the morning and stayed with me the day, during which we worked together at our plan. at night we all went over together to h.m.s. _triad_ to dine with the vice-admiral. birdwood is quite confident that with a fresh division and a decent supply of shell he can get hold of the heights of sari bair, whereby he will enfilade the whole network of turkish trenches, now hedging him round. the only thing he bargains for is that g.h.q. so work the whole affair from orders down to movements, that the enemy get no inkling of our intentions. the turks so far suspect nothing, and koja chemen tepe and chunuk bair, with all the intervening ridge, are still unentrenched and open to capture by a _coup-de-main_. even if the naval objections to bulair could be overcome, sari bair remains the better move of the two. with the high ridges of sari bair in our hands we could put a stop to the turkish sea transport from chanak which we could neither see nor touch from bulair. the tugs with their strings of lighters could not run by day, and as soon as we could get searchlights fixed up, they would find it very awkward to show themselves in the straits by night. as to the enemy land communications, as soon as we can haul up our big guns we should command, and be able to search, all the ground between the aegean and the dardanelles. now is the moment. birdwood says that he and his men have exactly the same feeling that we have down at helles--the feeling, namely, that now at last, we have got a right moral pull over the turks. all we want is enough material to turn that faith into a mile or two of mountains. making full use of their advantage in hand grenades, the turks again won their trench back from the gurkhas last night; a trench which was the key to a whole system of earthworks. bruce had been wounded and they had no officers left to lead them, so de lisle had to call once more on the th division and the bold inniskilling fusiliers retook that trench at a cost of all their officers save two. there are some feats of arms best left to speak for themselves and this is one of them. wrote lord k. as follows:-- "general headquarters, "medtn. expeditionary force. "_ nd july, ._ "dictated. "my dear lord kitchener, "there seems to be a lull in this tooth-and-nail struggle which has kept me on tenterhooks during the past four days and nights. but we have on our maps little blue arrows showing the movements of at least a division of troops in various little columns from above kereves dere, from soghon dere river, from kilid bahr and even from within gun-shot of achi baba, all converging on a point a mile or two north-west of krithia. so it looks as if they were going to have one more desperate go at the gurkha knoll due west of krithia, and at the line of trench we call j. immediately behind it which was also held by the gurkhas. "last night they bombed the gurkhas out of the eastern half of j. and the inniskilling fusiliers had to take it again at the point of the bayonet just as day broke. "you can have small idea of what the troops are going through. the same old battalions being called on again and again to do the forlorn hope sort of business. however, each day that passes, these captured positions get better dug in, and make the turks' counter-attack more costly. "the cause of the attack made the night before last on anzac has been made quite clear to us by a highly intelligent armenian prisoner we have taken. the strictest orders had been issued by his excellency commanding-in-chief on the peninsula that no further attacks against our works were to be made unless, of course, we took any ground from them when we must be vigorously countered. but it was explained to the men that the losses in attack had proved too heavy, whereas, if they had patience and waited a week or ten days in their trenches, then at last we would come out and try to attack them when they would kill us in great quantities. however, enver pasha appeared in person amongst the troops at anzac, and ordered three regiments to attack whilst the whole of the rest of the line supported them by demonstrations and by fire. it was objected this was against the command of their local chief. he brushed this objection aside, and told them never to look him in the face again if they failed to drive the australians into the sea. so off they went and they certainly did not drive the australians into the sea (although they got into their support trenches at one time) and certainly most of them never looked enver in the face again, or anyone else for that matter. "the old battle tactics have clean vanished. i have only quite lately realized the new conditions. whether your entrenchments are on the top of a hill or at the bottom of a valley matters precious little: whether you are outflanked matters precious little--you may hold one half of a straight trench and the enemy may hold the other half, and this situation may endure for weeks. the only thing is by cunning or surprise, or skill, or tremendous expenditure of high explosives, or great expenditure of good troops, to win some small tactical position which the enemy may be bound, perhaps for military or perhaps for political reasons, to attack. then you can begin to kill them pretty fast." _ rd july, . imbros._ very hot; very limp with the prevalent disease but greatly cheered up by the news of yesterday evening's battle at helles. the turks must have got hold of a lot of fresh shell for, at . p.m., they began as heavy a bombardment as any yet seen at helles, concentrating on our extreme left. we could only send a feeble reply. at o'clock the enemy advanced in swarms, but before they had covered more than yards they were driven back again into the ravine some yards to our front. h.m.s. _scorpion_ and our machine guns played the chief hand. at p.m. the turkish guns began again, blazing away as if shells were a drug in the market, whilst, under cover of this very intense fire, another two of their battalions had the nerve to emerge from the ravine to the north-east of our forward trenches and to move in regular lines--shoulder to shoulder--right across the open. hardly had they shown themselves when the th battery r.f.a. sprayed them beautifully with shrapnel. the gurkha supports were rushed up, and as there was no room for them in the fire trenches they crept into shell craters and any sort of hole they could find from which to rake the turks as they made their advance. the enemy's officers greatly distinguished themselves, waving their swords and running well out into the open to get the men forward. the men also had screwed up their courage to the sticking point and made a big push for it, but, in the end, they could not face our fire, and fell back helter-skelter to their mullah. along the spot where they had stood wavering awhile before they broke and ran, there are still two clearly marked lines of corpses. wrote a letter to sclater saying i cannot understand his request for fuller information about the drafts needed to make my units up to strength. we have regularly cabled strengths; the figures are correct and it is the a.g. himself who has ordered us to furnish the optimistic "ration" strengths instead of the customary "fighting" strengths. the ration strength are for the q.m.g., but unless the a.g. wishes to go on living in a fool's paradise, why should he be afraid of knowing the numbers we cannot put into the line of battle! have also written cowans protesting once more that we should have business brains to run the most intricate business proposition at present on tap in the world--our communications. during the past month the confusion at mudros, our advanced base, becomes daily worse confounded. things meant for anzac go to helles, and _vice versa_: or, not infrequently, stores, supplies or luxuries arrive and are sent off on a little tour to alexandria and malta before delivery. the system would be perfect for the mellowing of port or madeira, but when it is applied to plum and apple jam or, when pr. shell are sent to howitzers, the system needs overhauling. i know the job is out of the way difficult. there is work here for lesseps, goethals and morgan rolled into one:--work that may change the face of the world far, far more than the suez or panama canals and, to do it, they have put in a good fighting soldier, quite out of his setting, and merely because they did not know what to do with him in egypt! in case cowans shares k.'s suspicions about my sneaking desire for ellison, i say, "i assure you; most solemnly i assure you, that the personal equation does not, even in the vaguest fashion, enter into my thoughts. put the greatest enemy i possess in the world, and the person i most dislike, into that post, and i would thank god for his appointment, on my knees, provided he was a competent business man." again:-- "i am in despair myself over it. perhaps that is putting it rather strong as i try never to despair, but seriously i worry just as much over things behind me as i do over the enemy in front of me. what i want is a really big man there, and i don't care one d. who he is. a man i mean who, if he saw the real necessity, would wire for a great english contractor and navvies without bothering or referring the matter to anyone." a cable to say that the editing of my despatch is ended, and that the public will be let into its dreadful secrets in a day or two. but, i am informed there are passages in it whose "secret nature will be scrupulously observed." what passages? i cannot remember any secrets in my despatch. have been defending myself desperately against the war office who want to send out a naval doctor to take full charge and responsibility for the wounded (including destination) the moment they quit dry land. but we must have a complete scheme of evacuation _by land and sea_, not two badly jointed schemes. so i have asked, who is to be "boss"? who is to see to it that the two halves fit together? the answer is that the war office are confident "there will be no friction" (bless them!); they say, "nothing could be simpler than this arrangement and no difficulty is anticipated. neither is boss and the boundary between the different spheres of activity of the two officers might be laid down as the high-water mark." (bless them again!). have replied:-- "i have struggled with your high-water mark silently for weeks and know something about it. had i bothered you with all my troubles you would, i respectfully submit, realize that your proposal is not simple but extraordinarily complicated, even pre-supposing seraphic dispositions on either side. if you determine finally that these two officers are to be independent, i foresee that you will greatly widen the scope of dual control which is now only applicable to my great friend the admiral and myself. "either babtie must order up the ships when and where he wants them, or porter must order the wounded down when he is ready for them. this is my considered opinion."[ ] have also sent an earnest message to k.--just the old, old story--saying that what i want _first_ is drafts, and only _second_ fresh divisions. my old chief has been his kind self again:--so very considerate has he been in his recent messages that i feel it almost brutal to press him or to seem to wish to take advantage of his goodness. but we are dealing with lives of men and i _must_ try and make myself clear:-- "i am anxious with regard to the question of reinforcements for units. during the period th to th june, the brigades of the xxixth and lowland divisions dropped in strengths approximately as follows:-- th from officers, , others to and , ; th from and , to and , ; th from and , to and , ; th from and , to and , . all officers who have arrived from england to date are included in the above figures. maxwell has agreed to let me have young officers from egypt. of the other ranks i have no appreciable reinforcements to put in. this is the situation after an operation carried out by the xxixth and two brigades of liind divisions, which was not only successful but even more successful than we anticipated; wherein the initial losses on th june were comparatively small, namely , , but as the result of numerous counter-attacks day and night, have since swelled to some , . "the drafts promised in your no. , a.g. a, would, provided there were no more casualties, bring the units of the xxixth division to approximately per cent. of establishment, but would leave none available as further reinforcements. "in view of the operations on a larger scale, with increased forces, i feel i should draw your attention to the risk introduced by the theatre of operations being so far from england. i have no reserves in base depots now, while the operations we are engaged in are such that heavy casualties are to be expected. the want of drafts ready on the spot to fill up units which have suffered heavily might prevent me pressing to full advantage as the result of a local success. at a critical moment i might find myself compelled to suspend operations until the arrival of drafts from england. this might involve a month and in the meantime the enemy would have time to consolidate his position. the difficulty of the drafts question is fully realized, but i think you should know exactly how i am placed and that i should reflect and make clear the essential difference between the dardanelles and france in so far as the necessity of mobilizing first reinforcements for each unit is concerned. our real need is a system which will enable me to maintain drafts for the deficiencies in depots on my lines of communications with egypt." if k. did not want brief spurts sandwiched between long waits, all he had to do was to tell his a.g. to see to it that the xxixth division was kept up to strength. a word and a frown would have done it. but he has not said the word, or scowled, and the troops have by extraordinary efforts and self-sacrifice carried through the work of strong battalions with weak ones--but only to some extent. that is the whole story. _ th july, . imbros._ church parade this morning. made a close inspection of the surrey yeomanry under major bonsor. even with as free a hand as the lord almighty, it would be hard to invent a better type of fighting man than the british yeomanry; only, they have never been properly appreciated by the martinets who have ruled our roost, and chances have never been given to them to make the most of themselves as soldiers. the escort was made up of men of the th division under lieutenant burrell of the south wales borderers--that famous battalion which stormed so brilliantly de tott's battery at the first landing,--also of a detachment of australians under lieutenant edwards and a squad of new zealanders under lieutenant sheppard, fine men all of them, but very different (despite the superficial resemblance imparted by their slouch hats) when thus seen shoulder to shoulder on parade. the australians have the pull in height and width of chest; the new zealanders are thicker all through, chests, waists, thighs. after church parade, boarded h.m.s. _basilisk_ (lieutenant fallowfield) and steamed to helles. the turks, inconsiderate as usual, were shelling lancashire landing as we got ashore. every living soul had gone to ground. strolled up the deserted road with an air of careless indifference, hopped casually over a huge splosh of fresh blood, and crossed to hunter-weston's headquarters. had i only been my simple self, i would have out-stripped the hare for swiftness, as it was, i, as c.-in-c, had to play up to the dugouts. as hunter-weston and i were starting lunch, an orderly rushed in to say that a ship in harbour had been torpedoed. so we rushed out with our glasses and watched. she was a french transport, the _carthage_, and she took exactly four minutes to sink. the destroyers and picket boats were round her as smart as flies settle on a lump of sugar, and there was no loss of life. sad to see the old ship go down. i knew her well at malta and jean once came across in her from tunis. she used to roll like the devil and was always said, with what justice i do not know, to be the sister ship to the _waratah_ which foundered so mysteriously somewhere off the natal coast with a very good chap, a m.f.h., percy brown, on board. at . general bailloud, now commanding the french, came over to see me. when he had finished his business which he handles in so original a manner as to make it a recreation, i went off with hunter-weston and staffs to see general egerton of the lowland division. egerton introduced me to colonel mudge, a.a.g., major maclean, d.a.a.g. (an old friend), captain tollemashe, g.s.o. , and to his a.d.c., lieutenant laverton. we then went on and saw the th brigade. passed the time of day to a lot of the officers and men. among those whose names i remember were colonel pallin, acting brigadier; captain girdwood, brigade major; captain law, staff captain; colonel peebles, th royal scots; captain sinclair, th royal scots; lieutenant mcclay, th scottish rifles. the last officer was one of the very few--i am not sure they did not say the only one--of his battalion who went into the assault and returned untouched. the whole brigade had attacked h. on the th ult. and lost a number of good men. the rank and file seemed very nice lads but--there was no mistaking it--they have been given a bad shake and many of them were down on their luck. as we came to each battalion headquarters we were told, "these are the remnants of the----," whatever the unit was. three times was this remark repeated but the fourth time i had to express my firm opinion that in no case was the use of the word "remnant," as applied to a fighting unit "in being," an expression which authority should employ in the presence of the men. re-embarked in h.m.s. _basilisk_ and got back to imbros fairly late. a set of turkish divisional orders sent by the turkish general to the commander of their right zone at helles has been taken from a wounded turkish officer. they bear out our views of the blow that the th division have struck at the enemy's _moral_ by their brilliant attack on the th inst. "there is nothing that causes us more sorrow, increases the courage of the enemy and encourages him to attack more freely, causing us great losses, than the losing of these trenches. henceforth, commanders who surrender these trenches from whatever side the attack may come before the last man is killed will be punished in the same way as if they had run away. especially will the commanders of units told off to guard a certain front be punished if, instead of thinking about their work supporting their units and giving information to the higher command, they only take action after a regrettable incident has taken place. "i hope that this will not occur again. i give notice that if it does, i shall carry out the punishment. i do not desire to see a blot made on the courage of our men by those who escape from the trenches to avoid the rifle and machine gun fire of the enemy. henceforth, i shall hold responsible all officers who do not shoot with their revolvers all the privates who try to escape from the trenches on any pretext. commander of the th division, colonel rifaat." in sending on this order to his battalions, the colonel of the th regiment adds:-- "to commander of the st battalion. the contents will be communicated to the officers and i promise to carry out the orders till the last drop of our blood has been shed." then followed the signatures of the company commanders of the battalion. there is a savage ring about these orders but they are, i am sure, more bracing to the recipients than laments and condolences over their losses. _ th july, . imbros._ spent a long, hot day hanging at the end of the wire. heavy firing on the peninsula last night under cover of which the turks at dawn made, or tried to make, a grand, concerted attack. not a soul in england, outside the ordnance, realizes, i believe, that barring the guns of the th division and the few guns of the anzacs, our field artillery consists of the old -prs., relics of south africa, and of -inch hows., some of them omdurman veterans. quite a number of these guns are already unserviceable and, in the nd division, to keep one and a half batteries fully gunned, we have had to use up every piece in the brigade. the surplus personnel are thus wasted. to take on new skoda or krupp guns with these short-range veterans is rough on the gunners. still, but for the territorial force we should have nothing at all, and but for those guns to-day some of the enemy might have got home. a sort of professional gossip turned up to-day from g.h.q. france. we do not seem to be so popular as we deserve to be in _la belle france!_ but what i would plead were i only able to get at joffre and french is that we are "such a little one." were we all to be set down in the west to-morrow with our shattered, torn formations, they'd put us back into reserve for a month's rest and training. as for the guns, they'd scrap the lot. _they_ don't want ancient -prs. and -inch hows. out there. they picture us feasting upon their munitions, but half of what we use they would not touch with a barge pole and, of the good stuff, one division in france will fire away in one day what would serve to take the peninsula. braithwaite has a letter from the d.m.i. telling him that , russians sailed from vladivostock on the st inst. to join us here. one regiment of four battalions plus one sotnia of cossacks. a reinforcement of , stout soldiers tumbling out of the skies! russians placed here are worth twice their number elsewhere, not only because we need rifles so badly, but because of the moral effect their presence should have in the balkans. this little vodka pick-me-up has come in the nick of time to hearten me against the tenor of the news of to-day which is splendid indeed in one sense; ominous in another. the turks are being heavily reinforced. all the enemy troops who made the big attack last night were fresh arrivals from adrianople. i do not grumble at the attack (on the contrary we like it), but at the reason they had for making it, which is that two fresh divisions, newly arrived, asked leave to show their muscle by driving us into the sea. full details are only just in. the biggest bombardment took place at anzac. a turkish battleship joined in from the hellespont, dropping about twenty . -inch shells into our lines. at helles, all night, the turks blazed away from their trenches. at a.m. they opened fire on our trenches and beaches with every gun they could bring to bear from asia or achi baba. their asiatic batteries alone fired , rounds, of which fell on lancashire landing. at least , shell were loosed off on to helles. a lot of the stuff was -inch and over. the bombardment was very wild and seemed almost unaimed. soon after a.m. very heavy columns of turks tried to emerge from the ravine against the left of the th division. "it wanted to be the hell of a great attack," as one of the witnesses, a moderate spoken young gentleman, states. when the commanders saw what was impending they sent messages to simpson-baikie begging him to send some . h.e. shell into the ravine which was beginning to overflow. he was adamant. he had only a few rounds of h.e. and he would not spend them, feeling sure his prs. with their shrapnel were masters of the field. at a.m. out came the turks, not in lines, but just like a swarm of bees. our fellows never saw the like and began to wonder whenever they were going to stop, and what on earth _could_ stop them! thousands of turks in a bunch, so the boys say, swarmed out of their trenches and the gully ravine. well, they were stopped _dead_. there they lie, _still_. the guns ate the life out of them. it was our central group of artillery who did it. as that big oblong crowd of turks showed their left flank to baikie's nine batteries they were swept in enfilade by shrapnel. the fall of the shell was corrected by the two young r.a. subalterns at the front, neither of whom would observe in the usual way through his periscope. they looked over the parapet because that method was more sure and quick, and the stress of the battle was great. there is a rumour that both were shot through the head: i pray it may be but a rumour. out of all these turks some thirty only reached our parapets. the sudden destruction which befell them was due in the main to the devotion of these two young heroes. at . a.m. the turks tried to storm again. some of them got in amongst the royal naval division, who brought up their own supports and killed , driving out the rest. ninety dead turks are laid out on their parapet. another, later, enemy effort against the right of the th division was clean wiped out. turks are dead there. but it is on the far crestline they lie thick. every one of these attacking turks were _fresh_--from adrianople! full of fight as compared with their thrice beaten brethren. if the turks are given time to swap troops in the middle of fighting, we can't really tell how we stand. still; they are not now as fresh as they were. they have lost a terrible lot of men since the th. the big ravine and all the small nullahs are chock-a-block with corpses. their casualties in these past few days are put at very high figures by both birdie and h.w. and it is probable that , are actually lying dead on the ground. i have on my table a statement made by de lisle; endorsed by hunter-weston and dated th instant, saying that , turkish dead can be counted corpse by corpse from the left front. the actual numbers de lisle estimates as between , and , . now we have to-day's losses to throw in. the turks are burning their candle fast at the anzac as well as the helles end. ten days of this and they are finished.[ ] naturally, my mind dwells happily just now upon our incoming new army formations. yet every now and then i feel compelled to look back to regret the lack of systematic flow of drafts and munitions which have turned our fine victory of the th into a pyrrhic instead of a fruitful affair. when pyrrhus gained his battle over the romans and exclaimed, "one more such victory and i am done in," or words to that effect, he had no organized system of depots behind him from which the bloody gaps in his ranks could be filled. a couple of thousand years have now passed and we are still as unscientific as pyrrhus. a splendid expeditionary force sails away; invades an empire, storms the outworks and in doing so knocks itself to bits. then a second expeditionary force is sent, but that would have been unnecessary had any sort of arrangement been thought out for promptly replacing first wastages in men and in shell. _ th july, ._ from early morning till p.m. stuck as persistently to my desk as the flies stuck persistently to me. after tea went riding with maitland. then with pollen to dine on board h.m.s. _triad_. the two territorial divisions are coming. what with them and the rooskies we ought to get a move on this time. discoursed small craft with the admiral. the french hate the overseas fire--small blame to them--and bailloud agrees with his predecessor gouraud in thinking that one man hit in the back from asia affects the _moral_ of his comrades as badly as half a dozen bowled over by the enemy facing them. the admiral's idea of landing from tenedos would help us here, but it is admitted on all hands now that the turks have pushed on with their asiatic defences, and it is too much to ask of either the new army or of the territorials that they should start off with a terrible landing. _ th july, ._ no escape from the steadily rising flood of letters and files,--none from the swarms of filthy flies. general bailloud and colonel piépape (chief of staff) came across with major bertier in a french torpedo boat to see me. they stayed about an hour. bailloud's main object was to get me to put off the attack planned by general gouraud for to-morrow. gouraud has worked out everything, and i greatly hoped in the then state of the turks the french would have done a very good advance on our right. the arrival of these fresh turkish divisions from adrianople does make a difference. still, i am sorry the attack is not to come off. girodon is a heavy loss to bailloud. piépape has never been a general staff officer before; by training, bent of mind and experience he is an administrator. he is very much depressed by the loss of the , quarts of wine by the asiatic shell. since gouraud and girodon have left them the french seem to be less confident. when bailloud entered our mess he said, in the presence of four or five young officers, "if the asiatic side of the straits is not held by us within fifteen days our whole force is _voué à la destruction_." he meant it as a jest, but when those who prophesy destruction are _gros bonnets_; big wigs; it needs no miracle to make them come off--i don't mean the wigs but the prophecies. fortunately, bailloud soon made a cheerier class of joke and wound up by inviting me to dine with him in an extra chic restaurant at constantinople. have told k. plainly that the employment of an ordinary executive soldier as boss of so gigantic a business as mudros is suicidal--no less. heaven knows k. himself had his work cut out when he ran the communications during his advance upon khartoum. heaven knows i myself had a hard enough job when i became responsible for feeding our troops at chitral, two hundred miles into the heart of the himalayas from the base at nowshera. breaking bulk at every stage--it was heart-breaking. first the railway, then the bullock cart, the camel, the mules--till, at the larram pass we got down to the donkey. but here we have to break bulk from big ships to small craft; to send our stuff not to one but to several landings, to run the show with a mixed staff of naval and military officers. no, give me deserts or precipices,--anything fixed and solid is better than this capricious, ever-changing sea. the problem is a real puzzler, demanding experience, energy, good temper as well as the power of entering into the point of view of sailors as well as soldiers, and of being (mentally) in at least three places at once:-- "_from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. (no. m.f. )._ "private. i am becoming seriously apprehensive about my lines of communication and am forced to let you know the state of affairs. "much of the time of general headquarters has been taken up during the last few days considering matters relating to mudros and lines of communication generally. the inspector-general of communications must be a man of energy and ideas. the new divisions will find the mudros littoral on arrival better prepared for their reception than it was a month ago. the present man is probably excellent in his own line, but he himself in writing doubts his own ability to cope with one of the most complicated situations imaginable. please do not think for a moment that i am still hankering after ellison, i only want a man of that type, someone, for instance, like maxwell or sir edward ward. unless i can feel confident in the commandant of my lines of communication i shall always be looking behind me. wallace could remain as deputy inspector-general of communications. something, however, must be done meanwhile, and i am sending brigadier-general hon. h.a. lawrence, a man of tried business capacity and great character, to mudros to-day as dry-nurse." i have followed up this cable in my letter to lord k. of date, where i say, "i have just seen bertie lawrence who i am sending to reinforce wallace. he is bitterly disappointed at losing his brigade, but there is no help for it. he is a business man of great competence, and i think he ought to be able to do much to get things on to a ship-shape footing. general douglas is very sorry too and says that lawrence was one of the best brigadiers imaginable." the last sentence has been written, i confess, with a spice of malice. when, about a month ago, i had hurriedly to lay my hands on a commander for the th brigade, i bethought me of bertie lawrence, then g.s.o. to the yeomanry in egypt. the thrust of a lancer and the circumspection of a banker do not usually harbour in the same skull, but i believed i knew of one exception. so i put lawrence in. by return king's messenger came a rap over the knuckles. to promote a dugout to be a brigadier of infantry was risky, but to put in a cavalry dugout as a brigadier of infantry was outrageous! still, i stuck to lorenzo, and lo and behold! douglas, the commander of the east lancs. division, is fighting tooth and nail for his paragon brigadier![ ] since th march we have been asking for bombs--any kind of bombs--and we have not even got answers. now they offer us some speciality bombs for which france, they say, has no use. i have replied:-- "i shall be most grateful for as many bombs of this and any other kind as you can spare. anything made of iron and containing high explosive and detonator will be welcome. i should be greatly relieved if a large supply could be sent overland via marseilles, as the bomb question is growing increasingly urgent. the turks have an unlimited supply of bombs, and our deficiencies place our troops at a disadvantage both physically and morally and increase our difficulties in holding captured trenches. "could you arrange for a weekly consignment of , to be sent to us regularly?" de lisle came over to dine and stay the night. _ th july, . h.m.s. "triad." tenedos._ started off in h.m.s. _triad_ with freddie maitland, aspinall and our host, the admiral. had a lovely sail to tenedos where colonel nuillion (acting governor) and commander samson, now commandant of the flying camp, came on board. after lunch, rowed ashore. there was some surf on and i jumped short, landing (if such an expression may pass) in the sea. wet feet rather refreshing than otherwise on so hot a day. tenedos is lovely. each of these islands has its own type of coasts, vegetation and colouring: like rubies and diamonds they are connected yet hardly akin. climbed tenedos hill, our ascent ending in a desperate race for the crest. my long legs and light body enabled me to win despite the weight of age. very hot, though, and the weight of age has got even less now. from the top we had an hour's close prospecting of the opposite coasts, where the turks have done too much digging to make landing anything but a very bloody business. half a mile to the south looks healthier, but they are sure to have a lot of machine guns there now. the landing would be worse than on the th april. anyway, _i am not going to do it_. on the ground we now have a fair showing of aeroplanes, but mostly of the wingless sort. at this precise moment only two are really fit. k. has stuck to his word and is not going to help us here, and i can't grumble as certainly i was forewarned. had he only followed neville usborne's £ , , suggestion, we might now be bombing the turks' landing places and store depots, as well as spotting every day for our gunners. but these naval airmen, bold fellows, always on for an adventurous attack, are hardly in their element when carrying out the technical gunnery part of our work. re-embarked, and during our sail back saw a trawler firing at a submarine, whilst other trawlers and picket boats were skurrying up from all points of the compass. nets were run out in a jiffy, but i fear the big fish had already given them the slip. cast anchor about o'clock. colonel dick and mr. graives dined. _ th july, ._ spent the morning writing for the king's messenger. my letter to k. (an answer to that of fitz to me) tells him:-- ( ) that we have passed through the most promising week since the first landing. the thousand yards' advance on the left and the rows of dead turks left by the receding tide of their counter-attack are solid evidences to the results of the th ult., and of the six very heavy turkish assaults which have since broken themselves to pieces against us. ( ) that gouraud's loss almost wipes out our gains. bailloud does not attack till next week when he hopes to have more men and more ammunition, but will this help us so much if the turks also have more men and more ammunition? ( ) that the asiatic guns are giving us worry, but that i hope to knock them out with our own heavy guns (the french . s and our own . s) just being mounted. when the new monitors come they ought to help us here. ( ) that "_power of digestion, sleeping and nerve power are what are essential above all things to anyone who would command successfully at the dardanelles. compared with these qualifications most others are secondary._" ( ) that the british and australians are marvels of endurance, but that i am having to pull the indian brigade right out and send them to imbros. their commander, fine soldier though he be, is too old for the post of brigadier; he ought to be commanding a division; and the men are morally and physically tired and have lost three-fourths of their officers: with rest they will all of them come round. ( ) that baldwin's brigade of the th division have been landed on the peninsula and are now mixed up by platoons with the th division where they are tumbling to their new conditions quite quickly. they have already created a very good impression at helles. godley and his new zealander a.d.c. (lieutenant rhodes), both old friends, came over from h.m.s. _triad_ to lunch. hunter-weston crossed from helles to dine and stay the night. _ th july, . imbros._ these imbros flies actually drink my fountain pen dry! hunter-weston left for helles in the evening. yesterday a cable saying there were no men left in england to fill either the nd division or the nd. we have already heard that the naval division must fade away. poor old territorials! the war office are behaving like an architect who tries to mend shaky foundations by clapping on another storey to the top of the building. once upon a time president lincoln and the federal states let their matured units starve and thought to balance the account by the dispatch of untried formations. why go on making these assurances to the b.p. that we have as many men coming in voluntarily as we can use? have refused the request made by his excellency, weber pasha, who signs himself commandant of the ottoman forces, to have a five hours' truce for burying their piles of dead. the british officers who have been out to meet the turkish parlementaires say that the sight of the turkish dead lying in thousands just over the crestline where baikie's guns caught them on the th inst. is indeed an astonishing sight. our intelligence are clear that the reason the turks make this request is that they cannot get their men to charge over the corpses of their comrades. dead turks are better than barbed wire and so, though on grounds of humanity as well as health, i should like the poor chaps to be decently buried, i find myself forced to say no. patrick shaw stewart came to see me. i made peter take his photo. he was on a rat of a pony and sported a long red beard. how his lady friends would laugh! end of vol. i. footnotes: [ ] except in a small way at some foreign manoeuvres. [ ] the letters, cables, etc., published here have either: (_a_) been submitted to the dardanelles commission; or, (_b_) have been printed by permission.--_ian h._ [ ] i.e. after the others had come in.--_ian h., ._ [ ] more than four years after this was written a member of a british commission sent out to collect facts at the dardanelles was speaking to the turkish commander-in-chief, djavad pasha. in the course of the conversation his excellency said, "i prefer the british to the germans for they resemble us so closely--the germans do not. the germans are good organisers but they do not love fighting for itself as we do--and as you do. then again, although the turks and british are so fond of righting they are never ready for it:--in that respect also the resemblance between our nations is extraordinary."--_ian h_., . [ ] arrangements.--_ian h., ._ [ ] since these early days, birdwood has told me he does not think a scheme of an immediate landing could have been carried out.--_ian h. ._ [ ] para. . "before any serious undertaking is carried out in the gallipoli peninsula all the british military forces detailed for the expedition should be assembled so that their full weight can be thrown in." [ ] an indian word denoting anxious thought. [ ] enemy. [ ] kudos. [ ] the st manchesters. [ ] this was my original draft; it was slightly condensed for cyphering home.--_ian h., ._ [ ] i wanted very much to get this brave fellow a decoration but we were never able to trace him.--_ian h., ._ [ ] quoted on pp. - . [ ] captured by the gurkhas five days later--by surprise.--_ian h., ._ [ ] this was by general hunter-weston's order: the machine guns of the enemy had too good a field of fire.--_ian. h., ._ [ ] long afterwards i heard that a responsible naval officer, being determined that this instance of lack of method should be brought to my personal notice, had hit upon the plan of ordering the fleet-sweeper crew to do what they did.--_ian h., ._ [ ] i learnt afterwards that great play had been made with this third paragraph of my cable by the opponents of the dardanelles idea; in doing so they slurred over the words "at present," also the fifth paragraph of the same cable, overleaf.--_ian h., ._ [ ] the fifth lancs fusiliers were also working with this brigade and behaved with great bravery.--_ian h., ._ [ ] see page . [ ] stated no more japanese bombs could be supplied. [ ] all this was based, be it remembered, upon a complete misconception of the state these two divisions, formerly, good, afterwards destined to become splendid, had been allowed to fall into. no one at the dardanelles, least of all myself, had an inkling that since i had inspected them late in and found them good, they had passed into a squeezed-lemon stage of existence and had ceased to be able "to press forward to chanak." the fact that they were at half strength and that the best of their officers and men had been picked out for the western theatre was unknown to us at the dardanelles.--_ian h., ._ [ ] see appendix i for the exact facts which were not known to me until long afterwards.--_ian h., ._ [ ] the considered opinion proved right.--_ian h., ._ [ ] this period fell between two of my despatches. as most writers have naturally based themselves on those despatches, the full understanding of the blows inflicted on the turks between june th and july th has never yet been grasped; nor, it may be added, the effect which would have been produced had the august offensive been undertaken three weeks earlier.--_ian h., ._ [ ] lawrence never looked back. after his good work at mudros i put him in to command the rd division, and the war office made no objection, i suppose because they were beginning to hear about him. as is well known, he went on then from one post to another till he wound up gloriously as chief of the general staff on the western front.--_ian h., ._ a rebel war clerk's diary at the confederate states capital. by j. b. jones, clerk in the war department of the confederate states government; author of "wild western scenes," etc. etc. vols. i and ii. philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & co. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by j. b. lippincott & co., in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states for the eastern district of pennsylvania. preface. this diary was written with the knowledge of the president and the secretary of war. i informed them of it by note. they did not deprecate criticism on their official conduct; for they allowed me still to execute the functions of a very important position in the government until the end of its career. my discriminating friends will understand why i accepted the poor title of a clerkship, after having declined the _chargéship_ to naples, tendered by mr. calhoun during the administration of president polk. j. b. j. onancock, accomac co., va., _march_, . contents. volume i. chapter i. my flight from the north and escape into virginia.-- revolutionary scene at richmond.--the union convention passes the ordinance of secession.--great excitement prevails in the south. chapter ii. depart for montgomery.--interview with president davis.-- my position in the government.--government removed to richmond.--my family. chapter iii. troops pour into richmond.--beginning of hostilities.-- gen. lee made a full general.--major-gen. polk.--a battle expected at manassas. chapter iv. my family in north carolina.--volunteers daily rejected.-- gen. winder appears upon the stage.--toombs commissioned.-- hunter secretary of state.--duel prevented.--col. b. secretary for a few hours.--gen. garnett killed.--battle of manassas.--great excitement.--col. bartow. chapter v. my son custis appointed clerk in the war department.--n. y. herald contains a pretty correct army list of the c. s.-- appearance of the "plug uglies."--president's rupture with beauregard.--president sick.--alien enemies ordered away.-- brief interview with the president.--"immediate."--large numbers of cavalry offering.--great preparations in the north. chapter vi. four hundred thousand troops to be raised.--want of arms.-- yankees offer to sell them to us.--walker resigns.-- benjamin succeeds.--col. j. a. washington killed.--assigned, temporarily, to the head of the passport office. chapter vii. an order for the publication of the names of alien enemies.--some excitement.--efforts to secure property.-- g. a. myers, lawyer, actively engaged.--gen. price gains a victory in missouri.--billy wilson's cut-throats cut to pieces at fort pickens.--a female spy arrives from washington.--great success at leesburg or ball's bluff. chapter viii. quarrel between gen. beauregard and mr. benjamin.--great naval preparations in the north.--the loss of port royal, s. c., takes some prestige.--the affair at belmont does not compensate for it.--the enemy kills an old hare.--missouri secedes.--mason and slidell captured.--french consul and the actresses.--the lieutenant in disguise.--eastern shore of virginia invaded.--messrs. breckinridge and marshall in richmond. chapter ix. gen. lee ordered south.--gen. stuart ambuscaded at drainsville.--w. h. b. custis returns to the eastern shore.--winder's detectives.--kentucky secedes.--judge perkins's resolution.--dibble goes north.--waiting for great britain to do something.--mr. ely, the yankee m. c. chapter x. seward gives up mason and slidell.--great preparations of the enemy.--gen. jackson betrayed.--mr. memminger's blunders.--exaggerated reports of our troops in kentucky and tennessee. chapter xi. fall of fort henry.--of fort donelson.--lugubrious inauguration of the president in the permanent government.--loss of roanoke island. chapter xii. nashville evacuated.--martial law.--passports.--com. buchanan's naval engagement.--gen. winder's blunders.--mr. benjamin secretary of state.--lee commander-in-chief.--mr. g. w. randolph secretary of war. chapter xiii. gen. beauregard succeeds gen. sydney johnston.--dibble, the traitor.--enemy at fredericksburg.--they say we will be subdued by the th of june.--lee rapidly concentrating at richmond.--webster, the spy, hung. chapter xiv. disloyalists entrapped.--norfolk abandoned.--merrimac blown up.--army falling back.--mrs. davis leaves richmond.-- preparing to burn the tobacco.--secretary of war trembles for richmond.--richmond to be defended.--the tobacco.-- winking and blinking.--johnston's great battle.--wounded himself.--the wounded.--the hospitals. chapter xv. huger fails again.--a wounded boy.--the killed and wounded.--lee assumes command.--lee prepares to attack mcclellan.--beauregard watches the gold.--our generals scattered.--hasty letter from gen. lee.--opening of grand battle.--first day, th june.--second, etc.--lee's consummate skill.--every day for a week it rages.--streets crowded with blue jackets.--mcclellan retires. chapter xvi. terrific fighting.--anxiety to visit the battle-field.-- lee prepares for other battles.--hope for the union extinct.--gen. lee brings forward conscripts.--gen. cobb appointed to arrange exchange of prisoners.--mr. ould as agent.--pope, the braggart, comes upon the stage.--meets a braggart's fate.--the war transferred to northern virginia. chapter xvii. vicksburg shelled.--lee looks toward washington.--much manoeuvring in orange county.--a brigade of the enemy annihilated.--mcclellan flies to washington.--cretans.--lee has a mighty army.--missouri risings.--pope's coat and papers captured.--cut up at manassas.--clothing captured of the enemy. chapter xviii. lee announces a victory.--crosses the potomac.--battle of sharpsburg.--mcclellan pauses at the potomac.--lee moves mysteriously.--the campaign a doubtful one in its material results.--horrible scene near washington.--conscription enlarged.--heavy loss at sharpsburg.-- , in the hospitals here. chapter xix. mcclellan has crossed the potomac.--another battle anticipated.--i am assured here that lee had but , men engaged at sharpsburg.--he has more now, as he is defending virginia.--radicals of the north want mcclellan removed.-- our president has never taken the field.--lee makes demonstrations against mcclellan.--a jew store robbed last night.--we have , prisoners excess over the enemy.-- my family arrived from raleigh.--my wife's substitute for coffee.--foul passports.--my friend brooks dines and wines with members of congress.--the herald and tribune tempt us to return to the union.--lee writes, no immediate advance of mcclellan.--still a rumor of bragg's victory in kentucky.--enemy getting large reinforcements.--diabolical order of governor baylor.--secretary's estimate of conscripts and all others, , .--bragg retreating from kentucky.--bickering between bragg and beauregard.--lee wants confederate notes made a legal tender.--there will be no second washington. chapter xx. gen. lee in richmond: beard white.--first proposition to trade cotton to the enemy.--secretary in favor of it.--all the letters come through my hands again.--lee falling back.-- negroes at work on the fortifications.--active operations looked for.--beauregard advises non-combatants to leave the city.--semmes's operations.--making a nation.-- salt works lost in virginia.---barefooted soldiers.-- intrigues of butler in new orleans.--northern army advancing everywhere.--breach between the president and secretary of war.--president's servant arrested for robbing the treasury.--gen. j. e. johnston in town.--secretary has resigned.--hon. j. a. seddon appointed secretary of war.-- the enemy marching on fredericksburg.--lee writes that he will be ready for them.--kentuckians will not be hog drivers.--women and children flying from the vicinity of fredericksburg.--fears for wilmington.--no beggars.--quiet on the rappahannock.--m. paul, french consul, saved the french tobacco.--gen. johnston goes west.--president gives gov. pettit full authority to trade cotton to france. chapter xxi. the great crisis at hand.--the rage for speculation raises its head.--great battle of fredericksburg.--the states called on for supplies.--randolph resigns as brigadier-general.--south carolina honor.--loss at fredericksburg.--great contracts.--lee's ammunition bad.--small-pox here. chapter xxii. lee in winter quarters.--bragg's victory in the southwest.--the president at mobile.--enemy withdraw from vicksburg.--bragg retreats as usual.--bureau of conscription.--high rents.--flour contracts in congress.-- efforts to escape conscription.--ships coming in freely.-- sneers at negro troops.--hopes of french intervention.-- gen. rains blows himself up.--davis would be the last to give up.--gov. vance protests against col. august's appointment as commandant of conscripts.--financial difficulties in the united states. chapter xxiii. proposed fixture of prices.--depreciation in the north.-- gen. hooker in command of the u. s. forces.--lee thinks charleston will be attacked.--congress does nothing.-- some fears for vicksburg.--pemberton commands.--wise dashes into williamsburg.--rats take food from my daughter's hand.--lee wants the meat sent from georgia to virginia, where the fighting will be.--gen. winder uneasy about my diary.--gen. johnston asks to be relieved in the west. chapter xxiv. removed into clay street.--gen. toombs resigned.--lincoln dictator.--he can call , , of men.--president is sick.--his office is not a bed of roses.--col. gorgas sends in his oath of allegiance.--confederate gold $ for $ .-- explosion of a laboratory.--bad weather everywhere.-- fighting on the mississippi river.--conflict of views in the conscription bureau.--confederate states currency $ for $ .--snow a foot deep, but melting.--we have no negro regiments in our service.--only conscripts from east tennessee.--how seven were paroled by one.--this is to be the crisis campaign.--lee announces the campaign open. chapter xxv. symptoms of bread riots.--lee forming depots of provisions near the rappahannock.--beauregard ready to defend charleston.--he has rebuffed the enemy severely.--french and british advancing money on cotton.--the yankees can beat us in bargaining.--gen. lee anxious for new supplies.--the president appeals to the people to raise food for man and beast.--federal and confederate troops serenading each other on the rappahannock.--cobbler's wages $ per annum.-- wrangling in the indian country.--only conscripts per month from virginia.--longstreet at suffolk.--the president's well eye said to be failing.--a "reconnoissance!"--we are planting much grain.--picking up pins.--beautiful season.--gen. johnston in tennessee.-- longstreet's successes in that state.--lee complains that his army is not fed.--we fear for vicksburg now.--enemy giving up plunder in mississippi.--beauregard is busy at charleston.--gen. marshall, of kentucky, fails to get stock and hogs.--gen. lee calls for longstreet's corps.-- the enemy demonstrating on the rappahannock. chapter xxvi. lee snuffs a battle in the breeze.--hooker's army supposed to be , men.--lee's perhaps , efficient.--i am planting potatoes.--part of longstreet's army gone up.-- enemy makes a raid.--great victory at chancellorville.-- hot weather.--our poor wounded coming in streams, in ambulances and on foot.--hooker has lost the game.-- message from the enemy.--they ask of lee permission to bury their dead.--granted, of course.--hooker fortifying.--food getting scarce again.--gen. lee's thanks to the army.-- crowds of prisoners coming in.--lieut.-gen. jackson dead.-- hooker's raiders "hooked" a great many horses.--enemy demand , more men.--beauregard complains that so many of his troops are taken to mississippi.--enemy at jackson, miss.--strawberries.--r. tyler.--my cherries are coming on finely.--ewell and hill appointed lieutenant-generals.-- president seems to doubt beauregard's veracity.--hon. d. m. lewis cuts his wheat to-morrow, may th.--johnston says our troops are in fine spirits around vicksburg.-- grant thunders on.--plan of servile insurrection. chapter xxvii. vicksburg refuses to surrender to grant.--spiritualism at the white house.--lee is pushing a little northward.--it is said grant has lost , men.--he is still pounding vicksburg.--petty military organizations.--mr. randolph busy.--foolish passport rules.--great battle imminent, but speculation may defeat both sides.--early's victory.--we have only supplies of corn from day to day.--chambersburg struck.--col. whiting complains of blockade-running at wilmington.--false alarm.--grant still before vicksburg. chapter xxviii. enemy threatening richmond.--the city is safe.--battle of gettysburg.--great excitement.--yankees in great trouble.-- alas! vicksburg has fallen.--president is sick.--grant marching against johnston at jackson.--fighting at that place.--yankees repulsed at charleston.--lee and meade facing each other.--pemberton surrenders his whole army.-- fall of port hudson.--second class conscripts called for.-- lee has got back across the potomac.--lincoln getting fresh troops.--lee writes that he cannot be responsible if the soldiers fail for want of food.--rumors of grant coming east.--pemberton in bad odor.--hon. w. l. yancey is dead. volume ii. chapter xxix. some desertion.--lee falling back.--men still foolishly look for foreign aid.--speculators swarming.--god helps me to-day.--conscripts.--memminger shipping gold to europe.-- our women and children making straw bonnets.--attack on charleston.--robert tyler as a financier.--enemy throw large shells into charleston, five and a half miles.--diabolical scheme.--gen. lee has returned to the army. chapter xxx. situation at wilmington.--situation at charleston.--lincoln thinks there is hope of our submission.--market prices.-- ammunition turned over to the enemy at vicksburg.--attack on sumter.--stringent conscription order.--disaffection in north carolina.--victory announced by gen. bragg.--peril of gen. rosecrans.--surrender of cumberland gap.--rosecrans fortifying chattanooga.--mr. seward on flag of truce boat.-- burnside evacuating east tennessee.--the trans-mississippi army.--meade sending troops to rosecrans.--pemberton in richmond.--a suggestion concerning perishable tithes. chapter xxxi. suffering of our wounded at gettysburg.--prisoners from the battle of chickamauga.--charleston.--policy in the southwest.--from gen. bragg.--letter from president davis.-- religious revival.--departure of the president for the southwest.--about general bragg.--movement of mechanics and non-producers.--about "french" tobacco.--the markets.-- outrage in missouri.--speculations of government agents.-- from gen. lee.--judge hastings's scheme.--visit to our prisons.--letter from gen. kirby smith.--president davis at selma.--gen. winder's passports.--the markets.-- campbellites and methodists.--from gen. lee.--from the southwest. chapter xxxii. letters from various sections.--the president and gen. bragg.--state of the markets.--causes of the president's tour.--gen. duff green.--return of the president.--loss of hoke's and haye's brigades.--letter from gen. howell cobb.--dispatch from gen. lee.--state of the markets.-- letter from a. moseley.--mrs. todd in richmond.-- vice-president stephens on furloughs.--about gen. bragg and the battle of lookout mountain. chapter xxxiii. assembling of congress.--president's message.--the markets.--no hope for the confederate currency.--averill's raid.--letter from gov. vance.--christmas.--persons having furnished substitutes still liable to military duty. chapter xxxiv. hospitalities of the city to gen. morgan.--call for a dictator.--letter from gen. lee.--letters from gov. vance.--accusation against gen. winder.--treatment of confederate prisoners (from the _chicago times_).-- change of federal policy.--efforts to remove col. northrop.--breach between the president and congress.-- destitution of our prisoners.--appeal of gen. lee to the army.--new conscription act.--letter from gen. cobb. chapter xxxv. gen. lovell applies for a command.--auspicious opening of .--mr. wright's resolutions.--rumored approach of gen. butler.--letter from gov. brown.--letter from gen. lee.-- dispatches from gen. beauregard.--president davis's negroes.--controversy between gen. winder and mr. ould.-- robbery of mr. lewis hayman.--promotion of gen. bragg, and the _examiner_ thereon.--scarcity of provisions in the army.--congress and the president. chapter xxxvi. attempt to capture richmond.--governor vance and judge pearson.--preparations to blow up the "libby" prisoners.-- letter from general lee.--proposal to execute dahlgren's raiders.--general butler on the eastern shore.--colonel dahlgren's body.--destitution of the army.--strength of the southwestern army.--destitution of my family.--protest from south carolina.--difficulty with p. milmo & co.--hon. j. w. wall. chapter xxxvii. return of mr. ould and capt. hatch from fortress monroe.-- quarrel between mr. memminger and mr. seddon.--famine.--a victory in louisiana.--vice-president stephens's speech.-- victory of gen. forrest.--capture of plymouth, n. c.--gen. lee's bill of fare. chapter xxxviii. dispatch from gen. j. e. johnston.--dispatch from gen. lee.--mr. saulsbury's resolution in the u. s. senate.-- progress of the enemy.--rumored preparations for the flight of the president.--wrangling of high officials.-- position of the armies. chapter xxxix. beauregard's plan.--the battle.--defeat near staunton.-- fight at petersburg.--decision about marylanders.-- beauregard in disgrace.--dispatch from gen. j. e. johnston. chapter xl. gen. lee's dispatch announcing gen. hampton's victory.--cost of a cup of coffee.--from gens. johnston and s. d. lee.-- gen. early in maryland.--rumored capture of baltimore.-- letter from gen. lee.--dispatch from gen. hood.--status of the local troops. chapter xli. from the northern papers.--letter from j. thompson, canada.--from mr. mcrae, our foreign agent.--dispatch from major-gen. maury.--"general order no. ."--battle of reams's station. chapter xlii. the federal presidency.--the chicago convention.--fall of atlanta.--bureau of conscription.--from gen. hood.-- vice-president stephens on the situation.--letter from mrs. mendenhall.--dispatch from gen. lee.--defeat of gen. early.--from gov. vance.--from gov. brown, of georgia.-- gen. lee's indorsement of col. moseby.--hon. mr. foote.-- attack on fort gilmer.--indiscriminate arrest of civilians. chapter xliii. attempt to retake fort harrison.--a false alarm.--dispatches from gen. lee.--impressments.--gen. butler's generosity.-- matters in and about the city.--beverly tucker's contract with a new york firm for supplies. chapter xliv. proclamation for a day of public worship.--gov. allen, of louisiana.--letter from gen. beauregard.--departure for europe.--congress assembles.--quarrel between gens. kemper and preston.--gen. forrest doing wonders.--tennessee.--gen. johnston on his georgia campaign.--john mitchel and senator foote.--progress of sherman.--from gov. brown, of georgia.--capture of gen. pryor. chapter xlv. desertions.--bragg and kilpatrick.--rents.--gen. winder's management of prisoners.--rumored disasters in tennessee.--prices.--progress of sherman.--around richmond.--capture of fort mcalister.--rumored death of the president.--yankee line of spies.--from wilmington and charleston.--evacuation of savannah. chapter xlvi. waning confidence in the president.--blockade-running.--from the south.--beauregard on sherman.--the expeditions against wilmington.--return of mr. pollard.--the blairs in richmond.--arrest of hon. h. s. foote.--fall of fort fisher.--views of gen. cobb.--dismal.--casualties of the war.--peace commissioners for washington. chapter xlvii. gen. lee appointed general-in-chief.--progress of sherman.--the markets.--letter from gen. butler.--return of the peace commissioners.--the situation.--from gen. lee.-- use of negroes as soldiers.--patriotism of the women.-- pardon of deserters.--the passport system.--oh for peace!-- gen. lee on negro soldiers.--conventions in georgia and mississippi. chapter xlviii. from the north.--rumored defeat of gen. early.--panic among officials.--moving the archives.--lincoln's inaugural.-- victory in north carolina.--rumored treaty with france.-- sheridan's movements.--letter from lord john russell.-- sherman's progress.--desperate condition of the government.--disagreement between the president and congress.--development of grant's combination.--assault at hare's hill.--departure of mrs. president davis. chapter xlix. rumors of battles.--excitement in the churches.--the south side road captured by the enemy.--evacuation of richmond.--surrender of gen. lee.--occupation of richmond by federal forces.--address to the people of virginia by j. a. campbell and others.--assassination of president lincoln. a rebel war clerk's diary. chapter i. my flight from the north and escape into virginia.--revolutionary scene at richmond.--the union convention passes the ordinance of secession.-- great excitement prevails in the south. april th, . burlington, new jersey.--the expedition sails to-day from new york. its purpose is to reduce fort moultrie, charleston harbor, and relieve fort sumter, invested by the confederate forces. southern born, and editor of the _southern monitor_, there seems to be no alternative but to depart immediately. for years the _southern monitor_, philadelphia, whose motto was "the union as it was, the constitution as it is," has foreseen and foretold the resistance of the southern states, in the event of the success of a sectional party inimical to the institution of african slavery, upon which the welfare and existence of the southern people seem to depend. and i must depart immediately; for i well know that the first gun fired at fort sumter will be the signal for an outburst of ungovernable fury, and i should be seized and thrown into prison. i must leave my family--my property--everything. my family cannot go with me--but they may follow. the storm will not break in its fury for a month or so. only the most obnoxious persons, deemed dangerous, will be molested immediately. o'clock p.m.--my wife and children have been busy packing my trunk, and making other preparations for my departure. they are cheerful. they deem the rupture of the states a _fait accompli_, but reck not of the horrors of war. they have contrived to pack up, with other things, my fine old portrait of calhoun, by jarvis. but i must leave my papers, the accumulation of twenty-five years, comprising thousands of letters from predestined rebels. my wife opposes my suggestion that they be burned. among them are some of the veto messages of president tyler, and many letters from him, governor wise, etc. with the latter i had a correspondence in , showing that this blow would probably have been struck then, if fremont had been elected. april th.--my adieus over, i set out in the broad light of day. when the cars arrived at camden, i proceeded, with the rest of the _through_ passengers, in the boat to the navy yard, without going ashore in the city. the passengers were strangers to me. many could be easily recognized as southern men; but quite as many were going only as far as washington, for their reward. they were bold denouncers of the rebellion; the others were silent, thoughtful, but in earnest. the first thing which attracted my attention, as the cars left the delaware depot, was a sign-board on my left, inscribed in large letters, "union cemetery." my gaze attracted the notice of others. a mocking _bon-mot_ was uttered by a yankee wit, which was followed by laughter. for many hours i was plunged in the deepest abstraction, and spoke not a word until we were entering the depot at washington, just as the veil of night was falling over the scene. then i was aroused by the announcement of a conductor that, failing to have my trunk rechecked at baltimore, it had been left in that city! determined not to lose it, i took the return train to baltimore, and put up at barnum's hotel. here i met with mr. abell, publisher of the baltimore _sun_, an old acquaintance. somewhat contrary to my expectations, knowing him to be a native of the north, i found him an ardent secessionist. so enthusiastic was he in the cause, that he denounced both maryland and virginia for their hesitancy in following the example of the cotton states; and he invited me to furnish his paper with correspondence from montgomery, or any places in the south where i might be a sojourner. april th.--making an early start this morning, i once more arrived at washington city. i saw no evidences of a military force in the city, and supposed the little army to be encamped at the west end of the avenue, guarding the executive mansion. we took an omnibus without delay and proceeded to the steamer. as soon as we left the shore, i fancied i saw many of the passengers breathing easier and more deeply. certainly there was more vivacity, since we were relieved of the presence of republicans. and at the breakfast table there was a freer flow of speech, and a very decided manifestation of secession proclivities. among the passengers was major holmes, who had just resigned his commission in the u. s. army. he had been ordered to proceed with the expedition against charleston; but declined the honor of fighting against his native land. the major is a little deaf, but has an intellectual face, the predominant expression indicating the discretion and prudence so necessary for success in a large field of operations. in reply to a question concerning the military qualities of beauregard and bragg, he said they were the flower of the young officers of the u. s. army. the first had great genius, and was perhaps the most dashing and brilliant officer in the country; the other, more sedate, nevertheless possessed military capacities of a very high order. president davis, in his opinion, had made most excellent selections in the appointment of his first generals. the major, however, was very sad at the prospect before us; and regarded the tenders of pecuniary aid to the u. s. by the wall street capitalists as ominous of a desperate, if not a prolonged struggle. at this time the major's own state, north carolina, like virginia, tennessee, kentucky, arkansas, and missouri, yet remains in the union. we were delayed several hours at aquia creek, awaiting the arrival of the cars, which were detained in consequence of a great storm and flood that had occurred the night before. april th and th.--these two days were mainly lost by delays, the floods having swept away many bridges, which had not yet been repaired. as we approached richmond, it was observed that the people were more and more excited, and seemed to be pretty nearly unanimous for the immediate secession of the state. everywhere the convention then in session was denounced with bitterness, for its adherence to the union; and gov. letcher was almost universally execrated for the chocks he had thrown under the car of secession and southern independence. i heard very many who had voted for him, regret that they had ever supported the clique of politicians who managed to secure his nomination. and now i learned that a people's spontaneous convention would assemble in richmond on the th of the month, when, if the other body persisted in its opposition to the popular will, the most startling revolutionary measures would be adopted, involving, perhaps, arrests and executions. several of the members of this body with whom i conversed bore arms upon their persons. april th.--to-day i beheld the first secession flag that had met my vision. it was at polecat station, caroline county, and it was greeted with enthusiasm by all but the two or three yankees in the train. one of these, named tupps, had been questioned so closely, and his presence and nativity had become so well known, that he became alarmed for his safety, although no one menaced him. he could not sit still a moment, nor keep silence. he had been speculating in north carolina the year before, and left some property there, which, of course, he must save, if needs be, at the risk of his life. but _he_ cared nothing for slavery, and would never bear arms against the south, if she saw fit to "set up government business for herself." he rather guessed war was a speculation that wouldn't pay. his volubility increased with his perturbation, and then he drank excessively and sang dixie. when we reached richmond, he was beastly drunk. arrived at the exchange hotel, richmond. a storm rages above, and below in the minds of men; but the commotion of the elements above attracts less attention than the tempest of excitement agitating the human breast. the news-boys are rushing in all directions with extras announcing the bombardment of fort sumter! this is the irrevocable blow! every reflecting mind here should know that the only alternatives now are successful revolution or abject subjugation. but they do not lack for the want of information of the state of public sentiment in the north. it is in vain that the laggards are assured by persons just from the north, that the republican leaders now composing the cabinet at washington were prepared to hail the event at charleston as the most auspicious that could have happened for the accomplishment of their designs; and that their purpose is the extinction of slavery, at least in the border states; the confiscation of the estates of rebels to reimburse the federal government for the expenses of the war which had been deliberately resolved on; and to gratify the cupidity of the "wide-awakes," and to give employment to foreign mercenaries. but it is not doubtful which course the current of feeling is rapidly taking. even in this hitherto union city, secession demonstrations are prevalent; and the very men who two days ago upheld gov. letcher in his _conservatism_, are now stricken dumb amid the popular clamor for immediate action. i am now resolved to remain in richmond for a season. after tea i called upon gov. wise, who occupied lodgings at the same hotel. he was worn out, and prostrated by a distressing cough which threatened pneumonia. but ever and anon his eagle eye assumed its wonted brilliancy. he was surrounded by a number of his devoted friends, who listened with rapt attention to his surpassing eloquence. a test question, indicative of the purpose of the convention to adjourn without action, had that day been carried by a decided majority. the governor once rose from his recumbent position on the sofa and said, whatever the majority of union men in the convention might do, or leave undone, virginia must array herself on one side or the other. she must fight either lincoln or davis. if the latter, he would renounce her, and tender his sword and his life to the southern confederacy. and although it was apparent that his _physique_ was reduced, as he said, to a mere "bag of bones," yet it was evident that his spirit yet struggled with all its native fire and animation. soon after president tyler came in. i had not seen him for several years, and was surprised to find him, under the weight of so many years, unchanged in activity and energy of body and mind. he was quite as ardent in his advocacy of prompt state action as wise. having recently abandoned the presidency of the peace congress at washington, in despair of obtaining concessions or guarantees of safety from the rampant powers then in the ascendency, he nevertheless believed, as did a majority of the statesmen of the south, that, even then, in the event of the secession of all the southern states, presenting thus a united front, no war of great magnitude would ensue. i know better, from my residence in the north, and from the confessions of the republicans with whom i have been thrown in contact; but i will not dissent voluntarily from the opinions of such statesmen. i can only, when my opinion is desired, intimate my conviction that a great war of the sections might have been averted, if the south had made an adequate _coup d'état_ before the inauguration of lincoln, and while the democratic party everywhere was yet writhing under the sting and mortification of defeat. _then_ the arm of the republican party would have been paralyzed, for the attitude of the democratic party would at least have been a menacing one; but _now_, the government has been suffered to fall into the possession of the enemy, the sword and the purse have been seized, and it is _too late_ to dream of peace--in or out of the union. submission will be dishonor. secession can only be death, which is preferable. gov. wise, smiling, rose again and walked to a corner of the room where i had noticed a bright musket with a sword-bayonet attached. he took it up and criticised the sword as inferior to the _knife_. our men would require long drilling to become expert with the former, like the french zouaves; but they instinctively knew how to wield the bowie-knife. the conversation turning upon the probable deficiency of a supply of improved arms in the south, if a great war should ensue, the governor said, with one of his inevitable expressions of feeling, that it was not the improved _arm_, but the improved _man_, which would win the day. let brave men advance with flint locks and old-fashioned bayonets, on the popinjays of the northern cities--advance on, and on, under the fire, reckless of the slain, and he would answer for it with his life, that the yankees would break and run. but, in the event of the convention adjourning without decisive action, he apprehended the first conflict would be with _virginians_--the union men of virginia. he evidently despaired, under repeated defeats, of seeing an ordinance of secession passed immediately, and would have preferred "resistance" to "secession." april th.--after breakfast i accompanied gov. wise to his room. he advised me to remain a few days before proceeding elsewhere. he still doubted, however, whether virginia would move before autumn. he said there was a majority of union men then in the city. but the _other_ convention, to meet on the th, might do something. he recommended me to a friend of his who distributed the tickets, who gave me a card of admission. april th.--wrote all day for several journals. april th.--great demonstrations made throughout the day, and hundreds of secession flags are flying in all parts of the city. at night, while sitting with captain o. jennings wise in the editorial room of the _enquirer_, i learned from the northern exchange papers, which still came to hand, that my office in philadelphia, "_the southern monitor_," had been sacked by the mob. it was said ten thousand had visited my office, displaying a rope with which to hang me. finding their victim had escaped, they vented their fury in sacking the place. i have not ascertained the extent of the injury done; but if they injured the building, it belonged to h. b., a rich republican. they tore down the signs (it was a corner house east of the exchange), and split them up, putting the splinters in their hats, and wearing them as trophies. they next visited the mansion of gen. p., who had made his fortune dealing in cotton, and had been a bold northern champion of southern rights. but the general flinched on this trying occasion. he displayed the stars and stripes, and pledged "the boys" to lead them in battle against the secessionists. during the evening, a procession with banners and torch-lights came up the street and paused before the _enquirer_ office. they called for captain wise, and i accompanied him to the iron balcony, where he made them a soul-stirring speech. at its conclusion, he seized me by the arm and introduced me to the crowd. he informed them of the recent proceedings in philadelphia, etc., and then ceased speaking, leaving me to tell my own story to the listening multitude. that was not my fault; i had never attempted to make a public speech in my life; and i felt that i was in a predicament. wise knew it, and enjoyed my embarrassment. i contrived, however, to say to the people that the time for speaking had gone by, and there was no time left for listening. they proceeded up the street, growing like a snow-ball as they rolled onward. at every corner there were cheers uttered for davis, and groans for lincoln. upon returning to my boarding-house (the hotel being found too expensive), kept by mrs. samuels, and her sister, miss long, i found the ladies making secession flags. indeed, the ladies everywhere seem imbued with the spirit of patriotism, and never fail to exert their influence in behalf of southern independence. april th.--to-day the secession fires assumed a whiter heat. in the convention the union men no longer utter denunciations against the disunionists. they merely resort to pretexts and quibbles to stave off the inevitable ordinance. they had sent a deputation to washington to make a final appeal to seward and lincoln to vouchsafe them such guarantees as would enable them to keep virginia to her moorings. but in vain. they could not obtain even a promise of concession. and now the union members as they walk the streets, and even gov. letcher himself, hear the indignant mutterings of the impassioned storm which threatens every hour to sweep them from existence. business is generally suspended, and men run together in great crowds to listen to the news from the north, where it is said many outrages are committed on southern men and those who sympathize with them. many arrests are made, and the victims thrown into fort lafayette. these crowds are addressed by the most inflamed members of the convention, and never did i hear more hearty responses from the people. april th.--this day the spontaneous people's convention met and organized in metropolitan hall. the door-keeper stood with a drawn sword in his hand. but the scene was orderly. the assembly was full, nearly every county being represented, and the members were the representatives of the most ancient and respectable families in the state. david chalmers, of halifax county, i believe, was the president, and willoughby newton, a life-long whig, among the vice-presidents. p. h. aylett, a grandson of patrick henry, was the first speaker. and his eloquence indicated that the spirit of his ancestor survived in him. but he was for moderation and delay, still hoping that the other convention would yield to the pressure of public sentiment, and place the state in the attitude now manifestly desired by an overwhelming majority of the people. he was answered by the gallant capt. wise, who thrilled every breast with his intrepid bearing and electric bursts of oratory. he advocated action, without reference to the other convention, as the best means of bringing the unionists to their senses. and the so-called demosthenean seddon, and g. w. randolph (grandson of thomas jefferson), lieut.-gov. montague, james lyons, judge robertson, etc., were there. never, never did i hear more exalted and effective bursts of oratory. and it was apparent that messages were constantly received from the other convention. what they were, i did not learn at the moment; but it was evident that the unionists were shaking in their shoes, and they certainly begged one--just one--day's delay, which was accorded them. the people's convention agreed to adjourn till o'clock a.m. the next day. but before we separated a commotion was observed on the stage, and the next moment a mr. p., from gov. wise's old district, rushed forward and announced that he had just arrived from norfolk, where, under instructions, and _with the acquiescence of gov. letcher_, he had succeeded in blocking the channel of the river; and this would either secure to us, or render useless to the united states, certain ships of the navy, stores, armament, etc., of the value of millions of dollars. this announcement was received with the wildest shouts of joy. young men threw up their hats, and old men buttoned their coats and clapped their hands most vigorously. it was next hinted by some one who seemed to know something of the matter, that before another day elapsed, harper's ferry would fall into the hands of the secessionists. at night the enthusiasm increases in intensity, and no further opposition is to be apprehended from the influence of tim rives, baldwin, clemens, etc. etc. it was quite apparent, indeed, that if an ordinance of secession were passed by the new convention, its validity would be recognized and acted upon by the majority of the people. but this would be a complication of the civil war, now the decree of fate. perhaps the occurrence which has attracted most attention is the raising of the southern flag on the capitol. it was hailed with the most deafening shouts of applause. but at a quiet hour of the night, the governor had it taken down, for the convention had not yet passed the ordinance of secession. yet the stars and stripes did not float in its stead; it was replaced by the flag of virginia. april th.--this was a memorable day. when we assembled at metropolitan hall, it could be easily perceived that we were on the threshold of momentous events. all other subjects, except that of a new political organization of the state, seemed to be momentarily delayed, as if awaiting action elsewhere. and this plan of political organization filled me with alarm, for i apprehended it would result in a new conflict between the old parties--whig and democrat. the ingenious discussion of this subject was probably a device of the unionists, two or three of them having obtained seats in the revolutionary convention. i knew the ineradicable instincts of virginia politicians, and their inveterate habit of public speaking, and knew there were well-grounded fears that we should be launched and lost in an illimitable sea of argument, when the business was revolution, and death to the coming invader. besides, i saw no hope of unanimity if the old party distinctions and designations were not submerged forever. these fears, however, were groundless. the union had received its _blessure mortelle_, and no power this side of the potomac could save it. during a pause in the proceedings, one of the leading members arose and announced that he had information that the vote was about being taken in the other convention on the ordinance of secession. "very well!" cried another member, "we will give them another chance to save themselves. but it is the last!" this was concurred in by a vast majority. not long after, lieut.-gov. montague came in and announced the passage of the ordinance by the other convention! this was succeeded by a moment too thrilling for utterance, but was followed by tears of gladness and rapturous applause. soon after, president tyler and gov. wise were conducted arm-in-arm, and bare-headed, down the center aisle amid a din of cheers, while every member rose to his feet. they were led to the platform, and called upon to address the convention. the venerable ex-president of the united states first rose responsive to the call, but remarked that the exhaustion incident to his recent incessant labors, and the nature of his emotions at such a momentous crisis, superadded to the feebleness of age, rendered him physically unable to utter what he felt and thought on such an occasion. nevertheless, he seemed to acquire supernatural strength as he proceeded, and he spoke most effectively for the space of fifteen minutes. he gave a brief history of all the struggles of our race for freedom, from _magna charta_ to the present day; and he concluded with a solemn declaration that at no period of our history were we engaged in a more just and holy effort for the maintenance of liberty and independence than at the present moment. the career of the dominant party at the north was but a series of aggressions, which fully warranted the steps we were taking for resistance and eternal separation; and if we performed our whole duty as christians and patriots, the same benign providence which favored the cause of our forefathers in the revolution of , would again crown our efforts with similar success. he said he might not survive to witness the consummation of the work begun that day; but generations yet unborn would bless those who had the high privilege of being participators in it. he was succeeded by gov. wise, who, for a quarter of an hour, electrified the assembly by a burst of eloquence, perhaps never surpassed by mortal orator. during his pauses a silence reigned, pending which the slightest breathing could be distinctly heard, while every eye was bathed in tears. at times the vast assembly rose involuntarily to their feet, and every emotion and expression of feature seemed responsive to his own. during his speech he alluded to the reports of the press that the oppressors of the north had probably seized one of his children sojourning in their midst. "but," said he, "if they suppose hostages of my own heart's blood will stay my hand in a contest for the maintenance of sacred rights, they are mistaken. affection for kindred, property, and life itself sink into insignificance in comparison with the overwhelming importance of public duty in such a crisis as this." he lamented the blindness which had prevented virginia from seizing washington before the republican hordes got possession of it--but, said he, we must do our best under the circumstances. it was now independence or death--although he had preferred fighting in the union--and when the mind was made up to die rather than fail, success was certain. for himself, he was eager to meet the ordeal, and he doubted not every southern heart pulsated in unison with his own. hon. j. m. mason, and many other of virginia's distinguished sons were called upon, and delivered patriotic speeches. and finally, _gov. letcher_ appeared upon the stage. he was loudly cheered by the very men who, two days before, would gladly have witnessed his execution. the governor spoke very briefly, merely declaring his concurrence in the important step that had been taken, and his honest purpose, under the circumstances, to discharge his whole duty as executive of the state, in conformity to the will of the people and the provisions of the constitution. before the _sine die_ adjournment, it was suggested that inasmuch as the ordinance had been passed in secret session, and it was desirable that the enemy should not know it before certain preparations could be made to avert sudden injury on the border, etc., that the fact should not be divulged at present. april th.--in spite of every precaution, it is currently whispered in the streets to-day that virginia has seceded from the union; and that the act is to be submitted to the people for ratification a month hence. this is perhaps a blunder. if the southern states are to adhere to the old distinct sovereignty doctrine, god help them one and all to achieve their independence of the united states. many are inclined to think the safest plan would be to obliterate state lines, and merge them all into an indivisible nation or empire, else there may be incessant conflicts between the different sovereignties themselves, and between them and the general government. i doubt our ability to maintain the old cumbrous, complicated, and expensive form of government. a national executive and congress will be sufficiently burdensome to the people without the additional expense of governors, lieutenant-governors, a dozen secretaries of state, as many legislatures, etc. etc. it is true, state rights gave the states the right to secede. but what is in a name? secession by any other name would smell as sweet. for my part, i like the name of revolution, or even rebellion, better, for they are sanctified by the example of washington and his compeers. and separations of communities are like the separations of bees when they cannot live in peace in the same hive. the time had come apparently for us to set up for ourselves, and we should have done it if there had been no such thing as state sovereignty. it is true, the constitution adopted at montgomery virtually acknowledges the right of any state to secede from the confederacy; but that was necessary in vindication of the action of its fathers. that constitution, and the _permanent_ one to succeed it, will, perhaps, never do. they too much resemble the governmental organization of the yankees, to whom we have bid adieu forever in disgust. april th.--dispatches from montgomery indicate that president davis is as firm a states right man as any other, perfectly content to bear the burdens of government six years, and hence i apprehend he will not budge in the business of guarding virginia until after the ratification of the secession ordinance. thus a month's precious time will be lost; and the scene of conflict, instead of being in pennsylvania, near philadelphia, will be in virginia. from the ardor of the volunteers already beginning to pour into the city, i believe , men could be collected and armed in a week, and in another they might sweep the whole abolition concern beyond the susquehanna, and afterward easily keep them there. but this will not be attempted, nor permitted, by the convention, so recently composed mostly of union men. to-night we have rumors of a collision in baltimore. a regiment of northern troops has been assailed by the mob. no good can come of mob assaults in a great revolution. wrote my wife to make preparations with all expedition to escape into virginia. women and children will not be molested for some weeks yet; but i see they have begun to ransack their baggage. mrs. semple, daughter of president tyler, i am informed, had her plate taken from her in an attempt to get it away from new york. april th.--the news has been confirmed. it was a brickbat "plug ugly" fight--the result of animal, and not intellectual or patriotic instincts. baltimore has better men for the strife than bar-room champions. the absence of dignity in this assault will be productive of evil rather than good. maryland is probably lost--for her fetters will be riveted before the secession of virginia will be communicated by the senseless form of ratification a month hence. woe, woe to the politicians of virginia who have wrought this delay! it is now understood that the very day before the ordinance was passed, the members were gravely splitting hairs over proposed amendments to the federal constitution! guns are being fired on capitol hill in commemoration of secession, and the confederate flag now floats unmolested from the summit of the capitol. i think they had better save the powder, etc. at night. we have a gay illumination. this too is wrong. we had better save the candles. april st.--received several letters to-day which had been delayed in their transmission, and were doubtless opened on the way. one was from my wife, informing me of the illness of custis, my eldest son, and of the equivocal conduct of some of the neighbors. the rev. mr. d., son of the late b----p, raised the flag of the union on his church. the telegraphic wires are still in operation. april d.--early a few mornings since, i called on gov. wise, and informed him that lincoln had called out , men. he opened his eyes very widely and said, emphatically, "i don't believe it." the greatest statesmen of the south have no conception of the real purposes of the men now in power in the united states. they cannot be made to believe that the government at washington are going to wage war immediately. but when i placed the president's proclamation in his hand, he read it with deep emotion, and uttered a fierce "hah!" nevertheless, when i told him that these , were designed to be merely the videttes and outposts of an army of , , he was quite incredulous. he had not witnessed the wide-awake gatherings the preceding fall, as i had done, and listened to the pledges they made to subjugate the south, free the negroes, and hang gov. wise. i next told him they would blockade our ports, and endeavor to cut off our supplies. to this he uttered a most positive negative. he said it would be contrary to the laws of nations, as had been decided often in the courts of admiralty, and would be moreover a violation of the constitution. of course i admitted all this; but maintained that such was the intention of the washington cabinet. laws and courts and constitutions would not be impediments in the way of yankees resolved upon our subjugation. presuming upon their superior numbers, and under the pretext of saving the union and annihilating slavery, they would invade us like the army-worm, which enters the green fields in countless numbers. the real object was to enjoy our soil and climate by means of confiscation. he poohed me into silence with an indignant frown. he had no idea that the yankees would _dare_ to enter upon such enterprises in the face of an enlightened world. but i know them better. and it will be found that they will learn how to fight, and will not be afraid to fight. april d.--several prominent citizens telegraphed president davis to-day to hasten to virginia with as many troops as he can catch up, assuring him that his army will grow like a snow-ball as it progresses. i have no doubt it would. i think it would swell to , before reaching washington, and that the people on the route would supply the quartermaster's stores, and improvise an adequate commissariat. i believe he could drive the abolitionists out of washington even yet, if he would make a bold dash, and that there would be a universal uprising in all the border states this side of the susquehanna. but he does not respond. virginia was too late moving, and north carolina, tennessee, arkansas, kentucky, and missouri have not seceded yet--though all of them will soon follow virginia. besides, the vote on the ratification in this state is to take place a month hence. it would be an infringement of state rights, and would be construed as an _invasion of virginia_! could the union men in the convention, after being forced to pass the ordinance, have dealt a more fatal blow to their country? but that is not all. the governor is appointing his union partisans to military positions. nevertheless, as time rolls on, and eternal separation is pronounced by the events that must be developed, they may prove true to the best interests of their native land. every hour there are fresh arrivals of organized companies from the country, tendering their services to the governor; and nearly all the young men in the city are drilling. the cadets of the military institute are rendering good service now, and professor jackson is truly a benefactor. i hope he will take the field himself; and if he does, i predict for him a successful career. april th.--martial music is heard everywhere, day and night, and all the trappings and paraphernalia of war's decorations are in great demand. the ladies are sewing everywhere, even in the churches. but the gay uniforms we see to-day will change their hue before the advent of another year. all history shows that fighting is not only the most perilous pursuit in the world, but the _hardest_ and the roughest work one can engage in. and many a young man bred in luxury, will be killed by exposure in the night air, lying on the damp ground, before meeting the enemy. but the same thing may be said of the northmen. and the arbitrament of war, and war's desolation, is a foregone conclusion. how much better it would have been if the north had permitted the south to depart in peace! with political separation, there might still have remained commercial union. but they would not. april th.--ex-president tyler and vice-president stephens are negotiating a treaty which is to ally virginia to the confederate states. april th.--to-day i recognize northern merchants and jews in the streets, busy in collecting the debts due them. the convention has thrown some impediments in the way; but i hear on every hand that southern merchants, in the absence of legal obligations, recognize the demands of honor, and are sending money north, even if it be used against us. this will not last long. april th.--we have had a terrible alarm. the tocsin was sounded in the public square, and thousands have been running hither and thither to know its meaning. dispatches have been posted about the city, purporting to have been received by the governor, with the startling information that the u. s. war steamer pawnee is coming up the james river for the purpose of shelling the city! all the soldiery, numbering some thousands, are marching down to rocketts, and forming in line of battle on the heights commanding the approaches. the howitzers are there, frowning defiance; and two long french bronze guns are slowly passing through main street in the same direction. one of them has just broken down, and lies abandoned in front of the post-office. even civilians, by hundreds, are hurrying with shot-guns and pistols to the scene of action, and field officers are galloping through the streets. although much apprehension is apparent on many faces, it is but just to say that the population generally are resolved to make a determined defense. there is no fear of personal danger; it is only the destruction of property that is dreaded. but, in my opinion, the pawnee is about as likely to attempt the navigation of the river styx, as to run up this river within shelling distance of the city. i walked down to the lower bridge, without even taking a pocket-pistol, and saw the troops drawn up in line of battle awaiting the enemy. toward evening the howitzers engaged in some unprofitable practice, shelling the trees on the opposite side. it was a false alarm, if not something worse. i fear it is an invention of the enemy to divert us from the generally conceived policy of attacking washington, and rousing up maryland in the rear of lincoln. met with, and was introduced to, gov. letcher, in the evening, at the _enquirer_ office. he was revising one of his many proclamations; and is now undoubtedly as zealous an advocate of secession as any man. he said he would be ready to fight in _three or four days_; and that he would soon have arrangements completed to blockade the potomac by means of formidable batteries. april th.--saw judge scarburg, who has resigned his seat in the court of claims at washington. i believe he brought his family, and abandoned his furniture, etc. also dr. garnett, who left most of his effects in the hands of the enemy. he was a marked man, being the son-in-law of gov. wise. many clerks are passing through the city on their way to montgomery, where they are sure to find employment. lucky men, some of them! they have eaten lincoln bread for more than a month, and most of them would have been turned out of office if there had been no secession. and i observe among them some who have left their wives behind _to take care of their homes_. april th.--i wrote to my agent on the eastern shore to send me the last year's rent due on the farm. but i learn that the cruisers in the bay are intercepting the communications, and i fear remittances will be impracticable. i hope my family are ready by this to leave burlington. women and children have not yet been interfered with. what if they should be compelled to abandon our property there? mrs. semple had her plate seized at new york. at fifty-one, i can hardly follow the pursuit of arms; but i will write and preserve a diary of the revolution. i never held or sought office in my life; but now president tyler and gov. wise say i will find employment at montgomery. the latter will prepare a letter to president davis, and the former says he will draw up a paper in my behalf, and take it through the convention himself for signatures. i shall be sufficiently credentialed, at all events--provided old partisan considerations are banished from the new confederacy. to make my diary full and complete as possible, is now my business. and, "when the hurly-burly's done, when the battle's lost and won," if the south wins it, i shall be content to retire to my farm, provided it falls on the southern side of the line, and enjoy sweet repose "under my own vine and fig-tree." april th.--gen. kearney has been brought here, having been taken on his way to washington from missouri. he manifested surprise at his captivity, and says that he is no enemy; being, i believe, southern born. i learn it is the purpose of the governor to release him. and this may be a blunder. i fear about as much from ill-timed southern magnanimity as from northern malignity. the pawnee "scare" turned out just as i thought it would. she merely turned her nose up the river, and then put about and steamed away again. it may do good, however, if it stimulates the authorities to due preparation against future assaults from that quarter. chapter ii. depart for montgomery.--interview with president davis.--my position in the government.--government removed to richmond.--my family. may st.--troops are coming in from all directions, cavalry and infantry; but i learn that none scarcely are accepted by the state. this is great political economy, with a vengeance! how is gov. letcher to be ready to fight in a few days? oh, perhaps he thinks the army will spontaneously spring into existence, march without transportation, and fight without rations or pay! but the convention has passed an act authorizing the enlistment of a regular army of , men. if i am not mistaken, virginia will have to put in the field ten times that number, and the confederacy will have to maintain , in virginia, or lose the border states. and if the border states be subjugated, mr. seward probably would grant a respite to the rest _for a season_. but by the terms of the (tyler and stephens) treaty, the confederate states will reimburse virginia for all her expenses; and therefore i see no good reason why this state, of all others, being the most exposed, should not muster into service every well-armed company that presents itself. there are arms enough for , men now, and that number, if it be too late to take washington, might at all events hold this side of the potomac, and keep the yankees off the soil of virginia. may d.--there are vague rumors of lawless outrages committed on southern men in philadelphia and new york; but they are not well authenticated, and i do not believe them. the yankees are not yet ready for retaliation. they know that game wouldn't pay. no--they desire time to get their money out of the south; and they would be perfectly willing that trade should go on, even during the war, for they would be the greatest gainers by the information derived from spies and emissaries. i see, too, their papers have extravagant accounts of imprisonments and summary executions here. not a man has yet been molested. it is true, we have taken norfolk, without a battle; but the enemy did all the burning and sinking. may d.--no letters from my wife. probably she has taken the children to the eastern shore. her farm is there, and she has many friends in the county. on that narrow peninsula it is hardly to be supposed the yankees will send any troops. with the broad atlantic on one side and the chesapeake bay on the other, it is to be presumed there will be no military demonstration by the inhabitants, for they could neither escape nor receive reinforcements from the mainland. in the war of the first revolution, and the subsequent one with great britain, this peninsula escaped the ravages of the enemy, although the people were as loyal to the government of the united states as any; but the yankees are more enterprising than the british, and may have an eye to "truck farms" in that fruitful region. may th.--met wm. h. b. custis, esq., to-day in the square, and had a long conversation with him. he has made up his mind to sign the ordinance. he thinks secession might have been averted with honor, if our politicians at washington had not been ambitious to figure as leaders in a new revolution. custis was always a democrat, and supported douglas on the ground that he was the regular nominee. he said his negro property a month before was worth, perhaps, fifty thousand dollars; now his slaves would not bring probably more than five thousand; and that would be the fate of many slaveowners in virginia. may th.--president tyler has placed in my hands a memorial to president davis, signed by himself and many of the members of the convention, asking appropriate civil employment for me in the new government. i shall be content to obtain the necessary position to make a full and authentic diary of the transactions of the government. i could not hope for any commission as a civil officer, since the leaders who have secured possession of the government know very well that, as editor, i never advocated the pretensions of any of them for the presidency of the united states. some of them i fear are unfit for the positions they occupy. but the cause in which we are embarked will require, to be successful, the efforts of every man. those capable of performing military duty, must perform it; and those physically incapable of wielding the bayonet and the sword, must wield the pen. it is no time to stand on ceremony or antecedents. the post of duty is the post of honor. in the mighty winnowing we must go through, the wheat will be separated from the chaff. and many a true man who this day stands forth as a private, will end as a general. and the efficient subordinate in the departments may be likewise exalted if he deserves it, provided the people have rule in the new confederacy. if we are to have a monarchy for the sake of economy and stability, i shall submit to it in preference to the domination of the northern radicals. may th.--to-day a yankee was caught in the street questioning some negroes as to which side they would fight on, slavery or freedom. he was merely rebuked and ordered out of the country. another instance of southern magnanimity! it will only embolden the insidious enemy. may th.--col. r. e. lee, lately of the united states army, has been appointed major-general, and commander-in-chief of the army in virginia. he is the son of "light horse harry" of the revolution. the north can boast no such historic names as we, in its army. gov. wise is sick at home, in princess ann county, but has sent me a strong letter to president davis. i fear the governor will not survive many months. may th.--the convention has appointed five members of congress to go to montgomery: messrs. hunter, rives, brockenborough, staples, and ----. i have not yet seen mr. hunter; he has made no speeches, but no doubt he has done all in his power to secure the passage of the ordinance, in his quiet but effective way. to-day president tyler remarked that the politicians in the convention had appointed a majority of the members from the old opposition party. the president would certainly have been appointed, if it had not been understood he did not desire it. debilitated from a protracted participation in the exciting scenes of the convention, he could not bear the fatigue of so long a journey at this season of the year. may th.--the _examiner_ still fires shot and shell at gov. letcher and the dominant majority in the convention, on account of recent appointments. it is furious over the selection of mr. baldwin, recently a leading union man, for inspector-general; and seems to apprehend bad results from thrusting union men forward in the coming struggle. the _enquirer_ is moderate, and kind to gov. letcher, whose nomination and subsequent course were so long the theme of bitter denunciation. it is politic. the _whig_ now goes into the secession movement with all its might. mr. mosely has resumed the helm; and he was, i believe, a secessionist many years ago. the _dispatch_, not long since neutral and conservative, throws all its powers, with its large circulation, into the cause. so we have perfect unanimity in the press. _per contra_, the new york _herald_ has turned about and leap-frogged over the head of the _tribune_ into the front ranks of the republicans. no doubt, when we win the day, the _herald_ will leap back again. may th.--the ladies are postponing all engagements until their lovers have fought the yankees. their influence is great. day after day they go in crowds to the fair ground where the st s. c. vols. are encamped, showering upon them their smiles, and all the delicacies the city affords. they wine them and cake them--and they deserve it. they are just from taking fort sumter, and have won historic distinction. i was introduced to several of the privates by their captain, who told me they were worth from $ , to half a million dollars each. the _tribune_ thought all these men would want to be captains! but that is not the only hallucination the north labors under, judging from present appearances; by closing our ports it is thought we can be subdued by the want of accustomed luxuries. these rich young men were dressed in coarse gray homespun! we have the best horsemen and the best marksmen in the world, and these are the qualities that will tell before the end of the war. we fight for existence--the enemy for union and the freedom of the slave. well, let the yankees see if this "new thing" will pay. may th.--robert tyler has arrived, after wonderful risks and difficulties. when i left mr. tyler in the north, the people were talking about electing him their representative in congress. they tempted him every way, by threats and by promises, to make them a speech under the folds of the "star spangled banner" erected near his house. but in vain. no doubt they would have elected him to congress, and perhaps have made him a general, if he had fallen down and worshiped their republican idol, and fought against his father. may th.--to-day i set out for montgomery. the weather was bright and pleasant. it is sunday. in the cars are many passengers going to tender their services, and all imbued with the same inflexible purpose. the corn in the fields of virginia is just becoming visible; and the trees are beginning to disclose their foliage. may th.--we traveled all night, and reached wilmington, n. c., early in the morning. there i saw a northern steamer which had been seized in retaliation for some of the seizures of the new yorkers. and there was a considerable amount of ordnance and shot and shell on the bank of the river. the people everywhere on the road are for irremediable, eternal separation. never were men more unanimous. and north carolina has passed the ordinance, i understand, without a dissenting voice. better still, it is not to be left to a useless vote of the people. the work is finished, and the state is out of the union without contingency or qualification. i saw one man, though, at goldsborough, who looked very much like a yankee, and his enthusiasm seemed more simulated than real; and some of his words were equivocal. his name was dibble. to-day i saw rice and cotton growing, the latter only an inch or so high. the pine woods in some places have a desolate appearance; and whole forests are dead. i thought it was caused by the scarifications for turpentine; but was told by an intelligent traveler that the devastation was produced by an insect or worm that cut the inner bark. the first part of south carolina we touched was not inviting. swamps, with cane, and cypress knees, and occasionally a plunging aligator met the vision. here, i thought the yankees, if they should carry the war into the far south, would fare worse than napoleon's army of invasion in russia. but railroads seldom run through the fairest and richest portions of the country. they must take the route where there is the least grading. we soon emerged, however, from the marshy district, and then beheld the vast cotton-fields, now mostly planted in corn. a good idea. and the grain crops look well. the corn, in one day, seems to have grown ten inches. in the afternoon we were whisked into georgia, and the face of the country, as well as the color of the soil, reminded me of some parts of france between dieppe and rouen. no doubt the grape could be profitably cultivated here. the corn seems to have grown a _foot_ since morning. may th.--the weather is very warm. day before yesterday the wheat was only six or eight inches high. to-day it is two or three feet in height, headed, and almost ripe for the scythe. at every station [where i can write a little] we see crowds of men, and women, and boys; and during our pauses some of the passengers, often clergymen, and not unfrequently northern born, address them in soul-stirring strains of patriotic eloquence. if uncle abe don't find subjugation of this country, and of such a people as this, is truly a "big job" on his hands, i am much mistaken. passed the stone mountain at o'clock a.m. it appears at a distance like a vast artificial formation, resembling the pictures of the pyramids. arrived at montgomery o'clock p.m., and put up at the montgomery house. the mosquitoes bled me all night. mosquitoes in the middle of may! and as they never cease to bite till killed by the frost, the pest here is perennial. may th.--from my window at the top of the house, i see corn in silk and tassel. three days ago the corn i saw was not three inches high. and blackberries are in season. strawberries and peas are gone. this city is mostly situated in a bottom on the alabama river. being fatigued i did not visit the departments to-day, but employed myself in securing lodgings at a boarding-house. here i met, the first time, with my friend dr. w. t. sawyer, of hollow square, alabama. a skillful surgeon and christian gentleman, his mission on earth seems to be one of pure beneficence. he had known me before we met, it appears; and i must say he did me many kind offices. in the afternoon i walked to the capitol, a fine structure with massive columns, on a beautiful elevation, where i delivered several letters to the virginia delegation in congress. they were exceedingly kind to me, and proffered their services very freely. may th.--met john tyler, jr., to-day, who, with his native cordiality, proffered his services with zeal and earnestness. he introduced me at once to hon. l. p. walker, secretary of war, and insisted upon presenting me to the president the next day. major tyler had recently been commissioned in the army, but is now detailed to assist the secretary of war in his correspondence. the major is favorably known in the south as the author of several southern essays of much power that have been published in a review, signed "python." the principal hotel is the exchange, as in richmond; the entrance to the bar, reading-room, etc. is by a flight of stairs from the street to the second story, with stores underneath. here there is an incessant influx of strangers coming from all directions on business with the new government. but the prevalent belief is that the government itself will soon travel to richmond. the buildings here will be insufficient in magnitude for the transaction of the rapidly increasing business. may th.--was introduced to the president to-day. he was overwhelmed with papers, and retained a number in his left hand, probably of more importance than the rest. he received me with urbanity, and while he read the papers i had given him, as i had never seen him before, i endeavored to scrutinize his features, as one would naturally do, for the purpose of forming a vague estimate of the character and capabilities of the man destined to perform the leading part in a revolution which must occupy a large space in the world's history. his stature is tall, nearly six feet; his frame is very slight and seemingly frail; but when he throws back his shoulders he is as straight as an indian chief. the features of his face are distinctly marked with character; and no one gazing at his profile would doubt for a moment that he beheld more than an ordinary man. his face is handsome, and his thin lip often basks a pleasant smile. there is nothing sinister or repulsive in his manners or appearance; and if there are no special indications of great grasp of intellectual power on his forehead and on his sharply defined nose and chin, neither is there any evidence of weakness, or that he could be easily moved from any settled purpose. i think he has a clear perception of matters demanding his cognizance, and a nice discrimination of details. as a politician he attaches the utmost importance to _consistency_--and here i differ with him. i think that to be consistent as a politician, is to change with the circumstances of the case. when calhoun and webster first met in congress, the first advocated a protective tariff and the last opposed it. this was told me by mr. webster himself, in , when he was secretary of state; and it was confirmed by mr. calhoun in , then secretary of state himself. statesmen are the physicians of the public weal; and what doctor hesitates to vary his remedies with the new phases of disease? when the president had completed the reading of my papers, and during the perusal i observed him make several emphatic nods, he asked me what i wanted. i told him i wanted employment with my pen, perhaps only temporary employment. i thought the correspondence of the secretary of war would increase in volume, and another assistant besides major tyler would be required in his office. he smiled and shook his head, saying that such work would be only temporary indeed; which i construed to mean that even _he_ did not then suppose the war was to assume colossal proportions. may th.--to-day i had another interview with the president. he advised me to see the secretary of the treasury without delay; but the treasury would not answer so well for my diary. may th.--the secretary of war sent for me this morning, and said he required more assistance in his correspondence, then increasing daily; but the act of congress limiting salaries would prevent him from offering me an adequate compensation. he could only name some ten or twelve hundred dollars. i told him my great desire was employment, and facilities to preserve interesting facts for future publication. i was installed at once, with major tyler, in the secretary's own office. it was my duty to open and read the letters, noting briefly their contents on the back. the secretary would then indicate in pencil marks the answers to be written, which the major and i prepared. these were signed by the secretary, copied in another room, and mailed. i was happy in the discharge of these duties, and worked assiduously day and night. may th.--mr. walker, the secretary of war, is some forty-seven or eight years of age, tall, thin, and a little bent; not by age, but by study and bad health. he was a successful lawyer, and having never been in governmental employment, is fast working himself down. he has not yet learned how to avoid unnecessary labor; being a man of the finest sensibilities, and exacting with the utmost nicety all due deference to the dignity of his official position. he stands somewhat on ceremony with his brother officials, and accords and exacts the etiquette natural to a sensitive gentleman who has never been broken on the wheel of office. i predict for him a short career. the only hope for his continuance in office is unconditional submission to the president, who, being once secretary of war of the united states, is familiar with all the wheels of the department. but soon, if i err not, the president will be too much absorbed in the fluctuations of momentous campaigns, to give much of his attention to any one of the departments. nevertheless mr. walker, if he be an apt scholar, may learn much before that day; and congress may simplify his duties by enacting a uniform mode of filling the offices in the field. the applications now give the greatest trouble; and the disappointed class give rise to many vexations. may st.--being in the same room with the secretary, and seen by all his visitors, i am necessarily making many new acquaintances; and quite a number recognize me by my books which they have read. among this class is mr. benjamin, the minister of justice, who, to-day, informed me that he and senator bayard had been interested, at washington, in my "story of disunion." mr. benjamin is of course a jew, of french lineage, born i believe in louisiana, a lawyer and politician. his age may be sixty, and yet one might suppose him to be less than forty. his hair and eyes are black, his forehead capacious, his face round and as intellectual as one of that shape can be; and mr. b. is certainly a man of intellect, education, and extensive reading, combined with natural abilities of a tolerably high order. upon his lip there seems to bask an eternal smile; but if it be studied, it is not a smile--yet it bears no unpleasing aspect. may d.--to-day i had, in our office, a specimen of mr. memminger's oratory. he was pleading for an installment of the claims of south carolina on the confederacy; and mr. walker, always hesitating, argued the other side, merely for delay. both are fine speakers, with most distinct enunciation and musical voices. the demand was audited and paid, amounting, i believe, to several hundred thousand dollars. and i heard and saw mr. toombs to-day, the secretary of state. he is a portly gentleman, but with the pale face of the student and the marks of a deep thinker. to gaze at him in repose, the casual spectator would suppose, from his neglect of dress, that he was a planter in moderate circumstances, and of course not gifted with extraordinary powers of intellect; but let him open his mouth, and the delusion vanishes. at the time alluded to he was surrounded by the rest of the cabinet, in our office, and the topic was the policy of the war. he was for taking the initiative, and carrying the war into the enemy's country. and as he warmed with the subject, the _man_ seemed to vanish, and the _genius_ alone was visible. he was most emphatic in the advocacy of his policy, and bold almost to rashness in his denunciations of the merely defensive idea. he was opposed to all delays, as fraught with danger; the enemy were in the field, and their purposes were pronounced. why wait to see what they meant to do? if we did that, they would not only invade us, but get a permanent foothold on our soil. we must invade or be invaded; and he was for making the war as terrible as possible from the beginning. it was to be no child's play; and nothing could be gained by reliance upon the blunders and forbearance of the yankees. news had been received of the occupation of alexandria and arlington heights, in virginia; and if we permitted them to build fortifications there, we should not be able to expel them. he denounced with bitterness the neglect of the authorities in virginia. the enemy should not have been permitted to cross the potomac. during the month which had elapsed since the passage of the ordinance in virginia, nothing had been done, nothing attempted. it was true, the vote on ratification had not been taken; and although that fact might shield the provisional government from responsibility, yet the delay to act was fraught with danger and perhaps irreparable injury. virginia alone could have raised and thrown across the potomac , men, and driven the yankees beyond the susquehanna. but she, to avoid responsibility, had been telegraphing davis to come to the rescue; and if he (toombs) had been in davis's place, he would have taken the responsibility. the secretary of war well knew how to parry these thrusts; he was not responsible. he was as ultra a man as any; and all he could do was to organize and arm the troops authorized by congress. some thirty odd thousand were mustered in already; and at least five thousand volunteers were offering daily. mr. toombs said five hundred thousand volunteers ought to be accepted and for the war. we wanted no six or twelve months' men. to this the secretary replied that the executive could not transcend the limits prescribed by congress. these little discussions were of frequent occurrence; and it soon became apparent that the secretary of war was destined to be the most important man among the cabinet ministers. his position afforded the best prospect of future distinction--always provided he should be equal to the position, and his administration attended with success. i felt convinced that toombs would not be long chafing in the cabinet, but that he would seize the first opportunity to repair to the field. may d.--to-day the president took the cars for pensacola, where it had been said everything was in readiness for an assault on fort pickens. military men said it could be taken, and toombs, i think, said it ought to be taken. it would cost, perhaps, a thousand lives; but is it not the business of war to consume human life? napoleon counted men as so much powder to be consumed; and he consumed millions in his career of conquest. but still he conquered, which he could not have done without the consumption of life. and is it not better to consume life rapidly, and attain results quickly, than to await events, when all history shows that a protracted war, of immobile armies, always engulfs more men in the grave from camp fevers than usually fall in battle during the most active operations in the field? to-day i saw col. bartow, who has the bearing and eye of a gallant officer. he was attended by a young man named lamar, of fine open countenance, whom he desired to have as his aid; but the regulations forbid any one acting in that capacity who was not a lieutenant; and lamar not being old enough to have a commission, he said he would attend the colonel as a volunteer aid till he attained the prescribed age. i saw ben mcculloch, also--an unassuming but elastic and brave man. he will make his mark. also capt. mcintosh, who goes to the west. i think i saw him in , in paris, at the table of mr. king, our minister; but i had no opportunity to ask him. he is all enthusiasm, and will rise with honor or fall with glory. and here i beheld for the first time wade hampton, resolved to abandon all the comforts of his great wealth, and encounter the privations of the tented field in behalf of his menaced country. arkansas and tennessee, as i predicted, have followed the example of virginia and north carolina; and i see evidence daily in the mass of correspondence, that missouri and kentucky will follow in good time. may th.--congress passed, in secret session, a resolution to remove the seat of government to richmond; but i learn it has been vetoed by the president. there is a strong feeling against going thither among some of the secessionists in the cotton states. those who do not think there will be a great deal of fighting, have apprehensions that the border states, so tardy in the secession movement, will strive to monopolize the best positions and patronage of the new government. indeed, if it were quite certain that there is to be no war for existence--as if a nation could be free without itself striking the blow for freedom--i think there would be a party--among the politicians, not the people--opposed to confederating with the border slave states. some of his fellow-members tell many jokes on mr. hunter. they say every time he passes the marble-yards going up to the capitol, and surveys the tomb-stones, he groans in agony, and predicts that he will get sick and die here. if this be true, i predict that he will get the seat of government moved to richmond, a more congenial climate. he has a way of moving large bodies, which has rarely failed him; and some of his friends at the hotels, already begin to hint that he is the proper man to be the first president of the _permanent_ government. i think he will be president some day. he would be a safe one. but this whisper at the hotel has produced no little commotion. some propose making him secretary of war, as a sure means of killing him off. i know a better way than that, but i wouldn't suggest it for the world. i like him very much. to-day the secretary placed in my hands for examination and report, a very long document, written by a deposed or resigned roman priest. he urged a plan to avert the horrors of war. he had been to see lincoln, gov. letcher, etc., and finally obtained an interview on "important business" with president davis. the president, not having leisure even to listen to his exordium, requested him to make his communication briefly in writing. and this was _it_--about twenty pages of foolscap. it consisted chiefly of evidences of the exceeding wickedness of war, and suggestions that if both belligerents would _only forbear to take up arms_, the peace might be preserved, and god would mediate between them. of course i could only indorse on the back "demented." but the old man hung round the department for a week afterward, and then departed, i know not whither. i forget his name, but his paper is in the archives of the government. i have always differed with the preachers in politics and war, except the southern preachers who are now in arms against the invader. i think war is one of the providences of god, and certainly no book chronicles so much fighting as the bible. it may be to the human race what pruning is to vegetation, a necessary process for the general benefit. may th.--there is to be no fight--no assault on pickens. but we are beginning to send troops forward in the right direction--to virginia. virginia herself ought to have kept the invader from her soil. was she reluctant to break the peace? and is it nothing to have her soil polluted by the martial tramp of the yankees at alexandria and arlington heights? but the wrath of the southern chivalry will some day burst forth on the ensanguined plain, and then let the presumptuous foemen of the north beware of the fiery ordeal they have invoked. the men i see daily keeping time to the music of revolution are fighting men, men who will conquer or die, and who prefer death to subjugation. but the yankee has no such motive to fight for, no thought of serious wounds and death. he can go back to his own country; our men have no other country to go to. may th.--was called on by the episcopal minister to-day, dr. sawyer having informed him that i was a member of the church--the doctor being one also. he is an enthusiastic young man, and though a native of the north, seems to sympathize with us very heartily. he prays for the president of the confederate states. the president himself attends very regularly, and some intimate that he intends to become a candidate for membership. i have not learned whether he has been baptized. gen. cooper, the first on our list of generals in the regular army, is a member of the church. the general was, i think, adjutant-general at washington. he is northern born. major gorgas is likewise a native of the north. he is chief of the bureau of ordnance. the quartermaster-general, major myers, is said to be a jew; while the commissary-general is almost a jesuit, so zealous is he in the advocacy of the pope. mr. mallory, the secretary of the navy, i have seen but once; but i have heard him soundly abused for not accepting some propositions and plans from mobile and elsewhere, to build iron-clad steam rams to sink the enemy's navy. some say mr. m. is an irishman born. he was in the united states senate, and embraced secession with the rest of the "conspirators" at washington. i saw the vice-president to-day. i first saw mr. stephens at washington in . i was behind him as he sat in the house of representatives, and thought him a boy, for he was sitting beside large members. but when i got in front of him, it was apparent he was a man--every inch a man. there is some excitement in official circles here against mr. browne, the assistant secretary of state, on the ground that he interfered in behalf of a mr. hurlbut, a northern man (probably arrested), a writer in the english reviews against slavery in the south, and a correspondent for the new york tribune. mr. b. is an englishman, who came from washington on the invitation of mr. toombs, and through his influence was appointed assistant secretary of state, and the southern gorge rises at it. i doubt whether he will be molested. i saw major tochman to-day, also a foreigner. he is authorized to enlist a regiment or two of polanders in new orleans, where i am told there are none. and there are several northern men here wanting to be generals. this does not look much like southern homogeneity. god save us, if we are not to save ourselves! how hot it is! but i like hot weather better than cold, and would soon become accustomed to this climate. this morning mr. hunter really seemed distressed; but he has four inches on his ribs, and i not the eighth of an inch. since writing the foregoing, i have seen mr. hunter again, and although there is no diminution of heat, he is quite cheerful: congress has again passed the resolution to remove the seat of government to richmond, and it is said the president will not veto it this time. the president himself came into our office to-day and sat some time conversing with secretary walker. he did not appear vexed at the determination of congress, which he must have been apprised of. may th.--the president is sick to-day--having a chill, i believe. adjutant-general cooper was in, comparing notes with the secretary as to the number of regiments in the field. the secretary has a most astonishing memory, and could easily number the forces without referring to his notes. the amount is not large, it is true; but, from the eagerness to volunteer, i believe if we had the arms there might soon be organized an army of three or four hundred thousand men. and yet it would seem that no one dreams of armies of such magnitude. wait till we sleep a little longer! a great many separate companies are accepted; all indeed that offer for three years or the war, provided they have arms--even double-barreled shot-guns and hunting rifles. what a deal of annoyance and labor it will be to organize these into battalions, regiments, brigades, and divisions! and then comes the appointment of staff and field officers. this will be labor for the president. but he works incessantly, sick or well. we have an agent in europe purchasing arms. this was well thought on. and capt. huse is thought to be a good selection. it will be impossible for lincoln to keep all our ports hermetically sealed. hitherto improvident, it is to be hoped the south will now go to work upon her own resources. we have plunged into the sea of revolution, and must, unaided, sink or swim. the yankees say they are going to subdue us in six months. what fools! i tasted green corn to-day, and, although very fond of it, i touched it lightly, because it seemed so much out of season. the country around is beautiful, and the birds are singing as merrily as if we were about to enter upon a perennial sabbath-day, instead of a desolating war. but the gunpowder will be used to destroy the destroyer, man, and why should not the birds sing? the china-trees are beautiful, and abundant about the dwellings. may th.--we leave montgomery day after to-morrow. the president goes to-day--but quietly--no one, not connected with the government, to have information of the fact until his arrival in richmond. it is understood that the minister of justice (attorney-general) accompanies him. there are a great number of spies and emissaries in the country--sufficient, if it were known when the train would pass, to throw it off the track. this precaution is taken by the friends of the president. the day is pretty much occupied in the packing of boxes. it is astonishing how vast a volume of papers accumulates in a short space of time--but when we consider the number of applications for office, the wonder ceases. may th.--little or no business was done this day. the secretary announced that no more communications would be considered by him in montgomery. he placed in my charge a great many unopened letters, and a special list of candidates for office, with annotations. these i packed in my trunk. as i was to precede the secretary, and having some knowledge of the capacity of the public buildings in richmond, i was charged with the duty of securing, if possible, suitable offices for the department of war. i made hasty preparations for departure. before starting, something prompted me to call once more at the post-office, where, to my surprise and delight, i found a letter from my wife. she was in richmond, with all the children, _tabby_ and the parrot. she had left burlington about the same time i had left richmond. at havre-de-grace, on the susquehanna, which they crossed in the night, my youngest daughter was compelled with difficulty to stride over the sleeping bodies of yankee soldiers. she writes that she deposited, very carefully, our plate in the bank! the idea that all might have been brought off if she had only known it, is the source of her wretchedness. she writes that she had been materially assisted by mr. grubb and his lady, prompted by personal friendship, by humanity, and by those generous instincts of the true nobility of heart imparted by the creator. mr. g. is true to the constitution and the government under which he lives--and would doubtless never consent to a rupture of the union under any circumstances. he has a son in the army against us. and col. wall, another personal friend, boldly shook hands with my family at parting, while the wide-awake file leaders stood scowling by. i hope he may not suffer for his temerity. these things occupied my thoughts during a sleepless night in the cars. my abode in new jersey had been a pleasant one. i had a fine yard and garden, and many agreeable neighbors. i loved my garden, and cultivated my own grapes, pears, peaches, apples, raspberries, currants, and strawberries. i had fruits and vegetables in the greatest profusion. and the thrushes and other migratory birds had come to know me well, and sang me to sleep at night, and awakened me with their strains in the morning. they built their nests near the windows, for the house was embowered in trees, and half covered with ivy. even my cats, for every living thing was a pet to some one of the family,--when i think of them now, wandering about unprotected, give rise to painful emotions. but even my youngest child was willing to make any sacrifice for the sake of her country. the south is our only home--we have been only temporary sojourners elsewhere. may th and th.--the remainder of the journey was without interest, until we arrived at wythville, va., where it was discovered gen. floyd was in the cars. he was called out and made a speech in vindication of his conduct at washington, as secretary of war, wherein he had caused the transfer of arms, etc., from the north to the south. he was then organizing a brigade for the field, having been commissioned a brigadier-general by the president. may st.--i arrived in richmond about o'clock p.m. the meeting with my family was a joyful scene. all were well. i lost no time in securing rooms for the department in the new custom-house. mr. giles had been employed in this business by the congressional committee, and i found him every way accommodating. i succeeded without difficulty in convincing him that the war department was the most important one, and hence entitled to the first choice of rooms. i therefore selected the entire suites on both sides of the hall on the lower floor. the treasury, the executive office, cabinet chamber, and departments of justice and the navy were located on the floor above. this arrangement, however, was understood to be but a temporary one; mechanics hall was leased for future purposes; and i was consulted on the plan of converting it into suites of offices. chapter iii. troops pour into richmond.--beginning of hostilities.--gen. lee made a full general.--major-gen. polk.--a battle expected at manassas. june st.--in the absence of the secretary, i arranged the furniture as well as i could, and took possession of the five offices i had selected. but no business, of course, could be done before his arrival. yet an immense mass of business was accumulating--letters by the hundreds were demanding attention. and i soon found, as the other secretaries came in, that some dissatisfaction was likely to grow out of the appropriation by the secretary of war of the best offices. mr. toombs said the "war office" might do in any ordinary building; but that the treasury should appropriately occupy the custom-house, which was fireproof. for his own department, he said he should be satisfied with a room or two anywhere. but my arrangement was not countermanded by the president, to whom i referred all objectors. his decision was to be final--and he did not decide against it. i had given him excellent quarters; and i knew he was in the habit of having frequent interviews both with the secretary of war and the adjutant-general, and this would be inconvenient if they were in different buildings. june d.--my wife had a little gold among her straightened finances; and having occasion to purchase some article of dress, she obtained seven and a half per cent. premium. the goods began to go up in price, as paper money fell in value. at montgomery i bought a pair of fine french boots for $ in gold--but packed my old ones in the top of my trunk. i was under the necessity, likewise, of buying a linen coat, which cost only $ . . what will be the price of such commodities a year hence if the blockade continues? it is fearful to contemplate! and yet it ought to be considered. boarding is rising rapidly, and so are the blood-thirsty insects at the carleton house. june d.--the secretary arrived to-day, sick; and was accompanied by major tyler, himself unwell. and troops are beginning to arrive in considerable numbers. the precincts of the city will soon be a series of encampments. the regiments are drilled here, and these mostly forwarded to manassas, where a battle must soon occur, if the enemy, now in overwhelming numbers, should advance. the northern papers say the yankee army will celebrate the th of july in richmond. _nous verrons._ but no doubt hostilities have commenced. we have accounts of frightful massacres in missouri, by german mercenaries. hampton has been occupied by the enemy, a detachment having been sent from fortress monroe for that purpose. they also hold newport news on the peninsula. there are rumors of a fight at philippi. one col. potterfield was _surprised_. if this be so, there is no excuse for him. i think the president will make short work of incompetent commanders. now a blunder is worse than a crime. june th.--the secretary is still sick. having nothing better to do, and seeing that eight-tenths of the letters received are merely applications for commissions in the regular army--an organization without men--and none being granted from civil life, i employed myself writing certain articles for the press, hoping by this means to relieve the secretary of the useless and painful labor of dictating negative replies to numberless communications. this had the sanction of both the president and the secretary, and produced, in some measure, the desired relief. june th.--there are rumors of a fight down at pig's point to-day; and it is said our battery has torn the farthingale of the harriet lane pretty extensively. the cannon was heard by persons not many miles east of the city. these are the mutterings of the storm. it will burst some of these days. june th.--we have hard work at the war department, and some confusion owing to the loss of a box of papers in transitu from montgomery. i am not a betting man, but i would wager a trifle that the contents of the box are in the hands of some correspondent of the new york _herald_ or _tribune_. our careless people think that valor alone will win the day. the yankees desire, above all things, _information_ of our condition and movements, of which they will take advantage. we must learn by dear-bought experience. june th.--we have a chief of the bureau of war, a special favorite, it is said, of mr. davis. i went into the secretary's room (i now occupy one adjoining), and found a portly gentleman in a white vest sitting alone. the secretary was out, and had not instructed the new officer what to do. he introduced himself to me, and admitted that the secretary had not assigned him to duty. i saw at a glance how the land lay. it was col. a. t. bledsoe, lately of the university of virginia; and he had been appointed by the president, _not_ upon the recommendation of the secretary. here was a muss not larger than a mustard-seed; but it might _grow_, for i knew well how sensitive was the nature of the secretary; and he had not been consulted. and so i took it upon myself to be cicerone to the stranger. he was very grateful,--for a long time. col. b. had graduated at west point in the same class with the president and bishop polk, and subsequently, after following various pursuits, being once, i believe, a preacher, became settled as a teacher of mathematics at the university of virginia. the colonel stayed near me, aiding in the work of answering letters; but after sitting an hour, and groaning repeatedly when gazing at the mass of papers constantly accumulating before us, he said he believed he would take a number of them to his lodging and answer them there. i saw nothing more of him during the day. and once or twice, when the secretary came in, he looked around for him, but said nothing. finally i informed him what i had done; and, without signifying an assent, he merely remarked that there was no room in his office for him. june th.--this morning col. bledsoe came in with his letters, some fifty in number, looking haggard and worn. it was, indeed, a vast number. but with one of his humorous smiles, he said they were short. he asked me to look over them, and i found them mainly appropriate responses to the letters marked for answer, and pretty closely in accordance with the secretary's dictation. in one or two instances, however, he had been unable to decipher the secretary's most difficult chirography--for he had no idea of punctuation. in these instances he had wholly misconceived the meaning, and the replies were exactly the reverse of what they were intended to be. these he tore up, and wrote others before submitting any to the secretary. i had only written some thirty letters; but mine were longer--longer than there was any necessity for. i told the colonel that the secretary had a partiality for "full" letters, especially when addressing any of his friends; and that major tyler, who had returned, and was then sitting with the secretary, rarely dismissed one from his pen under less than three pages. the colonel smiled, and said when there was nothing further to say, it was economy to say nothing. he then carried his letters into the secretary's office, clearing his throat according to custom on passing a door. i trembled for him; for i knew mr. walker had an aversion to signing his name to letters of merely two or three lines. he returned again immediately, saying the secretary was busy. he left the letters, however. presently major tyler came out of the secretary's room with several voluminous letters in his own handwriting, duly signed. the major greeted the colonel most cordially; and in truth his manners of a gentleman are so innate that i believe it would be utterly impossible for him to be clownish or rude in his address, if he were to make a serious effort to be so. the major soon left us and re-entered the secretary's office; but returned immediately bearing the colonel's fifty letters, which he placed before him and then retired. the very first one the colonel's eye rested upon, brought the color to his face. every line in it had been effaced, and quite a different answer substituted in pencil marks between the lines! "i wrote that," said the colonel, "according to his own dictation." and as every letter carried in its fold the one to which it was a reply, he exhibited the secretary's words in pencil marks. the colonel was right. the secretary had omitted the little word "not"; and hence the colonel had written to the georgian: "your company of cavalry is accepted." the secretary refused almost uniformly to accept cavalry, and particularly georgia cavalry. i took blame to myself for not discovering this blunder previously. but the colonel, with his rapid pen, soon wrote another answer. about one-half the letters had to be written over again; and the colonel, smiling, and groaning, and perspiring so extravagantly that he threw off his coat, and occupied himself several hours in preparing the answers in accordance with the secretary's corrections. and when they were done, mr. s. s. scott, who was to copy them in the letter-book, complimented the colonel on their brevity. in response to this, the colonel said, unfortunately, he wished he, scott, were the secretary. scott abused every one who wrote a long letter. june th.--to-day the secretary refused to sign the colonel's letters, telling him to sign them himself--"by order of the secretary of war." june th.--yesterday the colonel did not take so many letters to answer; and to-day he looked about him for other duties more congenial to his nature. june th.--it is coming in earnest! the supposed thunder, heard down the river yesterday, turns out to have been artillery. a fight has occurred at bethel, and blood--yankee blood--has flowed pretty freely. magruder was assailed by some five thousand yankees at bethel, on the peninsula. his force was about nine hundred; but he was behind intrenchments. we lost but one man killed and five wounded. the enemy's loss is several hundred. that road to richmond is a hard one to travel! but i learn there is a panic about williamsburg. several young men from that vicinity have shouldered their _pens_ and are applying for clerkships in the departments. but most of the men of proper age in the literary institutions are volunteering in defense of their native land. june th.--gen. lee has been or is to be created a full general in the confederate army, and will be assigned to duty here. he is third on the list, sydney johnston being second. from all i can see and infer, we shall make no attempt this year to invade the enemy's country. our policy is to be defensive, and it will be severely criticised, for a vast majority of our people are for "carrying the war into africa" without a moment's delay. the sequel will show which is right, the government or the people. at all events, the government will rule. june th.--only one of the williamsburg volunteers came into the department proper; and he will make his way, for he is a flatterer. he told me he had read my "wild western scenes" twice, and never was so much entertained by any other book. he went to work with hearty good-will. june th.--col. bledsoe has given up writing almost entirely, but he groans as much as ever. he is like a fish out of water, and unfit for office. june th.--another clerk has been appointed; a sedate one, by the name of shepherd, and a former pupil of the colonel's. i received several hints that the chief of the bureau was not at all a favorite with the secretary, who considered him utterly unfit for the position; and that it could hardly be _good policy_ for me to be on terms of such intimacy with him. policy! a word i never appreciated, a thing i never knew. all i know is that col. bledsoe has been appointed by the president to fill an important position; and the same power appoints the secretaries, and can unmake them. under these circumstances i find him permitted to sit for hours and days in the department with no one to inform him of the condition of the business or to facilitate him in the performance of his official duties. not for any partiality in his behalf, or prejudice against the secretary, i step forward and endeavor to discharge my own duty. i strive to serve the cause, whatsoever may be the consequences to my personal interests. june th.--to-day, receiving dispatches from general floyd, in western virginia, that ten thousand yankees were advancing through fayette county, and might intercept railroad communication between richmond and chattanooga--the secretary got me to send a telegraphic dispatch to his family to repair hither without delay, for _military_ reasons. about this time the secretary's health gave way again, and major tyler had another fit of indisposition totally disqualifying him for business. hence i have nearly all the correspondence of the department on my hands, since col. bledsoe has ceased to write. june th.--to-day there was a rumor in the streets that harper's ferry had been evacuated by gen. joseph e. johnston, and, for the first time, i heard murmurs against the government. so far, perhaps, no executive had ever such cordial and unanimous support of the people as president davis. i knew the motive of the evacuation, and prepared a short editorial for one of the papers, suggesting good reasons for the retrograde movement; and instancing the fact that when napoleon's capital was surrounded and taken, he had nearly , men in garrison in the countries he had conquered, which would have been ample for the defense of france. this i carried to the secretary at his lodgings, and he was so well pleased with it he wanted me to accompany him to the lodgings of the president, in the same hotel, and show it to him. this i declined, alleging it might be too late for the press. he laughed at my diffidence, and disinclination on such occasions to approach the president. i told him my desire was to serve the _cause_, and not myself. i suppose he was incredulous. june th.--the city is content at the evacuation. the people have unbounded confidence in the wisdom of the administration, and the ability of our generals. beauregard is the especial favorite. the soldiers, now arming daily, are eager for the fray; and it is understood a great battle must come off before many weeks; as it is the determination of the enemy to advance from the vicinity of washington, where they are rapidly concentrating. but our people must curb their impatience. and yet we dare not make known the condition of the army,--the awful fact which may be stated here--and will not be known until after-years,--that we have not enough ammunition at manassas to fight a battle. _there are not percussion caps enough in our army for a serious skirmish._ it will be obviated in a few weeks; and until then i pray there may be no battle. but if the enemy advance, our brave men will give them the cold steel. we _must_ win the first battle at all hazards, and at any cost; and, after that,--how long after?--we must win the last! june th.--yesterday i saw colonel bartow, still accompanied by young lamar, his aid. i wish all our officers were inspired by the same zeal and determination that they are. and are they not? june th.--gov. wise has been appointed brigadier-general, of a subsequent date to general floyd's commission. he goes to the west, where laurels grow; but i think it will be difficult to win them by any one acting in a subordinate capacity, and especially by generals appointed from civil life. they are the aversion of the west pointers at the heads of bureaus. june st.--a large, well-proportioned gentleman with florid complexion and intellectual face, who has been whispering with col. bledsoe several times during the last week, attracted my attention to-day. and when he retired, colonel b. informed me it was bishop polk, a classmate of his and the president's at west point. he had just been appointed a _major_-general, and assigned to duty in the west, where he would rank gen. pillow, who was exceedingly unpopular in adjutant-gen. cooper's office. i presume this arose solely from mistrust of his military abilities; for he had certainly manifested much enthusiasm in the cause, and was constantly urging the propriety of aggressive movements with his command. all his purposed advances were countermanded. the policy of the government is to be economical of the men. we have but a limited, the enemy an inexhaustible number. june d.--the convention has appointed ten additional members to the provisional congress--president tyler among them. it will be observed that my diary goes on, including every day. fighting for our homes and holy altars, there is no intermission on sunday. it is true, mr. memminger came in the other day with a proposition to cease from labor on sunday, but our secretary made war on it. the president, however, goes to church very regularly--st. paul's. on last sunday the president surprised me. it was before church time, and i was working alone. no one else was in the large room, and the secretary himself had gone home, quite ill. i thought i heard some one approaching lightly from behind, but wrote on without looking up; even when he had been standing some time at the back of my chair. at length i turned my head, and beheld the president not three feet from me. he smiled, and said he was looking for a certain letter referred by him to the secretary. i asked the name of the writer, which he told me. i said i had a distinct recollection of it, and had taken it into the secretary with other papers that morning. but the secretary was gone. we then proceeded into the secretary's office in search of it. the secretary's habit was to take the papers from his table, and after marking on them with his pencil the disposition he wished made of them, he threw them helter-skelter into a large arm-chair. this chair now contained half a bushel; and the president and i set to work in quest of the letter. we removed them one by one; and as we progressed, he said with an impatient smile, "it is always sure to be the last one." and so it was. having found it, he departed immediately; and soon after i saw him on his way to church. june d.--every day as soon as the first press of business is over, the secretary comes out of his office and taps me on the shoulder, and invites me to ride with him in quest of a house. we go to those offered for rent; but he cannot be suited. june th.--to-day i was startled by the announcement from col. bledsoe that he would resign soon, and that it was his purpose to ask the president to appoint _me_ chief of the bureau in his place. i said i preferred a less conspicuous position--and less labor--but thanked him. he said he had no influence with the secretary--an incontrovertible fact; and that he thought he should return to the university. while we were speaking, the president's messenger came in with a note to the colonel; i did not learn the purport of it, but it put the colonel in a good humor. he showed me the two first words: "dear bledsoe." he said nothing more about resigning. i must get more lucrative employment, or find something for my son to do. the boarding of my family, alone, comes to more than my salary; and the cost of everything is increasing. june th.--more accounts of battles and massacres in missouri and kansas. i never thought the yankees would be permitted to ascend the missouri river. what has become of the marksmen and deer hunters of missouri? there has been also a fight at leesburg, and one near romney, va. blood has been shed in all of them. these are the pattering drops that must inevitably be succeeded by a torrent of blood! june th.--the president revised one of my articles for the press to-day, suggesting some slight modifications, which, perhaps, improved it. it was not a political article; but designed exclusively to advance the cause by inciting the people of virginia and elsewhere to volunteer _for the war_. such volunteers are accepted, and ordered into active service at once; whereas six and twelve months' men, unless they furnish their own arms, are not accepted. it is certain the united states intend to raise a grand army, to serve for three years or the war. short enlistments constituted the bane of washington's army; and this fact is reiterated a thousand times in his extant letters. there are a great many applications for clerkships in the departments by teachers who have not _followed_ their _pupils_ to the army. army and naval officers, coming over at this late day, are commissioned in our service. in regard to this matter, the president is supposed to know best. june th.--we have, i think, some , pretty well armed men in virginia, sent hither from other states. virginia has--i know not how many; but she should have at least , in the field. this will enable us to cope with the federal army of , volunteers, and the regular forces they may hurl against us. but so far as this department is aware, virginia has not yet _two_ regiments in the service for three years, or the war. and here the war will be sure to rage till the end! june th.--we have a flaming comet in the sky. it comes unannounced, and takes a northwestern course. i dreamed last night that i saw a great black ball moving in the heavens, and it obscured the moon. the stars were in motion, visibly, and for a time afforded the only light. then a brilliant halo illuminated the zenith like the quick-shooting irradiations of the aurora borealis. and men ran in different directions, uttering cries of agony. these cries, i remember distinctly, came from _men_. as i gazed upon the fading and dissolving moon, i thought of the war brought upon us, and the end of the united states government. my family were near, all of them, and none seemed alarmed or distressed. i experienced no perturbation; but i awoke. i felt curious to prolong the vision, but sleep had fled. i was gratified, however, to be conscious of the fact that in this illusory view of the end of all things sublunary, i endured no pangs of remorse or misgivings of the new existence it seemed we were about to enter upon. june th.--i cannot support my family here, on the salary i receive from the government; and so they leave me in a few days to accept the tendered hospitality of dr. custis, of newbern, n. c., my wife's cousin. june th.--my family engaged packing trunks. they leave immediately. chapter iv. my family in north carolina.--volunteers daily rejected.--gen. winder appears upon the stage.--toombs commissioned.--hunter secretary of state.--duel prevented.--col b. secretary for a few hours.--gen. garnett killed.--battle of manassas.--great excitement.--col. bartow. july st.--my family are gone. we have moved the department to mechanics' hall, which will be known hereafter as the war department. in an evil hour, i selected a room to write my letters in, quite remote from the secretary's office. i thought mr. walker resented this. he had likewise been piqued at the effect produced by an article i had written on the subject of the difficulty of getting arms from georgia with the volunteers from that state. one of the spunky governor's organs had replied with acerbity, not only defending the governor, but striking at the secretary himself, to whom the authorship was ascribed. my article had been read and approved by the secretary before its insertion; nevertheless he now regretted it had been written--not that there was anything improper in it, but that it should have been couched in words that suggested the idea to the southern editor that the secretary might be its author. i resolved to meddle with edged tools no more; for i remembered that gil blas had done the same thing for the duke of lerma. hereafter i shall study gil blas for the express purpose of being his antithesis. but i shall never rise until the day of doom brings us all to our feet again. july d.--there has been some brilliant fighting by several brothers named ashby, who led a mounted company near romney. one of the brothers, richard, was slain. turner ashby put half a dozen yankees _hors du combat_ with his own arm. he will make a name. we have accounts of an extraordinary exploit of col. thomas, of maryland. disguised as a french lady, he took passage on the steamer st. nicholas at baltimore en route for washington. during the voyage he threw off his disguise, and in company with his accomplices, seized the steamer. coming down the bay, he captured three prizes, and took the whole fleet into fredericksburg in triumph. lieut. minor, c. s. n., participated in this achievement. gen. patterson, who conciliated the mob in philadelphia, which had intended to hang me, seems to be true to his pledge to fight the southern people. he is now advancing into virginia at the head of a brigade. july d.--the secretary said to me to-day that he desired my young friend, the classical teacher, to assist me in writing letters. i told him i needed assistance, and mr. jacques was qualified. major tyler's ill health keeps him absent half the time. there was abundance of work for both of us. mr. j. is an agreeable companion, and omitted no opportunity to oblige me. but he trenches on the major's manor, and can write as long letters as any one. i would never write them, unless the subject-matter demanded it; and so, all the answers marked "full" by the secretary, when the sum and substance is to be merely an affirmative or a negative, will fall to my co-laborer's share. july th.--these simple things provoked some remarks from the young gentlemen in the department, and gave rise to predictions that he would soon supplant us all in the affections of the secretary. and he is nimble of foot too, and enters the secretary's room twice to col. b.'s or major t.'s once. i go not thither unless sent for; for in a cause like this, personal advancement, when it involves catering to the caprices of functionaries dressed in a little brief authority, should be spurned with contempt. but col. bledsoe is shocked, and renews his threats of resignation. major tyler is eager to abandon the pen for the sword; but congress has not acted on his nomination; and the west pointers, many of them indebted to his father for their present positions, are inimical to his confirmation. july th.--we have news of a fight at gainesville between gen. patterson and col. jackson; the latter, being opposed by overwhelming numbers, fell back after punishing the philadelphia general so severely that he will not be likely to have any more stomach for fighting during the remainder of the campaign. july th.--col. bledsoe complains that the secretary still has quite as little intercourse with him, personal and official, as possible. the consequence is that the chief of the bureau is drawing a fine salary and performing no service. still, it is not without the sweat of his brow, and many groans. july th.--major tyler's health has improved, but i do not perceive a resumption of his old intimate relations with the secretary. yet he is doing the heavy epistolary work, being a lawyer; and the correspondence sometimes embracing diverse legal points. my intimacy with the colonel continues. it seems he would do anything in the world for me. he has put mr. shepherd to issuing passports to the camps, etc.--the form being dictated by the secretary. these are the first passports issued by the government. i suggested that they should be granted by and in the name of the chief of the bureau of war--and a few were so issued--but the secretary arrested the proceeding. the secretary was right, probably, in this matter. the president is appointing generals enough, one would suppose. i hope we shall have men for them. from five to ten thousand volunteers are daily offered--but not two thousand are accepted. some have no arms; and others propose to serve only for six or twelve months. infantry will not fight with hunting rifles or shot-guns; and the department will not accept mounted men, on account of the expense of transportation, etc. oh, that i had power but for a week! there should then be accepted fifty regiments of cavalry. these are the troops for quick marches, surprises, and captures. and our people, even down to the little boys, are expert riders. if it were to be a short war--or if it were to be a war of invasion on our part--it might be good policy, economically, to discourage cavalry organizations. but we shall want all our men; and many a man would fight in the saddle who could not or would not march in the infantry. and mounted men are content to use the double-barreled shot-gun--one barrel for ball, the other for buck-shot and close quarters. july th.--there is a stout gray-haired old man here from maryland applying to be made a general. it is major j. h. winder, a graduate of west point, i believe; and i think he will be successful. he is the son, i believe, of the gen. winder whose command in the last war with england unfortunately permitted the city of washington to fall into the hands of the enemy. i have almost a superstitious faith in _lucky_ generals, and a corresponding prejudice against unlucky ones, and their progeny. but i cannot suppose the president will order this general into the field. he may take the prisoners into his custody--and do other jobs as a sort of head of military police; and this is what i learn he proposes. and the french prince, polignac, has been made a colonel; and a great nephew of kosciusko has been commissioned a lieutenant in the regular army. well, washington had his lafayette--and i like the nativity of these officers better than that of the northern men, still applying for commissions. july th.--mr. toombs is to be a brigadier-general. that is what i looked for. the two brothers cobb are to be colonels; and orr is to have a regiment. mr. hunter succeeds toombs in the state department--and that disposes of him, if he will stay there. it is to be an obscure place; and if he were indolent, without ambition, it would be the very place for him. wise is done for. he has had several fights, always drawing blood; but when he gets ready to make a great fight, he is ordered back for fear of his "rashness." exacting obedience in his own subordinates, of course he will obey the orders of adjt.-gen. cooper. in this manner i apprehend that the three giants of virginia, wise, hunter, and floyd, will be neutralized and dwarfed at the behest of west point. napoleon's marshals were privates once--ours--but perhaps west point may be killed off in the end, since they rush in so eagerly at the beginning of the war. july th.--there are indications of military operations on a large scale on the potomac. we have intelligence that mcdowell is making preparations to advance against our forces at manassas. gen. johnston is expected to be there in time; and for that purpose is manoeuvring gen. patterson out of the way. our men have _caps_ now--and will be found in readiness. they have short-commons under the commissary department; but even with empty stomachs, they can beat the yankees at the ordeal of dying. fighting is a sport our men always have an appetite for. july th.--the colonel tried his hand to-day at dictating answers to certain letters. together we pitched upon the proper replies, which, after being marked with his pencil, i elaborated with the pen. these were first approved by the secretary, then signed by the chief of the bureau, and copied by mr. scott. to-day the colonel essayed a flight with his own plumage. i followed his dictation substantially in the answers. but the moment the secretary's eyes rested upon them, they were promptly _reversed_. the secretary himself, suspecting how it was, indeed he saw the colonel's pencil marks, brought them to me, while a humorous smile played upon his usually not very expressive lip. when the colonel came in, and beheld what had been done, he groaned, and requested me to write the proper answers. from that day he ceased to have anything more to do with the correspondence than to sign his name to the letters i prepared for him. he remarked to-day that if he was to have nothing to do, he would do nothing. july th.--the colonel's temper is as variable as an april day--now all smiles and sunshine, but by-and-by a cloud takes all away. he becomes impatient with a long-winded story, told by some business applicant--and _storms_ whenever any one asks him if the secretary is in. to-day, for the first time, i detected a smile on the lip of col. myers, the quartermaster-general, as he passed through the office. a moment after, gen. walker, of georgia, came in, and addressed the colonel thus: "is the secretary in?" _col._ (_with a stare_). i don't know. _gen. w._ (returning the stare). could you not ascertain for me? i have important business with him; and am here by appointment. _col. b._ you can ascertain for yourself. i am not his door-keeper. there is his door. _gen. w._ (after a moment's reflection). i asked you a civil question in a courteous manner, and have not deserved this harshness, and will not submit to it. _col. b._ it is not courteous to presume i am acting in the capacity of a messenger or door-keeper. just then the secretary appeared at the door, having heard the loud language, and gen. w. immediately entered his office. afterward the colonel fumed and fretted like an angry volcano. he disliked col. myers, and believed he had sent the general in under prompting to annoy him about the secretary, whom he (myers) really hated. july th.--the secretary made peace yesterday between the general and the colonel, or a duel might have transpired. to-day the colonel carried into the secretary a number of applications for commissions as surgeons. among the applicants were some of the colonel's friends. he returned soon after in a rage, slamming the door after him, and then throwing down the papers violently on the floor. he picked them up the next moment, however, and sitting down beside me, became instantaneously as gentle as a dove. he said the men of science were thrust aside to give way to quacks; but, laughing, he remarked that the quacks would do well enough for the wounded ----. _our_ men would have too much sense to submit to their malpractice. july th.--the secretary is sick again. he has been recommended by his physician to spend some days in the country; and to-morrow he will leave with his family. what will be the consequence? july th.--early this morning, major tyler was seated in the secretary's chair, prepared to receive the visitors. this, i suppose, was of course in pursuance of the secretary's request; and accordingly the door-keeper ushered in the people. but not long after col. bledsoe arrived, and exhibited to me an order from the president for him to act as secretary of war _pro tem_. the colonel was in high spirits, and full dress; and seemed in no measure piqued at major tyler for occupying the secretary's chair. the secretary must have been aware that the colonel was to _act_ during his absence--but, probably, supposed it proper that the major, from his suavity of manners, was best qualified for the reception of the visitors. he had been longer in the department, and was more familiar with the routine of business. yet the colonel was not satisfied; and accordingly requested me to intimate the fact to major tyler, of which, it seemed, he had no previous information, that the president had appointed col. bledsoe to act as secretary of war during the absence of mr. walker. the major retired from the office immediately, relinquishing his post with grace. july th.--the secretary was back again this evening. he could not procure comfortable quarters in the country. he seemed vexed, but from what cause, i did not learn. the colonel, however, had _rushed the appointments_. he was determined to be _quick_, because mr. w. was known to be slow and hesitating. july th.--the news is not so good to-day. gen. garnett's small command has been defeated by the superior numbers of gen. mcclellan. but the general himself was killed, fighting in the rear of his retreating men. his example will not be without its effect. our generals will resolve never to survive a defeat. this will embolden the enemy to attack us at manassas, where their suddenly acquired confidence will be snuffed out, or i am mistaken. july th.--the major is sick again, and jacques is away; therefore i have too much work, and the colonel groans for me. he is proud of the appointments he made with such rapidity, and has been complimented. and in truth there is no reason why the thousands of applications should not be acted on promptly; and there are many against delay. a large army must be organized immediately, and it will be necessary to appoint thousands of field and staff officers--unless all the governors are permitted to do as gov. brown desires to do. the secretary is in better health, and quite condescending. my work pleases him; and i shouldn't be astonished if he resented the sudden absence of mr. jacques. but he should consider that mr. j. is only an amateur clerk getting no pay, rich, and independent of the government. july th.--we had fighting yesterday in earnest, at bull run! several brigades were engaged, and the enemy were repulsed with the loss of several hundred left dead and wounded on the field. that _was_ fighting, and we shall soon have more of it. brig.-gen. holmes, my friend and fellow-fugitive, now stationed near fredericksburg, has been ordered by gen. beauregard to be ready to march at an hour's notice. and col. northrop's chin and nose have become suddenly sharper. he is to send up fighting rations for three days, and discerns the approach of sanguinary events. mr. hunter calls every evening, just as the dusky shades of eve descend, to inquire if we have any news. july th.--the secretary works too much--or rather does not economize his labor. he procrastinates final action; and hence his work, never being disposed of, is always increasing in volume. _why_ does he procrastinate? can it be that his hesitation is caused by the advice of the president, in his great solicitude to make the best appointments? we have talent enough in the south to officer millions of men. mr. walker is a man of capacity, and has a most extraordinary recollection of details. but i fear his nerves are too finely strung for the official treadmill. i heard him say yesterday, with a sigh, that no _gentleman_ can be fit for office. well, mr. walker _is_ a gentleman by education and instincts; and is fastidiously tenacious of what is due a gentleman. will his official life be a long one? i know one thing--there are several aspiring dignitaries waiting impatiently for his shoes. but those who expect to reach the presidency by a successful administration of any of the departments, or by the bestowal of patronage, are laboring under an egregious error. none but generals will get the imperial purple for the next twenty years--if indeed the prematurely made "_permanent_" government should be permanent. july st.--the president left the city this morning for manassas, and we look for a battle immediately. i have always thought he would avail himself of his prerogative as commander-in-chief, and direct in person the most important operations in the field; and, indeed, i have always supposed he was selected to be the chief of the confederacy, mainly with a view to this object, as it was generally believed he possessed military genius of a high order. in revolutions like the present, the chief executive occupies a most perilous and precarious position, if he be not a military chieftain, and present on every battle-field of great magnitude. i have faith in president davis, and believe he will gain great glory in this first mighty conflict. early in the evening secretary walker returned from tea in great excitement. he strode to and fro in the room where we were sitting, d----g his office. he said a great battle was then going on, and he wished himself present participating in its perils. again he denounced the office he filled--and seemed, for a time, almost frantic with anxiety. he said all young men ought to be in the field, and this was understood by those present, who had merely shouldered their pens. before long the hall of the department was filled with people eager to hear the news; and as successive dispatches were received, the excitement increased. all the cabinet were in our office; and hon. howell cobb, president of congress, making deductions from the dispatches, announced his belief that it was a drawn battle. this moved the wrath of col. bledsoe, and he denounced cobb. mr. hunter did nothing but listen. it was night, now. finally, mr. benjamin, who had gone to the spottswood hotel, where mrs. davis resided, returned with news that stopped every detracting tongue. mrs. d. had just got a dispatch from the president announcing a dearly-bought but glorious victory. some of the editors of the papers being present, and applying to me for a copy of the dispatch, mr. benjamin said he could repeat it from memory, which he did, and i wrote it down for the press. then joy ruled the hour! the city seemed lifted up, and every one appeared to walk on air. mr. hunter's face grew shorter; mr. reagan's eyes subsided into their natural size; and mr. benjamin's glowed something like daniel webster's after taking a pint of brandy. the men in place felt that now they held their offices for life, as the _permanent_ government would soon be ratified by the people, and that the rubicon had been passed in earnest. we had gained a great victory; and no doubt existed that it would be followed up the next day. if so, the federal city would inevitably fall into our hands; and this would soon be followed by the expulsion of the enemy from southern soil. all men seemed to think that the tide of war would roll from that day northward into the enemy's country, until we should win a glorious peace. july d.--both col. b. and i were in a passion this morning upon finding that the papers had published a dispatch from their own agent at manassas, stating that the president did not arrive upon the field until the victory was won; and therefore did not participate in the battle at all. from the president's own dispatch, and other circumstances, we had conceived the idea that he was not only present, but had directed the principal operations in the field. the colonel intimated that another paper ought to be established in richmond, that would do justice to the president; and it was conjectured by some that a scheme was on foot to elect some other man to the presidency of the permanent government in the autumn. nevertheless, we learned soon after that the abused correspondent had been pretty nearly correct in his statement. the battle had been won, and the enemy were flying from the field before the president appeared upon it. it had been won by beauregard, who, however, was materially assisted by his superior in command, gen. joseph e. johnston. gen. j. remained in the rear, and brought up the reinforcements which gained the day. beauregard is, to-day, the most popular general in the service. besides some prisoners, the enemy, it is said, had killed and wounded. the casualties would have been much greater, if the enemy had not broken and fled. we lost some men, killed and wounded. the president returned to-day and made a speech at the spottswood hotel, wherein he uttered the famous words: "never be haughty to the humble, or humble to the haughty." and he said that no doubt the confederate flag then floated over fairfax c. h., and would soon be raised at alexandria, etc. etc. never heard i more hearty cheering. every one believed our banners would wave in the streets of washington in a few days; that the enemy would be expelled from the district and from maryland, and that a peace would be consummated on the banks of the susquehanna or the schuylkill. the president had pledged himself, on one occasion, to carry the war into the enemy's country, if they would not let us go in peace. now, in that belief, the people were well pleased with their president. july d.--jacques is back and as busy as a bee; and, in truth, there is work enough for all. july th.--yesterday we received a letter from col. bartow, written just before the battle (in which he fell, his letter being received after the announcement of his death), urging the appointment of his gallant young friend lamar to a lieutenancy. i noted these facts on the back of his letter, with the secretary's approbation, and also that the request had been granted, and placed the letter, perhaps the last he ever wrote, in the archives for preservation. july th.--bartow's body has arrived, and lies in state at the capitol. among the chief mourners was his young friend barton, who loved him as a son loves his father. from lamar i learned some interesting particulars of the battle. he said when bartow's horse was killed, he, lamar, was sent to another part of the field for another, and also to order up certain regiments, bartow then being in command of a brigade. lamar galloped through a hot cross-fire to the regiments and delivered the order, but got no horse. he galloped back, however, through the terrible fire, with the intention of giving his own horse to bartow, if none other could be had. on his return he encountered col. jones, of the th alabama, wounded, his arms being around the necks of two friends, who were endeavoring to support him in a standing attitude. one of these called to lamar, and asked for his horse, hoping that col. jones might be able to ride (his thigh-bone was terribly shattered), and thus get off the field. lamar paused, and promised as soon as he could report to bartow he would return with that or another horse. col. jones thanked him kindly, but cautioned him against any neglect of bartow's orders, saying he probably could not ride. lamar promised to return immediately; and putting spurs to his noble steed, started off in a gallop. he had not gone fifty yards before his horse fell, throwing him over his head. he saw that the noble animal had been pierced by as many as eight balls, from a single volley. he paused a moment and turned away, when the poor horse endeavored to rise and follow, but could not. he returned and patted the groaning and tearful steed on his neck; and, while doing this, _five more_ balls struck him, and he died instantly. lamar then proceeded on foot through a storm of bullets, and, untouched, rejoined bartow in time to witness his fall. our prisons are filled with yankees, and brig.-gen. winder has employment. there is a great pressure for passports to visit the battle-field. at my suggestion, all physicians taking amputating instruments, and relatives of the wounded and slain, have been permitted by the secretary to go thither. july th.--many amusing scenes occur daily between the chief of the bureau and applicants for passports. those not included specially in the secretary's instructions, are referred to the chief of the bureau; and col. bledsoe cannot bear importunity. sometimes he becomes so very boisterous that the poor applicants are frightened out of the office. july th.--a large number of new arrivals are announced from the north. clerks resigned at washington, and embryo heroes having military educations, are presenting themselves daily, and applying for positions here. they represent the panic in the north as awful, and ours is decidedly the winning side. these gentry somehow succeed in getting appointments. our army _does not advance_. it is said both beauregard and johnston are anxious to cross the potomac; but what is _said_ is not always true. the capabilities of our army to cross the potomac are not known; and the policy of doing so if it were practicable, is to be determined by the responsible authority. of one thing i am convinced: the north, so far from desisting from the execution of its settled purpose, even under this disagreeable reverse, will be stimulated to renewed preparations on a scale of greater magnitude than ever. july th.--we have taken two prisoners in civilian's dress, harris and ----, on the field, who came over from washington in quest of the remains of col. cameron, brother of the yankee secretary of war. they claim a release on the ground that they are non-combatants, but admit they were sent to the field by the yankee secretary. mr. benjamin came to the department last night with a message for secretary walker, on the subject. the secretary being absent, he left it with me to deliver. it was that the prisoners were not to be liberated without the concurrence of the president. there was no danger of secretary walker releasing them; for i had heard him say the authorities might have obtained the remains, if they had sent a flag of truce. disdaining to condescend thus far toward a recognition of us as belligerents, they abandoned their dead and wounded; and he, walker, would see the prisoners, thus surreptitiously sent on the field, in a very hot place before he would sign an order for their release. i was gratified to see mr. benjamin so zealous in the matter. july th.--to-day quite a number of our wounded men on crutches, and with arms in splints, made their appearance in the streets, and created a sensation. a year hence, and we shall be accustomed to such spectacles. july th.--nothing of importance to-day. july st.--nothing worthy of note. chapter v. my son custis appointed clerk in the war department.--n. y. herald contains a pretty correct army list of the c. s.--appearance of "plug uglies."--president's rupture with beauregard.--president sick.-- alien enemies ordered away.--brief interview with the president.-- "immediate."--large numbers of cavalry offering.--great preparations in the north. august st.--col. bledsoe again threatens to resign, and again declares he will get the president to appoint me to his place. it would not suit me. august d.--after some brilliant and successful fights, we have a dispatch to-day stating that gen. wise has fallen back in western virginia, obeying peremptory orders. august d.--conversed with some yankees to-day who are to be released to-morrow. it appears that when young lamar lost his horse on the plains of manassas, the th alabama regiment had to fall back a few hundred yards, and it was impossible to bear col. jones, wounded, from the field, as he was large and unwieldy. when the enemy came up, some half dozen of their men volunteered to convey him to a house in the vicinity. they were permitted to do this, and to remain with him as a guard. soon after our line advanced, and with such impetuosity as to sweep everything before it. col. jones was rescued, and his guard made prisoners. but, for their attention to him, he asked their release, which was granted. they say their curiosity to see a battle-field has been gratified, and they shall be contented to remain at home in safety hereafter. they regarded us as rebels, and believed us divided among ourselves. if this should be true, the rebellion would yet be crushed; but if we were unanimous and continued to fight as we did at manassas, it would be revolution, and our independence must some day be acknowledged by the united states. but, they say, a great many northern men remain to be gratified as they had been; and the war will be a terrible one before they can be convinced that a reduction of the rebellion is not a practicable thing. august th.--to-day mr. walker inquired where my son custis was. i told him he was with his mother at newbern, n. c. he authorized me to telegraph him to return, and he should be appointed to a clerkship. august th.--col. bledsoe has a job directly from the president: which is to adapt the volume of u. s. army regulations to the service of the confederate states. it is only to strike out u. s. and insert c. s., and yet the colonel groans over it. august th.--custis arrived and entered upon the discharge of his duties. august th.--saw col. pendleton to-day, but it was not the first time. i have seen him in the pulpit, and heard him preach good sermons. he is an episcopal minister. he it was that plowed such destruction through the ranks of the invaders at manassas. at first the battery did no execution; perceiving this, he sighted the guns himself and fixed the range. then exclaiming, "fire, boys! and may god have mercy on their guilty souls!" he beheld the lanes made through the regiments of the enemy. since then he has been made a colonel, and will some day be a general; for he was a fellow-cadet at west point with the president and bishop polk. a tremendous excitement! the new york _herald_ has been received, containing a pretty accurate list of our military forces in the different camps of the confederate states, with names and grades of the general officers. the secretary told me that if he had required such a list, a more correct one could not have been furnished him. who is the traitor? is he in the adjutant-general's office? many suppose so; and some accuse gen. cooper, simply because he is a northern man by birth. but the same information might be supplied by the quartermaster's or commissary-general's office; and perhaps by the ordnance bureau; for all these must necessarily be in communication with the different organizations in the field. congress was about to order an investigation; but it is understood the department suggested that the matter could be best searched into by the executive. for my part, i have no doubt there are many federal spies in the departments. too many clerks were imported from washington. and yet i doubt if any one in a subordinate position, without assistance from higher authority, could have prepared the list published in the _herald_. august th.--for some time past (but since the battle at manassas) quite a number of northern and baltimore policemen have made their appearance in richmond. some of these, if not indeed all of them, have been employed by gen. winder. these men, by their own confessions, have been heretofore in baltimore, philadelphia, and new york, merely petty larceny detectives, dwelling in bar-rooms, ten-pin alleys, and such places. how can they detect political offenders, when they are too ignorant to comprehend what constitutes a political offense? they are illiterate men, of low instincts and desperate characters. but their low cunning will serve them here among unsuspecting men. they will, if necessary, give information to the enemy themselves, for the purpose of convincing the authorities that a detective police is indispensable; and it is probable a number of them will be, all the time, on the pay-rolls of lincoln. august th.--gen. magruder commands on the peninsula. president tyler had a villa near hampton, which the yankees despoiled in a barbarous manner. they cut his carpets, defaced the pictures, broke the statues, and made kindling wood of the piano, sofas, etc. august th.--mr. benjamin is a frequent visitor at the department, and is very sociable: some intimations have been thrown out that he aspires to become, some day, secretary of war. mr. benjamin, unquestionably, will have great influence with the president, for he has studied his character most carefully. he will be familiar not only with his "likes," but especially with his "dislikes." it is said the means used by mr. blair to hold gen. jackson, consisted not so much in a facility of attaching strong men to him as his friends, but in aiming fatal blows at the great leaders who had incurred the enmity of the president. thus calhoun was incessantly pursued. august th.--there is a whisper that something like a rupture has occurred between the president and gen. beauregard; and i am amazed to learn that mr. benjamin is inimical to gen. b. i know nothing of the foundation for the report; but it is said that beauregard was eager to pass with his army into maryland, immediately after the battle, and was prevented. it is now quite apparent, from developments, that a small force would have sufficed to take washington, a few days or weeks after the battle. but was beauregard aware of the fact, before the opportunity ceased to exist? it is too late now! august th.--there is trouble with mr. tochman, who was authorized to raise a regiment or so of foreigners in louisiana. these troops were called (by whom?) the polish brigade, though, perhaps, not one hundred polanders were on the muster-rolls; major tochman being styled _general_ tochman by "everybody," he has intimated to the president his expectation of being commissioned a brigadier. the president, on his part, has promptly and emphatically, as is sometimes _his_ wont, declared his purpose to give him no such commission. he never, for a moment, thought of making him more than a colonel. to this the major demurs, and furnishes a voluminous correspondence to prove that his claims for the position of brigadier-general had been recognized by the secretary of war. august th.--the president sent to the department an interesting letter from mr. zollicoffer, in tennessee, relating to the exposed condition of the country, and its capacities for defense. august th.--zollicoffer has been appointed a brigadier-general; and although not a military man by education, i think he will make a good officer. august th.--no clew yet to the spies in office who furnish the northern press with information. the matter will pass uninvestigated. such is our indifference to everything but desperate fighting. the enemy will make good use of this species of information. august th.--the president is sick, and goes to the country. i did not know until to-day that he is blind of an eye. i think an operation was performed once in washington. august th.--some apprehension is felt concerning the president's health. if he were to die, what would be the consequences? i should stand by the vice-president, of course, because "it is so nominated in the bond," and because i think he would make as efficient an executive as any other man in the confederacy. but others think differently; and there might be trouble. the president has issued a proclamation, in pursuance of the act of congress passed on the th instant, commanding all alien enemies to leave in forty days; and the secretary of war has indicated nashville as the place of exit. this produces but little excitement, except among the jews, some of whom are converting their effects into gold and departing. col. bledsoe's ankles are much too weak for his weighty body, but he can shuffle along quite briskly when in pursuit of a refractory clerk; and when he catches him, if he resists, the colonel is sure to leave him. august th.--nothing worthy of note. august th.--the secretary has gone to orange c. h., to see col. jones, of the th alabama, wounded at manassas, and now in a dying condition. meeting with mr. benjamin this morning, near the secretary's door, i asked him if he did not think some one should act as secretary during mr. walker's absence. he replied quickly, and with interest, in the affirmative. there was much pressing business every hour; and it was uncertain when the secretary would return. i asked him if he would not speak to the president on the subject. he assented; but, hesitating a moment, said he thought it would be better for me to see him. i reminded him of my uniform reluctance to approach the chief executive, and he smiled. he then urged me to go to the presidential mansion, and in his, mr. b.'s name, request the president to appoint a secretary _ad interim_. i did so, for the president was in the city that day, and fast recovering from his recent attack of ague. arrived at the mansion in clay street, i asked the servant if i could see the president. he did not know me, and asked my name, saying the president had not yet left his chamber. i wrote my business on a card with a pencil, not omitting to use the name of mr. benjamin, and sent it up. a moment after the president came down, shook hands with me, and, in his quick and rather pettish manner, said "send me the order." i retired immediately, and finding mr. benjamin still in the hall of the department, informed him of my success. then, in conformity with his suggestion, i repaired to adjutant-general cooper, who wrote the order that a. t. bledsoe discharge the duties of secretary of war during the absence of mr. walker. this i sent by a messenger to the president, who signed it. then i informed col. bledsoe of what had been done, and he proceeded without delay to the secretary's office. it was not long before i perceived the part mr. benjamin and i had acted was likely to breed a storm; for several of the employees, supposed to be in the confidence of mr. walker, designated the proceeding as an "outrage;" and some went so far as to intimate that mr. benjamin's motive was to have some of his partisans appointed to lucrative places in the army during the absence of the secretary. i know not how that was; but i am sure i had no thought but for the public service. the secretary _ad in._ made but few appointments this time, and performed the functions quietly and with all the dignity of which he was capable. august th.--secretary walker returned last night, having heard of the death of col. jones before reaching his destination. i doubt whether the secretary would have thought a second time of what had been done in his absence, if some of his friends had not fixed his attention upon it. he shut himself up pretty closely, and none of us could see or hear whether he was angry. but calling me into his room in the afternoon to write a dispatch which he dictated, i saw, lying on his table, an envelope directed in his own hand to the president. hints had been circulated by some that it was his purpose to resign. could this communication be his resignation? it was placed so conspicuously before me where i sat that it was impossible not to see it. it was marked, too, "_immediate_." august st.--called in again by the secretary to-day, i find the ominous communication to the president still there, although marked "_immediate_." and there are no indications of mr. walker's quitting office that i can see. august d.--"_immediate_" is still there; but the secretary has not yet been to the council board, though yesterday was cabinet day. yet the president sends capt. josselyn regularly with the papers referred to the secretary. these are always given to me, and after they are "briefed," delivered to the secretary. among these i see some pretty _sharp_ pencil marks. among the rest, the whole batch of tochman papers being returned unread, with the injunction that "when papers of such volume are sent to him for perusal, it is the business of the secretary to see that a brief abstract of their contents accompany them." august d.--no arms yet of any amount from europe; though our agent writes that he has a number of manufactories at work. the u. s. agent has engaged the rest. all the world seems to be in the market buying arms. mr. dayton, u. s. minister in paris, has bought , flint-locks in france; and our agent wants authority to buy some too. he says the french statisticians allege that no greater mortality in battle occurs from the use of the percussion and the rifled musket than from the old smooth-bore flint-lock musket. this may be owing to the fact that a shorter range is sought with the latter. august th.--we are resting on our oars after the victory at manassas, while the enemy is drilling and equipping , or , men. i hope we may not soon be floating down stream! we know the enemy is, besides, building iron-clad steamers--and yet we are not even erecting casemate batteries! we are losing precious time, and, perhaps, the government is saving money! august th.---i believe the secretary will resign; but "_immediate_" still lies on his table. news of a battle near springfield, mo. mcculloch and price defeat the federals, killing and wounding thousands. gen. lyon killed. august th.--what a number of cavalry companies are daily tendered in the letters received at this department. almost invariably they are refused; and really it is painful to me to write these letters. this government must be aware, from the statistics of the census, that the south has quite as many horses as the north, and twice as many good riders. but for infantry, the north can put three men in the field to our one. ten thousand mounted men, on the border of the enemy's country, would be equal to , of the enemy's infantry; not in combat; but that number would be required to watch and guard against the inroads of , cavalry. it seems to me that we are declining the only proper means of equalizing the war. but it is my duty to obey, and not to deliberate. august th.--we have news of a fight at hawk's nest, western virginia. wise whipped the yankees there quite handsomely. august th.--beauregard offers battle again on the plains of manassas; but it is declined by the enemy, who retire behind their fortifications. our banners are advanced to munson's hill, in sight of washington. the northern president and his cabinet may see our army, with good glasses, from the roof of the white house. it is said they sleep in their boots; and that some of them leave the city every night, for fear of being captured before morning. generals johnston, wise, and floyd are sending here, daily, the union traitors they discover to be in communication with the enemy. we have a yankee member of congress, ely, taken at manassas; he rode out to witness the sport of killing rebels as terriers kill rats, but was caught in the trap himself. he says his people were badly whipped; and he hopes they will give up the job of subjugation as a speculation that won't pay. most of the prisoners speak thus while in confinement. august th.--we have intelligence from the north that immense preparations are being made for our destruction; and some of our people begin to say, that inasmuch as we did not follow up the victory at manassas, it was worse than a barren one, having only _exasperated_ the enemy, and stimulated the abolitionists to renewed efforts. i suppose these critics would have us forbear to injure the invader, for fear of maddening him. _they_ are making this war; _we_ must make it _terrible_. with them war is a _new thing_, and they will not cease from it till the novelty wears off, and all their fighting men are sated with blood and bullets. it must run its course, like the measles. we must both bleed them and deplete their pockets. august th.--gen. floyd has had a fight in the west, and defeated an ohio regiment. i trust they were of the puritan stock, and not the descendants of virginians. august st.--we have bad news to-day. my wife and children are the bearers of it. they returned to the city with the tidings that all the women and children were ordered to leave newbern. the enemy have attacked and taken fort hatteras, making many prisoners, and threaten newbern next. this is the second time my family have been compelled to fly. but they are well. chapter vi. four hundred thousand troops to be raised.--want of arms.--yankees offer to sell them to us.--walker resigns.--benjamin succeeds.--col. j. a. washington killed.--assigned, temporarily, to the head of the passport office. september st.--the press and congressional critics are opening their batteries on the secretary of war, for _incompetency_. he is not to blame. a month ago, capt. lee, son of the general, and a good engineer, was sent to the coast of north carolina to inspect the defenses. his report was well executed; and the recommendations therein attended to with all possible expedition. it is now asserted that the garrison was deficient in ammunition. this was not the case. the position was simply not tenable under the fire of the u. s. ships of war. september d.--i voluntarily hunted up capt. lee's report, and prepared an article for the press based on its statements. september d.--my article on the defenses of north carolina seems to have silenced the censures of the cavilers. september th.--j. r. anderson, proprietor of the iron-works here, has been appointed brigadier-general by the president. he, too, was a west pointer; but does not look like a military genius. he is assigned to duty on the coast of north carolina. september th.--our congress has authorized the raising and organizing of four hundred regiments. the yankee congress, , men. the enemy will get theirs first; and it is said that between , and , , for three years or the war, have already been accepted by the u. s. government. their papers boast that nearly a million volunteers were tendered. this means mischief. how many will rush forward a year hence to volunteer their services on the plains of the south? full many ensanguined plains will greet the horrific vision before this time next year; and many a venal wretch coming to possess our land, will occupy till the day of final doom a tract of six feet by two in some desolate and unfrequented swamp. the toad will croak his requiem, and the viper will coil beneath the thistle growing over his head. september th.--we are not increasing our forces as rapidly as might be desired, for the want of arms. we had some , stand of small arms, at the beginning of the war, taken from the arsenals; and the states owned probably , more. half of these were flint-locks, which are being altered. none have been imported yet. occasionally a letter reaches the department from nashville, offering improved arms at a high price, _for gold_. these are yankees. i am instructed by the secretary to say they will be paid for in gold on delivery to an agent in nashville. the number likely to be obtained in this manner, however, must be small; for the yankee government is exercising much vigilance. is not this a fair specimen of yankee cupidity and character? the new england manufacturers are furnishing us, with whom they are at war, with arms to fight with, provided we agree to pay them a higher price than is offered by their own government! the philosophical conclusion is, that this war will end when it ceases to be a pecuniary speculation. september th.--the jews are at work. having no nationality, all wars are harvests for them. it has been so from the day of their dispersion. now they are scouring the country in all directions, buying all the goods they can find in the distant cities, and even from the country stores. these they will _keep_, until the process of consumption shall raise a greedy demand for all descriptions of merchandise. col. bledsoe _has resigned_, but says nothing now about getting me appointed in his place. that matter rests with the president, and i shall not be an applicant. september th.--major tyler has been appointed _acting_ chief of the bureau of war. september th.--matters in _statu quo_, and major tyler still acting chief of the bureau. september th.--col. bledsoe is back again! he says the president refuses to accept his resignation; and tells me in confidence, not to be revealed for a few days, that mr. walker has tendered his resignation, _and that it will be accepted_. september th.--the colonel enjoys a joke. he whispered me to-day, as he beheld major tyler doing the honors of his office, that i might just hint at the possibility of his resumption soon of the functions of chief of the bureau. but he said he wanted a few days holiday. september th.--gen. pillow has advanced, and occupied columbus, ky. he was ordered, by telegraph, to abandon the town and return to his former position. then the order was countermanded, and he remains. the authorities have learned that the enemy occupies paducah. september th.--the secretary, after writing and tendering his resignation, appointed my young friend jaques a special clerk with $ salary. this was allowed by a recent act. september th.--some of mr. walker's clerks must know that he intends giving up the seals of office soon, for they are engaged day and night, and all night, _copying_ the entire letter-book, which is itself but a copy of the letters i and others have written, with mr. walker's name appended to them. long may they be a monument of his epistolary administrative ability, and profound statesmanship! september th.--and, just as i expected, mr. benjamin is to be mr. walker's successor. col. bledsoe is back again; and it devolved on me to inform major tyler that the _old_ chief of the bureau was now the _new_ chief. of course he resigned the seals of office with the grace and courtesy of which he is so capable. and then he informed me (in confidence) that the secretary had resigned, and would be appointed a brigadier-general in the army of the southwest; and that he would accompany him as his adjutant-general. september th.--mr. benjamin's hitherto perennial smile faded almost away as he realized the fact that he was now the most important member of the cabinet. he well knew how arduous the duties were; but then he was robust in health, and capable of any amount of labor. it seems, after all, that mr. benjamin is only _acting_ secretary of war, until the president can fix upon another. can that be the reason his smile has faded almost away? but the president will appoint him. mr. benjamin will please him; he knows how to do it. september th.--a man from washington came into my office to-day, saying he had important information from washington. i went into the secretary's room, and found mr. benjamin surrounded by a large circle of visitors, all standing hat in hand, and quite silent. i asked him if he would see the gentleman from washington. he said he "_didn't know who to see_." this produced a smile. he seemed to be standing there waiting for someone to speak, and they seemed to be waiting an invitation from him to speak. i withdrew from the embarrassing scene, remarking that my gentleman would call some other time. meanwhile i wrote down the information, and sent it to the president. september th.--gen. floyd has been attacked at gauley, by greatly superior numbers. but he was intrenched, and slew hundreds of the enemy before he retreated, which was effected without loss. september th.--we hear of several splendid dashes of cavalry near manassas, under col. stuart; and wise's cavalry in the west are doing good service. september th.--col. j. a. washington has been killed in a skirmish. he inherited mount vernon. this reminds me that edward everett is urging on the war against us. the universal education, so much boasted of in new england, like their religion, is merely a humbug, or worse than a humbug, the fruitful source of crime. i shall doubt hereafter whether superior intelligence is promotive of superior virtue. the serpent is wiser than the dove, but never so harmless. ignorance is bliss in comparison with yankee wisdom. september st.--the secretary has authorized me to sign passports "for the secretary of war." my son attends to his letters. i have now an opportunity of _seeing_ more. i have authority to order transportation for the parents of soldiers, and for goods and provisions taken to the camps. september d.--harris and magraw, who were taken on the field of manassas, looking for the remains of col. cameron, have been liberated by gen. winder, on the order of the acting secretary of war. this is startling; for mr. benjamin was the most decided man, at the time of their capture, against their liberation. _per contra_, a mr. g., a rich new york merchant, and mr. r., a wealthy railroad contractor, whom i feared would break through the meshes of the law, with the large sums realized by them here, have been arrested by the secretary's order, on the ground that they have no right to transfer the sinews of war to the north, to be used against us. september d.--thousands of dollars worth of clothing and provisions, voluntary and patriotic contributions to the army, are arriving daily. september th.--the time is up for the departure of alien enemies. this is the last day, according to the president's proclamation. we have had no success lately, and never can have success, while the enemy know all our plans and dispositions. keep them in total ignorance of our condition and movements, and they will no more invade us than they would explore a vast cave, in which thousands of rattlesnakes can be heard, without lights. their spies and emissaries here are so many torch-bearers for them. september th.--mr. benjamin and gen. winder, after granting a special interview to messrs. g. and r., have concluded to let them depart for pennsylvania and new york! nor is this all. _i have an order from mr. benjamin to give passports_, until further orders, _to leave the country to all persons who avow themselves alien enemies, whether in person or by letter_, provided they take no wealth with them. this may be a fatal policy, or it may be a _trap_. september th.--had a conversation with the secretary to-day, on the policy of sending union men out of the confederacy. i told him we had , sick in the hospitals at manassas, and this intelligence might embolden the enemy to advance, capture the hospitals, and make our sick men prisoners. he said such prisoners would be a burden to them, and a relief to us. i remarked that they would count as prisoners in making exchanges; and to abandon them in that manner, would have a discouraging effect on our troops. he said that sending unfriendly persons out of the country was in conformity with the spirit of the act of congress, and recommended me to reperuse it and make explanations to the people, who were becoming clamorous for some restriction on the egress of spies. september th.--to-day i prepared a leading editorial article for the _enquirer_, taking ground directly opposite to that advocated by mr. benjamin. it was written with the law before me, which gave no warrant, as i could perceive, for the assumption of the secretary. september th.--i sent the paper containing my article to j. r. davis, esq., nephew of the president, avowing its authorship, and requesting him to ask the president's attention to the subject. september th.--to-day mr. benjamin issued several passports himself, and sent several others to me with peremptory orders for granting them. september th.--a pretty general jail delivery is now taking place. gen. winder, acting i suppose, of course, under the instructions of the secretary of war--and mr. benjamin is now secretary indeed--is discharging from the prisons the disloyal prisoners sent hither during the last month by gens. johnston, floyd, and wise. not only liberating them, but giving them transportation to their homes, mostly within the enemy's lines. surely if the enemy reciprocates such magnanimous courtesy, the war will be merely child's play, and we shall be spared the usual horrors of civil war. we shall see how the yankees will appreciate this kindness. chapter vii. an order for the publication of the names of alien enemies.--some excitement.--efforts to secure property.--g. a. myers, lawyer, actively engaged.--gen. price gains a victory in missouri.--billy wilson's cut-throats cut to pieces at fort pickens.--a female spy arrives from washington.--great success at leesburg or ball's bluff. october st.--i find that only a few hundred alien enemies departed from the country under the president's proclamation, allowing them forty days, from the th of august, to make their arrangements; but under the recent order of mr. benjamin, if i may judge from the daily applications, there will be a large emigration. the persons now going belong to a different class of people: half of them avowing themselves friendly to our cause, and desiring egress through our lines on the potomac, or in the west, to avoid being published as alien enemies going under flag of truce _via_ norfolk and fortress monroe. many of them declare a purpose to return. october d.--a day or two ago col. bledsoe, who visits me now very seldom, sent an order by mr. brooks for me to furnish a list of the names of alien enemies for publication. this was complied with cheerfully; and these publications have produced some excitement in the community. october d.--the president not having taken any steps in the matter, i have no alternative but to execute the order of the secretary. october th.--sundry applications were made to-day to leave the country under flag of truce, _provided i would not permit the names to be published_. the reason for this request is that these persons have connections here who might be _compromised_. i refused compliance. in one or two instances they intimated that they would not have their names published for _thousands of dollars_. my response to this was such as to cause them to withdraw their applications. october th.--to-day several southern-born gentlemen, who have lived long in the north, and have their fortunes and families there, applied for passports. they came hither to save the investments of their parents in northern securities, by having them transferred to their children. this seems legitimate, and some of the parties are old and valued friends of mine. i know their sympathies are with their native land. yet why are they so late in coming? i know not. it is for me to send them out of the country, for such is the order of the secretary of war. the loyalty of the connections of these gentlemen is vouched for in a note (on file) written by mr. hunter, secretary of state. their names must be published as alien enemies. they will take no part in the war. october th.--nothing of importance. october th.--nothing of note. october th.--mr. gustavus myers, a lawyer of this city, seems to take an active interest in behalf of parties largely engaged in business at baltimore. and he has influence with the secretary, for he generally carries his points over my head. the parties he engineers beyond our lines may possibly do us no harm; but i learn they certainly do themselves much _good_ by their successful speculations. and do they not take gold and other property to the north, and thereby defeat the object of the sequestration act? the means thus abstracted from the south will certainly be taxed by the north to make war on us. october th.--contributions of clothing, provisions, etc. are coming in large quantities; sometimes to the amount of $ , in a single day. never was there such a patriotic _people_ as ours! their blood and their wealth are laid upon the altar of their country with enthusiasm. i must say here that the south carolinians are the _gentlest_ people i ever met with. they accede to every requisition with cheerfulness; and never have i known an instance where any one of them has used subterfuge to evade a rule, however hard it might bear upon them. they are the soul of honor, truth, and patriotism. october th.--a victory--but not in the east. i expect none here while there is such a stream of travel flowing northward. it was in missouri, at lexington. gen. price has captured the town and made several thousand prisoners, whom he dismissed on parole. october th.--and wise has had bloody fighting with rosecrans in western virginia. he can beat the enemy at fighting; but they beat him at manoeuvring, with the use of the guides gen. winder has sent them from our prisons here. october th.--col. wright has had a race with the yankees on the north carolina coast. they fled to their works before his single regiment with such precipitation as to leave many of their arms and men behind. we lost but one man: and he was fat, broke his wind, and died in the pursuit. october th.--another little success, but not in this vicinity. gen. anderson, of south carolina, in the night crossed to santa rosa island and cut up billy wilson's regiment of new york cut-throats and thieves; under the very guns of fort pickens. october th.--kissing goes by favor! col. m----r, of maryland, whose published letter of objuration of the united states government attracted much attention some time since, is under the ban. he came hither and tendered his services to this government, but failed to get the employment applied for, though his application was urged by mr. hunter, the secretary of state, who is his relative. after remaining here for a long time, vainly hoping our army would cross the potomac and deliver his native state, and finding his finances diminishing, he sought permission of the secretary to return temporarily to his family in maryland, expecting to get them away and to save some portion of his effects. his fidelity was vouched for in strong language by mr. hunter, and yet the application has been refused! i infer from this that mr. benjamin is omnipotent in the cabinet, and that mr. hunter cannot remain long in it. october th.--i have been requested by gen. winder to-day to refuse a passport to col. m----r to leave the city in any direction. so the colonel is within bounds! i learn that he differed with gen. winder (both from maryland) in politics. but if he was a whig, so was mr. benjamin. again, i hear that col. m. had some difficulty with col. northrop, commissary-general, and challenged him. this is a horse of another color. col. n. is one of the special favorites of the president. october th.--col. m. applied to me to-day for a passport to maryland, bringing a strong letter from mr. hunter, and also a note from col. bledsoe, chief of the bureau of war. he seemed thunderstruck when i informed him that gen. winder had obtained an order from the secretary of war to detain him. a few moments after gen. winder came with a couple of his detectives (all from baltimore) and arrested him. subsequently he was released on parole of honor, not to leave the city without gen. winder's permission. i apprehend bad consequences from this proceeding. it may prevent other high-toned marylanders from espousing our side of this contest. october th.--hurlbut has been released from prison. mr. hunter has a letter (intercepted) from raymond, editor of the new york _times_, addressed to him since the battle of manassas. october th.--i cannot perceive that our army increases much in strength, particularly in virginia. the enemy have now over , in the field in various places, and seem to be preparing for a simultaneous advance. it is said _millions_ of securities, the property of the enemy, are transferred to the united states. it is even intimated that the men engaged in this business have the protection of men in high positions _on both sides_. can it be possible that _we_ have men in power who are capable of taking bribes from the enemy? if so, god help the country! october th.--col. ashby with men routed a force of yankees, the other day, near harper's ferry. that is the cavalry again! the spies here cannot inform the enemy of the movements of our mounted men, which are always made with celerity. october th.--a lady, just from washington, after striving in vain to procure an interview with the secretary of war, left with me the programme of the enemy's contemplated movements. she was present with the family of gen. dix at a party, and heard their purposes disclosed. they meditate an advance immediately, with , men. the head of banks's column is to cross near leesburg; and when over, a movement upon our flank is intended from the vicinity of arlington heights. this is truly a formidable enterprise, if true. we have not , effective men in northern virginia. the lady is in earnest--and remains here. i wrote down the above information and sent it to the president; and understood that dispatches were transmitted immediately to gen. johnston, by telegraph. the lady likewise spoke of a contemplated movement by sea with gun-boats, to be commanded by burnside, butler, etc. in the evening i met mr. hunter, and told him the substance of the information brought by the lady. he seemed much interested, for he knows the calm we have been enjoying bodes no good; and he apprehends that evil will grow out of the order of the secretary of war, permitting all who choose to call themselves alien enemies to leave the confederacy. while we were speaking (in the street) mr. benjamin came up, and told me he had seen the letter i sent to the president. he said, moreover, that he did not doubt the enemy intended to advance as set forth in the programme. october st.--the enemy's papers represent that we have some , men in kentucky, and this lulls us from vigilance and effort in virginia. the secretary of war knows very well that we have not , there, and that we are not likely to have more. we supposed kentucky would rise. the enemy knows this fact as well as we do; nevertheless, it has been his practice from the beginning to exaggerate our numbers. it lulls us into fancied security. october d.--we have news of a victory at leesburg. it appears that the head of one of the enemy's columns, strong, attempted a passage of the potomac yesterday, at that point pursuant to the programme furnished by the lady from washington. that point had been selected by the enemy because the spies had reported that there were only three confederate regiments there. but crossing a river in boats in the face of a few southern regiments, is no easy matter. and this being the _people's war_, although gen. evans, in command, had received orders to fall back if the enemy came in force, our troops decided for themselves to fight before retreating. therefore, when seven or eight regiments of yankees landed on this side of the river, two or three of our regiments advanced and fired into them with terrible effect. then they charged; and ere long such a panic was produced, that the enemy rushed in disorder into the river, crowding their boats so much that several went to the bottom, carrying down hundreds. the result was that the head of the serpent received a tremendous bruising, and the whole body recoiled from the scene of disaster. we had only some men engaged, and yet captured muskets; and the enemy's loss, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, amounted to men. this battle was fought, in some respects, by the privates alone--much of the time without orders, and often without officers. october d.--the president is highly delighted at the result of the battle of leesburg; and yet some of the red-tape west point gentry are indignant at gen. evans for not obeying orders, and falling back. there is some talk of a court-martial; for it is maintained that no commander, according to strict military rules, should have offered battle against such superior numbers. they may disgrace gen. evans; but i trust our _soldiers_ will repeat the experiment on every similar occasion. october th.--we made a narrow escape; at least, we have a respite. if the yankee army had advanced with its , men, they would not have encountered more than , fighting confederate soldiers between the potomac and richmond. it was our soldiers (neither the officers nor the government) that saved us; and they fought contrary to rule, and even in opposition to orders. of course our officers at leesburg did their duty manfully; nevertheless, the soldiers had determined to fight, officers or no officers. but as the man in the play said, "it will suffice." the yankees are a calculating people: and if mississippians and virginians at leesburg were too many for yankees, what could , yankees do against , southern soldiers? it made them pause, and give up the idea of taking richmond this year. but the enemy will fight better every successive year; and this should not be lost sight of. they, too, are anglo-saxons. october th.--gen. price, of missouri, is too popular, and there is a determination on the part of the west pointers to "kill him off." i fear he will gain no more victories. october th.--immense amounts of patriotic contributions, in clothing and provisions, are daily registered. october th.--still the jews are going out of the country and returning at pleasure. they deplete the confederacy of coin, and sell their goods at per cent. profit. they pay no duty; and mr. memminger has lost hundreds of thousands of dollars in this way. the press everywhere is thundering against the insane policy of permitting all who avow themselves enemies to return to the north; and i think mr. b. is beginning to wince under it. i tremble when i reflect that those who made the present government, and the one to succeed it, did not represent one-third of the people composing the inhabitants of the confederate states. october th.--the most gigantic naval preparations have been made by the enemy; and they must strike many blows on the coast this fall and winter. they are building great numbers of gun-boats, some of them iron-clad, both for the coast and for the western rivers. if they get possession of the mississippi river, it will be a sad day for the confederacy. and what are we doing? we have many difficulties to contend against; and there is a deficiency in artisans and material. nevertheless, the government is constructing a monster at norfolk, and several similar floating batteries in the west. but we neglect to construct casemated batteries! our fortifications, without them, must fall before the iron ships of the enemy. the battle of manassas has given us a long exemption from the fatigues and horrors of war; but this calm will be succeeded by a storm. october th.--the election to take place during the ensuing month creates no excitement. there will be less than a moiety of the whole vote cast; and davis and stephens will be elected without opposition. no disasters have occurred yet to affect the popularity of any of the great politicians; and it seems no risks will be run. the battle of manassas made everybody popular--and especially gen. beauregard. if he were a candidate, i am pretty certain he would be elected. october th.--i understand a dreadful quarrel is brewing between mr. benjamin and gen. beauregard. gen. b. being the only individual ever hinted at as an opponent of mr. davis for the presidency, the secretary of war fights him on vantage-ground, and likewise commends himself to the president. van buren was a good politician in his day, and so is mr. benjamin in _his_ way. i hope these dissensions may expend themselves without injury to the country. october st.--mr. benjamin, it is understood, will be a candidate for a seat in the c. s. senate. and i have learned from several members of the louisiana legislature that he will be defeated. they charge him with hob-nobbing too much with northern friends; and say that he still retains membership in several clubs in new york and boston. chapter viii. quarrel between gen. beauregard and mr. benjamin.--great naval preparations in the north.--the loss of port royal, s. c., takes some prestige.--the affair at belmont does not compensate for it.--the enemy kills an old hare.--missouri secedes.--mason and slidell captured.--french consul and the actresses.--the lieutenant in disguise.--eastern shore of virginia invaded.--messrs. breckinridge and marshall in richmond. november st.--there is an outcry against the appointment of two major-generals, recommended, perhaps, by mr. benjamin, gustavus w. smith and gen. lovell, both recently from new york. they came over since the battle of manassas. mr. benjamin is perfectly indifferent to the criticisms and censures of the people and the press. he knows his own ground; and since he is sustained by the president, we must suppose he knows his own footing in the government. if defeated in the legislature, he may have a six years' tenure in the cabinet. november d.--it has culminated. mr. benjamin's quarrel with beauregard is openly avowed. mr. benjamin spoke to me about it to-day, and convinced me at the time that gen. b. was really in the wrong. he said the general had sent in his report of the battle of manassas, in which he stated that he had submitted a plan to the department for the invasion of maryland; and no such plan having been received, as mr. b. says, and the matter being foreign to the business in hand, the department had seen proper to withhold the report from publication. but this did not concern him, mr. b., because he was not the secretary of war when the alleged plan had been sent to richmond. but his difference with the general grew out of an attempt of the latter to organize troops and confer commands without the sanction of the department. he had rebuked the general, he said; and then the general had appealed to the president, who sustained the secretary. mr. b. said that gen. b. had ascertained who was _strongest_ with the president. november d.--from this day forth, i hope mr. benjamin and i will be of better accord. i have an official order, directed by him and written by col. bledsoe, to the effect that no more alien enemies are to have passports. on the contrary, when any one avows himself an alien enemy, and applies for permission to leave the country, gen. winder is to take him in charge. november th.--several were arrested yesterday. still i doubt whether we are dealing fairly, even with enemies. they have been _encouraged_ to come into and go out of the country by the facilities afforded them; and now, without any sort of notification whatever, they are to be arrested when they present themselves. i hate all traps and stratagems for the purpose of stimulating one to commit a wrong; and hence this business, although it seems to afford employment, if not delight, to gen. winder and his baltimore detectives, is rather distasteful to me. and when i reflect upon it, i cannot imagine how mr. benjamin may adjust the matter with his conscience. it will soon cure itself, however; a few arrests will alarm them all. november th.--to my amazement, a man came to me to-day for a passport to norfolk, saying he had one from the secretary to pass by flag of truce to fortress monroe, etc. he wished me to give him one to show at the cars, not desiring to exhibit the other, as it might subject him to annoying looks and remarks. november th.--all accounts from the north indicate that great preparations are being made to crush us on the coast this winter. i see no corresponding preparations on our side. november th.--we hear of the resignation of gen. scott, as commander-in-chief of the u. s. forces. november th.--there are many applications for passports to leave the country. i have declared my purpose to sign no more for the secretary without his official order. but he is signing them himself, as i find out by the parties desiring the usual passports from me to leave the city. they, like guilty men, dislike to exhibit their permits to leave the country at the depots. and the northern press bears testimony of the fact that the spies in our midst are still at work, and from this i apprehend the worst consequences. why did mr. benjamin send the order for every man to be arrested who applied for permission to leave the country? was it merely to deceive _me_, knowing that i had some influence with certain leading journals? i am told he says, "no one leaves the country now." november th.--gen. winder and all his police and plug ugly gang have their friends or agents, whom they continually desire to send to maryland. and often there comes a request from gen. huger, at norfolk, for passports to be granted certain parties to go out under flag of truce. i suppose he can send whom he pleases. we have news of a bloody battle in the west, at belmont. gen. pillow and bishop polk defeated the enemy, it is said, killing and wounding . our loss, some . port royal, on the coast of south carolina, has been taken by the enemy's fleet. we had no casemated batteries. here the yankees will intrench themselves, and cannot be dislodged. they will take negroes and cotton, and menace both savannah and charleston. november th.--a gentleman from urbana, on the rappahannock, informs me that he witnessed the shelling of that village a few days ago. there are so few houses that the enemy did not strike any of them. the only blood shed was that of an old _hare_, that had taken refuge in a hollow stump. november th.--bad news. the unionists in east tennessee have burnt several of the railroad bridges between this and chattanooga. this is one of the effects of the discharge of spies captured in western virginia and east tennessee. a military police, if properly directed, composed of honest men, true southern men, might do much good, or prevent much evil; but i must not criticise gen. winder's inefficiency, for he acts under the instructions of mr. benjamin. the burning of these bridges not only prevents the arrival of an immense amount of clothing and provisions for the army, contributed by the patriotic people, but it will embarrass the government in the transmission of men and muniments of war, which an emergency may demand at any moment. until the avenues by which the enemy derives information from our country are closed, i shall look for a series of disasters. november th.--we have news of the enemy's gun-boats penetrating the rivers of south carolina. it is said they got some cotton. why was it not burnt? november th.--dry goods have risen more than a hundred per cent. since spring, and rents and boarding are advancing in the same ratio. november th.--the enemy, knowing our destitution of gun-boats, and well apprised of the paucity of our garrisons, are sending expeditions southward to devastate the coast. they say new orleans will be taken before spring, and communication be opened with cairo, at the mouth of the ohio. they will not succeed so soon; but success is certain ultimately, if mr. benjamin, gen. winder, and gen. huger do not cease to pass federal spies out of the country. november th.--we have intelligence that missouri has joined the confederacy. she will be scourged by the vengeful enemy; but will rise some day and put her foot on the neck of the oppressor. missouri is a giant. november th.--it is sickening to behold the corruption of the commercial men, which so much wounds our afflicted country. there are large merchants here who come over from baltimore breathing vengeance against the northern "despots," and to make a show of patriotism they subscribed liberally to equip some volunteer companies in the city; but now they are sending their agents north and importing large amounts of merchandise, which they sell to the government and the people at most fabulous prices. i am informed that some of them realize $ , per month profit! and this after paying officials on both sides bonuses to wink at their operations. after the order of mr. benjamin for applicants for passports to leave the country to be arrested, some of these men applied to me, and i reported the facts to gen. winder; but they were not molested. indeed, they came to me subsequently and exhibited passports they had obtained from the secretary himself. november th.--there are also quite a number of _letter-carriers_ obtaining special passports to leave the confederacy. they charge $ . postage to washington and maryland, and as much coming hither. they take on the average three hundred letters, and bring as many, besides diverse articles they sell at enormously high prices. thus they realize $ per trip, and make two each month. they furnish the press with northern journals; but they give no valuable information: at least i have not conversed with any who could furnish it. they seem particularly ignorant of the plans and forces of the enemy. it is my belief that they render as much service to the enemy as to us; and they certainly do obtain passports on the other side. gen. winder and his _alien_ detectives seem to be on peculiar terms of intimacy with some of these men; for they tell me they convey letters for them to maryland, and deliver them to their families. this is an equivocal business. why did they not bring their families away before the storm burst upon them? november th.--to-day the secretary told me, in reply to my question, that he had authentic information of the seizure of messrs. slidell and mason, our commissioners to europe, by capt. wilkes, of the u. s. navy, and while on board the steamer trent, a british vessel, at sea. _i said i was glad of it._ he asked why, in surprise. i remarked that it would bring the eagle cowering to the feet of the lion. he smiled, and said it was, perhaps, the best thing that could have happened. and he cautions me against giving passports to _french_ subjects even to visit norfolk or any of our fortified cities, for it was understood that foreigners at norfolk were contriving somehow to get on board the ships of their respective nations. november th.--to-day monsieur paul, french consul, applied in person for passports on behalf, i believe, of some french players (zouaves) to norfolk. of course i declined granting them. he grew enthusiastic, and alleged that british subjects had enjoyed the privilege. he said he cared nothing for the parties applying in this instance; but he argued vehemently against british subjects being favored over french subjects. i sent a note concerning our interview to the secretary; and while monsieur paul still sat in the office, the following reply came in from the secretary: "all you need do is to say to the french consul, when he calls, that you obey your instructions, and have no authority to discuss with him the rights of french subjects. j. p. b." monsieur paul departed with "a flea in his ear." but he received an invitation to dine with the secretary to-day. november th.--i had a protracted and interesting interview to-day with a gaudily dressed and rather diminutive lieutenant, who applied for a passport to the mississippi river, _via_ chattanooga, and insisted upon my giving him transportation also. this demand led to interrogatories, and it appeared that he was not going under special orders of the adjutant-general. it was unusual for officers, on leave, to apply for transportation, and my curiosity was excited. i asked to see his furlough. this was refused; but he told me to what company he belonged, and i knew there was such a company in bishop or gen. polk's command. finally he escaped further interrogatories by snatching up the passport i had signed and departing hastily. but instead of the usual military salute at parting, he _courtesied_. this, when i reflected on the fineness of his speech, the fullness of his breast, his attitudes and his short steps, led me to believe the person was a woman instead of a lieutenant. gen. winder coming in shortly after, upon hearing my description of the stranger, said he would ascertain all about the sex. november st.--my mysterious lieutenant was arrested this morning, on the western route, and proved, as i suspected, to be a woman. but gen. winder was ordered by the secretary to have her released. november d.--we have information that the enemy have invaded and taken possession of the eastern shore of virginia, accomac and northampton counties. they invaded the two counties with a force of men, and we had only to oppose them. of course there could be no contest against such odds. they carried my tenant to drummondtown, the county seat, and made him (i suppose) assist in raising the united states flag over the court-house. november d.--j. c. breckinridge and humphrey marshall, of kentucky, have been here; and both have been made brigadier-generals, and assigned to duty in the west. although the former retained his seat in the senate of the united states for many months after the war began, no one doubts that he is now with us, and will do good service. november th.--gen. floyd has retreated from cotton hill, and the enemy threatens our western communications. gen. lee has been sent to western virginia, but it is not an adequate field for him. he should have command of the largest army in the service, for his is one of the most capacious minds we have. november th.--yesterday fort pickens opened fire on our batteries at pensacola, but without effect. one of their ships was badly crippled. november th.--the enemy occupy tybee island, and threaten savannah. vice-president stephens was in my office to-day, and he too deprecates the passage of so many people to the north, who, from the admission of the journals there, give them information of the condition of our defenses. he thinks our affairs are not now in a prosperous condition, and has serious apprehensions for the fate of savannah. november th.--saw president tyler to-day. he augurs the worst effects from the policy of permitting almost unrestricted intercourse with the enemy's country in time of war. november th.--nothing of importance to-day. there will be no such quiet time after this year. november th.--gen. sydney johnston has command of the army in tennessee and kentucky. i wish it were only as strong as the wily enemy is in the habit of representing it! november th.--mr. benjamin has been defeated for the c. s. senate. mr. hunter has been named as a candidate for the c. s. senate from virginia. i thought he would not remain in the cabinet, after his relative was arrested (with no reason assigned) by order of mr. benjamin. besides, the office is a sinecure, and may remain so for a long time, if the powers at washington should "stint, and say aye" to the demands of england. chapter ix. gen. lee ordered south.--gen. stuart ambuscaded at drainsville.--w. h. b. custis returns to the eastern shore.--winder's detectives.--kentucky secedes.--judge perkins's resolution.--dibble goes north.--waiting for great britain to do something.--mr. ely, the yankee m. c. december st.--the people here begin to murmur at the idea that they are questioned about their loyalty, and often arrested, by baltimore petty larceny detectives, who, if they were patriotic themselves (as they are all able-bodied men), would be in the army, fighting for the redemption of maryland. december d.--gen. lee has now been ordered south for the defense of charleston and savannah, and those cities are safe! give a great man a field worthy of his powers, and he can demonstrate the extent of his abilities; but dwarf him in an insignificant position, and the veriest fool will look upon him with contempt. gen. lee in the streets here bore the aspect of a discontented man, for he saw that everything was going wrong; but now his eye flashes with zeal and hope. give him time and opportunity, and he will hurl back the invader from his native land; yes, and he will commend the chalice of invasion to the lips of the north; but not this year--it is too late for that. december d.--several members of congress came into my office and denounced the policy which the government seemed to have adopted of permitting yankees, and those who sympathize with them, to be continually running over to the enemy with information of our condition, and thus inviting attacks and raids at points where we are utterly defenseless. they seemed surprised when i told them that i not only agreed with them entirely, but that i had really written most of the articles they had read in the press denunciatory of the policy they condemned. i informed them, moreover, that i had long since refused to sign any such passports as they alluded to, at the risk of being removed. they said they believed the president, in his multiplicity of employments, was not aware of the extent of the practice, and the evil effects it was certain to entail on the country; and it was their purpose to wait upon him and remonstrate against the pernicious practice of mr. benjamin. december th.--we are now tasting the bitter fruits of a too indulgent treatment of our enemies. yesterday gen. stuart's cavalry and the th regiment s. c. volunteers met with a bloody disaster at drainsville. it appears that several of the traitors arrested and sent hither by gen. johnston were subsequently discharged by gen. winder, under the instructions of mr. benjamin, and sent to their homes, in the vicinity of drainsville, at the expense of the government. these men, with revenge rankling in their breasts, reported to gen. stuart that a large amount of forage might be obtained in the vicinity of drainsville, and that but a few companies of the enemy were in the neighborhood. the general believing these men to be loyal, since they seemed to have the confidence of the war department, resolved to get the forage; and for that purpose started some wagons early the next morning, escorted by several regiments of infantry and cavalry, hoping to capture any forces of the enemy in the vicinity. meantime the drainsville traitors had returned to their homes the preceding evening, and sent off intelligence to the headquarters of the enemy of the purpose of gen. stuart to send out in that direction, early the next day, a foraging party consisting of so many wagons, and small forces of infantry, artillery, and cavalry. the enemy hastened away to drainsville an overwhelming force, and ambuscaded the road, where it entered the woods, with artillery and men of all arms. their line was the shape of a horseshoe, and completely concealed from view. gen. stuart had not entered far into the jaws of this trap, before some of his trusty scouts reported the presence of the enemy. believing it to be only the pickets of the few companies previously reported, the general advanced still farther; but at the same time ordering the wagons to retire. he was soon undeceived by a simultaneous and concentric fire of artillery and musketry, which brought down many of his men. nevertheless, he charged through the lines in one or two places, and brought his guns to bear with effect on such portions of the enemy's line as were not wholly protected by the inequalities of the ground and the dense growth of woods. he quickly ascertained, however, that he was contending against vastly superior numbers, and drew off his forces in good order, protecting his wagons. the enemy did not pursue, for stuart had rather more men than the informers reported to the enemy. but we lost men, while the enemy sustained but little injury; their killed and wounded not exceeding . this is the first serious wound inflicted on the country by mr. benjamin's policy. december th.--the account of the drainsville massacre was furnished me by an officer of the th s. c. regiment, which suffered severely. the newspaper accounts of the occurrence, upon which, perhaps, the history of this war will be founded, give a different version of the matter. and hence, although not so designed at first, this diary will furnish more authentic data of many of the events of the war than the grave histories that will be written. still, i do not aspire to be the froissart of these interesting times: but intend merely to furnish my children, and such others as may read them, with reliable chronicles of the events passing under my own observation. december th.--it is rumored to-day, i know not on what authority, that the president mentioned the matter of the drainsville disaster to the secretary of war, and intimated that it was attributed to the machinations of the union men discharged from prison here. it is said mr. benjamin denied it--denied that any such men had been discharged by gen. winder, or had been concerned in the affair at all. of course the president had no alternative but to credit the solemn assertions of his confidential adviser. but my books, and the register of the prisons, would show that the drainsville prisoners sent hither by gen. joseph e. johnston were discharged by gen. winder, and that their expenses home were paid by the government; and officers of unimpeachable veracity are ready to testify that gen. stuart was misled by these very men. december th.--quite a commotion has been experienced in official circles by the departure of mr. w. h. b. custis, late union member of the virginia convention, without obtaining a passport to leave the city. some of his secession constituents being in the city, reported that they knew it was his purpose to return to the eastern shore of virginia, and avow his adherence to the united states authorities, alleging that he had signed the ordinance of secession under some species of duress, or instruction. under these representations, it seems gen. winder telegraphed to norfolk, whither it was understood custis had gone, to have him arrested. this was done; and it is said he had passports from gen. huger to cross the chesapeake bay. i must doubt this. what right has a military commander to grant such passports? december th.--i saw mr. benjamin to-day, and asked him what disposition he intended to make of mr. custis. he was excited, and said with emphasis that he was investigating the case. he seemed offended at the action of gen. winder, and thought it was a dangerous exercise of military power to arrest persons of such high standing, without the clearest evidence of guilt. mr. custis had signed the ordinance of secession, and that ought to be sufficient evidence of his loyalty. december th.--gen. winder informed me to-day that he had been ordered to release mr. custis; and i learned that the secretary of war had transmitted orders to gen. huger to permit him to pass over the bay. december th.--nothing new. december th.--several of gen. winder's detectives came to me with a man named webster, who, it appears, has been going between richmond and baltimore, conveying letters, money, etc. i refused him a passport. he said he could get it from the secretary himself, but that it was sometimes difficult in gaining access to him. i told him to get it, then; i would give him none. december th.--more of gen. winder's men came with a mr. stone, whom they knew and vouched for, and who wanted a passport merely to norfolk. i asked if it was not his design to go farther. they said yes, but that gen. winder would write to gen. huger to let him pass by way of fortress monroe. i refused, and great indignation was manifested. december th.--one of the papers has a short account of the application of stone in its columns this morning. one of the reporters was present at the interview. the article bore pretty severely upon the assumption of power by the military commander of the department. gen. winder came in during the day, and denied having promised to procure a passport for stone from gen. huger. december th.--nothing. december th.--the president's private secretary, capt. josselyn, was in to-day. he had no news. december th.--we hear to-day that the loyal men of kentucky have met in convention and adopted an ordinance of secession and union with our confederacy. december th.--bravo, col. edward johnson! he was attacked by yankees on the alleghany mountains, and he has beaten them with men. they say johnson is an energetic man, and swears like a trooper; and instead of a sword, he goes into battle with a stout cane in his hand, with which he belabors any skulking miscreant found dodging in the hour of danger. december th.--men escaped from the eastern shore of virginia report that mr. custis had landed there, and remains quiet. december th.--judge perkins came in to-day and denounced in bitter terms the insane policy of granting passports to spies and others to leave the country, when every northern paper bore testimony that we were betrayed by these people. he asked me how many had been permitted to go north by mr. benjamin since the expiration of the time named in the president's proclamation. this i could not answer: but suggested that a resolution of inquiry might elicit the information. he desired me to write such a resolution. i did so, and he departed with it. an hour afterward, i learned it had been passed unanimously. december th.--a man by the name of _dibble_, the identical one i passed on my way to montgomery last spring, and whom i then thought acted and spoke like a yankee, is here seeking permission to go north; he _says_ to halifax. he confesses that he is a yankee born; but has lived in north carolina for many years, and has amassed a fortune. he declares the south does not contain a truer southern man than himself; and he says he is going to the british provinces to purchase supplies for the confederacy. he brought me an order from mr. benjamin, indorsed on the back of a letter, for a passport. i declined to give it; and he departed in anger, saying the secretary would grant it. he knew this, for he said the secretary had promised him one. december st.--col. bledsoe was in to-day. i had not seen him for a long time. he had not been sitting in the office two minutes before he uttered one of his familiar groans. instantly we were on the old footing again. he said secretary benjamin had never treated him as chief of the bureau, any more than walker. december d.--dibble has succeeded in obtaining a passport from the secretary himself. december d.--gen. t. j. jackson has destroyed a principal dam on the chesapeake and ohio canal. that will give the enemy abundance of trouble. this gen. jackson is always doing something to vex the enemy; and i think he is destined to annoy them more. it is with much apprehension that i see something like a general relaxation of preparation to hurl back the invader. it seems as if the government were waiting for england to do it; and after all, the capture of slidell and mason may be the very worst thing that could have happened. mr. benjamin, i learn, feels very confident that a rupture between the united states and great britain is inevitable. war with england is not to be thought of by mr. seward at this juncture, and he will not have it. and we should not rely upon the happening of any such contingency. some of our officials go so far as to hint that in the event of a war between the united states and great britain, and our recognition by the former, it might be good policy for us to stand neutral. the war would certainly be waged on our account, and it would not be consistent with southern honor and chivalry to retire from the field and leave the friend who interfered in our behalf to fight it out alone. the principal members of our government should possess the highest stamp of character, for never did there exist a purer people. december th.--i am at work on the resolution passed by congress. the secretary sent it to me, with an order to prepare the list of names, and saying that he would explain the _grounds_ upon which they were permitted to depart. i can only give the number registered in this office. december th.--mr. ely, the yankee member of congress, who has been in confinement here since the battle of manassas, has been exchanged for mr. faulkner, late minister to france, who was captured on his return from europe. mr. ely smiled at the brown paper on which i had written his passport. i told him it was southern manufacture, and although at present in a crude condition, it was in the process of improvement, and that "necessity was the mother of invention." the necessity imposed on us by the blockade would ultimately redound to our advantage, and might injure the country inflicting it by diminishing its own products. he smiled again, and said he had no doubt we should rise to the dignity of _white paper_. december th.--i have been requested by several members of congress to prepare a bill, establishing a passport office by law. i will attempt it; but it cannot pass, unless it be done in spite of the opposition of the secretary, who knows how to use his patronage so as to bind members to his interest. he learned that at washington. december th.--notwithstanding the severe strictures, and the resolution of congress, there is an increase rather than a diminution of the number of persons going north. some of our officials seem to think the war is over, or that england will do the balance of our fighting! december th.--the fathers and mothers and sisters of our brave soldiers continue to send their clothing and provisions. _they_ do not relax in the work of independence. december th.--persons are coming here from that portion of western virginia held by the enemy, with passports from gen. cox, the yankee commander. they applied to me to-day for passports to return to kanawha, which i refused. they obtained them from the assistant secretary of war, mr. ould. december th.--some of our officers on furlough complain of the dullness of the war. the second year will be different. december st.--northern papers, received in this city, show very conclusively that the enemy are pretty accurately informed of the condition of our defenses and the paucity of the numbers in our regiments. chapter x. seward gives up mason and slidell.--great preparations of the enemy.-- gen. jackson betrayed.--mr. memminger's blunders.--exaggerated reports of our troops in kentucky and tennessee. january st, .--seward has cowered beneath the roar of the british lion, and surrendered mason and slidell, who have been permitted to go on their errand to england. now we must depend upon our own strong arms and stout hearts for defense. january d.--the enemy are making preparations to assail us everywhere. roanoke island, norfolk, beaufort, and newbern; charleston, savannah, mobile, pensacola, and new orleans are all menaced by numerous fleets on the sea-board, and in the west great numbers of iron-clad floating batteries threaten to force a passage down the mississippi, while monster armies are concentrating for the invasion of tennessee and the cotton states. will virginia escape the scourge? not she; here is the bull's-eye of the mark they aim at. january d.--the enemy have in the field, according to their official reports, some three-quarters of a million of men; we, about , , or one-quarter of a million. this might answer for defense if we could only know where their blows will fall; but then they have a strong navy and thousands of transports, and we have next to nothing afloat to oppose to them. and there is no _entente cordiale_ between mr. benjamin and any of our best generals. january th.--it is just as i feared. gen. t. j. jackson, supposing his project to be a profound secret, marched on the st instant from winchester, intending to surprise a force of the enemy at romney. but he had not proceeded half the distance before he found a printed account of his intended expedition in a baltimore paper at an inn on the roadside. this was treason of the blackest dye, and will cost us a thousand men. the enemy, of course, escaped, and our poor soldiers, frost-bitten and famished, must painfully retrace all steps of this fruitless march. january th.--there are rumors of a court-martial, and i fear the enterprising jackson will be made to suffer for the crime of others. that men sympathizing with the union cause were daily leaving richmond for baltimore was known to all, but how they gained intelligence of the contemplated movement of jackson is the mystery. january th.--no news. january th.--brig-gen. wise is to command on roanoke island. it is not far from princess ann county, where his place of residence is. if they give him men enough, say half as many as the enemy, he _will_ defend it. january th.--dearth of news. january th.--butter is cts. per pound, bacon cts., beef has risen from cts. to cts., wood is selling for $ per cord, but flour is abundant, and cheap enough to keep us from starving. january th.--the president is rarely seen in the streets now, and it is complained that he is not so accessible as formerly in his office. i do not know what foundation there is for these reports, and see no reason to credit them. i know he rides out in the afternoon, if the weather be fair, after the labors of the day, and he is a regular attendant at st. paul's church. i am rather inclined to credit the rumor that he intends to join the church. all his messages and proclamations indicate that he is looking to a mightier power than england for assistance. there is a general desire to have the cabinet modified and christianized upon the inauguration of the permanent government. january th.--we have three candidates in the field in this district for congress: president tyler, james lyons, and wm. h. mcfarland. the first will, of course, walk over the track. january th.--gen. wise, whose headquarters are to be fixed at nag's head on the beach near roanoke island, reports that the force he commands is altogether inadequate to defend the position. burnside is said to have , men, besides a numerous fleet of gun-boats; and gen. wise has but effective men. january th.--the department leaves gen. wise to his superior officer, gen. huger, at norfolk, who has , men. but i understand that huger says wise has ample means for the defense of the island, and refuses to let him have more men. this looks like a man-trap of the "red-tapers" to get rid of a popular leader. i hope the president will interfere. january th.--all calm and quiet to-day. january th.--i forgot to mention the fact that some weeks ago i received a work in manuscript from london, sent thither before the war, and brought by a bearer of dispatches from our commissioner, hon. ambrose dudley mann, to whom i had written on the subject. i owe him a debt of gratitude for this kindness. when peace is restored, i shall have in readiness some contributions to the literature of the south, and my family, if i should not survive, may derive pecuniary benefit from them. i look for a long war, unless a napoleon springs up among us, a thing not at all probable, for i believe there are those who are constantly on the watch for such dangerous characters, and they may possess the power to nip all embryo emperors in the bud. some of our functionaries are not justly entitled to the great positions they occupy. they attained them by a species of _snap-judgement_, from which there may be an appeal hereafter. it is very certain that many of our _best_ men have no adequate positions, and revolutions are mutable things. january th.--to-day, mr. benjamin, whom i met in the hall of the department, said, "i don't grant any passports to leave the country, except to a few men on business for the government. i have ceased to grant any for some time past." i merely remarked that i was glad to hear it. immediately on returning to my office i referred to my book, and counted the names of fifty persons to whom the secretary had granted passports within thirty days; and these were not all agents of the government. mr. benjamin reminded me of daniel webster, when he used to make solemn declarations that his friends in office were likewise the partisans of president tyler. january th.--a mr. o. hendricks, very lately of the u. s. coast survey, has returned from a tour of the coast of north carolina, and has been commissioned a lieutenant by the secretary of war. he says burnside will take roanoke island, and that wise and all his men will be captured. it is a _man-trap_. january th.--gen. l. p. walker, the first secretary of war, is assigned to duty in the southwest under gen. bragg. how can he obey the orders of one who was so recently under his command? i think it probable he will resign again before the end of the campaign. january th.--there has been a storm on the coast, sinking some of the enemy's ships. col. allen, of new jersey, was lost. he was once at my house in burlington, and professed to be friendly to the southern cause. i think he said he owned land and slaves in texas. january th.--mr. memminger advertises to pay interest on certain government bonds in _specie_. that won't last long. he is paying per cent. premium in treasury notes for the specie, and the bonds are given for treasury notes. what sort of financiering is this? january st.--a great number of germans and others are going to norfolk, thinking, as one remarked, if they can't go to the united states the united states will soon come to them. many believe that burnside will get norfolk. i think differently, but i may be mistaken. january d.--some of the letter-carriers' passports from mr. benjamin, which have the countenance of gen. winder, are now going into tennessee. what is this for? we shall see. january d.--again the northern papers give the most extravagant numbers to our army in kentucky. some estimates are as high as , . i know, and mr. benjamin knows, that gen. johnston has not exceeding , effective men. and the secretary knows that gen. j. has given him timely notice of the inadequacy of his force to hold the position at bowling green. the yankees are well aware of our weakness, but they intend to claim the astounding feat of routing , men with , ! and they suppose that by giving us credit for such a vast army, we shall not deem it necessary to send reinforcements. well, _reinforcements are not sent_. january th.--beauregard has been ordered to the west. i knew the doom was upon him! but he will make his mark even at columbus, though the place seems to me to be altogether untenable and of no practicable importance, since the enemy may attack both in front and rear. it would seem that some of the jealous functionaries would submit to any misfortune which would destroy beauregard's popularity. but these are exceptions: they are few and far between, thank heaven! january th.--the french players have been permitted by the secretary to leave the country. but _british_ subjects are now refused passports. january th.--president tyler has been elected to congress by an overwhelming majority. january th.--the secretary of war has issued such a peremptory order to gen. wise, that the latter has no alternative but to attempt the defense of roanoke island with men against , and a fleet of gun-boats. the general is quite sick, but he will fight. his son, capt. o. jennings wise, who has been under fire many times already, commands a company on the island. he will _deserve_ promotion. the government seems to have proscribed the great men of the past and their families, as if _this government was the property of the few men who happen to wield power at the present moment_. arrogance and presumption in the south must, sooner or later, have a fall. the great men who were the leaders of this revolution may be ignored, but they cannot be kept down by the smaller fry who aspire to wield the destinies of a great and patriotic people. smith and lovell, new york politicians and street commissioners, have been made _major_-generals, while wise and breckinridge are brigadiers. january th.--there must soon be collisions in the west on a large scale; but the system of lying, in vogue among the yankees, most effectually defeats all attempts at reliable computation of numbers. they say we have , men in tennessee and kentucky, whereas we have not , . their own numbers they represent to be not exceeding , , but i suspect they have three times that number. the shadows of events are crowding thickly upon us, and the events will speak for themselves--and that speedily. january th.--what we want is a military man capable of directing operations in the field everywhere. i think lee is such a man. but can he, a modest man and a christian, aspire to such a position? would not mr. benjamin throw his influence against such a suggestion? i trust the president will see through the mist generated around him. january th.--some of the mysterious letter-carriers, who have just returned from their jaunt into tennessee, are applying again for passports to baltimore, washington, etc. i refuse them, though they are recommended by gen. winder's men; but they will obtain what they want from the secretary himself, or his assistant secretary. january st.--what if these men (they have passports) should be going to washington to report the result of their reconnoissances in tennessee? the tennessee river is high, and we have no casemated batteries, or batteries of any sort, on it above fort henry. chapter xi. fall of fort henry.--of fort donelson.--lugubrious inauguration of the president in the permanent government.--loss of roanoke island. february st.--we had a startling rumor yesterday that new orleans had been taken by the enemy, without firing a gun. i hastened to the secretary and asked him if it could be true. he had not heard of it, and turned pale. but a moment after, recollecting the day on which it was said the city had fallen, he seized a new orleans paper of a subsequent date, and said the news could not be true, since the paper made no mention of it. february d.--the rumor of yesterday originated in the assertion of a yankee paper that new orleans _would_ be taken without firing a gun. some of our people fear it may be so, since mr. benjamin's friend, gen. lovell, who came from new york since the battle of manassas, is charged with the defense of the city. he delivered lectures, it is said, last summer on the defenses of new york--_in that city_. have we not southern men of sufficient genius to make generals of, for the defense of the south, without sending to new york for military commanders? february d.--we have intelligence of the sailing of an expedition from cairo for the reduction of fort henry on the tennessee river. february th.--burnside has entered the sound at hatteras with his fleet of gun-boats and transports. the work will soon begin. february th.--i am sorry to hear that gen. wise is quite ill. but, on his back, as on his feet, he will direct operations, and the enemy will be punished whenever he comes in reach of him. february th.--the president is preparing his inaugural message for the d, when he is to begin his new administration of six years. he is to read it from the washington monument in capitol square. february th.--we have vague rumors of fighting at roanoke. nothing reliable. february - th.--such astounding events have occurred since the th instant, such an excitement has prevailed, and so incessant have been my duties, that i have not kept a regular journal. i give a running account of them. roanoke has fallen before superior numbers, although we had , idle troops at norfolk within hearing of the battle. the government would not interfere, and gen. huger refused to allow the use of a few thousand of his troops. but gen. wise is safe; providence willed that he should escape the "man-trap." when the enemy were about to open fire on his headquarters at nag's head, knowing him to be prostrated with illness (for the island had then been surrendered after a heroic defense), lieutenants bagly and wise bore the general away in a blanket to a distance of ten or fifteen miles. the yankees would have gladly exchanged all their prisoners for gen. wise, who is ever a terror to the north. capt. o. jennings wise fell, while gallantly cheering his men, in the heat of the battle. a thousand of the enemy fell before a few hundred of our brave soldiers. we lost some men, for there was no alternative but to surrender. capt. wise told the yankee officers, who persisted in forcing themselves in his presence during his dying moments, that the south could never be subjugated. they might exterminate us, but every man, woman, and child would prefer death to abject subjugation. and he died with a sweet smile on his lip, eliciting the profound respect of his most embittered enemies. the enemy paroled our men taken on the island; and we recovered the remains of the heroic capt. wise. his funeral here was most impressive, and saddened the countenances of thousands who witnessed the pageant. none of the members of the government were present; but the ladies threw flowers and evergreens upon his bier. he is dead--but history will do him justice; and his example will inspire others with the spirit of true heroism. and president tyler is no more on earth. he died after a very brief illness. there was a grand funeral, mr. hunter and others delivering orations. they came to me, supposing i had written one of the several biographies of the deceased which have appeared during the last twenty years. but i had written none--and none published were worthy of the subject. i could only refer them to the bound volumes of the madisonian in the state library for his messages and other state papers. the originals are among my papers in the hands of the enemy. his history is yet to be written--and it will be read centuries hence. fort henry has fallen. would that were all! the catalogue of disasters i feared and foretold, under the policy adopted by the war department, may be a long and a terrible one. the mission of the spies to east tennessee is now apparent. three of the enemy's gun-boats have ascended the tennessee river to the very head of navigation, while the women and children on its banks could do nothing more than gaze in mute despair. no batteries, no men were there. the absence of these is what the traitors, running from here to washington, have been reporting to the enemy. their boats would no more have ventured up that river without the previous exploration of spies, than mr. lincoln would dare to penetrate a cavern without torch-bearers, in which the rattle of venomous snakes could be heard. they have ascended to florence, and may get footing in alabama and mississippi! and fort donelson has been attacked by an immensely superior force. we have , men there to resist, perhaps, , ! was ever such management known before? who is responsible for it? if donelson falls, what becomes of the ten or twelve thousand men at bowling green? february st.--all our garrison in fort henry, with gen. tilghman, surrendered. i think we had only men there. guns, ammunition, and stores, all gone. no news from donelson--and that is _bad_ news. benjamin says he has no definite information. but prisoners taken say the enemy have been reinforced, and are hurling , against our , . february d.--such a day! the heavens weep incessantly. capitol square is black with umbrellas; and a shelter has been erected for the president to stand under. i walked up to the monument and heard the inaugural read by the president. he read it well, and seemed self-poised in the midst of disasters, which he acknowledged had befallen us. and he admitted that there had been errors in our war policy. we had attempted operations on too extensive a scale, thus diffusing our powers which should have been concentrated. i like these candid confessions. they augur a different policy hereafter, and we may hope for better results in the future. we must all stand up for our country. mr. hunter has resigned, and taken his place in the senate. february d.--at last we have the astounding tidings that donelson has fallen, and buckner, and men, arms, stores, everything are in possession of the enemy! did the president know it yesterday? or did the secretary keep it back till the new government (permanent) was launched into existence? wherefore? the southern _people_ cannot be daunted by calamity! last night it was still raining--and it rained all night. it was a lugubrious reception at the president's mansion. but the president himself was calm, and mrs. davis seemed in spirits. for a long time i feared the bad weather would keep the people away; and the thought struck me when i entered, that if there were a lincoln spy present, we should have more ridicule in the yankee presses on the paucity of numbers attending the reception. but the crowd came at last, and filled the ample rooms. the permanent government had its birth in storm, but it may yet flourish in sunshine. for my own part, however, i think a provisional government of few men, should have been adopted "for the war." february th.--gen. sydney johnston has evacuated bowling green with his _ten or twelve_ thousand men! where is his mighty army now? it never did exist! february th.--and nashville must fall--although no one seems to anticipate such calamity. we must run the career of disasters allotted us, and await the turning of the tide. february th.--congress, in secret session, has authorized the declaration of martial law in this city, and at some few other places. this might be well under other circumstances; but it will not be well if the old general in command should be clothed with powers which he has no qualifications to wield advantageously. the facile old man will do _anything_ the secretary advises. our army is to fall back from manassas! the rappahannock is not to be our line of _defense_. of course the enemy will soon strike at richmond from some direction. i have given great offense to some of our people by saying the policy of permitting men to go north at will, will bring the enemy to the gates of the city in ninety days. several have told me that the prediction has been marked in the secretary's tablets, and that i am marked for destruction if it be not verified. i reply that i would rather be destroyed than that it should be fulfilled. february th.--columbus is to be evacuated. beauregard sees that it is untenable with forts henry and donelson in possession of the enemy. he will not be caught in such a trap as that. but he is erecting a battery at island no. that will give the yankees trouble. i hope it may stay the catalogue of disasters. february th.--these calamities may be a wholesome chastening for us. we shall now go to work and raise troops enough to defend the country. congress will certainly pass the conscription act recommended by the president. chapter xii. nashville evacuated.--martial law.--passports.--com. buchanan's naval engagement.--gen. winder's blunders.--mr. benjamin secretary of state.--lee commander-in chief.--mr. g. w. randolph secretary of war. march st.--it is certain that the city of nashville has been evacuated, and will, of course, be occupied by the enemy. gen. johnston, with the remnant of his army, has fallen down to murfreesborough, and as that is not a point of military importance, will in turn be abandoned, and the enemy will drop out of the state into alabama or mississippi. march d.--gen. jos. e. johnston has certainly made a skillful retrograde movement in the face of the enemy at manassas. he has been keeping mcclellan and his , men at bay for a long time with about , . after the abandonment of his works it was a long time before the enemy knew he had retrograded. they approached very cautiously, and found that they had been awed by a few _quaker guns--logs of wood_ in position, and so painted as to resemble cannon. lord, how the yankee press will quiz mcclellan! march d.--but mcclellan would not advance. he could not drag his artillery at this season of the year; and so he is embarking his army, or the greater portion of it, for the peninsula. march th.--we shall have stirring times here. our troops are to be marched through richmond immediately, for the defense of yorktown--the same town surrendered by lord cornwallis to washington. but its fall or its successful defense now will signify nothing. march th.--martial law has been proclaimed. march th.--some consternation among the citizens--they dislike martial law. march th.--gen. winder has established a guard with fixed bayonets at the door of the passport office. they let in only a few at a time, and these, when they get their passports, pass out by the rear door, it being impossible for them to return through the crowd. march th.--gen. winder has appointed capt. godwin provost marshal. march th.--gen. winder has appointed col. porter provost marshal,--godwin not being high enough in rank, i suppose. march th.--one of the friends of the secretary of war came to me to-day, and proposed to have some new passports printed, with the likeness of mr. benjamin engraved on them. he said, i think, the engraving had already been made. i denounced the project as absurd, and said there were some five or ten thousand printed passports on hand. march th.--i have summed up the amounts of patriotic contributions received by the army in virginia, and registered on my book, and they amount to $ , , .[ ] the people of the respective states contributed as follows: north carolina $ , alabama , mississippi , georgia , south carolina , texas , louisiana , virginia[ ] , tennessee , florida , arkansas march th.--gen. winder moved the passport office up to the corner of ninth and broad streets. the office at the corner of ninth and broad streets was a filthy one; it was inhabited--for they slept there---by his rowdy clerks. and when i stepped to the hydrant for a glass of water, the tumbler repulsed me by the smell of whisky. there was no towel to wipe my hands with, and in the long basement room underneath, were a thousand garments of dead soldiers, taken from the hospitals and the battle-field, and exhaling a most disagreeable, if not deleterious, odor. march th.--nevertheless, i am (temporarily) signing my name to the passports, yet issued by the authority of the secretary of war. they are filled up and issued by three or four of the provost marshal's clerks, who are governed mainly by my directions, as neither col. porter nor the clerks, nor gen. winder himself, have the slightest idea of the geography of the country occupied by the enemy. the clerks are all marylanders, as well as the detectives, and the latter intend to remain here to my great chagrin. march th.--the provost marshal, col. porter, has had new passports printed, to which his own name is to be appended. i am requested to sign it for him, and to instruct the clerks generally. march th.--for several days troops have been pouring through the city, marching down the peninsula. the enemy are making demonstrations against yorktown. march th.--i omitted to note in its place the gallant feat of commodore buchanan with the iron monster merrimac in hampton roads. he destroyed two of the enemy's best ships of war. my friends, lieutenants parker and minor, partook of the glory, and were severely wounded. march th.--col. porter has resigned his provost marshalship, and is again succeeded by capt. godwin, a _virginian_, and i like him very well, for he is truly southern in his instincts. march th.--a mr. maccubbin, of maryland, has been appointed by gen. winder the chief of police. he is wholly illiterate, like the rest of the policemen under his command. march th.--mr. maccubbin, whom i take to be a sort of scotch-irishman, though reared in the mobs of baltimore, i am informed has given some passports, already signed, to some of his friends. this interference will produce a rupture between capt. godwin and capt. maccubbin; but as the former is a virginian, he may have the worst of it in the bear fight. march th.--there is skirmishing everyday on the peninsula. we have not exceeding , men there, while the enemy have , . it is fearful odds. and they have a fleet of gun-boats. march st.--gen. winder's detectives are very busy. they have been forging prescriptions to _catch_ the poor richmond apothecaries. when the brandy is thus obtained it is confiscated, and the money withheld. they drink the brandy, and imprison the apothecaries. march d.--capt. godwin, the provost marshal, was swearing furiously this morning at the policemen about their iniquitous _forgeries_. march d.--gen. winder was in this morning listening to something maccubbin was telling him about the richmond _whig_. it appears that, in the course of a leading article, enthusiastic for the cause, the editor remarked, "we have arms and ammunition now." the policemen, one and all, interpreted this as a violation of the order to the press to abstain from speaking of the arrivals of arms, etc. from abroad. gen. winder, without looking at the paper, said in a loud voice, "go and arrest the editor--and close his office!" two or three of the policemen started off on this errand. but i interposed, and asked them to wait a moment, until i could examine the paper. i found no infraction of the order in the truly patriotic article, and said so to gen. winder. "well," said he, "if he has not violated the order, he must not be arrested." he took the paper, and read for himself; and then, without saying anything more, departed. when he was gone, i asked maccubbin what was the phraseology of the order that "had been served on the editors." he drew it from his pocket, saying it had been shown to them, _and not left with them_. it was in the handwriting of mr. benjamin, and signed by gen. winder. and i learned that all the orders, sumptuary and others, had been similarly written and signed. mr. benjamin used the pencil and not the pen in writing these orders, supposing, of course, they would be copied by gen. w.'s clerks. but they were not copied. the policemen threaten to stop the _examiner_ soon, for that paper has been somewhat offensive to the _aliens_ who now have rule here. march th.--gen. walker, of georgia--the same who had the scene with col. bledsoe--has resigned. i am sorry that the confederate states must lose his services, for he is a brave man, covered with honorable scars. he has displeased the secretary of war. march th.--gen. bonham, of south carolina, has also resigned, for being overslaughed. his were the _first_ troops that entered virginia to meet the enemy; and because some of his three months' men were reorganized into fresh regiments, his brigade was dissolved, and his commission canceled. price, beauregard, walker, bonham, toombs, wise, floyd, and others of the brightest lights of the south have been somehow successively obscured. and joseph e. johnston is a doomed fly, sooner or later, for he said, not long since, that there could be no hope of success as long as mr. benjamin was secretary of war. these words were spoken at a dinner-table, and will reach the ears of the secretary. march th.--the apothecaries arrested and imprisoned some days ago have been tried and acquitted by a court-martial. gen. winder indorsed on the order for their discharge: _"not approved, and you may congratulate yourselves upon escaping a merited punishment."_ march th.--it is said mr. benjamin has been dismissed, or resigned. march th.--mr. benjamin has been promoted. he is now secretary of state. his successor in the war department is g. w. randolph, a lawyer of modest pretensions, who, although he has lived for several years in this city, does not seem to have a dozen acquaintances. but he inherits a name, being descended from thomas jefferson, and, i believe, likewise from the mr. randolph in washington's cabinet. mr. randolph was a captain at bethel under magruder; and subsequently promoted to a colonelcy. announcing his determination to quit the military service more than a month ago, he entered the field as a competitor for the seat in congress left vacant by the death of president tyler. hon. james lyons was elected, and col. randolph got no votes at all. march th.--gen. lee is to have command of all the armies--but will not be in the field himself. he will reside here. congress passed an act to create a commanding general; but this was vetoed, for trenching on the executive prerogative--or failed in some way. the proceedings were in secret session. march st.--gen. joseph e. johnston is to command on the peninsula. the president took an affectionate leave of him the other day; and gen. lee held his hand a long time, and admonished him to take care of his life. there was no necessity for him to endanger it--as had just been done by the brave sydney johnston at shiloh, whose fall is now universally lamented. this gen. johnston (joseph e.) i believe has the misfortune to be wounded in most of his battles. chapter xiii. gen. beauregard succeeds gen. sydney johnston.--dibble, the traitor.-- enemy at fredericksburg.--they say we will be subdued by the th of june.--lee rapidly concentrating at richmond.--webster, the spy, hung. april st.--gen. sydney johnston having fallen in battle, the command in the west devolved on gen. beauregard, whose recent defense at island no. on the mississippi, has revived his popularity. but, i repeat, he is a doomed man. april d.--gen. wise is here with his report of the roanoke disaster. april d.--congress is investigating the roanoke affair. mr. benjamin has been denounced in congress by mr. foote and others as the sole cause of the calamities which have befallen the country. i wrote a letter to the president, offering to show that i had given no passport to mr. dibble, the traitor, and also the evidences, in his own handwriting, that mr. benjamin granted it. april th.--the enemy are shelling our camp at yorktown. i can hear the reports of the guns, of a damp evening. we are sending back defiance with our guns. the president has not taken any notice of my communication. mr. benjamin is too powerful to be affected by such proofs of such small matters. april th.--newbern, n. c., has fallen into the hands of the enemy! our men, though opposed by greatly superior numbers, made a brave resistance, and killed and wounded of the invaders. the enemy were piloted up the river to newbern by the same _mr. dibble_ to whom i refused a passport, but to whom the secretary of war granted one. the press everywhere is commenting on the case of dibble--_but mordecai still sits at the gate_. april th.--two spies (lincoln's detective police) have been arrested here, tried by court-martial, and condemned to be hung. there is an awful silence among the baltimore detectives, which bodes no harm to the condemned. they will not be executed, though guilty. april th.--r. g. h. kean, a young man, and a connection of mr. randolph, has been appointed chief of the bureau of war in place of col. bledsoe, resigned at last. mr. kean was, i believe, a lieutenant when mr. randolph was colonel, and acted as his adjutant. april th.--col. bledsoe has been appointed assistant secretary of war by the president. now he is in his glory, and has forgotten me. april th.--there are several young officers who have sheathed the sword, and propose to draw the pen in the civil service. to-day i asked of the department a month's respite from labor, and obtained it. but i remained in the city, and watched closely, still hoping i might serve the cause, or at least prevent more injury to it, from the wicked facility hitherto enjoyed by spies to leave the country. april th.--the condemned spies have implicated _webster_, the letter-carrier, who has had so many passports. he will hang, probably. gen. winder himself, and his policemen, wrote home by him. i don't believe him any more guilty than many who used to write by him; and i mean to tell the judge advocate so, if they give me an opportunity. april th.--the enemy are at fredericksburg, and the yankee papers say it will be all over with us by the th of june. i doubt that. april th.--the committee (congressional) which have been investigating the roanoke island disaster have come to the conclusion, unanimously, and the house has voted accordingly, and with unanimity, that the blame and guilt of that great calamity rest solely upon "gen. huger and judah p. benjamin." april th.--gen. wise now resolved to ask for another command, to make another effort in defense of his country. but, when he waited upon the secretary of war, he ascertained that there was no brigade for him. returning from thence, some of his officers, who had escaped the trap at roanoke, crowded round him to learn the issue of his application. "there is no secretary of war!" said he. "what is randolph?" asked one. "he is not secretary of war!" said he; "he is merely a _clerk_, an underling, and cannot hold up his head in his humiliating position. he never will be able to hold up his head, sir." april th.--there will soon be hard fighting on the peninsula. april th.--gen. beauregard has written to gen. wise, offering him a command in his army, if the government will consent to it. it will not be consented to. april th.--troops are being concentrated rapidly in virginia by gen. lee. april th.--to-day congress passed an act providing for the termination of martial law within thirty days after the meeting of the next session. this was as far as they could _venture_; for, indeed, a majority seem to be intimidated at the glitter of bayonets in the streets, wielded by the authority of martial law. the press, too, has taken the alarm, and several of the publishers have confessed a fear of having their offices closed, if they dare to speak the sentiments struggling for utterance. it is, indeed, a reign of terror! every virginian, and other loyal citizens of the south--members of congress and all--must now, before obtaining gen. winder's permission to leave the city for their homes, bow down before the _aliens_ in the provost marshal's office, and subscribe to an oath of allegiance, while a file of bayonets are pointed at his back! april th.--the president is thin and haggard; and it has been whispered on the street that he will immediately be baptized and confirmed. i hope so, because it may place a great gulf between him and the descendant of those who crucified the saviour. nevertheless, some of his enemies allege that professions of christianity have sometimes been the premeditated accompaniments of usurpations. it was so with cromwell and with richard iii. who does not remember the scene in shakspeare, where richard appears on the balcony, with prayer book in hand and a priest on either side? april th.--all believe we are near a crisis, involving the possession of the capital. april st.--a calm before the storm. april d.--dibble, the traitor, has been captured by our soldiers in north carolina. april d.--the north carolinians have refused to give up dibble to gen. winder. and, moreover, the governor has demanded the rendition of a citizen of his state, who was arrested there by one of gen. winder's detectives, and brought hither. the governor says, if he be not delivered up, he will institute measures of retaliation, and arrest every alien policeman from richmond caught within the limits of his jurisdiction. is it not shameful that martial law should be playing such fantastic tricks before high heaven, when the enemy's guns are booming within hearing of the capital? april th.--webster has been tried, condemned, and _hung_. april th.--gen. wise, through the influence of gen. lee, who is a christian gentleman as well as a consummate general, has been ordered into the field. he will have a brigade, but not with beauregard. the president has unbounded confidence in lee's capacity, modest as he is. another change! provost marshal godwin, for rebuking the baltimore chief of police, is to leave us, and to be succeeded by a marylander, major griswold, whose family is now in the enemy's country. april th.--gen. lee is doing good service in bringing forward reinforcements from the south against the day of trial--and an awful day awaits us. it is understood that he made fully known to the president his appreciation of the desperate condition of affairs, and demanded _carté blanche_ as a condition of his acceptance of the position of commanding general. the president wisely agreed to the terms. april th.--gen. lee is calm--but the work of preparation goes on night and day. april th.--we have rumors of an important cabinet meeting, wherein it was resolved to advise or command gen. johnston to evacuate yorktown and retire toward richmond! also that norfolk is to be given up! i don't believe it; lee's name is not mentioned. april th.--major griswold is here, and so is a new batch of marylanders. april th.--troops from the south are coming in and marching down the peninsula. chapter xiv. disloyalists entrapped.--norfolk abandoned.--merrimac blown up.--army falling back.--mrs. davis leaves richmond.--preparing to burn the tobacco.--secretary of war trembles for richmond.--richmond to be defended.--the tobacco.--winking and blinking.--johnston's great battle.--wounded himself.--the wounded.--the hospitals. may st.--the ladies shower loaves of bread and slices of ham on the passing troops. may d.--an iniquitous-looking prisoner was brought in to-day from orange c. h., by the name of robert stewart. the evidence against him is as follows: he is a pennsylvanian, though a resident of virginia for a number of years, and owns a farm in orange county. since the series of disasters, and the seeming downward progress of our affairs, stewart has cooled his ardor for independence. he has slunk from enrollment in the militia, and under the conscription act. and since the occupation of fredericksburg by the enemy he has made use of such equivocal language as to convince his neighbors that his sympathies are wholly with the northern invader. a day or two since, near nightfall, three troopers, weary and worn, halted at stewart's house and craved food and rest for themselves and horses. stewart, supposing them to be confederate soldiers, declared he had nothing they wanted, and that he was destitute of every description of refreshments. they said they were sorry for it, as it was a long ride to fredericksburg. "are you _union_ soldiers?" asked stewart, quickly. "yes," said they, "and we are on scouting duty." "come in! come in! i have everything you want!" cried stewart, and when they entered he embraced them. a sumptuous repast was soon on the table, but the soldiers refused to eat! surprised at this, stewart demanded the reason; the troopers rose, and said they were confederate soldiers, and it was their duty to arrest a traitor. they brought him hither. will he, too, escape merited punishment? may d.--i fear there is something in the rumor that norfolk and portsmouth and yorktown and the peninsula will be _given_ up. the secretaries of war and navy are going down to norfolk. may th.--the yankees on the peninsula mean to fight. well, that is what our brave army pants for. may th.--the prospect of battle produces a joyous smile on every soldier's face to-day. may th, th.--we have not yet reached the lowest round of the ladder. the secretary is at norfolk, and the place is to be evacuated. i would resign first. may th.--norfolk and portsmouth are evacuated! our army falling back! the merrimac is to be, or has been, blown up! may th.--my family, excepting my son custis, started to-day for raleigh, n. c., where our youngest daughter is at school. but it is in reality another flight from the enemy. no one, scarcely, supposes that richmond will be defended. but it must be! may th.--the president's family have departed for raleigh, and the families of most of the cabinet to their respective homes, or other places of refuge. the president has been baptized (at home) and privately confirmed in st. paul's church. may th.--the baltimore detectives are the lords of the ascendant. they crook a finger, and the best carriages in the street pause, turn round, and are subject to their will. they loll and roll in glory. and they ride on horseback, too--government horses, or horses _pressed_ from gentlemen's stables. one word of remonstrance, and the poor victim is sent to castle godwin. may th.--i suggested to the provost marshal several days ago that there was an act of congress _requiring_ the destruction of tobacco, whenever it might be in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy. he ran to gen. winder, and he to some one else, and then a hundred or more negroes, and as many wagons, were "pressed" by the detectives. they are now gathering the weed from all quarters, and piling it in "pressed" warehouses, mixed with "combustibles," ready for the conflagration. and now the consuls from the different nations are claiming that all bought on foreign account ought to be spared the torch. mr. myers, the little old lawyer, has been employed to aid them. he told me to-day that none ought to be burnt, that the yankees having already the tobacco of missouri, kentucky, and maryland, if we burn ours it will redound to their benefit, as it will enhance the price of that in their hands. that is a benjamite argument. he hastened away to see the secretary of state, and returned, saying, in high glee (supposing i concurred with him, of course), mr. b. agreed with him. i told him, very gravely, that it mattered not who agreed with him; so soon as the enemy came to richmond all the tobacco would be burned, as the retiring army would attend to it; several high officers were so resolved. he looked astounded, and departed. may th.--this morning i learned that the consuls had carried the day, and were permitted to collect the tobacco _alleged_ to be bought on foreign account in separate warehouses, and to place the flags of their respective nations over them. this was saving the property claimed by foreigners whose governments refused to recognize us (these consuls are accredited to the united states), and destroying that belonging to our own citizens. i told the provost marshal that the act of congress included _all_ tobacco and cotton, and he was required by _law_ to see it all destroyed. he, however, acknowledged only martial law, and was, he said, acting under the instructions of the secretary of state. what has the secretary of state to do with _martial law_? is there really no secretary of war? near the door of the provost marshal's office, guarded by bayoneted sentinels, there is a desk presided over by sergeant crow, who orders _transportation_ on the cars to such soldiers as are permitted to rejoin their regiments. this crow, a marylander, keeps a little black-board hung up and notes with chalk all the regiments that go down the peninsula. to-day, i saw a man whom i suspected to be a yankee spy, copy with his pencil the list of regiments; and when i demanded his purpose, he seemed confused. this is the kind of information gen. mcclellan can afford to pay for very liberally. i drew the provost marshal's attention to this matter, and he ordered a discontinuance of the practice. may th.--our army has fallen back to within four miles of richmond. much anxiety is felt for the fate of the city. is there no turning point in this long lane of downward progress? truly it may be said, our affairs at this moment are in a critical condition. i trust in god, and the chivalry and patriotism of the south _in the field_. the enemy's fleet of gun-boats are ascending james river, and the obstructions are not completed. we have but one or two casemated guns in battery, but we have brave men there. may th.--the enemy's gun-boats, monitor, galena, etc. are at drewry's bluff, eight miles below the city, shelling our batteries, and our batteries are bravely shelling them. the president rode down to the vicinity this morning, and observed the firing. the guns are heard distinctly in the city, and yet there is no consternation manifested by the people. if the enemy pass the obstructions, the city will be, it is true, very much at their mercy. they may shell us out of it, and this may occur any hour. south of the city the enemy have no forces, and we can find refuge there. i suppose the government would go to lynchburg. i shall remain with the army, _and see that the tobacco be burnt, at all hazards, according to law_. i have seen some of our generals, and am convinced that the baltimore rabble, and those that direct them, will be suppressed, or exterminated, if they attempt to throw impediments in the way of our soldiers in the work of destroying the tobacco, as enjoined by congress. our marksmen will keep up an incessant fire into the port-holes of the gun-boats; and if it be at all practicable, we will board them. so hope is by no means extinct. but it is apprehended, if the enemy get within shelling distance of the city, there will be an attack along our lines by mcclellan. we must beat him there, as we could never save our guns, stores, etc. retreating across the river. and we _will_ beat him, for we have , men, and more are coming. joyful tidings! the gun-boats have been repulsed! a heavy shot from one of our batteries ranged through the galena from stem to stern, making frightful slaughter, and disabling the ship; and the whole fleet turned about and steamed down the river! we have not lost a dozen men. we breathe freely; and the government will lose no time in completing the obstructions and strengthening the batteries. may th.--mcclellan is intrenching--that is, at least, significant of a respite, and of apprehension of attack. may th.--gen. lee has admonished major griswold on the too free granting of passports. will it do any good? may th.--all quiet to-day except the huzzas as fresh troops arrive. may th.--we await the issue before richmond. it is still believed by many that it is the intention of the government and the generals to evacuate the city. if the enemy were to appear in force on the south side, and another force were to march on us from fredericksburg, we should be inevitably taken, in the event of the loss of a battle--an event i don't anticipate. army, government, and all, might, it is true, be involved in a common ruin. wrote as strong a letter as i could to the president, stating what i have every reason to believe would be the consequences of the abandonment of richmond. there would be demoralization and even insubordination in the army. better die here! with the exception of the business portion of the city, the enemy could not destroy a great many houses by bombardment. but if defeated and driven back, our troops would make a heroic defense in the streets, in the walled grave-yards, and from the windows. better electrify the world by such scenes of heroism, than surrender the capital and endanger the cause. i besought him by every consideration not to abandon richmond to the enemy short of the last extremity. the legislature has also passed resolutions calling upon the c. s. government to defend richmond at all hazards, relieving the confederate authorities, in advance, of all responsibility for any damage sustained. this will have its effect. it would be pusillanimous to retire now. but every preparation had been made to abandon it. the archives had been sent to columbia, s. c. and to lynchburg. the tracks over the bridges had been covered with plank, to facilitate the passage of artillery. mr. randolph had told his page, and cousin, "you must go with my wife into the country, for to-morrow the enemy will be here." trunks were packed in readiness--for what? not one would have been taken on the cars! the secretary of the treasury had a special locomotive and cars, constantly with steam up, in readiness to fly with the treasure. nevertheless, many of the _old_ secessionists have resolved not to leave their homes, for there were no other homes for them to fly to. they say they will never take the oath of allegiance to the despised government of the north, but suffer whatever penalties may be imposed on them. there is a sullen, but generally a calm expression of inflexible determination on the countenances of the people, men, women, and children. but there is no consternation; we have learned to contemplate death with composure. it would be at least an effectual escape from dishonor; and northern domination is dishonor. may th.--the president, in response to the legislative committee, announced that richmond would be defended. a thrill of joy electrifies every heart, a smile of triumph is on every lip. the inhabitants seem to know that their brave defenders in the field will prove invincible; and it is understood that gen. lee considers the city susceptible of successful defense. the ladies are in ecstasies. may st.--there are skirmishes every day, and we can hear both the artillery and musketry from the hills on the outskirts of the city, whither some of us repair every afternoon. but the provost marshal's administration is abominable. mr. garnett, m. c., told me that in an interview with the president, the latter informed him that he had just received a letter from gen. johnston, stating that the enemy not only knew everything going on within our lines, but seemed absolutely to know what we intended doing in the future, as if the most secret counsels of the cabinet were divulged. count mercier, the french minister residing at washington, has been here on a mysterious errand. they said it referred to our recognition. he had prolonged interviews with mr. benjamin. i think it was concerning tobacco. there are $ , , worth in richmond, at french prices. for $ , , , mr. seward might afford to wink very hard; and, after distributing several other millions, there would be a grand total profit both to the owners and the french emperor. i smile at their golden expectations, for i know they will not be realized. if one man can prevent it, the south shall never be betrayed for a crop of tobacco. this is a holy cause we are embarked in, worthy to die for. the british minister, lord lyons, has embarked for england, to report to his government that "the rebellion is on its last legs," and must speedily succumb. he is no prophet, or the son of a prophet. may d.--there is lightning in the northwest, and the deep thunder of avenging guns is heard at washington! gen. jackson, sent thither by gen. lee, is sweeping everything before him, defeating shields, banks, fremont, and one or two other yankee major-generals, with his little _corps d'armée_! and his coadjutor, ewell, is worthy of his companionship. he has swept them out of the valley, scattering their hosts like quails before the fowler! they fly in every direction; and the powers at washington are trembling for the safety of their own capital. glorious jackson! and he gives, as is justly due, the glory to god. may d.--oh, the extortioners! meats of all kinds are selling at cts. per pound; butter, cts.; coffee, $ . ; tea, $ ; boots, $ per pair; shoes, $ ; ladies' shoes, $ ; shirts, $ each. houses that rented for $ last year, are $ now. boarding, from $ to $ per month. gen. winder has issued an order fixing the maximum prices of certain articles of marketing, which has only the effect of keeping a great many things out of market. the farmers have to pay the merchants and jews their extortionate prices, and complain very justly of the partiality of the general. it does more harm than good. may th.--every day the two armies are shelling each other, more or less; and every gun can be heard from the hospital hill, north of the city, whither many repair to listen. may th.--the enemy send up several balloons every day. sometimes three can be seen at once. they are stationary, being fastened by ropes to trees; and give us an idea of the extent of his lines. but with glasses they can not only see our camps around the city, but they can view every part of the city itself. may th.--gen. lee is still strengthening the army. every day additional regiments are coming. we are now so strong that no one fears the result when the great battle takes place. mcclellan has delayed too long, and he is doomed to defeat. the tobacco savers know it well, and their faces exhibit chagrin and disappointment. their fortunes will not be made this year, and so their reputations may be saved. may th.--more troops came in last night, and were marched to the camp at once, so that the yankees will know nothing of it. may th.--prisoners and deserters from the enemy say the yankees get the richmond papers, every day, almost as soon as we do. this is a great advantage they possess; and it demonstrates the fact that the provost marshal has interposed no effectual barriers between us and the enemy. may th.--more troops are marching into the city, and gen. lee has them sent out in such manner and at such times as to elude the observations of even the spies. may th.--it is said some of the enemy's mounted pickets rode through the city last night! northern papers manifest much confidence in the near approach of the downfall of richmond, and the end of the "rebellion." the th of june is the utmost limit allowed us for existence. a terrific storm arose yesterday; and as our scouts report the left wing of the enemy on this side of the chickahominy, gen. johnston has determined to attack it to-morrow. thank god, we are strong enough to make the attack! may st.--everybody is upon the tip-toe of expectation. it has been announced (in the streets!) that a battle would take place this day, and hundreds of men, women, and children repaired to the hills to listen, and possibly to see, the firing. the great storm day before yesterday, it is supposed, has so swollen the chickahominy as to prevent mcclellan's left wing from retreating, and reinforcements from being sent to its relief. the time is well chosen by gen. johnston for the attack, but it was bad policy to let it be known where and when it would be made; for, no doubt, mcclellan was advised of our plans an hour or so after they were promulged in the streets. whose fault is this? johnston could hardly be responsible for it, because he is very reticent, and appreciates the importance of keeping his purposes concealed from the enemy. surely none of his subordinates divulged the secret, for none but generals of division knew it. it must have been found out and proclaimed by some one in the _tobacco_ interest. it is true, mr. randolph told mr. jacques a great battle would begin at a.m., to-day; but he would not propagate such news as that! but the battle did not occur at the time specified. gen. huger's division was not at the allotted place of attack at the time fixed upon. his excuse is that there was a stream to cross, and understanding gen. longstreet was his senior in command (which is not the fact, however), he permitted his division to have _precedence_. all the divisions were on the ground in time but huger's, but still no battle. thousands of impatient spectators are venting their criticisms and anathemas, like an audience at a theater when some accident or disarrangement behind the scenes prevents the curtain from rising. at last, toward noon, a few guns are heard; but it was not till p.m. that huger's division came upon the field. nevertheless, the battle began in earnest before that hour; and we could hear distinctly not only the cannon but the musketry. the hearts of our soldiers have been inspired with heroic resolution, and their arms nerved with invincible power to overcome the difficulties known to be in the way. every one is aware that the camp of the enemy, on this side of the chickahominy, is almost impregnably intrenched; and in front of the works trees have been cut down and the limbs sharpened, so as to interpose every obstacle to our advance. ever and anon after rapid firing of cannon, and a tremendous rattle of musketry, a pause would ensue; and we knew what this meant! a battery had been taken at the point of the bayonet, and we cheered accordingly. one after another, we could in this manner perceive the strongholds of the enemy fall into our hands. toward sundown it was apparent that the intrenched camp had been taken; and as the deep booming of cannon became more distant, and the rattle of musketry less distinct, we felt certain that the foe was flying, and that our men were pursuing them. but we _knew_ that our men would take everything they were ordered to take. _they_ care not for wounds and death. this is their only country. but the enemy have a country to run to, and they hope to live, even if defeated here. if they kill all our young men, the old men and women, and even our children, will seize their arms and continue the conflict. at night. the ambulances are coming in with our wounded. they report that all the enemy's strong defenses were stormed, just as we could perceive from the sounds. they say that our brave men suffered much in advancing against the intrenchments, exposed to the fire of cannon and small arms, without being able to see the foe under their shelter; but when they leaped over the breastworks and turned the enemy's guns on them, our loss was more than compensated. our men were shot in front; the enemy in the back--and terrible was the slaughter. we got their tents, all standing, and a sumptuous repast that had just been served up when the battle began. gen. casey's headquarters were taken, and his _plate_ and smoking viands were found on his table. his papers fell into our hands. we got a large amount of stores and refreshments, so much needed by our poor braves! there were boxes of lemons, oranges, brandies and wines, and all the luxuries of distant lands which enter the unrestricted ports of the united states. these things were narrated by the pale and bleeding soldiers, who smiled in triumph at their achievement. not one in the long procession of ambulances uttered a complaint. did they really suffer pain from their wounds? this question was asked by thousands, and the reply was, "not much." women and children and slaves are wending to the hospitals, with baskets of refreshments, lint, and bandages. every house is offered for a hospital, and every matron and gentle daughter, a tender nurse. but how fares it with the invader? unable to recross the swollen chickahominy, the yankees were driven into an almost impenetrable swamp, where they must pass the night in water up to their knees. the wounded borne off by them will have no ministrations from their sisters and mothers, and their dead are abandoned on the field. if huger had come up at the time appointed, the enemy would have been ruined. chapter xv. huger fails again.--a wounded boy.--the killed and wounded.--lee assumes command.--lee prepares to attack mcclellan--beauregard watches the gold.--our generals scattered.--hasty letter from gen. lee.--opening of grand battle.--first day, th june.--second, etc.--lee's consummate skill.--every day for a week it rages.--streets crowded with blue jackets.--mcclellan retires. june st.--the ambulances are now bringing in the enemy's wounded as well as our own. it is the prompting of humanity. they seem truly grateful for this magnanimity, as they call it; a sentiment hitherto unknown to them. the battle was renewed to-day, but not seriously. the failure of gen. huger to lead his division into action at the time appointed, is alleged as the only reason why the left wing of the enemy was not completely destroyed. but large masses of the enemy did cross the river, on bridges constructed for the purpose, and they had , men engaged against a much less number on our part; and their batteries played upon us from the north bank of the chickahominy. the flying foe kept under shelter of this fire--and these guns could not be taken, as the pontoon bridge was defended by heavy artillery. all day the wounded were borne past our boarding-house in third street, to the general hospital; and hundreds, with shattered arms and slight flesh wounds, came in on foot. i saw a boy, not more than fifteen years old (from south carolina), with his hand in a sling. he showed me his wound. a ball had entered between the fingers of his left hand and lodged near the wrist, where the flesh was much swollen. he said, smiling, "i'm going to the hospital just to have the ball cut out, and will then return to the battle-field. i can fight with my right hand." the detectives are jubilant to-day. they say one of their number, ----, did heroic feats of arms on the field, killing a yankee colonel, and a private who came to the rescue. at all events, they brought in a colonel's sword, pistols, and coat, as trophies. this story is to be in the papers to-morrow! june d.--great indignation is expressed by the generals in the field at the tales told of the heroism of the amateur fighters. they say ---- stripped a dead colonel, and was never in reach of the enemy's guns. moreover, the civilians in arms kept at such a distance from danger that their balls fell among our own men, and wounded some of them! an order has been issued by one of the major-generals, that hereafter any stragglers on the field of battle shall be shot. no civilians are to be permitted to be there at all, unless they go into the ranks. gen. johnston is wounded--badly wounded, but not mortally. it is his misfortune to be wounded in almost every battle he fights. nevertheless, he has gained a glorious victory. our loss in killed and wounded will not exceed ; while the enemy's killed, wounded, and prisoners will not fall short of , . they lost, besides, many guns, tents, and stores--all wrung from them at the point of the bayonet, and in spite of their formidable abattis. prisoners taken on the field say: "the southern soldiers would charge into hell if there was a battery before them--and they would take it from a legion of devils!" the moral effect of this victory must be great. the enemy have been taught that none of the engines of destruction that can be wielded against us, will prevent us from taking their batteries; and so, hereafter, when we charge upon them, they might as well run away from their own guns. june d.--gen. lee henceforth assumes command of the army in person. this may be hailed as the harbinger of bright fortune. june th.--col. bledsoe sent word to me to-day by my son that he wished to see me. when i met him he groaned as usual, and said the department would have to open another passport office, as the major-generals in the field refused to permit the relatives of the sick and wounded in the camps to pass with orders from brig.-gen. winder or his provost marshal. june th.--i reopened my office in the department. june th.--gen. winder getting wind of what was going on, had an interview, first with mr. benjamin, who instructed him what to say; and then bringing forward the provost marshal, they had a rather stormy interview with mr. randolph, who, as usual, yielded to their protestations against having _two_ passport offices, while martial law existed. and so col. bledsoe came in and told me to "shut up shop." the secretary had revoked his order. june th.--but business is in a great measure suspended, and so i have another holiday. june th.--i learn that col. bledsoe has to grant passports to the army, as the pickets have been instructed to let no one pass upon the order of gen. winder or his provost marshal. june th.--it is now apparent that matters were miserably managed on the battle-field, until gen. lee assumed command in person. most of the trophies of the victory, and thousands of arms, stores, etc. were pillaged by the promiscuous crowds of aliens and jews who purchased passports thither from the provost marshal's detectives. june th.--col. bledsoe sent for me again. this time he wanted me to take charge of the letter room, and superintend the young gentlemen who briefed the letters. this i did very cheerfully; i opened all the letters, and sent to the secretary the important ones immediately. these, for want of discrimination, had sometimes been suffered to remain unnoticed two or three days, when they required instant action. june th, th.--gen. smith, the new york street commissioner, had been urged as commander-in-chief. june th.--gen. lee is satisfied with the present posture of affairs--and mcclellan has no idea of attacking us now. he don't say what he means to do himself. june th.--the wounded soldiers bless the ladies, who nurse them unceasingly. june th.--what a change! no one now dreams of the loss of the capital. june th.--it is not yet ascertained what amount of ordnance stores we gained from the battle. june th.--lee is quietly preparing to attack mcclellan. the president, who was on the battle-field, is very cheerful. june th.--to-day so many applications were made to the secretary himself for passports to the armies, and beyond the lines of the confederate states, that, forgetting the revocation of his former order, he sent a note into the assistant secretary, saying he thought a passport agent had been appointed to attend to such cases; and he now directed that it be done. bledsoe came to me immediately, and said: "jones, you'll have to open a passport office again--i shall sign no more." june th.--moved once more into the old office. june st.--gen. beauregard is doubly doomed. a few weeks ago, when the blackness of midnight brooded over our cause, there were some intimations, i know not whether they were well founded, that certain high functionaries were making arrangements for a flight to france; and gen. beauregard getting intimation of an order to move certain sums in bullion in the custody of an assistant treasurer in his military department, forbid its departure until he could be certain that it was not destined to leave the confederacy. i have not learned its ultimate destination; but the victory of the seven pines intervening, gen. beauregard has been relieved of his command, "on sick leave." but i know his army is to be commanded permanently by gen. bragg. there are charges against beauregard. it is said the yankee army might have been annihilated at shiloh, if beauregard had fought a little longer. june d.--and gen. johnston, i learn, has had his day. and magruder is on "sick leave." he is too open in his censures of the late secretary of war. but gen. huger comes off scotfree; he has always had the confidence of mr. benjamin, and used to send the flag of truce to fortress monroe as often as could be desired. june th.--gen. lee's plan works like a charm! although i have daily orders from mr. randolph to send persons beyond our lines, yet the precautions of lee most effectually prevent any spies from knowing anything about his army. even the adjutant-general, s. cooper, don't know how many regiments are ordered into virginia, or where they are stationed. officers returning from furlough, cannot ascertain in the adjutant-general's office where their regiments are! they are referred to me for passports to gen. lee's headquarters. no man with a passport from gen. winder, or from his provost marshal, can pass the pickets of gen. lee's army. this is the harbinger of success, and i predict a career of glory for lee, and for our country! there are some vague rumors about the approach of stonewall jackson's army; but no one knows anything about it, and but few believe it. recent northern papers say he is approaching winchester, and i see they are intrenching in the valley to guard against his terrible blows. this is capital! and our people are beginning to _fear_ there will be no more fighting around richmond until mcclellan _digs_ his way to it. the moment fighting ceases, our people have fits of gloom and despondency; but when they snuff battle in the breeze, they are animated with confidence. they regard victory as a matter of course; and are only indignant at our long series of recent reverses, when they reflect that our armies have so seldom been led against the embattled hosts of the enemy. june th.--the people of louisiana are protesting strongly against permitting gen. lovell to remain in command in that state, since the fall of new orleans (which i omitted to note in regular order in these chronicles), and they attribute that disgraceful event, some to his incompetency, and others to treason. these remonstrances come from such influential parties, i think the president must listen to them. yes, a massachusetts man (they say gen. l. came from boston) was in command of the troops of new orleans when that great city surrendered without firing a gun. and this is one of the northern generals who came over to our side _after_ the battle of manassas. june th.--to-day a letter, hastily written by gen. lee to the secretary of war, stated that his headquarters would be at ----, or _beyond_ that point, whence couriers could find him if there should be anything of importance--the secretary might desire to communicate during the day. _this is the day of battle!_ jackson is in the rear of mcclellan's right wing! i sent this note to the secretary at once. i _suppose_ mr. randolph had been previously advised of gen. lee's intention to fight to-day; but i do not _know_ it. i know some of the brigadier-generals in the army do not know it; although they have all been ordered to their commands. this is no uncommon order; but it is characteristic of lee's secretiveness to keep _all_ of his officers in profound ignorance of his intentions, except those he means to be engaged. the _enemy_ cannot possibly have any intimation of his purpose, because the spies here have no intelligence; and none are permitted to pass the rear pickets in sight of the city without my passport. what a change since the last battle! to-day, in compliance with an intimation of the president, all in the departments, who felt so disposed, formed a military organization for the defense of the city, and especially of the archives, which had been brought back since the assumption of command by gen. lee. col. bledsoe denounced the organization as a humbug! defending the government, or readiness to defend it, in such times as these, is no humbug! in the fluctuations of a great battle, almost in the suburbs of the city, a squadron of the enemy's horse might penetrate even to the office of the chief executive, when a few hundred muskets, in the hands of old men and boys, might preserve the papers. after dinner i repaired, with custis and a few friends, to my old stand on the hill north of the jews' cemetery, and sat down in the shade to listen. many persons were there as usual--for every day some firing could be heard--who said, in response to my inquiries, that distant guns had been heard in the direction of the pamunky river. "that is _jackson_!" i exclaimed, as the sounds were distinctly discerned by myself; "and he is in their rear, behind their right wing!" all were incredulous, and some doubted whether he was within a hundred miles of us. but the sounds grew more distinct, and more frequent, and i knew he was advancing. but how long could he advance in that direction without being overwhelmed? everywhere else along the line a deathlike silence reigned, that even the dropping fire of the pickets, usually so incessant, could be heard. this suspense continued only a few minutes. two guns were then heard northeast of us, and in such proximity as to startle some of the anxious listeners. these were followed by three or four more, and then the fire continued with increasing rapidity. this was gen. a. p. hill's division in _front_ of the enemy's right wing, and lee's plan of battle was developed. hill was so near us as to be almost in sight. the drums and fifes of his regiments, as they marched up to the point of attack, could be easily heard; how distinctly, then, sounded his cannon in our ears! and the enemy's guns, pointed in the direction of the city, were as plainly discerned. i think mcclellan is taken by surprise. one gentleman, who had been incredulous on the subject of a battle to-day, held his watch in his hand ten minutes, during which time one hundred and ninety guns were heard. saying he believed a battle was in progress, he replaced the watch in his pocket, and sat down on the ground to listen. another hour, and the reports come with the rapidity of seconds, or per hour! and now, for the first time, we hear the rattle of small arms. and lo! two guns farther to the right,--from longstreet's division, i suppose. and they were followed by others. this is lee's grand plan of battle: jackson first, then hill, then longstreet--time and distance computed with mathematical precision! the enemy's balloons are not up now. they _know_ what is going on, without further investigations up in the air. the business is upon earth, where many a yankee will breathe his last this night! mcclellan must be thunderstruck at this unexpected opening of a decisive battle. our own people, and even our own general officers, except those who were to participate in the attack, were uninformed of lee's grand purpose, until the booming of jackson's guns were heard far on our left. as the shades of evening fall, the fire seems to increase in rapidity, and a gentle breeze rising as the stars come out, billows of smoke are wafted from the battle-field. and now, occasionally, we can distinctly see the bursting of shells in the air, aimed too high by the enemy, and exploding far this side of our line of battle. darkness is upon us, save the glimmer of the stars, as the sulphurous clouds sink into the humid valleys. but the flashes of the guns are visible on the horizon, followed by the deep intonations of the mighty engines of destruction, echoing and reverberating from hill to hill, and through the vast valley of the james in the rear. hundreds of men, women, and children were attracted to the heights around the city to behold the spectacle. from the capitol and from the president's mansion, the vivid flashes of artillery could be seen; but no one doubted the result. it is only silence and inaction we dread. the firing ceased at nine o'clock p.m. the president was on the field, but did not interfere with lee. june th.--at the first dawn of day, the battle recommenced, farther round to the east. this was enough. the enemy had drawn in his right wing. and courier after courier announced the taking of his batteries by our brave defenders! but the battle rages loud and long, and the troops of jackson's corps, like the march of fate, still upon mcclellan's right flank and rear. jackson's horse, and the gallant stuart, with his irresistible cavalry, have cut the enemy's communications with their base on the pamunky. it is said they are burning their stores! what genius! what audacity in lee! he has absolutely taken the greater portion of his army to the north side of the chickahominy, leaving mcclellan's center and left wing on the south side, with apparently easy access to the city. this is (to the invaders) impenetrable strategy. the enemy believes lee's main forces are _here_, and will never think of advancing. we have so completely closed the avenues of intelligence that the enemy has not been able to get the slightest intimation of our strength or the dispositions of our forces. june th.--the president publishes a dispatch from lee, announcing a victory! the enemy has been driven from all his intrenchments, losing many batteries. yesterday the president's life was saved by lee. every day he rides out near the battle-field, in citizen's dress, marking the fluctuations of the conflict, but assuming no direction of affairs in the field. gen. lee, however, is ever apprised of his position; and once, when the enemy were about to point one of their most powerful batteries in the direction of a certain farm-house occupied by the president, lee sent a courier in haste to inform him of it. no sooner had the president escaped than a storm of shot and shell riddled the house. some of the people still think that their military president is on the field directing every important movement in person. a gentleman told me to-day, that he met the president yesterday, and the day before, alone, in the lanes and orchards, near the battle-field. he issued no orders; but awaited results like the rest of us, praying fervently for abundant success. to-day some of our streets are crammed with thousands of bluejackets--yankee prisoners. there are many field officers, and among them several generals. general reynolds, who surrendered with his brigade, was thus accosted by one of our functionaries, who knew him before the war began: "general, this is in accordance with mcclellan's prediction; you are in richmond." "yes, sir," responded the general, in bitterness; "and d--n me, if it is not precisely in the manner i anticipated." "where is mcclellan, general?" "i know not exactly; his movements have been so frequent of late. but i think it probable he too may be here before night!" "i doubt that," said his fellow-prisoner, gen. mccall; "beware of your left wing! who commands there?" "gen. jackson." "stonewall jackson? is he in this fight? was it really jackson making mince-meat of our right? then your left wing is safe!" four or five thousand prisoners have arrived. june th.--the battle still rages. but the scene has shifted farther to the east. the enemy's army is now entirely on _this_ side of the chickahominy. mcclellan is doggedly retiring toward the james river. june th.--once more all men are execrating gen. huger. it is alleged that he _again_ failed to obey an order, and kept his division away from the position assigned it, which would have prevented the escape of mcclellan. if this be so, who is responsible, after his alleged misconduct at the battle of the seven pines? chapter xvi. terrific fighting.--anxiety to visit the battle-field.--lee prepares for other battles.--hope for the union extinct.--gen. lee brings forward conscripts.--gen. cobb appointed to arrange exchange of prisoners.-- mr. ould as agent.--pope, the braggart, comes upon the stage.--meets a braggart's fate.--the war transferred to northern virginia. july st.--to-day gen. magruder led his division into action at malvern hill, it is said, contrary to the judgment of other commanders. the enemy's batteries commanded all the approaches in most advantageous position, and fearful was the slaughter. a wounded soldier, fresh from the field to-night, informs me that our loss in killed in this engagement will amount to as many as have fallen in all the others combined. july d.--more fighting to-day. the enemy, although their batteries were successfully defended last night at malvern hill; abandoned many guns after the charges ceased, and retreated hastily. the grand army of invasion is now some twenty-five miles from the city, and yet the northern papers claim the victory. they say it was a masterly strategic movement of mcclellan, and a premeditated change of base from the pamunky to the james; and that he will certainly take richmond in a week and end the rebellion. july d.--our wounded are now coming in fast, under the direction of the ambulance committee. i give passports to no one not having legitimate business on the field to pass the pickets of the army. there is no pilfering on this field of battle; no "plug ugly" detectives stripping dead colonels, and, falstaff like, claiming to be made "either earl or duke" for killing them. so great is the demand for vehicles that the brother of a north carolina major, reported mortally wounded, paid $ for a hack to bring his brother into the city. he returned with him a few hours after, and, fortunately, found him to be not even dangerously wounded. i suffer no physicians not belonging to the army to go upon the battle-field without taking amputating instruments with them, and no private vehicle without binding the drivers to bring in two or more of the wounded. there are fifty hospitals in the city, fast filling with the sick and wounded. i have seen men in my office and walking in the streets, whose arms have been amputated within the last three days. the realization of a great victory seems to give them strength. july th.--lee does not follow up his blows on the whipped enemy, and some sage critics censure him for it. but he knows that the fatal blow has been dealt this "grand army" of the north. the serpent has been killed, though its tail still exhibits some spasmodic motions. it will die, so far as the peninsula is concerned, after sunset, or when it thunders. the commanding general neither sleeps nor slumbers. already the process of reorganizing jackson's corps has been commenced for a blow at or near the enemy's capital. let lincoln beware the hour of retribution. the enemy's losses in the seven days' battles around richmond, in killed, wounded, sick, and desertions, are estimated at , men, and their losses in cannon, stores, etc., at some $ , , . their own papers say the work is to be begun anew, and subjugation is put off six months, which is equivalent to a loss of $ , , inflicted by lee's victory. by their emancipation and confiscation measures, the yankees have made this a war of extermination, and added new zeal and resolution to our brave defenders. all hope of a reconstruction of the union is relinquished by the few, comparatively, in the south, who still clung to the delusion. it is well. if the enemy had pursued a different course we should never have had the same unanimity. if they had made war only on men in arms, and spared private property, according to the usages of civilized nations, there would, at least, have been a _neutral_ party in the south, and never the same energy and determination to contest the last inch of soil with the cruel invader. now they will find that , , of troops cannot subjugate us, and if subjugated, that a standing army of half a million would be required to keep us in subjection. july th.--gen. lee is bringing forward the conscript regiments with rapidity; and so large are his powers that the secretary of war has but little to do. he is, truly, but a mere clerk. the correspondence is mostly referred to the different bureaus for action, whose experienced heads know what should be done much better than mr. randolph could tell them. july th.--thousands of fathers, brothers, mothers, and sisters of the wounded are arriving in the city to attend their suffering relations, and to recover the remains of those who were slain. july th.--gen. huger has been relieved of his command. he retains his rank and pay as major-general "of ordnance." gen. pope, yankee, has been assigned to the command of the army of invasion in northern virginia, and gen. halleck has been made commanding general, to reside in washington. good! the yankees are disgracing mcclellan, the best general they have. july th.--glorious col. morgan has dashed into kentucky, whipped everything before him, and got off unharmed. he had but little over a thousand men, and captured that number of prisoners. kentucky will rise in a few weeks. july th.--lee has turned the tide, and i shall not be surprised if we have a long career of successes. bragg, and kirby smith, and loring are in motion at last, and tennessee and kentucky, and perhaps missouri, will rise again in "rebellion." july th.--i forgot to note in its place a feat of gen. stuart and his cavalry, before the recent battles. he made a complete girdle around the enemy, destroying millions of their property, and returned without loss. he was reconnoitering for jackson, who followed in his track. this made stuart major-general. i likewise omitted to note the death of the brave gen. ashby, who fell in one of jackson's brilliant battles in the valley. but history will do him justice. [my chronicles are designed to assist history, and to supply the smaller incidents and details which the grand historian would be likely to omit.] july th.--gen. howell cobb has been sent down the river under flag of truce to negotiate a cartel with gen. dix for the exchange of prisoners. it was decided that the exchange should be conducted on the basis agreed to between the united states and the british government during the war of , and all men taken hereafter will be released on parole within ten days after their capture. we have some prisoners in this city, and altogether, i dare say, a larger number than the enemy have of our men. july th.--mr. ould has been appointed agent to effect exchanges of paroled men. he is also acting as judge advocate. july th.--we have some of gen. pope's proclamations and orders. he is simply a braggart, and will meet a braggart's fate. he announces his purpose to subsist his army in our country, and moreover, he intends to shoot or hang our non-combating citizens that may fall into his hands, in retaliation for the killing of any of his thieving and murdering soldiers by our avenging guerrillas. he says his headquarters will be on his horse, and that he will make no provision for retreat. that he has been accustomed to see the _backs_ of his enemies! well, we shall see how he will face a stonewall! july th.--jackson and ewell and stuart are after pope, but i learn they are not allowed to attempt any enterprise for some weeks yet. fatal error, i fear. for we have advices at the department that pope has not now exceeding , men, but that all the rolling stock of the baltimore and ohio railroad is ordered west to bring reinforcements. besides, the united states government is calling for , additional men. then again, mcclellan and burnside will form a junction with pope, and we will be outnumbered. but the president and gen. lee know best what is to be done. we have lost many of the flower of southern chivalry in the late conflicts. july th.--gen. pendleton has given mcclellan a scare, and might have hurt him if he had fired lower. he planted a number of batteries (concealed) on the south side of the river, just opposite the enemy's camp. the river was filled with gun-boats and transports. at a signal, all the guns were fired, at short range, too, for some minutes with great rapidity, and then the batteries were withdrawn. i happened to be awake, and could not conjecture what the rumpus meant. but we fired too high in the dark, and did but little execution. our shells fell beyond the enemy's camp on the opposite side of the river. we lost a few men, by accident, mostly. but hereafter in "each bush they fear an officer." july th.--gen. lee is hurrying up reinforcements from the south, old regiments and conscripts, and pays very little attention to mcclellan on the peninsula, knowing no further enterprises will be attempted by the enemy in that quarter for some time to come. july th.--the people are too jubilant, i fear, over our recent successes near the city. a great many _skulkers_ from the army are seen daily in the streets, and it is said there are men here subject to conscript duty, who have not been enrolled. the business of purchasing substitutes is prevailing alarmingly. july th.--to-day several ladies applied in person to the secretary of war for passports to norfolk and baltimore, and he sent me written orders to grant them. they next applied to gen. winder to go with the flag of truce, exhibiting their passports. he repudiated them, however, and sent the ladies back to me, saying he wanted something with the secretary's signature, showing me to be authorized to sign them. i wrote such a note as i supposed he wanted, and the secretary signed it as follows: "richmond, july th, . "brig.-gen. j. h. winder. "sir:--the passports issued by j. b. jones from this department to pass the lines of the confederate armies, and the lines of the confederate states, are granted by my direction, evidences of which are on file in the passport office. "respectfully, "g. w. randolph, "_secretary of war_." this, one of the ladies delivered to him. i hope i am now done with gen. winder and his "plug ugly" dynasty. july th.--this morning early, while congratulating myself on the evidence of some firmness and independence in the new secretary, i received the following note: "richmond, july th, . "mr. j. b. jones. "sir:--i have just been directed by the secretary of war that he has turned over the whole business of passports to gen. winder, and that applications for passports will not be received at this office at all. "very respectfully, "a. g. bledsoe, "_asst. sec. war_." of course i ceased operations immediately. so large a concourse of persons now accumulated in the hall, that it was soon necessary to put up a notice that gen. winder would grant them passports. but the current set back again. gen. winder _refused_ to issue passports to the relatives of the sick and wounded in the camps, well knowing the generals, his superiors in rank, would not recognize his authority. he even came into the department, and tore down the notice with his own hands. july th.--i am back again, signing passports to the army. but yesterday, during the _interregnum_, the beaverdam depot was burnt by the enemy, information of its defenseless condition having been given by a jew peddler, who obtained no passport from me. july st.--a marylander, a lieutenant employed by gen. winder to guard the prisoners (the generals and other high yankee officers), came to me to-day, with a friend who had just arrived from baltimore, and demanded passports to visit drewry's bluff, for the purpose of inspecting the defenses. i refused, fearing he might (i did not like his face) have been corrupted by his prisoners. he said very significantly that he would go in spite of me. this i reported to the assistant adjutant-general, and also wrote a note to gen. wise, to examine him closely if he came within his lines. july d.--to-day gen. winder came into my office in a passion with a passport in his hand which i had given, a week before, to mr. collier, of petersburg, on the order of the assistant secretary of war--threatening me with vengeance and the terrors of castle godwin, his bastile! if i granted any more passports to petersburg where he was military commander, that city being likewise under martial law. i simply uttered a defiance, and he departed, boiling over with rage. july d.--to-day i received the following note from the secretary: "july d, . "j. b. jones, esq. "sir:--you will not issue passports except to persons going to the camps near richmond. "passports elsewhere will be granted by brig.-gen. winder. "respectfully, "geo. w. randolph, "_secretary of war_." july th.--already the flood-gates of treasonable intelligence flowing north seem to be thrown wide open. the baltimore papers contain a vast amount of information concerning our condition, movements in progress, and projected enterprises. and to crown all, these rascals publish in the same papers _the passports given them by gen. winder_. i doubt not they are sold by the detectives, winder being ignorant. july th.--more northern papers received to-day, containing news from the south. most fortunately, they can know nothing reliable of what is passing within gen. lee's lines. the responsibility of keeping his gates closed against spies rests in a great measure on myself, and i endeavor to keep even our own people in profound ignorance of what transpires there. july th.--there is a pause in the depreciation of c. s. securities. july th.--gen. lovell, it is said, will be tried by a court-martial. the same has been said of generals magruder and huger. but i doubt it. july th.--the examining board of surgeons, established by the secretary of war, has been abolished by order of gen. lee. it was the only idea of the secretary yet developed, excepting the "handing over" of the "whole business of passports to gen. winder." july th.--pope's army, greatly reinforced, are committing shocking devastations in culpepper and orange counties. his brutal orders, and his bragging proclamations, have wrought our men to such a pitch of exasperation that, when the day of battle comes, there will be, must be terrible slaughter. july th.--both gen. jackson and gen. stuart were in the department to-day. their commands have preceded them, and must be near orange c. h. by this time. these war-worn heroes (neither of them over forty years of age) attracted much attention. everybody wished to see them; and if they had lingered a few minutes longer in the hall, a crowd would have collected, cheering to the echo. this they avoided, transacting their business in the shortest possible space of time, and then escaping observation. they have yet much work to do. july st.--gen. breckinridge has beaten the yankees at baton rouge, but without result, as we have no co-operating fleet. chapter xvii. vicksburg shelled.--lee looks toward washington.--much manoeuvring in orange county.--a brigade of the enemy annihilated.--mcclellan flies to washington.--cretans.--leo has a mighty army.--missouri risings.-- pope's coat and papers captured.--cut up at manassas.--clothing captured of the enemy. august st.--vicksburg has triumphantly withstood the shelling of the enemy's fleet of gun-boats. this proves that new orleans might have been successfully defended, and could have been held to this day by gen. lovell. so, west point is not always the best criterion of one's fitness to command. august d.--the adjutant-general, "by order" (i suppose of the president), is annulling, one after another, all gen. winder's despotic orders. august d.--there is a rumor that mcclellan is "stealing away" from his new base! and burnside has gone up the rappahannock to co-operate with pope in his "march to richmond." august th.--lee is making herculean efforts for an "on to washington," while the enemy think he merely designs a defense of richmond. troops are on the move, all the way from florida to gordonsville. august th.--the enemy have postponed drafting, that compulsory mode of getting men being unpopular, _until after the october elections_. i hope lee will make the most of his time, and annihilate their drilled and seasoned troops. he can put more _fighting_ men in virginia than the enemy, during the next two months. "now's the day, and now's the hour!" august th.--jackson is making preparations to fight. i know the symptoms. he has made pope believe he's afraid of him. august th.--much incomprehensible manoeuvring is going on in orange county. august th.--we hear of skirmishing in orange county, and the enemy seem as familiar with the paths and fords as our own people; hence some surprises, attempted by our cavalry, have failed. august th.--jackson and ewell are waiting and watching. pope will expose himself soon. august th.--jackson struck pope yesterday! it was a terrible blow, for the numbers engaged. several thousand of the enemy were killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. among the latter is gen. prince, who arrived in this city this morning. he affected to be ignorant of pope's brutal orders, and of the president's retaliatory order concerning the commissioned officers of pope's army taken in battle. when prince was informed that he and the fifty or sixty others taken with him were not to be treated as prisoners of war, but as _felons_, he vented his execrations upon pope. they were sent into close confinement. august th.--our killed, wounded, and captured did not amount to more than . we might have captured a whole brigade at one time during the battle, but _did not_. they charged our batteries, not perceiving a brigade of our own lying concealed just in the rear of the guns: so, when they advanced, shouting, to within _thirty yards_ of our troops, they rose and "let them have it." nine-tenths of the enemy fell, and the rest were soon dispatched, before they could get away. one of their dying officers said they would have surrendered to us, if we had demanded it. he was reminded of pope's beastly orders, and died with a horrible groan. august th.--pope claims a victory! so did mcclellan. but truth will rise, in spite of everything. i will not quote bryant literally, because he is an enemy in this war, and falsifies his own precepts. august th.--mcclellan is gone, bag and baggage, abandoning his "_base_;" to attain which, he said he had instituted his magnificent strategic movements, resulting in an unmolested retreat from the peninsula and flight to washington, for the defense of his own capital. so the truth they crushed to earth on the chickahominy has risen again, and the yankees, like the cretans, are to be known henceforth as a nation of liars. august th.--lee has gone up the country to command in person. now let lincoln beware, for there _is_ danger. a mighty army, such as napoleon himself would have been proud to command, is approaching his capital. this is the triumph lee has been providing for, while the nations of the earth are hesitating whether or not to recognize our independence. august th.--moved my office to an upper story of the bank of virginia, where the army intelligence office is located--an office that keeps a list of the sick and wounded. august th.--we have intelligence from the west of a simultaneous advance of several of our columns. this is the work of lee. may god grant that our blows be speedy and effectual in hurling back the invader from our soil! august th.--we have also news from missouri of indications of an uprising which will certainly clear the state of the few federal troops remaining there. the _draft_ will accelerate the movement. and then if we get kentucky, as i think we must, we shall add a hundred thousand to our army! august th.--from texas, west louisiana, and arkansas, we shall soon have tidings. the clans are gathering, and , more, half mounted on hardy horses, will soon be marching for the _prairie_ country of the enemy. glorious lee! and glorious jackson! they are destined to roll the dark clouds away from the horizon. august th.--day and _night_ our troops are marching; they are now _beyond_ the right wing of pope, and will soon be accumulated there in such numbers as to defy the combined forces of pope, burnside, and mcclellan! august th.--we have now a solution of the secret of pope's familiarity with the country. _his guide and pilot is the identical robt. stewart who was sent here to the provost marshal--a prisoner._ how did he get out? they say money did it. august st.--some apprehensions are felt by a few for the safety of this city, as it is supposed that _all_ the troops have been withdrawn. this is not so, however. from ten to fifteen _thousand_ men could be concentrated here in twenty-four hours. richmond is not in half the danger that washington is. august d.--saw vice-president stephens to day, as cordial and enthusiastic as ever. august d.--members of congress are coming to my office every day, getting passports for their constituents. those i have seen (senator brown, of mississippi, among the rest) express a purpose not to renew the act, to expire on the th september, authorizing martial law. august th.--in both houses of congress they are thundering away at gen. winder's provost marshal and his plug ugly alien policemen. senator brown has been very bitter against them. august th.--mr. russell has reported a bill which would give us martial law in such a modified form as to extract its venom. august th.--mr. russell's bill will not pass. the machinery of legislation works too slowly. fredericksburg has been evacuated by the enemy! it is said the jews rushed in and bought boots for $ . , which they now demand $ . for, and so with various other articles of merchandise. they are now investing money in real estate for the first time, which is evidence that they have no faith in the ultimate redemption of confederate money. august th.--huzza for gen. stuart! he has made another _circumvention_ of the enemy, getting completely in pope's rear, and destroying many millions worth of stores, etc. august th.--pope's coat was captured, and all his papers. the braggart is near his end. august th.--bloody fighting is going on at manassas. all the news is good for us. it appears that pope, in his consummate egotism, refused to believe that he had been outwitted, and "pitched into" our corps and divisions, believing them to be merely brigades and regiments. he has been terribly cut up. august th.--banks, by the order of pope, has burnt yankee cars loaded with quartermaster's and commissary stores. but our soldiers have fared sumptuously on the enemy's provisions, and captured clothing enough for half the army. august st.--fighting every day at manassas. chapter xviii. lee announces a victory.--crosses the potomac.--battle of sharpsburg.-- mcclellan pauses at the potomac.--lee moves mysteriously.--the campaign a doubtful one in its material results.--horrible scene near washington.--conscription enlarged.--heavy loss at sharpsburg.-- , in the hospitals here. september st.--official dispatches from lee, announcing a "signal victory," by the blessing of god, "over the combined forces of the enemy." that is glory enough for a week. when _lee_ says "signal victory," we know exactly what it means, and we breathe freely. _our_ generals _never_ modify their reports of victories. they see and know the extent of what has been done before they speak of it, and they never mislead by exaggerated accounts of successes. september d.--winchester is evacuated! the enemy fled, and left enough ordnance stores for a campaign! it was one of their principal depots. september d.--we lament the fall of _ewell_--not killed, but his leg has been amputated. the enemy themselves report the loss, in killed and wounded, of _eight generals_! and lee says, up to the time of writing, he had paroled prisoners, taken , stand of small arms, odd cannon, and immense stores! september th.--the enemy's loss in the series of battles, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, is estimated at , . where is the braggart pope now? disgraced eternally, deprived of his command by his own government, and sent to minnesota to fight the indians! savage in his nature, he is only fit to fight with savages! september th.--our army knows no rest. but i fear this incessant marching and fighting may prove too much for many of the tender boys. september th.--we have authentic accounts of our army crossing the potomac without opposition. september th.--we see by the northern papers that pope claimed a great victory over lee and jackson! it was too much even for the lying editors themselves! the federal army being hurled back on the potomac, and then compelled to cross it, it was too transparently ridiculous for the press to contend for the victory. and now they confess to a series of defeats from the th june to the culminating calamity of the th august. they acknowledge they have been beaten--badly beaten--_but they will not admit that our army has crossed into maryland_. well, lee's dispatch to the president is dated "headquarters, frederick city." we believe him. september th.--but the marylanders have not risen _yet_. some of our divisions have touched the soil of _pennsylvania_. and i believe the whole yankee host would leave washington, escaping by the potomac, if it were not for the traitors here, who go to norfolk and baltimore by flag of truce, and inform the lincoln government (for pay) that we have no troops here--none between this and manassas, none all the way to lee, while thousands in the army are prostrated with physical exhaustion. september th.--lord, what a scare they are having in the north! they are calling everybody to arms for the defense of _philadelphia_, and they are removing specie, arms, etc., from harrisburg and all the intervening towns. this is the chalice so long held by them to our lips. september th.--on the very day that lee gained the signal victory at manassas, kirby smith gained one at richmond, kentucky, capturing thousands of prisoners. this is not chance--it is god, to whom all the glory is due. september th.--and cincinnati is trembling to its center. that abolition city, half foreign and half american, is listening for the thunder of our avenging guns. september th.--the ranks of the enemy are broken everywhere in the west. buell is flying to nashville as a city of refuge, but we have invincible columns interposed between him and his country. september th.--buell has impressed , slaves, and is fortifying nashville. september th.--our army has entered the city of lexington, and the population hail our brave soldiers as deliverers. three regiments were organized there in twenty-four hours, and thirty thousand recruits, it is thought, will flock to our standard in kentucky. september th.--our flag floats over the capitol at frankfort! and gen. marshall, lately the exile and fugitive, is encamped with his men on his own farm, near paris. september th.--intelligence from missouri states that the union militia have rallied on the side of the south. september th.--everything seems to indicate the "breaking up" of the armies of our enemies, as if our prayers had been answered, and the hosts of lincoln were really to be "brought to confusion." september th.--to-day, in response to the president's proclamation, we give thanks to almighty god for the victories he has blessed us with. september th.--and god has blessed us even more abundantly than we supposed. the rumor that our invincible stonewall jackson had been sent by lee to harper's ferry, and had taken it, is true. nearly , men surrendered there on the th inst., after the loss of two or three hundred on their side, and only _three_ killed and a few wounded on ours. we got guns, , stand of small arms, , fine horses, wagons, and stores of various kinds, worth millions. september th.--while jackson was doing his work, mcclellan, who has been restored to command, marched at the head of , men to the rescue of harper's ferry, but d. p. hill, with his single division, kept him at bay for many hours, until longstreet came to his assistance, and night fell upon the scene. but lee soon concentrated his weary columns at sharpsburg, near shepherdstown, and on the th inst. gave battle. we got the first news of this battle from a northern paper--the _philadelphia inquirer_--which claimed a great victory, having killed and taken , of our men, made jackson prisoner, and wounded longstreet! but the truth is, we lost and the enemy , . at the next dawn lee opened fire again--but, lo! the enemy had fled! september st.--we have one day of gloom. it is said that our army has retreated back into virginia. september d.--there are rumors that only jackson's corps recrossed the potomac to look after a column of the enemy sent to recapture harper's ferry and take winchester, our grand depot. september d.--jackson, the ubiquitous and invincible, fell upon burnside's division and annihilated it. this intelligence has been received by the president. we have, also, news from kentucky. it comes this time in the _new york herald_, and is true, as far as it goes. a portion of buell's army, escaping from nashville, marched to mumfordsville, where bragg cut them to pieces, taking prisoners! it cannot be possible that this is more than half the truth. the newsboys are selling extras in the streets containing these glorious accounts. september th.--the papers this morning are still in doubt whether lee has returned to the virginia side of the potomac, or remains in maryland. my theory is that he is _perdue_ for the present, hoping all the enemy's forces will enter virginia, from washington--when he will pounce upon that city and cut off their retreat. the northern papers contain intimations of the existence of a conspiracy to _dethrone_ lincoln, and put a military dictator at the head of the government. gen. fremont is named as the man. it is alleged that this movement is to be made by the abolitionists, as if lincoln were not sufficiently radical for them! a call has been made by congress for explanations of the arrest of a citizen of virginia, by gen. winder, for procuring a substitute for a relative. gen. w., supposing his powers ample, under martial law, had forbidden agents to procure substitutes. this was in contravention of an act of congress, legalizing substitutes. if winder be sustained, it is said we shall have inaugurated a military despotism. i have just seen persons from the eastern shore of virginia. they say my farm there has not been disturbed[ ] by the enemy. i think it probable they knew nothing about its ownership, or it would have been devastated. my agent sent me a little money, part of the rent of year before last. my tenant is getting rich. after peace i shall reside there myself. how i long for the independent life of a farmer! wood is selling at $ per cord, and coal at $ per load. how can we live here, unless our salaries are increased? the matter is under consideration by congress, and we _hope_ for favorable action. col. bledsoe has resigned and gone back to his school at charlottesville. september th.--blankets, that used to sell for $ , are now $ per pair; and sheets are selling for $ per pair, which might have been had a year ago for $ . common . bleached cotton shirting is selling at $ a yard. gen. lee's locality and operations, since the battle of sharpsburg or shepherdstown, are still enveloped in mystery. about one hundred of the commissioned officers of pope's army, taken prisoners by jackson, and confined as felons in our prisons, in conformity to the president's retaliatory order, were yesterday released on parole, in consequence of satisfactory communications from the united states government, disavowing pope's orders, i presume, and stating officially the fact that pope himself has been relieved from command. we have taken, and paroled, within the last twelve or fifteen weeks, no less than _forty odd thousand prisoners_! the united states must _owe_ us some thirty thousand men. this does not look like progress in the work of subjugation. horrible! i have seen men just from manassas, and the battle-field of the th august, where, they assure me, hundreds of dead yankees still lie unburied! they are swollen "as large as cows," say they, "and are as black as crows." no one can now undertake to bury them. when the wind blows from that direction, it is said the scent of carrion is distinctly perceptible at the _white house in washington_. it is said the enemy are evacuating alexandria. i do not believe this. a gentleman (georgian) to whom i gave a passport to visit the army, taking two substitutes, over forty-five years of age, in place of two sick young men in the hospitals, informs me that he got upon the ground just before the great battle at sharpsburg commenced. the substitutes were mustered in, and in less than an hour after their arrival, one of them was shot through the hat and hair, but his head was untouched. he says they fought as well as veterans. september th.--the press here have no knowledge of the present locality of gen. lee and his army. but a letter was received from gen. l. at the department yesterday, dated on this side of the potomac, about eighteen miles above harper's ferry. it is stated that several hundred prisoners, taken at sharpsburg, are paroled prisoners captured at harper's ferry. if this be so (and it is said they will be here to-night), i think it probable an example will be made of them. this unpleasant duty may not be avoided by our government. after losing in killed and wounded, in the battle of sharpsburg, ten generals, and perhaps twenty thousand men, we hear no more of the advance of the enemy; and lee seems to be lying _perdue_, giving them an opportunity to ruminate on the difficulties and dangers of "subjugation." i pray we may soon conquer a peace with the north; but then i fear we shall have trouble among ourselves. certainly there is danger, after the war, that virginia, and, perhaps, a sufficient number of the states to form a new constitution, will meet in convention and form a new government. gen. stark, of mississippi, who fell at sharpsburg, was an acquaintance of mine. his daughters were educated with mine at st. mary's hall, burlington, n. j.--and were, indeed, under my care. orphans now! september th.--the papers this morning contain accounts of the landing of yankees at white house, york river; and of reinforcements at williamsburg and suffolk. they might attempt to take richmond, while lee's army is away; for they know we have no large body of troops here. a battery passed through the city this morning early, at _double-quick_, going eastward. yesterday congress passed an act, supplemental and amendatory to the conscription act of last april, authorizing the president to call into the military service all residents between the ages of thirty-five and forty-five. the first act included only those between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five. by the st of january there will be $ , , treasury notes in circulation. it is proposed in congress to make a forced loan of one-fifth of the incomes of the people. it is said lincoln has issued a proclamation declaring the slaves of rebels free, on and after the st of january, . this will only intensify the war, and add largely to our numbers in the field. a letter was received from general lee to-day, dated at martinsburg, giving a sad account of the army. it seems that without some additional power given the president by congress to enforce discipline, he fears the army will melt away. he suggests that incompetent officers be reduced to the ranks, and that more stringent regulations be adopted. he is in no condition to advance now, since so many thousands of his men are permitted to wander away. we shall be afflicted with fresh invasions--and that, if nothing else, may cause the stragglers to return. the substance of lee's letter has been communicated to congress, and that body, i understand, has postponed the day of adjournment until the th october. in future times, i wonder if it will be said that we had great men in this congress? whatever may be _said_, the truth is, there are not a dozen with any pretensions to statesmanship. september th.--we have lincoln's proclamation, freeing all the slaves from and after the st january next. and another, declaring martial law throughout the united states! let the yankees ruminate on that! now for a _fresh_ gathering of our clans for another harvest of blood. on saturday the following resolutions were reported by mr. semmes, from the committee of the judiciary, in the senate: " st. that no officer of the confederate government is by law empowered to vest provost marshals with any authority whatever over citizens of the confederate states not belonging to the land and naval forces thereof, or with general police powers and duties for the preservation of the peace and good order of any city, town, or municipal district in any state of this confederacy, and any such exercise of authority is illegal and void. " d. that no officer of the confederate government has constitutional or other lawful authority to limit or restrict, or in any manner to control, the exercise of the jurisdiction of the civil judicial tribunals of the states of this confederacy, vested in them by the constitution and laws of the states respectively; and all orders of any such officer tending to restrict or control or interfere with the full and normal exercise of the jurisdiction of such civil judicial tribunals are illegal and void." we shall see what further action will follow. this is in marked contrast to the despotic rule in the yankee nation. nevertheless, the provost marshal here keeps his establishment in full blast. he was appointed by gen. winder, of maryland, who has been temporarily subordinated by major-gen. smith, of new york. since gen. smith has been in command, the enemy has made raids to leesburg, manassas, and even warrenton, capturing and paroling our sick and wounded men. who is responsible? accounts from nashville state that our cavalry is beleaguering that city, and that both the united states forces there, and the inhabitants of the town, are reduced nearly to starvation. buell, it is said, has reached louisville. we hope to hear soon of active operations in kentucky. bragg, and smith, and price, and marshall are there with abundant forces to be striking heavy blows. beauregard is assigned to the defense of south carolina and georgia. harper's ferry is again occupied by the enemy--but we have removed everything captured there. the northern papers now admit that the sanguinary battle of sharpsburg was without result. i sent my wife money to-day, and urged her to return to richmond as soon as possible, as the enemy may cut the communications--being within forty miles of the railroad. how i should like to think they were cut to pieces! then they would let us alone. hitherto , sick and wounded patients have been admitted into the army hospitals of this city. of these, about , have been furloughed, discharged from the service, and only have died. at present there are , in the hospitals. there is not so much sickness this year as there was last, nor is it near so fatal. many of the northern papers seem to dissent from the policy of lincoln's proclamation, and _hope_ that evil consequences may not grow out of it. but how can it be possible for the people of the north to submit to martial law? the government which directs and enforces so obnoxious a tyranny cannot be sure of its stability. and when the next army of invasion marches southward, it will be likely to have enemies in its rear as well as in its front. the _tribune_ exclaims "god bless abraham lincoln." others, even in the north, will pray for "god to ---- him!" september th.--lincoln's proclamation was the subject of discussion in the senate yesterday. some of the gravest of our senators favor the raising of the _black flag_, asking and giving no quarter hereafter. the yellow fever is raging at wilmington, north carolina. the president, in response to a resolution of inquiry concerning hyde, the agent who procured a substitute and was arrested for it, sent congress a letter from the secretary of war, stating that the action of gen. winder had not been approved, and that mr. hyde had been discharged. the secretary closes his letter with a _sarcasm_, which, i think, is not his own composition. he asks, as martial law is still existing, though the writ of _habeas corpus_ is not suspended, for instructions as to the power of the military commander, winder, to _suppress tippling shops_! several members declared that martial law existed in this city without any constitutional warrant. there is much bad feeling between many members and the executive. no fighting has occurred on the peninsula, and i believe gen. wise has returned with his forces to chaffin's bluff. chapter xix. mcclellan has crossed the potomac.--another battle anticipated.--i am assured here that lee had but , men engaged at sharpsburg.--he has more now, as he is defending virginia.--radicals of the north want mcclellan removed.--our president has never taken the field.-- lee makes demonstrations against mcclellan.--a jew store robbed last night.--we have , prisoners excess over the enemy.--my family arrived from raleigh.--my wife's substitute for coffee.--foul passports.--my friend brooks dines and wines with members of congress.--the herald and tribune tempt us to return to the union.-- lee writes, no immediate advance of mcclellan.--still a rumor of bragg's victory in kentucky.--enemy getting large reinforcements.-- diabolical order of governor baylor.--secretary's estimate of conscripts and all others, , .--bragg retreating from kentucky.--bickering between bragg and beauregard.--lee wants confederate notes made a legal tender.--there will be no second washington. october st.--they are still striking at martial law in the senate, as administered by gen. winder. a communication from the secretary of war admits that gen. w. was authorized to suppress substitute agencies--"but this did not justify impressment and confiscation." it appears that gen winder ordered the agents to be impressed into the service, and the money paid for substitutes to be confiscated! notwithstanding his blundering ignorance is disavowed, he is still retained in command. the enemy are at warrenton; and mcclellan's army has crossed the upper potomac. another battle is imminent--and fearful will be the slaughter this time. lee had but little if any more than , in the battle of sharpsburg; the northern papers said mcclellan had , ! a fearful odds. but lee now has , --and, besides, he will be defending virginia. mcclellan, with his immense army, _must_ advance, or else relinquish command. the abolitionists of the north have never liked him, and they wield the power at present. a defeat of lee near winchester would produce consternation here. there are, as usual, thousands of able-bodied men still in our streets. it is probable every man, able to march, will be required on the field of battle. if we can get out _all_, we shall certainly gain the day, and establish our independence. how shall we subsist this winter? there is not a supply of wood or coal in the city--and it is said there are not adequate means of transporting it hither. flour at $ per barrel, and bacon at cts. per pound, threaten a famine. and yet there are no beggars in the streets. we must get a million of men in arms and drive the invader from our soil. we are capable of it, and we must do it. better die in battle than die of starvation produced by the enemy. the newspapers are printed on half sheets--and i think the publishers make money; the extras (published almost every day) are sold to the newsboys for ten cents, and often sold by them for twenty-five cents. these are mere slips of paper, seldom containing more than a column--which is reproduced in the next issue. the _matter_ of the extras is mostly made up from the northern papers, brought hither by persons running the blockade. the supply is pretty regular, and dates are rarely more than three or four days behind the time of reception. we often get the first accounts of battles at a distance in this way, as our generals and our government are famed for a prudential reticence. when the northern papers simply say they have gained a victory, we rejoice, knowing their cretan habits. the other day they announced, for european credulity, the capture and killing of , of our men: this staggered us; but it turned out that they did capture of our stragglers and wounded men in field hospitals. _now_ they are under the necessity of admitting the truth. truth, like honesty, is always the best policy. october d.--news from the north indicate that in europe all expectation of a restoration of the union is at an end; and the probability is that we shall soon be recognized, to be followed, possibly, by intervention. nevertheless, we must rely upon our own strong arms, and the favor of god. it is said, however, an iron steamer is being openly constructed in the mersey (liverpool), for the avowed purpose of opening the blockade of charleston harbor. yesterday in both houses of congress resolutions were introduced for the purpose of retaliating upon the north the barbarities contemplated in lincoln's emancipation proclamation. the abolitionists of the north want mcclellan removed--i hope they may have their will. the reason assigned by his friends for his not advancing farther into virginia, is that he has not troops enough, and the secretary of war has them not to send him. i hope this may be so. still, i think he must fight soon if he remains near martinsburg. the yellow fever is worse at wilmington. i trust it will not make its appearance here. a resolution was adopted yesterday in the senate, to the effect that martial law does not apply to civilians. but it _has_ been applied to them here, and both gen. winder and his provost marshal threatened to apply it to me. among the few measures that may be attributed to the present secretary of war, is the introduction of the telegraph wires into his office. it may possibly be the idea of another; but it is not exactly original; and it has not been productive of good. it has now been in operation several weeks, all the way to warrenton; and yet a few days ago the enemy's cavalry found that section of country undefended, and took warrenton itself, capturing in that vicinity some wounded confederates, in spite of the secretary's expensive vigilance. could a yankee have been the inventor of the secretary's plaything? one amused himself telegraphing the secretary from warrenton, that all was quiet there; _and that the yankees had not made their appearance in that neighborhood, as had been rumored_! if we had imbeciles in the field, our subjugation would be only pastime for the enemy. it is well, perhaps, that gen. lee has razeed the department down to a second-class bureau, of which the president himself is the chief. i see by a correspondence of the british diplomatic agents, that their government have decided no reclamation can be made on us for burning cotton and tobacco belonging to british subjects, where there is danger that they may fall into the hands of the enemy. thus the british government do not even claim to have their subjects in the south favored above the southern people. but mr. benjamin is more liberal, and he directed the provost marshal to save the tobacco bought on foreign account. so far, however, _the grand speculation has failed_. october d.--gen. wise was countermanded in his march against williamsburg, by major-gen. gustavus w. smith. he had men, the enemy , and he would have captured and slain them all. gen. wise was the trusted and revered governor of virginia, while smith was the street commissioner in new york. a strong letter from vice-president stephens is published to-day, in which it is successfully maintained that no power exists, derived either from the constitution or acts of congress, for the declaration of martial law. he says all punishments inflicted by military governors on civilians are clearly illegal. there is a rumor that we have louisville, but it does not seem to be authentic. we have nothing from lee, and know not exactly where mcclellan is. many people thought the president himself would take the field. i doubt not he would have done so if the provisional government had continued in existence until independence was achieved. october th.--a splendid aurora borealis last night. yesterday, most of the delegation in congress from kentucky and tennessee petitioned the president to order gen. breckinridge, at knoxville, to march to the relief of nashville, and expel the enemy, without waiting for orders from gen. bragg, now in kentucky. the president considers this an extraordinary request, and will not, i suppose, grant it. it is said gen. lee is advancing against gen. mcclellan at martinsburg. if lee attacks him, and beats him, he will probably be ruined, for the potomac will be in his rear. the enemy's paper, printed at nashville, thinks bragg has taken louisville. i hope so. i think we shall get nashville soon. gen. butler, the yankee commander in new orleans, has issued an order to all the inhabitants of that city, sympathizing with the southern confederacy, to present themselves immediately, and take the oath of allegiance, when they will be recommended for _pardon_. if they do not comply with the order, they will be arrested by his police, cast into prison, and their property confiscated. these are the orders which rally our men and make them fight like heroes. how many yankees will bleed and die in consequence of this order? and lincoln's emancipation proclamation will seal the doom of one hundred thousand of his own people! a letter from gen. lee, dated october st, says that mcclellan has not crossed the potomac. some of his scouts have been at martinsburg, or in its vicinity. it is not to be supposed that lee can be _amused_ by mcclellan, while a force of any magnitude is sent against richmond. some fear this, but i don't. october th, monday.--a jew store, in main street, was robbed of $ worth of goods on saturday night. they were carted away. this is significant. the prejudice is very strong against the extortionists, and i apprehend there will be many scenes of violence this winter. and our own people, who ask four prices for wood and coal, may contribute to produce a new reign of terror. the supplies necessary for existence should not be withheld from a suffering people. it is dangerous. there is great diversity of opinion yet as to the locality of mcclellan's army and lee's intentions. a dispatch from gen. van dorn, in west tennessee, indicates that we are _gaining_ a victory over rosecrans. the battle was in _progress_, not completed. october th.--nothing further has been heard from corinth. a great battle is looked for in kentucky. all is quiet in northern virginia. some confederate prisoners arrived from the north last evening. they are on parole, and will doubtless be exchanged soon, as we have taken at least , more of the enemy's men than they have captured of ours. yesterday, congress, which has prolonged the session until the th instant, passed a bill increasing the pay of soldiers four dollars per mouth. i hope they will increase _our_ pay before they adjourn. congress also, yesterday, voted down the proposition of a _forced loan_ of one-fifth of all incomes. but the committee of ways and means are instructed to bring forward another bill. this evening custis and i expect the arrival of my family from raleigh, n. c. we have procured for them one pound of sugar, cents; one quart of milk, cents; one pound of sausage-meat, - / cents; four loaves of bread, as large as my fist, cents each; and we have a little coffee, which is selling at $ . per pound. in the morning, some one must go to market, else there will be short-commons. washing is $ . per dozen pieces. common soap is worth cents per pound. october th.--at last we have definite accounts of the battle of corinth, on friday, saturday, and sunday last. we have been defeated, and fearful has been the slaughter on both sides. the enemy had overwhelming numbers. we have no particulars, further than that our army retreated. this is bad for van dorn and price. my family arrived last night, well, and pleased with the cottage, which they call robin's nest. but we were saddened by the loss of a trunk--the most valuable one--containing some heavy spoons, forks, and other plate, saved from the wreck at burlington; my wife's velvet cloak, satin dress (bought in paris), my daughter's gold watch, and many other things of value. twelve trunks, the right number, were delivered; but one did not belong to us. october th.--early this morning i was at the depot. the superintendent suggested that i should send some one to weldon in search of the trunk. he proffered to pass him free. this was kind; but i desired first to look among the baggage at the depot, and the baggage-master was called in. only two were unclaimed last night; but he said a gentleman had been there early in the morning looking for his trunk, who stated that by some mistake he had got the _wrong_ one last night. he said he stopped at the exchange, and i repaired thither without delay, where i found my trunk, to the mutual joy of the traveler and myself. it was sent to the cottage, and the stranger's taken to the hotel. had it not been for my lucky discovery, we should have had no spoons, forks, etc. my wife has obviated one of the difficulties of the blockade, by a substitute for coffee, which i like very well. it is simply _corn meal, toasted like coffee_, and served in the same manner. it costs five or six cents per pound--coffee, $ . . i heard a foolish north carolinian abusing the administration to-day. he said, among other things, that the president himself, and his family, had northern proclivities. that the president's family, when they fled from richmond, in may, took refuge at st. mary's hall, raleigh, the establishment of the rev. dr. smedes, a northern man of open and avowed partiality for the union; and that the rev. dr. mason of the same place, with whom they were in intimate association, was a northern man, and an open unionist. that the president's aid, and late assistant secretary of state, was an englishman, imported from the north; gen. cooper, the highest in rank of any military officer, was a northern man; col. gorgas, chief of ordnance, was also a northern man; gen. lovell, who was in the defeat at corinth, and who had surrendered new orleans, was from pennsylvania; gen. smith, in command of virginia and north carolina, from new york; and gen. winder, commanding this metropolis, a marylander, and his detectives strangers and aliens, who sold passports to lincoln's spies for $ each. he was furious, and swore all the distresses of the people were owing to a nero-like despotism, originating in the brain of benjamin, the jew, whose wife lived in paris. the senate, yesterday, passed the following resolutions, almost unanimously: _ st. resolved by the congress of the confederate states of america_, that no officer of the confederate government is _by law_ empowered to vest provost marshals with any authority whatever over citizens of the confederate states not belonging to the land or naval forces thereof or with general police powers and duties for the preservation of the peace and good order of any city, town, or municipal district in any state of this confederacy, and any such exercise of authority _is illegal and void_. _ d. resolved_, that no officer of the confederate government has constitutional or other lawful authority to limit or restrict, or in any manner to control the exercise of the jurisdiction of the civil judicial tribunals of the states of this confederacy, vested in them by the constitutions and laws of the states respectively, and all orders of any such officer, tending to restrict or control or interfere with the full and normal exercise of the jurisdiction of such civil judicial tribunals _are illegal and void_. _ d. resolved_, that the military law of the confederate states is, by the courts and the enactments of congress, limited to the land and naval forces and the militia when in actual service, and to such other persons as are within the lines of any army, navy, corps, division or brigade of the army of the confederate states. yesterday, the _dispatch_ contained an article, copied from the _philadelphia inquirer_, stating that a certain person who had been in prison here, arrested by order of gen. winder, for disloyalty, and for attempting to convey information to the enemy, had succeeded in obtaining his release; and, for a _bribe_ of $ , a passport to leave the confederacy had been procured from gen. winder's alien detectives. the passport is printed in the philadelphia paper, and the bearer, the narrative says, has entered the united states service. this must have been brought to the attention of the president; for a lady, seeking a passport to go to her son, sick and in prison in the north, told me that when she applied to gen. winder to-day, he said _the president had ordered him to issue no more passports_. and subsequently several parties, government agents and others, came to me with orders from the secretary (which i retain on file), to issue passports for them. i hope this may be the end of winder's reign. a letter from gen. lee states that, in view of certain movements, he had, without waiting for instructions, delivered the sword, horse, etc. of gen. kearney, lately killed, to his wife, who had made application for them. the _movements_ referred to we shall know more about in a few days. gen. van dorn dispatches the department that his army is safe; that he took thirteen guns and prisoners. so it was not so disastrous a defeat. but the idea of charging five times his number! october th.--mr. brooks called this morning to get me to draft a passport bill, which he said he would get congress to pass. i doubt it. i wrote the bill, however. he says fifteen or twenty members of congress visit his house daily. they dine with him, and drink his old whisky. mr. b. has a superb mansion on clay street, which he bought at a sacrifice. he made his money at trade. in one of the rooms aaron burr once dined with chief justice marshall, and marshall was assailed for it afterward by mr. jefferson. it was during burr's trial, and marshall was his judge. mr. wickham, who was burr's counsel, then occupied the house, and gave a dinner party. marshall did not know burr was to be one of the guests. i got these facts from mr. foote, whom i met there the other evening. a letter from gen. bragg to the president, indicates but too clearly that the people of kentucky hesitate to risk the loss of property by joining us. only one brigade has been recruited so far. the general says , more men are requisite. can he have them? none! october th.--there are rumors of abolition gun-boats in the york and james rivers. a battery of long range guns was sent down yesterday. it is said that an army of raw abolitionists, under sigel, has marched from alexandria toward culpepper county. if this be so, we shall soon have more fighting, and more running, i hope. lee keeps his own counsel--_wisely_. october th.--northern papers, received last night, speak of a battle at perryville, kentucky, on the th instant, in which the abolitionists lost, by their own confession, killed and wounded, which means , . they say bragg's forces held a _portion_ of the field after the battle. if this prove not a glorious victory for our arms, i don't know how to read abolition journals. i see that our congress, late on saturday night (they adjourn to-day), passed an act increasing the salaries of officers and employees in the departments residing at richmond. this will make the joint compensation of my son and myself $ ; this is not equal to $ a year ago. but congress failed to make the necessary appropriation. the secretary might use the contingent fund. another act authorizes the president to appoint twenty additional brigadier-generals, and a number of lieutenant-generals. the _new york herald_, and even the _tribune_, are _tempting_ us to return to the union, by promises of _protecting slavery_, and an offer of a convention to alter the constitution, giving us such guarantees of safety as we may demand. _this is significant._ we understand the sign. letters from gen. lee do not indicate an immediate purpose to retire from the potomac; on the contrary, he has ordered gen. loring, if practicable, to menace wheeling and pennsylvania, and form a junction with him _via_ the monongahela and upper potomac. but loring does not deem it safe to move all his forces (not more than ) by that route; he will, however, probably send his cavalry into pennsylvania. and gen. lee does not want any more raw conscripts. they get sick immediately, and prove a burden instead of a benefit. he desires them to be kept in camps of instruction, until better _seasoned_ (a term invented by gen. wise) for the field. senator brown, of mississippi, opposed the bill increasing our salaries, on the ground that letters from himself, indorsed by the president, applying for clerkships for his friends, _remained unanswered_. he did not seem to know that this was exclusively the fault of the head clerk, mr. randolph, who has the title of secretary of war. and the _examiner_ denounces the bill, because it seems to sanction a depreciation of our currency! what statesmanship! what logic! october th.--congress adjourned yesterday at five o'clock p.m. i have heard nothing of mr. brooks and the passport bill i drafted. the truth is that, with few exceptions, the members of this congress are very weak, and very subservient to the heads of departments. congress has given him (the president) power to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_ anywhere, until thirty days after the reassembling of congress--and they have failed to pass the joint resolution declaring no power exists under the constitution to institute martial law. they voted it separately, but _flinched_ when put to the test to act conjointly; and martial law still exists in this city. we have northern accounts of a dash into pennsylvania by gen. stuart and of his cavalry. he went as far as chambersburg, which surrendered; and he was gathering horses, etc., for the use of the army, paying for them in confederate notes. they say he did not disturb any other description of private property without paying for it. i hope he is safely back again by this time. the northern papers claim a victory in kentucky--but i shall wait until we hear from bragg. gen. magruder has been assigned to duty in texas. what gen. johnston is to do, does not yet appear. a great many new assistant adjutants and inspector-generals are to be appointed for the generals, lieutenant-generals, majors, and brigadier-generals, having rank and pay of colonels, majors, captains, and lieutenants of cavalry. like the russian, perhaps, we shall have a purely military government; and it may be as good as any other. gold, in the north, is selling at per cent. premium; and exchange on england at $ . . this is an indication that the abolitionists are bringing distress upon their own country. the financial bill did not pass--so there is to be no forced loan. neither did a bill, making confederate notes a legal tender--so there will be a still greater depreciation. gen. hardee is a lieutenant-general. october th.--a young man showed me a passport to-day to return to washington. it appears that secretary randolph has adopted another plan, which must be a rare stroke of genius. the printed passport is "by order of the secretary of war," and is signed by "j. h. winder, brig.-gen." but this is not all: on the back it is "_approved_--by order of major-gen. gustavus w. smith," and signed by one of smith's "adjutants." so the command of the secretary of war is approved by the new yorker, smith, after being first manipulated by winder. it is an improvement, at all events, on the late mode of sending out spies--they cannot get passports for bribes now, without smith's adjutant knowing something about it. heretofore the "plug uglies" might take the bribe, and by their influence with gen. winder, obtain his signature to a blank passport. the following was received yesterday: "winchester, va., oct. , . "hon. g. w. randolph. "the cavalry expedition to pennsylvania has returned safe. they passed through mercersburg, chambersburg, emmetsburg, liberty, new market, syattstown, and burnesville. the expedition crossed the potomac above williamsport, and recrossed at white's ford, making the entire circuit, cutting the enemy's communications, destroying arms, etc., and obtaining many recruits. "r. e. lee, general." thus, gen. stuart has made another circle round the enemy's army; and hitherto, every time he has done so, a grand battle followed. let mcclellan beware! a letter, just received from gen. lee, says there is no apprehension of an immediate advance of mcclellan's army. this he has ascertained from his scouts sent out to obtain information. he says the enemy is in no condition to advance. will they go into winter quarters? or will lee beat them up in their quarters? but the government has desired lee to fall back from the potomac; and lee, knowing best what he should do at present, declines the _honor_. he says he is now subsisting his army on what, if he retreated, would subsist the enemy, as he has but limited means of transportation. he says, moreover, that our cavalry about culpepper and manassas (belonging to the command of gen. gustavus w. smith), should be more _active_ and _daring_ in dashing at the enemy; and then, a few weeks hence, mcclellan would go into winter quarters. that would insure the safety of richmond until spring. there is a rumor, generally credited, that bragg has led the enemy, in kentucky, into an ambuscade, and slaughtered , . a traveler from the west reports having read an account to this effect in the louisville _journal_. if the _journal_ really says so--that number won't cover the loss. the abolitionist journals are incorrigible liars. and, indeed, so are many of those who bring us news from the west. october th.--there is no confirmation of the reported victory in kentucky. an englishman, who has been permitted to go north, publishes there a minute and pretty accurate description of our river defenses. i have written a leading article for the _whig_ to-morrow, on "martial law and passports." my plan is to organize committees in all the border counties to examine the passports of strangers seeking egress from the country; and to permit loyal citizens, not desiring to pass our borders, or the lines of the armies, to travel without passports. an officer and a squad of soldiers at the depots can decide what soldiers are entitled to pass on the roads. october th.--the article in the _whig_ is backed by one of a similar character in the _examiner_. we shall see what effect they will have on the policy adopted by the secretary of war. although still unofficial, we have confirmatory accounts of bragg's victory in kentucky. the enemy lost, they say, , men. western accounts are generally exaggerated. the president has appointed the following lieutenant-generals: jackson, longstreet, (bishop) polk, hardee, pemberton, holmes, and smith (kirby). the raid of stuart into pennsylvania was a most brilliant affair. he captured and destroyed much public property--respecting that of individuals. the abolitionists are much mortified, and were greatly frightened. the plan of this expedition was received at the department to-day--just as conceived and prepared by lee, and it was executed by stuart in a masterly manner. advices from winchester inform the government that mcclellan is receiving large reinforcements. he may be determined to cross the potomac and offer battle--as nothing less will satisfy the rabid abolitionists. gen. lee is tearing up the rails on the road from harper's ferry. our improvident soldiers lose a great many muskets. we should not have arms enough on the potomac, were it not for those captured at harper's ferry. an order will be issued, making every man responsible for the safe-keeping of his gun. october th.--major-gen. jones telegraphs from knoxville, tenn., that a wounded officer arrived from kentucky, reports a victory for bragg, and that he has taken over , prisoners. we shall soon have positive news. a letter from admiral buchanan states that he has inspected the defenses of mobile, and finds them satisfactory. i traversed the markets this morning, and was gratified to find the greatest profusion of all kinds of meats, vegetables, fruits, poultry, butter, eggs, etc. but the prices are enormously high. if the army be kept away, it seems the supply must soon be greater than the demand. potatoes at $ per bushel, and a large crop! half-grown chickens at $ each! butter at $ . per pound! and other things in the same proportion. here is a most startling matter. gov. baylor, appointed governor of arizona, sent an order some time since to a military commander to assemble the apaches, under pretense of a treaty--_and when they came, to kill every man of them, and sell their children to pay for the whisky_. this order was sent to the secretary, who referred it to gen. sibley, of that territory, to ascertain if it were genuine. to-day it came back from gen. s. indorsed a _true bill_. now it will go to the president--and we shall see what will follow. he cannot sanction such a perfidious crime. i predict he will make capt. josselyn, his former private secretary, and the present secretary of the territory, governor in place of baylor. october th.--the news from kentucky is very vague. it seems there has been a battle, which resulted favorably for us, so far as the casualties are concerned. but then bragg has fallen back forty miles, and is probably retiring toward cumberland gap, that he may not be taken in the rear by the enemy's forces lately at corinth. the president intends suspending the conscription act in western virginia, for the purpose, no doubt, of organizing an army of partisan rangers in that direction. it seems, from recent northern papers received in this city, that the elections in pennsylvania, ohio, and indiana have gone against the abolitionists. what then? if the war should be waged by the democrats for the restoration of the union, and waged according to the rules of civilized nations, respecting non-combatants, and exempting private property from pillage, it would be a still more formidable war than that now waged against us. i have just received the following note from the secretary: "october th, . "mr. j. b. jones will hereafter refer all applicants for passports to gen. smith's adjutant-general, and grant none from the department. "george w. randolph, "_sec. of war_." neither the acting assistant secretary, nor mr. kean, with his whole alphabet of initials, could be certain whether the order referred merely to applicants to go out of the confederacy, or all applicants of whatever kind. if the latter, i am _functus officio_, so far as passports are concerned. but capt. kean says there is plenty of work for me to do; and i presume i will not be entirely out of employment. i took a good look at mr. randolph to-day. he is thin, frail. his face is pale, and will soon be a mass of wrinkles, although he is not over forty. his eyes are extremely small, blue, and glisten very much. october st.--still nothing definite from kentucky, more than the retreat of bragg. gen. loring is here--he would not act upon the suggestions of lee, and so he is recalled. the government is uneasy about richmond. they want a portion of lee's army sent hither. but lee responds, that although he is not advised of the condition of things on the south side of james river, yet, if he detaches a portion of his army, he may be too weak to encounter mcclellan, if he should advance. i saw the secretary again this morning; he wished me to turn over all the passport business to the military. i said i was glad to be rid of that business, and would never touch it again. october d.--back at the department at work, but not much to do yet. the mails are not heavy. we have bragg's report of the battle of perryville. he beat the enemy from his positions, driving him back two miles, when night set in. but finding overwhelming masses accumulating around him, he withdrew in good order to bryattsville. thus kentucky is given up for the present! mcclellan has retired back into maryland, hoping, i suppose, lee will follow and fall into his ambuscade. the president will call out, under the conscription act, all between the ages of eighteen and forty. this will furnish, according to the secretary's estimate, , , after deducting the exempts. a great mistake. a letter from gen. lee indicates that he is in favor of making treasury notes a legal tender. it was so with washington concerning continental money--but congress pays no attention to the subject. why does not the president recommend it? it would then pass--for, at present, he is master. the paper from the provost marshal, referred by the latter to the president, came back to-day. the secretary, in referring it, seems to incline to the opinion that the writ of _habeas corpus_ not being suspended, there was no remedy for the many evils the provost marshal portrayed. the president, however, did not wholly coincide in that opinion. he says: "the introduction and sale of liquors must be prevented. call upon the city authorities to withhold licenses, and to abate the evil in the courts, _or else an order will be issued, such as the necessity requires_." judge campbell, late of the united states supreme court, has been appointed assistant secretary of war. october d.--the gov. of florida calls for aid, or he thinks his state will fall. albert pike, writing from texas, says if the indian territory be not attended to "_instantly_," it will be lost. per contra, we have a rumor that lee is recrossing the potomac into maryland. october th.--bragg is in full retreat, leaving kentucky, and racing for chattanooga--the point of interest now. but beauregard, from whom was taken the command of the western army, day before yesterday repulsed with slaughter a large detachment of the yankees that had penetrated to the charleston and savannah railroad. thus, in spite of the fantastic tricks of small men here, the _popular_ general is destined to rise again. october th.--many severe things are alleged against the president for depriving beauregard of the command of the western army. it is alleged that bragg reported that the enemy would have been annihilated at shiloh, if beauregard had fought an hour longer. now, it appears, that bragg would have annihilated the enemy at perryville, if he had fought an hour longer! and just at the moment of his flying out of kentucky, news comes of beauregard's victory over the enemy in the south. nor is this all. the enemy some time since intercepted a letter from beauregard to bragg (a copy of which was safely sent to the government here), detailing his plan of the campaign in the west, if he had not been unjustly deprived of the command. but bragg chose to make a plan of his own, or was directed to disregard beauregard's advice. no one doubts that beauregard's plan would have been successful, and would have given us cincinnati and louisville; but that of bragg, as the one sent him by the government, has resulted in the loss of kentucky, and, perhaps, tennessee! brig.-gen. edward johnson is recommended by gen. lee for promotion to major-general, and to be placed in command of the army in western virginia. october th.--from information (pretty direct from washington), i believe it is the purpose of the enemy to make the most strenuous efforts to capture richmond and wilmington this fall and winter. it has been communicated to the president that if it takes their last man, and all their means, these cities must fall. gen. smith is getting negroes to work on the defenses, and the subsistence officers are ordered to accumulate a vast amount of provisions here. letters from beauregard show that the commissary-general, because _he_ thinks charleston cannot be defended, opposes the provisioning the forts as the general would have it done! the general demands of the government to know whether he is to be overruled, and if so, he must not be held responsible for the consequences. we shall see some of these days which side the president will espouse. beauregard is _too popular_, i fear, to meet with favor here. but it is life or death to the confederacy, and danger lurks in the path of public men who endanger the liberties of the people. october th.--gen. bragg is here, but will not probably be deprived of his command. he was opposed by vastly superior numbers, and succeeded in getting away with the largest amount of provisions, clothing, etc., ever obtained by an army. he brought out , horses and mules, beeves, , barrels of pork, a great number of hogs, , , yards of kentucky cloth, etc. the army is now at knoxville, tennessee, in good condition. but before leaving kentucky, morgan made still another capture of lexington, taking a whole cavalry regiment prisoners, destroying several wagon trains, etc. it is said bragg's train of wagons was forty miles long! a western _tale_, i fear. letters from lee urge the immediate completion of the railroad from danville to greenville, north carolina, as of _vital importance_. he thinks the enemy will cut the road between this and weldon. he wants confederate notes made a legal tender; and the president says that, as the courts cannot enforce payment in anything else, they are substantially a legal tender already. and he suggests the withholding of pay from officers during their absence from their regiments. a good idea. everything indicates that richmond will be assailed this fall, and that operations in the field are not to be suspended in the winter. polk, bragg, cheatham, etc. are urging the president to make col. preston smith a brigadier-general. unfortunately, bragg's letter mentioned the fact that beauregard had given smith command of a brigade at shiloh; and this attracting the eye of the president, he made a sharp note of it with his pencil. "what authority had he for this?" he asked; and col. smith will not be appointed. october th.--there was a rumor yesterday that the enemy were marching on weldon; but we have no confirmation of it to-day. loring, after all, did not send his cavalry into pennsylvania, i presume, since nothing has been heard of it. the _charleston mercury_ has some strictures on the president for not having breckinridge in kentucky, and price in missouri, this fall. they would doubtless have done good service to the cause. the president is much absorbed in the matter of appointments. gen. wise was again ordered down the peninsula last saturday; and again ordered back when he got under way. they will not let him fight. october th.--the commissary-general is in hot water on account of some of his contracts, and a board of inquiry is to sit on him. the president has delayed the appointment of gen. e. johnson, and gen. echols writes that several hundred of his men have deserted; that the enemy, , or , strong, is pressing him, and he must fall back, losing charleston, virginia, the salt works, and possibly the railroad. he has less than men! but we have good news from england--if it be true. the new york _express_ says lord lyons is instructed by england, and perhaps on the part of france and other powers, to demand of the united states an armistice; and in the event of its not being acceded to, the governments will recognize our independence. one of the president's personal attendants told me this news was regarded as authentic by our government. i don't regard it so. yesterday the whole batch of "plug ugly" policemen, in the provost marshal's "department," were summarily dismissed by gen. winder, for "malfeasance, corruption, bribery, and incompetence." these are the branches: the roots should be plucked up, and gen. winder and his provost marshal ought to resign. i believe the president ordered the removal. october st.--if it be not a yankee electioneering trick to operate at the election in new york, on the fourth of november, the northern correspondence with europe looks very much like speedy intervention in our behalf. winder has really dismissed all his detectives excepting cashmeyer, about the worst of them. if we gain our independence by the valor of our people, or assisted by european intervention, i wonder whether president davis will be regarded by the world as a second washington? what will his own country say of him? i know not, of course; but i know what quite a number here say of him now. they say he is a small specimen of a statesman, and no military chieftain at all. and worse still, that he is a capricious tyrant, for lifting up yankees and keeping down great southern men. wise, floyd, etc. are kept in obscurity; while pemberton, who commanded the massachusetts troops, under lincoln, in april, , is made a lieutenant-general; g. w. smith and lovell, who were office-holders in new york, when the battle of manassas was fought, are made major-generals, and the former put in command over wise in virginia, and all the generals in north carolina. ripley, another northern general, was sent to south carolina, and winder, from maryland, has been allowed to play the despot in richmond and petersburg. washington was maligned. chapter xx. general lee in richmond: beard white.--first proposition to trade cotton to the enemy.--secretary in favor of it.--all the letters come through my hands again.--lee falling back.-- negroes at work on the fortifications.--active operations looked for--beauregard advises non-combatants to leave the city.--semmes's operations.--making a nation.--salt works lost in virginia.--barefooted soldiers.-- intrigues of butler in new orleans.--northern army advancing everywhere.--breach between the president and secretary of war.-- president's servant arrested for robbing the treasury.--gen. j. e. johnston in town.--secretary has resigned.--hon. j. a. seddon appointed secretary of war.--the enemy marching on fredericksburg.-- lee writes that he will be ready for them.--kentuckians will not be hog drivers.--women and children flying from the vicinity of fredericksburg.--fears for wilmington.--no beggars.--quiet on the rappahannock.--m. paul, french consul, saved the french tobacco.-- gen. johnston goes west.--president gives gov. pettit full authority to trade cotton to france. november st.--gen. winder's late policemen have fled the city. their monstrous crimes are the theme of universal execration. but i reported them many months ago, and gen. winder was cognizant of their forgeries, correspondence with the enemy, etc. the secretary of war, and the president himself, were informed of them, but it was thought to be a "small matter." gen. lee made his appearance at the department to-day, and was hardly recognizable, for his beard, now quite white, has been suffered to grow all over his face. but he is quite robust from his exercises in the field. his appearance here, coupled with the belief that we are to have the armistice, or recognition and intervention, is interpreted by many as an end of the war. but i apprehend it is a symptom of the falling back of our army. i have been startled to-day by certain papers that came under my observation. the first was written by j. foulkes, to l. b. northrop, commissary-general, proposing to aid the government in procuring meat and bread for the army _from ports in the enemy's possession_. _they were to be paid for in cotton._ the next was a letter from the commissary-general to g. w. randolph, secretary of war, urging the acceptance of the proposition, and saying without it, it would be impossible to subsist the army. he says the cotton proposed to be used, in the southwest will either be burned or fall into the hands of the enemy; and that more than two-thirds is never destroyed when the enemy approaches. but to effect his object, it will be necessary for the secretary to sanction it, and to give orders for the cotton to pass the lines of the army. the next was from the secretary to the president, dated october thirtieth, which not only sanctioned colonel northrop's scheme, but went further, and embraced shoes and blankets for the quartermaster-general. this letter inclosed both foulkes's and northrop's. they were all sent back to-day by the president, with his remarks. he hesitates, and does not concur. but says the secretary will readily see the propriety of _postponing_ such a resort until january--and he hopes it may not be necessary then to depart from the settled policy of the government--to forbear trading cotton to the yankees, etc. etc. mr. benjamin, secretary of state, has given mr. dunnock permission to sell cotton to the yankees and the rest of the world on the atlantic and gulf coast. can it be that the president knows nothing of this? it is obvious that the cotton sold by mr. dunnock (who was always licensed by mr. benjamin to trade with people in the enemy's country beyond the potomac) will be very _comfortable_ to the enemy. and it may aid mr. dunnock and others in accumulating a fortune. the constitution defines _treason_ to be giving aid and comfort to the enemy. i never supposed mr. randolph would suggest, nay _urge_, opening an illicit trade with "butler, the beast." this is the first really dark period of our struggle for independence. we have acres enough, and laborers enough, to subsist , , of people; and yet we have the spectacle of high functionaries, under mr. davis, urging the necessity of bartering cotton to the enemy for stores essential to the maintenance of the army! i cannot believe it is a necessity, but a destitution of that virtue necessary to achieve independence. if they had any knowledge of these things in europe, they would cease their commendations of president davis. mr. randolph says, in his letter to the president, that trading with ports in possession of the enemy is forbidden to citizens, and not to the government! the archives of the department show that this is not the first instance of the kind entertained by the secretary. he has granted a license to _citizens_ in mobile to trade cotton in new orleans for certain supplies in exchange, in exact compliance with gen. butler's proclamation. did pitt ever practice such things during his contest with napoleon? did the continental government ever resort to such equivocal expedients? a member of washington's cabinet (and he, too, was a randolph) once violated the "settled policy of the government," but he was instantly deprived of the seals of office. he acted under the advice of jefferson, who sought to destroy washington; and the present secretary randolph is a grandson of jefferson. washington, the inflexible patriot, frowned indignantly upon every departure from the path of rectitude. i can do nothing more than record these things, and watch! november d, sunday.--i watch the daily orders of adjutant and inspector-gen. cooper. these, when "by command of the secretary of war," are intelligible to any one, but not many are by his command. when simply "by order," they are promulgated by order of the president, without even consulting the secretary; and they often annul the secretary's orders. they are _edicts_, and sometimes thought very arbitrary ones. one of these orders says liquor shall not be introduced into the city; and a poor fellow, the other day, was sentenced to the ball-and-chain for trying to bring hither his whisky from petersburg. on the same day gov. brown, of georgia, seized liquor in his state, in transitu over the railroad, belonging to the government! since the turning over of the passports to generals smith and winder, i have resumed the position where all the letters to the department come through my hands. i read them, make brief statements of their contents, and send them to the secretary. thus all sent by the president to the department go through my hands, being epitomized in the same manner. the new assistant secretary, judge campbell, has been ordering the adjutant-general too peremptorily; and so gen. cooper has issued an order making lieut.-col. deas an acting assistant secretary of war, thus creating an office in defiance of congress. november d.--the right wing of lee's army has fallen back as far as culpepper county, and the enemy advances. active movements are speedily looked for; many suppose a desperate attempt to take richmond. our government has decided that _no one_ shall be permitted to go north for thirty days. a requisition for heavy guns to defend cumberland gap, elicited from the inspector of ordnance a statement of the fact that we are "short" of guns for the defense of richmond. there was a rumor yesterday that the enemy was marching in force on petersburg. this, at all events, was premature. a letter from hon. c. c. clay, senator, says there is much defection in north alabama, and that many people are withdrawing themselves to avoid conscription. just at this time, if it were not for lincoln's proclamation, if the war were conducted according to the rules of civilized nations, i verily believe a very formidable party in favor of reconstruction might spring up in the south. with a united south, two million of abolitionists could not subjugate us. november th.--an exposé of funds in the hands of disbursing agents shows there are nearly seventy millions of dollars not accounted for! the members of the legislature are fearful of an attack on the southern railroad, and asks that gen. mahone be sent to petersburg. the government is impressing flour at $ per barrel, when it is selling at $ ; and as the railroads are not allowed to transport any for private use, _it may be hoped we shall have our bread cheaper some of these days_. but will the government make itself popular with the people? the _examiner_ says a clerk in the war department is making money in the substitute business. if this be true, it is rank corruption! but, then, what is the cotton business? the chief of ordnance bureau, col. j. gorgas (northern by birth), recommends the secretary of war to remove the lighter guns, some sixty in number, from the lower tiers of forts sumter, moultrie, and morgan, for the defense of the rivers likely to be ascended by the enemy's gun-boats. i saw, to-day, the president's order to revoke the authority heretofore given gov. baylor to raise a brigade, and in regard to his conduct as governor (ordering the massacre of the indians after collecting them under pretense of forming a treaty of peace). the president suggests that nothing be done until the governor _be heard in his own defense_. it was diabolical! if it had been consummated, it would have affixed the stigma of infamy to the government in all future time, and might have doomed us to merited subjugation. november th.--major ruffin, in the commissary department, says the army must go on half rations after the st of january next. it is alleged that certain favorites of the government have a monopoly of transportation over the railroads, for purposes of speculation and extortion! november th.--i believe the commissaries and quartermasters are cheating the government. the quartermaster-general sent in a paper, to-day, saying he did not need the contributions of clothes tendered by the people of petersburg, but still would pay for them. they were offered for nothing. the commissary-general to-day says there is not wheat enough in virginia (when a good crop was raised) for gen. lee's army, and unless he has millions in money and cotton, the army must disband for want of food. i don't believe it. there are negroes working on the fortifications near the city, and are to work on the piedmont railroad. we are all hoping that new york and other states declared against the republicans, at the elections in the united states, on tuesday last. such a communication would be regarded as the harbinger of peace. we are all weary of the war, but _must_ and _will_ fight on, for no other alternative remains. everything, however, indicates that we are upon the eve of most interesting events. this is the time for england or france to come to the rescue, and enjoy a commercial monopoly for many years. i think the secretary of war has abandoned the idea of trading cotton to the enemy. it might cost him his head. november th.--yesterday i received from the agent of the city councils fourteen pounds of salt, having seven persons in my family, including the servant. one pound to each member, per month, is allowed at cts. per pound. the extortionists sell it at cts. per pound. one of _them_ was drawing for his family. he confessed it; but said he paid cts. for the salt he sold at cts. profit $ per bushel! i sent an article to-day to the _enquirer_, suggesting that fuel, bread, meat, etc. be furnished in the same manner. we shall soon be in a state of siege. last night there was a heavy fall of _snow_. the authorities of charleston, with the concurrence of beauregard, advise all the non-combating population to leave the city, and remove their personal property. the city will be defended to the last extremity. what a change in the executive department! before the election, the president was accessible to all; and even a member of congress had no preference over the common citizen. but now there are _six_ aids, cavalry colonels in rank and pay, and one of them an englishman, who see the people, and permit only certain ones to have access to the president. this looks like the beginning of an imperial court. but what may not its ending be? i see that mr. hurlbut, incarcerated once as a spy, or as a writer for an abolition paper in new york, and a northern man himself, after being protected by mr. browne (the english a.d.c. of the president) and released by mr. benjamin from prison, has escaped to the north, and is out in a long article in the _times_! he says he got a passport from gen. winder's provost marshal. mr. james lyons thought he had made h. a southern man; what does he think now? the " " or alabama, the ship bought in europe, and commanded by capt. semmes, c. s. n., is playing havoc with the commerce of the united states. if we had a dozen of them, our foes would suffer incalculably, for they have an immense amount of shipping. i see semmes had captured the tonawanda, that used to lie at the foot of walnut street, philadelphia; but he released her, first putting the master under bond to pay president davis $ , after the war. i hope he will pay it, for i think the president will want the money. november th.--the european statesmen, declining intervention in our behalf, have, nevertheless, complimented our president by saying he has, at all events, "made a nation." he is pleased with this, i understand. but it is one of the errors which the wise men over the water are ever liable to fall into. the "nation" was made before the president existed: indeed, the nation made the president. we have rumors of fighting near the mouth of the shenandoah, and that our arms were successful. it is time both armies were in winter quarters. snow still lies on the ground here. we have tidings from the north of the triumph of the democrats in new york, new jersey, etc. etc. this news produces great rejoicing, for it is hailed as the downfall of republican despotism. some think it will be followed by a speedy peace, or else that the european powers will recognize us without further delay. i should not be surprised if seward were now to attempt to get the start of england and france, and cause our recognition by the united states. i am sure the abolitionists cannot now get their million men. the drafting must be a failure. the governor of mississippi (pettus) informs the president that a frenchman, perhaps a jew, proposes to trade salt for cotton--ten sacks of the first for one of the latter. the governor says he don't _know_ that he has received the consent of "butler, the beast" (but he knows the trade is impossible without it), but that is no business of his. he urges the traffic. and the president has consented to it, and given him power to conduct the exchange in spite of the military authorities. the president says, however, that twenty sacks of salt ought to be given for one of cotton. salt is worth in new orleans about one dollar a sack, cotton $ per bale. the president informed the secretary of what had been _done_, and sends him a copy of his dispatch to gov. pettus. he don't even ask mr. randolph's _opinion_. november th.--it is too true that charleston, va., and the great kanawha salt works have been abandoned by gen. echols for the want of an adequate force to hold them. if the president had only taken gen. lee's advice a month ago, and ordered a few thousand more men there, under the command of gen. ed. johnson, we should have kept possession of the works. the president may seem to be a good nation-maker in the eyes of distant statesmen, but he does not seem to be a good salt-maker for the nation. the works he has just relinquished to the enemy manufacture bushels of salt per day--two million and a half a year--an ample supply for the entire population of the confederacy, and an object adequate to the maintenance of an army of , in that valley. besides, the troops necessary for its occupation will soon be in winter quarters, and quite as expensive to the government as if in the valley. a cæsar, a napoleon, a pitt, and a washington, all great nation-makers, would have deemed this work worthy their attention. only three days ago the president wrote to the secretary that the idea of trading cotton to the enemy must be postponed until the first of january, and perhaps indefinitely, but now he informs mr. randolph that he has sent the requisite authority to his friend, gov. pettus, to launch out in that trade. no, the people have made the nation. it is a people's war, and it is the momentum of a united, patriotic people, which carries everything with it. our brave men win victories under adverse circumstances, and often under incompetent officers, and the people feed and clothe the armies in spite of the shortcomings of dishonest commissaries and quartermasters. they are now sending ten thousand pairs of shoes to lee's army in opposition to the will of the jew myers, quartermaster-general, who says everything must be contracted and paid for by his agents, according to red-tape rule and regulation. the weather continues cold, °, and snow still lies on the ground. this _must_ produce a cessation of hostilities, and afford lincoln's drafted recruits opportunity for meditation. if it be true that the democrats have carried the day in the north, i think the war is approaching a termination. november th.--a day or two ago some soldiers marched through the city without shoes, _in the snow_. a committee of citizens to-day obtained an order from the war department, for the impressment of all the boots, shoes, blankets, and overcoats in the shops. what a commotion among the jews! it is _certain_ that the enemy are advancing upon culpepper, on the way to richmond, in great force. this we have in letters from gen. lee, dated th inst., near culpepper c. h. he says the enemy's cavalry is very numerous, while our horses have the "sore tongue," and tender hoofs. lee has ordered the stores, etc. from gordonsville to lynchburg. he says jackson may possibly march through one of the gaps and fall upon the enemy's flank, and intimates that an opportunity may be offered to strike the invaders "a blow." yesterday, sunday, a cavalry company dashed into fredericksburg, and after robbing the stores, and reporting that the democrats had swept the north, that england and france had recognized us, etc., they dashed out again. the president sent to the department to-day, _without comment_, a defense by col. baylor of his atrocious order for the massacre of the indians. it was in a texas paper. baylor acknowledges its genuineness, and says the apaches murdered our people invited to make a treaty with them, and he says it is his intention to retaliate by extermination of them. another proposition was received by the government to-day from a french firm of _new orleans_ merchants, to furnish us salt, meat, shoes, blankets, etc., in unlimited quantities, _and guarantee their delivery_, if we will allow them, with the proceeds of salt, the privilege of buying cotton on the mississippi river, and they will, moreover, freight french ships above new orleans, and guarantee that not a bale shall be landed in any u. s. port. is it not _certain_ that "butler, the beast," is a party to the speculation? this is a strong temptation, and we shall see what response our government will make to this proposition to violate an act of congress. november th.--more projects from the southwest. mr. jno. a. s. has _just_ arrived from _new orleans_, where, he states in his communication to the government, he had interviews and correspondence with the u. s. authorities, butler, etc., and they had given him positive assurances that he will be permitted to take any supplies to the planters (excepting arms and ammunition) in exchange for cotton, which may be shipped to any part of the world. s. says that butler will let us have _anything_ for a bribe. no doubt! and mr. l., president of the l. bank, writes that he will afford facilities to mr. s. it remains to be seen what our government will do in these matters. they smack of treason. it is said heavy firing was heard yesterday in the direction of culpepper c. h., and it is supposed a battle is in progress to-day. no danger of it. november th.--the heavy firing heard did no execution. letters from gen. lee indicate no battle, unless the enemy should make an egregious blunder. he says he has _not half men enough_ to resist mcclellan's advance with his mighty army, and prefers manoeuvring to risking his army. he says three-fourths of our cavalry horses are sick with sore-tongue, and their hoofs are falling off, and the soldiers are not fed and clad as they should be. he urges the sending of supplies to gordonsville. and we have news of a simultaneous advance of northern armies everywhere; and everywhere we have the same story of deficiency of men and provisions. north and south, east and west of us, the enemy is reported advancing. soon we shall have every one blaming the secretary of war for the deficiency of men, and of quartermaster and commissary stores. the commissary-general, backed by the secretary of war, made another effort to-day to obtain the president's permission to trade cotton with "butler, the beast." but the president and gov. pettus will manage that _little_ matter without their assistance. major ruffin's (commissary's bureau) statement of the alarming prospects ahead, unless provisions be obtained outside of the confederacy (for cotton), was induced by reports from new orleans. a man was in the office to-day exhibiting butler's passport, and making assurances that all the yankee generals are for sale--for cotton. butler will make a fortune--and so will some of our great men. butler says the reason he don't send troops into the interior is that he is afraid we will burn the cotton. it is reported that a fleet of the enemy's gun-boats are in the james river. november th.--the president has rebuked the secretary of war in round terms for ordering gen. holmes to assume the command on _this_ side the mississippi. perhaps mr. randolph has resolved to be really secretary. this is the first thing i have ever known him to do without previously obtaining the president's sanction--and it must be confessed, it was a matter of some gravity and importance. of course it will be countermanded. i have not been in the secretary's office yet, to see if there is an envelope on his table directed to the president marked "_immediate_." but he has not been to see the president--and that may be significant, as this is the usual day. a gentleman, arrived to-day from maryland, reports that gen. mcclellan has been removed, and the command given to burnside! he says, moreover, that this change has given umbrage to the army. this may be our deliverance; for if mcclellan had been let alone two weeks longer (provided he ascertained our present condition), he might have captured richmond, which would be holding all eastern and much of central virginia. this blunder seems providential. we learn, also, that the democracy have carried illinois, mr. lincoln's own state, by a very large majority. this is hailed with gladness by our people; and if there should be a "rebellion in the north," as the _tribune_ predicts, this intervention of the democrats will be regarded altogether in our favor. let them put down the radical abolitionists, and then, no doubt, they will recover some of our trade. it will mortify the republicans, hereafter, when the smoke clears away, to learn that gen. butler was trading supplies for our army during this november, --and it will surprise our secessionists to learn that our government is trading him cotton! november th.--an order has gone forth to-day from the secretary of war, that no more flour or wheat shall leave the states. this order was given some time ago--then relaxed, and now reissued. how soon will he revoke it again? never before did such little men rule such a great people. our rulers are like children or drunken men riding docile horses, that absolutely keep the riders from falling off by swaying to the right and left, and preserving an equilibrium. there is no rule for anything, and no stability in any policy. to-day more propositions from frenchmen (in new orleans) have been received. butler is preparing to do a great business--and no objection to the illicit traffic is filed by the secretaries of state or treasury. yesterday one of the president's servants was arrested for stealing treasury notes. the treasury department is just under the executive department; and this negro (slave) has been used by the president to take important papers to the departments. the amount abstracted was $ --unsigned--but some one, perhaps the negro, for he is educated, forged the register's and treasurer's names. i saw gen. j. e. johnston standing idle in the street to-day. november th.--"now, by st. george, the work goes bravely on!" another letter on my desk from the president to the secretary. well, being in an official envelope, it was my duty to open it, note its contents, and send it to the secretary. the secretary has been responding to the short espistle he received yesterday. it appears he could not clearly understand its purport. but the president has used such plain language in this, that it must be impossible to misunderstand him. he says that the transferring of generals commanding important military districts, without conference with him and his concurrence; and of high disbursing officers; and, above all, the making of appointments without his knowledge and consent, are prerogatives that do not pertain to the secretary of war in the first instance; and can only be exercised by him under the direction of the chief executive. in regard to _appointments_, especially, the president has no constitutional authority nor any disposition to transfer the power. he discussed their relative duties,--for the benefit of all future secretaries, i suppose. but it looks like a rupture. it seems, then, after acting some eight months merely in the humble capacity of clerk, mr. randolph has all at once essayed to act the president. the secretary of war did not go to the president's closet to-day. this is the third day he has absented himself. such incidents as these preceded the resignation of mr. walker. it is a critical time, and the secretary of war ought to confer freely with the president. november th, sunday.--yesterday the secretary of war resigned his office, and his resignation was promptly accepted by the president. november th.--a profound sensation has been produced in the outside world by the resignation of mr. randolph; and most of the people and the press seem inclined to denounce the president, for they know not what. in this matter the president is not to blame; but the secretary has acted either a very foolish or a very desperate part. it appears that he wrote a note in reply to the last letter of the president, stating that as no discretion was allowed him in such matters as were referred to by the president, he begged respectfully to tender his resignation. the president responded, briefly, that inasmuch as the secretary declined acting any longer as one of his constitutional advisers, and also declined a personal conference, no alternative remained but to accept his resignation. randolph's friends would make it appear that he resigned in consequence of being restricted in his action; but he knows very well that the latitude allowed him became less and less circumscribed; and that, hitherto, he was well content to operate within the prescribed limits. therefore, if it was not a silly caprice, it was a deliberate purpose, to escape a cloud of odium he knew must sooner or later burst around him. a letter from gen. magruder, dated th inst., at jackson, mississippi, intimates that we shall lose holly springs. he has also been in mobile, and doubts whether that city can be successfully defended by gen. forney, whose liver is diseased, and memory impaired. he recommends that brig.-gen. whiting be promoted, and assigned to the command in place of forney, relieved. a letter from gen. whiting, near wilmington, dated th. inst., expresses serious apprehensions whether that place can be held against a determined attack, unless a supporting force of , men be sent there immediately. it is in the command of major-gen. g. a. smith. more propositions to ship cotton in exchange for the supplies needed by the country. the president has no objection to accepting them all, provided the cotton don't go to any of the enemy's ports. how _can_ it be possible to avoid this liability, if the cotton be shipped from the mississippi river? november th.--well, the president is a bold man! he has put in randolph's place, temporarily at least, major-gen. gustavus w. smith--who was street commissioner in the city of new york, on the day that capt. g. w. randolph was fighting the new yorkers at bethel! gen. wise is out in a card, stating that in response to a requisition for shoes for his suffering troops, quartermaster-gen. a. c. myers said, "let them suffer." the enemy attacked fredericksburg yesterday, and there was some skirmishing, the result of which we have not heard. it is rumored they are fighting there to-day. we have but few regiments between here and fredericksburg. november th.--hon. james a. seddon (va.) has been appointed secretary of war. he is an able man (purely a civilian), and was member of our revolutionary convention, at metropolitan hall, th april, . but some thought him then rather inclined to restrain than to urge decisive action. he is an orator, rich, and frail in health. he will not remain long in office if he attempts to perform all the duties. two letters were received from gen. lee to-day. both came unsealed and open, an omission of his adjutant-general, mason. the first inclines to the belief that burnside intends to embark his army for the south side of james river, to operate probably in eastern north carolina. the second, dated th inst. - / p.m., says the scouts report large masses advancing on fredericksburg, and it may be burnside's purpose to make that town his base of operations. (perhaps for a pleasant excursion to richmond.) three brigades of the enemy had certainly marched to fredericksburg. a division of longstreet's corps were marched thither yesterday, th, at early dawn. lee says if the reports of the scouts be confirmed, the entire corps will follow immediately. and he adds: "before the enemy's trains can leave fredericksburg (for richmond) this whole army will be in position." these letters were sent immediately to the president. a letter from gen. holmes calls for an immediate supply of funds ($ , , ) for the trans-mississippi department. a letter from gen. pike says if gen. hindman (ark.) is to control there, the indian country will be lost. we shall soon have a solution of burnside's intentions. lee is in spirits. he knows burnside can be easily beaten with greatly inferior numbers. we hear of sanguinary acts in missouri--ten men (civilians) being shot in retaliation for one killed by our rangers. these acts exasperate our people, and will stimulate them to a heroic defense. the cars this afternoon from the vicinity of fredericksburg were crowded with negroes, having bundles of clothing, etc., their owners sending them hither to escape the enemy. a frightened jew, who came in the train, said there was an army of , near fredericksburg, and we should hear more in a few days. i doubt it not. salt sold yesterday at auction for $ . per pound. boots are now bringing $ per pair; candles (tallow) cts. per pound; butter $ . per pound. clothing is almost unattainable. we are all looking shabby enough. mr. k., the young chief of the bureau, who came in with mr. randolph, declines the honor of going out with him, to the great chagrin of several anxious applicants. it is an office "for life." i shall despair of success unless the president puts a stop to gen. winder's passport operations, for, if the enemy be kept advised of our destitute condition, there will be no relaxation of efforts to subjugate us. and europe, too, will refuse to recognize us. i believe there are traitors in high places here who encourage the belief in the north and in europe that we must soon succumb. and some few of our influential great men might be disposed to favor reconstruction of the union on the basis of the democratic party which has just carried the elections in the north. everything depends upon the result of approaching military operations. if the enemy be defeated, and the democrats of the north should call for a national convention--but why anticipate? november th.--a letter from brig. h. marshall, abingdon, ky., in reply to one from the secretary, says his kentuckians are not willing to be made confederate _hog-drivers_, but they will protect the commissary's men in collecting and removing the hogs. gen. m. criticises gen. bragg's campaign very severely. he says the people of kentucky looked upon their fleeting presence as a _horse-show_, or military pageantry, and not as indicating the stern reality of war. hence they did not rise in arms, and hence their diffidence in following the fortunes of the new confederacy. gen. m. asks if it is the purpose of the government to _abandon_ kentucky, and if so, is he not _functus officio_, being a kentucky general, commanding kentucky troops? col. myers has placed on file in the department a denial of having said to gen. wise's quartermaster, "let them suffer." several ladies, near relatives of judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, came over yesterday under flag of truce. they lived, i believe, in alexandria. another requisition has been made by the engineer for negroes to work on the fortifications of richmond. no letters were received from gen. lee to-day, and he may be busy in the field. accounts say the enemy is planting batteries on the heights opposite fredericksburg. it has been raining occasionally the last day or two. i hope the ground is _soft_, and the mud deep; if so, burnside cannot move on richmond, and we shall have time to prepare for "contingencies." yesterday salt sold at auction for $ . per pound. we are getting into a pretty extreme condition. november st.--it rained all night, which may extinguish burnside's ardent fire. he cannot drag his wagons and artillery through the melting snow, and when it dries we may look for another rain. the new secretary is not yet in his seat. it is generally supposed he will accept. president davis hesitates to retaliate life for life in regard to the missouri military executions. common shirting cotton, and yankee calico, that used to sell at - / cts. per yard, is now $ . ! what a temptation for the northern manufacturers! what a _rush_ of trade there would be if peace should occur suddenly! and what a party there would be in the south for peace (and unity with northern democrats) if the war were waged somewhat differently. the excesses of the republicans _compel_ our people to be almost a unit. this is all the better for us. still, we are in quite a bad way now, god knows! the passengers by the cars from fredericksburg this morning report that gen. patrick (federal) came over under a flag of truce, demanding the surrender of the town, which was refused by gen. lee, in compliance with the unanimous sentiments of the people. gen. patrick, it is stated, said if it were not surrendered by a.m. to-day, it would be shelled. mr. dargan, m. c., writes to the president from mobile that the inhabitants of that city are in an awful condition. meal is selling for $ . per bushel, and wood at $ per cord, and that the people are afraid to bring supplies, apprehending that the government agents will seize them. the president (thanks to him!) has ordered that interference with domestic trade must not be permitted. mr. seddon has taken his seat. he has, at least, a manly appearance--his predecessor was said to look like a m----y. the president has ordered our generals in missouri, if the yankee accounts of the executions of our people be true, to execute the next ten federal officers taken in that state. the _enquirer_, to-day, publishes col. baylor's order to execute the indians in arizona, coupled with mr. randolph's condemnation of the act. who furnished this for publication? it is rumored that fredericksburg is in flames, shelled by the enemy. we will know how true this is before night. november d.--the cars which came in from the north last night brought a great many women, children, and negroes from fredericksburg and its vicinity. the benevolent and patriotic citizens here had, i believe, made some provision for their accommodation. but the enemy had not yet shelled the town. there is a rumor that jackson was to appear somewhere in the rear of the enemy, and that the federal stores which could not be moved with the army had been burnt at manassas. yesterday the president remitted the sentence of a poor lad, sentenced to ball-and-chain for six months, for cowardice, etc. he had endured the penalty three months. i like this act, for the boy had enlisted without the consent of his parents, and was only sixteen years of age. j. r. anderson & co. (having drawn $ , recently on the contract) have failed to furnish armor for the gun-boats--the excuse being that iron could not be had for their rolling-mills. the president has ordered the secretaries of the navy and war to consult on the propriety of taking railroad iron, on certain tracks, for that purpose. november th.--fredericksburg not shelled yet; but the women and children are flying hither. the enemy fired on a train of women and children yesterday, supposing the cars (baggage) were conveying military stores. the northern press says burnside is determined to force his way, directly from the rappahannock to richmond, by virtue of superior numbers. the thing lee desires him to attempt. the enemy are landing troops at newport news, and we shall soon hear of gun-boats and transports in the james river. but no one is dismayed. we have supped on horrors so long, that danger now is an accustomed condiment. blood will flow in torrents, and god will award the victory. another letter from gen. whiting says there is every reason to suppose that wilmington will be attacked immediately, and if reinforcements ( , ) be not sent him, the place cannot be defended against a land assault. nor is this all: for if the city falls, with the present force only to defend it, none of our men can escape. there is no repose for us! november th.--fredericksburg is not shelled yet; and, moreover, the enemy have apologized for the firing at the train containing women and children. affairs remain in _statu quo_--the mayor and military authorities agreeing that the town shall furnish neither aid nor comfort to the confederate army, and the federals agreeing not to shell it--for the present. gen. corcoran, last year a prisoner in this city, has landed his irish brigade at newport news. it is probable we shall be assailed from several directions simultaneously. _no beggars can be found in the streets of this city._ no cry of distress is heard, although it prevails extensively. high officers of the government have no fuel in their houses, and give nearly $ per cord for wood for cooking purposes. and yet there are millions of tons of coal almost _under_ the very city! november th.--no fighting on the rappahannock yet, that i hear of; and it is said the enemy are moving farther down the river. can they mean to cross? nothing more is heard of gen. corcoran, with his irish bogtrotters, on the peninsula. the government has realized , pounds of leather from two counties in eastern north carolina, in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy. this convinces me that there is abundance of leather in the south, if it were properly distributed. it is held, like everything else, by speculators, for extortioners' profits. the government might remedy the evils, and remove the distresses of the people; but instead of doing so, the bureaus aggravate them by capricious seizures, and tyrannical restrictions on transportation. letters are coming in from every quarter complaining of the despotic acts of government agents. mr. j. foulkes writes another letter to the department on his cotton scheme. he says it must be embraced now or never, as the enemy will soon make such dispositions as would prevent his getting supplies _through their lines_. the commissary-general approves, and the late secretary approved; but what will the new one do? the president is non-committal. what a blunder france and england made in hesitating to espouse our cause! they might have had any commercial advantages. november th.--some of the late secretary's friends are hinting that affairs will go amiss now, as if he would have prevented any disaster! who gave up norfolk? that was a calamitous blunder! letters from north carolina are distressing enough. they say, but for the influence of gov. vance, the _legislature_ would favor reconstruction! gen. marshall writes lugubriously. he says his men are all barefoot. gen. magruder writes that pemberton has only , men, and should have , more at once--else the mississippi valley will be lost, and the cause ruined. he thinks there should be a concentration of troops there immediately, no matter how much other places might suffer; the enemy beaten, and the mississippi secured at all hazards. if not, mobile is lost, and perhaps montgomery, as well as vicksburg, holly springs, etc. one of our paroled men from washington writes the president that, on the th instant, burnside had but seventy regiments; and the president seemed to credit it! the idea of burnside advancing with seventy regiments is absurd. but how many absurd ideas have been entertained by the government, and have influenced it! _nous verrons._ november th.--all is quiet on the rappahannock; the enemy reported to be extending his line up the river some twenty miles, intending to find a passage. he _might_ have come over last week but for a _ruse_ of gen. lee, who appeared near fredericksburg twenty-four hours in advance of the army. his presence deceived burnside, who took it for granted that our general was at the head of his army! m. paul carried the day yesterday, in the confederate court, in the matter of $ , , worth of tobacco, which, under pretense of its belonging to french citizens (though bought by belmont, of new york, an alien enemy), is rescued from sequestration. in other words, the recognition of m. paul as consul, and the validity of his demands, deprives the confederate government of two millions; and really acknowledges the _exequatur_ of the united states, as m. paul is not consul to the confederate states but to the united states. this looks like submission; and a great fee has been realized by somebody. if the enemy were to take richmond, this tobacco would be destroyed by the _military_. gen. joseph e. johnston is assigned to the command of the army of the west. to-day we have a dispatch from gov. pettus, saying authority to pass cotton through the lines of the army, and for salt to have ingress, must be given immediately. the president directs the secretary to transmit orders to the generals to that effect. he says the cotton is to go to france without touching any port in the possession of the enemy. november th.--the quartermaster-general publishes a notice that _he_ will receive and distribute contributions of clothing, etc. to the army, and even _pay_ for the shirts $ each! shirts are selling at $ . the people will not trust him to convey the clothing to their sons and brothers, and so the army must suffer on. but he is getting in bad odor. a gentleman in alabama writes that his agents are speculating in food: the president tells the secretary to demand explanations, and the secretary does so. col. myers fails, i think, to make the exhibit required, and it may be the worse for him. i see by the papers that another of gen. winder's police has escaped to washington city, and is now acting as a _federal_ detective. and yet many similar traitors are retained in service here! the governor of north carolina writes the president that his state intends to organize an army of , men for its own defense, besides her sixty regiments in the confederate states service; and asks if the confederate states government can furnish any arms, etc. the president sends this to the secretary of war, for his _advice_. he wants to know mr. seddon's views on the subject--a delicate and embarrassing predicament for the new secretary, truly! he must know that the president frowns on all military organizations not under his own control, and that he counteracted all gen. floyd's efforts to raise a division under state authority. beware, mr. seddon! the president is a little particular concerning his prerogatives; and by the advice you now give, you stand or fall. what is north carolina to the empire? you tread on dangerous ground. forget your old state-rights doctrine, or off goes your head. november th.--it is said there is more concern manifested in the government here on the indications that the states mean to organize armies of non-conscripts for their own defense, than for any demonstration of the enemy. the election of graham confederate states senator in north carolina, and of h. v. johnson in georgia, causes some uneasiness. these men were not original secessionists, and have been the objects of aversion, if not of proscription, by the men who secured position in the confederate states government. nevertheless, they are able men, and as true to southern independence as any. but they are opposed to despotic usurpation--and their election seems like a rebuke and condemnation of military usurpation. from all sections of the confederacy complaints are coming in that the military agents of the bureaus are oppressing the people; and the belief is expressed by many, that a sentiment is prevailing inimical to the government itself. chapter xxi. the great crisis at hand.--the rage for speculation raises its head.-- great battle of fredericksburg.--the states called on for supplies.-- randolph resigns as brigadier-general.--south carolina honor.--loss at fredericksburg.--great contracts.--lee's ammunition bad.-- small-pox here. december st, monday.--there is a rumor to-day that we are upon the eve of a great battle on the rappahannock. i doubt it not. i am sorry to see that col. mcrae, a gallant officer, has resigned his commission, charging the president with partiality in appointing junior officers, and even his subordinates, brigadiers over his head. nevertheless, he tenders his services to the governor of his state, and will be made a general. but where will this end? i fear in an issue between the state and confederate authorities. the news from europe is not encouraging. france is willing to interfere, and russia is ready to participate in friendly mediation to stay the effusion of blood--but england seems afraid of giving offense to the united states. they refer to the then approaching elections in the north, and lay some stress on the anticipated change in public opinion. popular opinion! what is it worth in the eyes of european powers? if it be of any value, and if the voice of the people should be allowed to determine such contests, why not leave it to a vote of the southern people to decide under which government they will live? but why make such an appeal to monarchies, while the republican or democratic government of the north refuses to permit , , of people to have the government they unanimously prefer? can it be possible that the united states are ignorant of popular sentiment here? i fear so; i fear a few traitors in our midst contrive to deceive even the government at washington. else why a prolongation of the war? they ought to know that, under almost any conceivable adverse circumstances, we can maintain the war twenty years. and if our lines should be everywhere broken, and our country overrun--it would require a half million soldiers to _hold us down_, and this would cost the united states $ , , per annum. god speed the day of peace! our patriotism is mainly in the army and among the ladies of the south. the avarice and cupidity of the men at home, could only be excelled by ravenous wolves; and most of our sufferings are fully deserved. where a people will not have mercy on one another, how can they expect mercy? they depreciate the confederate notes by charging from $ to $ per bbl. for flour; $ . per bushel for meal; $ per lb. for butter; $ per cord for wood, etc. when we shall have peace, let the extortionists be remembered! let an indelible stigma be branded upon them. a portion of the people look like vagabonds. we see men and women and children in the streets in dingy and dilapidated clothes; and some seem gaunt and pale with hunger--the speculators, and thieving quartermasters and commissaries only, looking sleek and comfortable. if this state of things continue a year or so longer, they will have their reward. there will be governmental bankruptcy, and all their gains will turn to dust and ashes, dust and ashes! and i learn they are without shirts in the north--cotton being unattainable. a universal madness rules the hour! why not throw aside the instruments of death, and exchange commodities with each other? subjugation is an impossibility. then why not strive for the possible and the good in the paths of peace? the quakers are the wisest people, after all. i shall turn quaker after this war, in one sense, and strive to convince the world that war is the worst remedy for evils ever invented--and man the most dangerous animal ever created. december d.--there was skirmishing this morning on the line of the rappahannock. the chief of ordnance is ordering arms and ammunition to gen. pemberton, in mississippi. this indicates a battle in the southwest. a writer in the london _times_, who is from nashville, tenn., says the south is willing to go into convention with the north, and be bound by its decisions. i doubt that. but the _enquirer_ to-day contains a communication from t. e. chambliss, not the virginia member of congress, proposing the election of commissioners from north and south, to put an end to the war. what can this mean but reconstruction on the old democratic basis? it will not meet with favor, unless we meet great reverses this winter. still, but few have faith in foreign intervention, to terminate the war; and there is a growing party both in the north and the south opposed to its indefinite prolongation. if we beat burnside, _i_ think it will be the last battle of magnitude. if he beats us, no one can see the end of the struggle. but from every state complaints are made against the military agents of the confederate government, for their high-handed oppressions. we may split up into separate states, and then continue the war--but it will be a sad day for us! the president ought to change his cabinet immediately, and then change his policy. he should cultivate the friendship and support of the people, and be strong in their affections, if he would rule with a strong hand. if he offends and exasperates them, they will break his power to pieces. and he should not attempt to destroy, nor permit others to destroy, the popular leaders. that way lies his own destruction. december d.--one of the president's aids, mr. johnston, has asked the secretary's permission for mrs. e. b. hoge, mrs. m. anderson, miss judith venable, and mrs. r. j. breckinridge, with children and servants, to leave richmond by flag of truce, and proceed to their homes in kentucky. of course it will be granted--the president sanctions it, but does not commit himself by ordering it. there was no fighting on the rappahannock yesterday, and no rumors to-day. letters were received from gen. lee to-day. he says several thousand of his men are barefoot! he suggests that shoes be _taken_ from the extortioners at a _fair price_. that is right. he also recommends a rule of the department putting cavalry on foot when they cannot furnish good horses, and mounting infantry that can and will procure them. this would cause better care to be taken of horses. gen. lee also writes for more arms--which may indicate a battle. but the weather is getting bad again, and the roads will not admit of marching. mr. gastrell, m. c., writes to the secretary of war for permission for messrs. frank and gernot, a jew firm of augusta, ga., to bring through the lines a stock of goods they have just purchased of the yankees in memphis. being a member of congress, i think his request will be granted. and if all such applications be granted, i think money-making will soon _absorb_ the war, and bring down the prices of goods. we are a confident people. there are no symptoms of trepidation, although a hostile army of , men is now within two day's march of our capital. a few of guilty consciences, the extortioners, may feel alarm--but not the women and children. they reflect that over one hundred thousand of the enemy were within four miles of the city last spring and summer--and were repulsed. the negroes are the best-clad people in the south. they have their sunday clothing, and the half-worn garments of their masters and mistresses; and having worn these but once a week, they have a decidedly fresher aspect than the dresses of their owners. they are well fed, too, at any cost, and present a happy appearance. and they are happy. it is a great mistake of the abolitionists, in supposing the slaves hail their coming with delight; on the contrary, nearly all the negroes regard their approach with horror. it might be well for the south if , of the slaves were suddenly emancipated. the loss would not be felt--and the north would soon be conscious of having gained nothing! my friend, dr. powell, near the city, abandoned his farm last summer, when it was partly in possession of the enemy, leaving fifty negroes on it--which he could have sold for $ , . they promised not to leave him, and they kept their word. judge donnell, in north carolina, has left his plantation with several hundred thousand dollars worth on it--rather risking their loss than to sell them. december th.--all is quiet (before the storm) on the rappahannock, gen. jackson's corps being some twenty miles lower down the river than longstreet's. it is said burnside has been removed already and hooker given the command. gen. s. cooper takes sides with col. myers against gen. wise. gen. w.'s letter of complaint of the words, "let them suffer," was referred to gen. c., who insisted upon sending the letter to the quartermaster-general before either the secretary or the president saw it,--and it was done. why do the northern men _here_ hate wise? gen. lee dispatches to-day that there is a very large amount of corn in the rappahannock valley, which can be procured, if wagons be sent from richmond. what does this mean? that the enemy will come over and get it if we do not take it away? a letter from the president of the graniteville cotton mills, complains that only per ct. profit is allowed by act of congress, whose operatives are exempted from military duty, if the law be interpreted to include sales to individuals as well as to the government, and suggesting certain modifications. he says he makes , yards per day, which is some , , per annum. it costs him cts. per yard to manufacture cotton cloth, including, of course, the cotton, and per ct. will yield, i believe, $ , profits, which would be equivalent to cts. per yard. but the market price, he says, is cts. per yard, or some $ , , profits! this war is a great encourager of domestic manufacturers, truly! the governor sends out a proclamation to-day, saying the president has called on him and other governors for assistance, in returning absent officers and men to their camps; in procuring supplies of food and clothing for the army; in drafting slaves to work on fortifications; and, finally, to put down the extortioners. the governor invokes the people to respond promptly and fully. but how does this speak for the government, or rather the efficiency of the men who by "many indirect ways" came into power? alas! it is a sad commentary. the president sent a hundred papers to the department to-day, which he has been diligently poring over, as his pencil marks bear ample evidence. they were nearly all applications for office, and _this_ business constitutes much of his labor. december th.--yesterday there was some little skirmishing below fredericksburg. but it rained last night, and still rains. lee has only , or , effective men. we have the federal president's message to-day. it is moderate in tone, and is surprising for its argument on a _new proposition_ that congress pass resolutions proposing amendments to the constitution, allowing compensation for all slaves emancipated between this and the year ! he argues that slaves are property, and that the south is no more responsible for the existence of slavery than the north! the very argument i have been using for twenty years. he thinks if his proposition be adopted that "several of the border states will embrace its terms, and that the union will be reconstructed." he says the money expended in this way will not amount to so much as the cost of a war of subjugation. he is getting sick of the war, and therein i see the "beginning of the end" of it. it is a good sign for us, perhaps. i should not be surprised if his proposition had advocates in the south. lt.-col. t. c. johnson sent in a communication, to-day. he alludes to an interview with the secretary, in which the latter informed him that the government intended to exchange cotton for supplies for the army, and lt.-col. j. suggests that it be extended to embrace all kinds of merchandise for the people, and informs him that new york merchants are willing to send merchandise to our ports if we will permit their ships to return laden with cotton, at cts. per pound, and pledging themselves to furnish goods at per cent. advance on cost. he advocates a trade of this nature to the extent of $ , , , our government (and not individuals) to sell the cotton. the goods to be sold by the government to the merchants here. i know not what answer the secretary will make. but i know our people are greedy for the merchandise. the enemy have shelled port royal, below fredericksburg, in retaliation for some damage done their gun-boats in the river by one of our land batteries. and we have news of the evacuation of winchester by the enemy. the northern papers say burnside (who is not yet removed) will beat lee on the rappahannock, and that their army on the james river will occupy richmond. when lee is beaten, perhaps richmond will fall. a large number of our troops, recruited in kentucky, have returned to their homes. it is said, however, that they will fight the enemy there as guerrillas. the president has appointed his nephew, j. r. davis, a brigadier-general. i suppose no president could escape denunciation, nevertheless, it is to be regretted that men of mind, men who wrought up the southern people, with their pens, to the point of striking for national independence, are hurled into the background by the men who arranged the programme of our government. de bow was offered a lower clerkship by mr. secretary memminger, which he spurned; fitzhugh accepted the lower class clerkship mr. m. offered him after a prolonged hesitation; and others, who did more to produce the revolution than any one of the high functionaries now enjoying its emoluments, are to be found in the lowest subordinate positions; while tom, dick, and harry, never heard of before, young, and capable of performing military service, rich, and able to live without office, are heads of bureaus, chief clerks of departments, and staff-officers flourishing their stars! even this is known in the north, and they exult over it as a just retribution on those who were chiefly instrumental in fomenting revolution. but they forget that it was ever thus, and that our true patriots and bold thinkers who furnish our lesser men, in greater positions, with ideas, are still true and steadfast in the cause they have advocated so long. december th.--last night was bitter cold, and this morning there was ice on my wash-stand, within five feet of the fire. is this the "sunny south" the north is fighting to possess? how much suffering must be in the armies now encamped in virginia! i suppose there are not less than , men in arms on the plains of virginia, and many of them who survive the war will have cause to remember last night. some must have perished, and thousands, no doubt, had frozen limbs. it is terrible, and few are aware that the greatest destruction of life, in such a war as this, is not produced by wounds received in battle, but by disease, contracted from exposure, etc., in inclement seasons. but the deadly bullet claims its victims. a friend just returned from the battle-field of june, near the city, whither he repaired to recover the remains of a relative, says the scene is still one of horror. so great was the slaughter ( th june) that we were unable to bury our own dead for several days, for the battle raged a whole week, and when the work was completed, the weather having been extremely hot, it was too late to inter the enemy effectually, so the earth was merely thrown over them, forming mounds, which the rains and the wind have since leveled. and now the ground is thickly strewn with the bleaching bones of the invaders. the flesh is gone, but their garments remain. he says he passed through a wood, not a tree of which escaped the missiles of the contending hosts. most of the trees left standing are dead, being often perforated by scores of minié-balls, but thousands were prostrated by cannon-balls and shells. it will long remain a scene of desolation, a monument of the folly and wickedness of man. and what are we fighting for? what does the northern government propose to accomplish by the invasion? is it supposed that six or eight million of free people can be exterminated? how many butchers would be required to accomplish the beneficent feat? more, many more, than can be sent hither. the southern people, in such a cause, would fight to the last, and when the men all fell, the women and children would snatch their arms and slay the oppressors. without complete annihilation, it is the merest nonsense to suppose our property can be confiscated. but if a forced reconstruction of the union were consummated, does the north suppose any advantage would result to that section? in the union we could not be compelled to trade with them again. nor would intercourse of any kind be re-established. their ships would be destroyed, and their people could never come among us but at the risk of ill treatment. they could not maintain a standing army of half a million, and they could not disarm us in such an extensive territory. the best plan, the only plan, to redeem the past and enjoy blessings in the future, is to cease this bootless warfare and be the first to recognize our independence. we are exasperated with europe, and like the old colonel in bulwer's play, we can like a brave foe after fighting him. let the north do this, and we will trade with its people, i have no doubt, and a mutual respect will grow up in time, resulting, probably, in combinations against european powers in their enterprises against governments on this continent. december th.--a letter from gen. lee, received to-day, states that, in the recent campaigns, he has experienced the effects of having inferior artillery and fixed ammunition. but this discrepancy is rapidly disappearing, from captures of the enemy's batteries, etc. he recommends that our -pounder howitzers and -pounder smooth bores be recast into -pounder napoleons, -pounder parrott guns, and -inch rifle cannon. he wants four -pounder napoleons sent him immediately, for a _special purpose_. _his next battle will be principally with artillery._ gov. vance sends a letter, referring to an order of the government that all cotton not removed west of the weldon and williamsburg railroad, by the th instant, is to be destroyed. he says his state is purchasing , to , bales, to establish a credit in europe, and asks that the confederate government authorities will respect the cotton designed for this purpose. he says he will destroy it himself, when the enemy approaches. he says, moreover, that the order will have an unhappy effect; that many of the people have already lost their slaves, grain, etc. from the inroads of the enemy, and have nothing to live on but their cotton. if it remains where it is, how can they subsist on it without selling it to the enemy? and that would be treason, pretty nearly. but why does the government issue such an order in north carolina, when the government itself is selling, not destroying, the cotton of mississippi? the president of the central railroad says that messrs. haxhall, crenshaw & co., who have the gigantic contract with the government to furnish flour, and who have a preference of transportation by the contract, are blocking up their depots, and fail to remove the grain. they keep whole trains waiting for days to be unladen; and thus hundreds of thousands of bushels, intended for other mills and the people are delayed, and the price kept up to the detriment of the community. thus it is that the government contractors are aiding and abetting the extortioners. and for this reason large amounts of grain may fall into the hands of the enemy. december th.--w----l, another of provost marshal griswold's policemen, has arrived in washington. i never doubted he was secretly in the yankee service here, where many of his fellows still remain, betraying the hand that feeds them. gen. winder and the late secretaries of war must be responsible for all the injury they may inflict upon the country. yesterday, the president received a letter from a gentleman well known to him, asserting that if mississippi and alabama be overrun by the enemy, a large proportion of the people of those states will certainly submit to the government of the united states. the president sent this letter to the secretary of war "for his information." a letter from w. p. harris, jackson, mississippi, urges the government to abandon the cities and eastern seaboard, and concentrate all the forces in the west, for the defense of the mississippi valley and river, else the latter must be lost, which will be fatal to the cause, etc. hon. j. h. reagan has written a savage letter to the secretary of war, withdrawing certain papers relating to an application for the discharge from service of his brother-in-law, on account of feeble health. he says he will not await the motions (uncertain) of the circumlocution office, and is unwilling to produce evidence of his statements of the disability of his relative. mr. seddon will doubtless make a spirited response to this imputation on his office. we have a rumor that morgan has made another brilliant raid into kentucky, capturing of the enemy. the small-pox is spreading in this city to an alarming extent. this is the feast to which burnside is invited. they are vaccinating the clerks in the departments. gen. floyd writes the government that, as the enemy cannot advance from the west before spring, echol's and marshall's forces ( , ) might be used on the seaboard. i wish they were here. the united states forces in the field, by their own estimates, amount to , . we have not exceeding , ; but they are not aware of that. december th.--not a word from the rappahannock. but there soon will be. official dispatches from gen. bragg confirm the achievement of col. morgan, _acting_ as brigadier-general. there was a fight, several hundred being killed and wounded on both sides; but morgan's victory was complete, his captures amounting to men, a battery, wagon train, etc. we have also a dispatch that _major-gen. lovell_, the yankee, had a battle with the enemy, killing, wounding, and capturing ! a characteristic letter was received to-day from mr. sanford, alabama, recommending col. dowdell for a brigadiership. i hope he may get it, as he is a gallant _southerner_. mr. s. has some hard hits at the government; calling it a government of chief clerks and subordinate clerks. he hopes mr. seddon will not be merely a clerk. gen. jos. e. johnston has written from the west a gloomy letter to mr. wigfall, texan senator. he says he is ordered to reinforce lieut.-gen. pemberton (another northern general) from bragg's army. pemberton is retreating on grenada, mississippi, followed by , of the enemy. how is he, gen. j., to get from tennessee to grenada with reinforcements, preceded by one army of the enemy, and followed by another? mr. wigfall recommends the secretary (as if _he_ could do it!) to concentrate all the armies of the west, and beat the enemy out of the mississippi valley. gen. johnston says lieut.-gen. holmes _has_ been ordered to reinforce pemberton. why, this is the very thing mr. randolph did, and lost his _clerkship_ for it! the president must have changed his mind. gen. randolph sent in his resignation as brigadier-general to-day. the younger brigadiers, davis (the president's nephew) and pryor, have been recently assigned to brigades, and this may have operated on randolph as an emetic. there are two war steamers at charleston from abroad; one a frenchman, the other an englishman. gen. beauregard entertained the officers of the first the other day. gen. banks has sailed down the coast on an expedition, the nature of which, no doubt, will be developed soon. december th.--gen. lee dispatched this morning early that the enemy were constructing three pontoon bridges, and that firing had commenced on both sides. at nine o'clock a.m. the firing increased, and gen. lee dispatched for ammunition, looking to the contingency of a prolonged battle. at three p.m., gen. lee says, the enemy had been repulsed in two of their attempts to throw bridges over the river; but the third attempt _would probably succeed_, as it was under cover of batteries which commanded the river, and where his sharpshooters could not reach the workmen. but, he says, _his batteries command the plain_ where the enemy must debouch. we may speedily hear of a most sanguinary conflict. burnside must have greatly superior numbers, or else he is a great fool to precipitate his men into a plain, where every southern soldier is prepared to die, in the event of failure to conquer! there is no trepidation here; on the contrary, a settled calm on the faces of the people, which might be mistaken for indifference. they are confident of the success of lee, and really seem apprehensive that burnside will not come over and fight him in a decisive battle. we shall soon see, now, of what stuff burnside and his army are made. i feel some anxiety; because the destruction of our little army on the rappahannock might be the fall of richmond. it is rumored that the president started two days ago for the west--tennessee and mississippi. no papers have been sent in by him since tuesday, and it may be true. if so, he means to return speedily. i think we shall soon have news from the lower james river. a letter from the governor of alabama calls urgently for heavy guns, and a reserve force, for the defense of mobile. major hause, the government's agent in europe, has purchased, up to this time, , stand of arms, besides many cannon, much ammunition, quartermaster's stores, etc. a portion was lost in transitu, however, but not a large amount. besides the large sums he has expended, he has obtained credit to the extent of $ , , ! they are calling for a guard at petersburg against incendiaries. a factory was burned the other night. this is bad. scully and lewis, condemned to die as spies, have been pardoned by the president, and are to be sent north. another dispatch from gen. lee, dated - / p.m., says the enemy has nearly completed his bridge, and will probably commence crossing this evening or in the morning. the bulletin boards in the city purport to give intelligence of the passage having been effected in part; but i do not see how the editors could have obtained their information. at p.m., passengers by the fredericksburg train (which left at p.m.) report the shelling of the town, and a great battle in progress on this side of the river. i doubt both; and i saw but one excited man (a jew) who said he was in fredericksburg when the shelling began. i do not believe it. the cars were not within four miles of the town, and perhaps merely _conjectured_ the cannonading they heard to be directed at the town. there were no ladies or children in the cars. but doubtless the enemy _will_ cross the river, and there will be a battle, which must result in a great mortality. december th.--the enemy have possession of fredericksburg, and succeeded in crossing a large portion of their force three miles below, on their pontoon bridge. up to p.m. to-day, we have no other intelligence but that "they are fighting." we shall know more, probably, before night. the president has passed through east tennessee on his way to mississippi. lieut.-col. nat tyler, publisher of the _enquirer_, the organ of the government, was in my office this morning, denouncing mr. memminger, secretary of the treasury. he says mr. m.'s head is as worthless as a pin's-head. he also denounced the rules of admission to our secretary, adopted by mr. r. g. h. kean, chief of the bureau, and asked for a copy of them, that he might denounce them in his paper. it appears that mr. jacques is to say _who_ can see the secretary; and to do this, he must catechize each applicant as to the nature of his business. this is deemed insulting by some of the hot bloods, and will make friend mr. j.'s position rather a disagreeable and derogatory one. december th.--after all, fredericksburg was severely shelled--whether designedly or incidentally in the fight, does not yet appear. our army has fallen back a little--for a purpose. lee knows every inch of the ground. again we have rumors of a hostile fleet being in the river; and major-gen. g. w. smith has gone to petersburg to see after the means of defense, if an attack should be made in that quarter. some little gloom and despondency are manifested, for the first time, in this community. major-gen. s. jones writes that although the federal gen. cox has left the valley of the kanawha, of his men remain; and he deems it inexpedient, in response to gen. lee's suggestion, to detach any portion of his troops for operations elsewhere. he says jenkins's cavalry is in a bad condition. here is an instance of south carolina honor. during the battle of williamsburg, last spring, w. r. erwin, a private in col. jenkins's palmetto sharpshooters, was detailed to take care of the wounded, and was himself taken prisoner. the enemy supposing him to be a surgeon, he was paroled. he now returns to the service; and although the mistake could never be detected, he insists on our government exchanging a private of the enemy's for himself. with the assurance that this will be done, he goes again to battle. yesterday flour and tobacco had a fall at auction. some suppose the bidders had in view the contingency of the capture of the city by the enemy. in the market-house this morning, i heard a man speaking loudly, denounce a farmer for asking about $ a bushel for his potatoes, and hoping that the yankees would take them from him for nothing! december th, sunday.--yesterday was a bloody day. gen. lee telegraphs that the enemy attacked him at a.m., and as the fog lifted, the fire ran along the whole line, and the conflict raged until darkness ( p.m.) put an end to the battle. the enemy was repulsed at all points, he continued, thanks be to god! but we have to mourn, as usual, a heavy loss. lee expects another blow at burnside to-day. it is understood that gens. hood, texas, was wounded; t. r. r. cobb, georgia, and a brigadier from south carolina were killed. a dispatch says that where our generals fell, the colonels could no longer restrain their regiments; and the men ran into the ranks of the enemy, and, animated with a spirit of desperation, slaughtered the foe in great numbers with their bayonets, pistols, and knives. preparations are being made here for the reception of the wounded. the request was to provide for a large number. last night, at nine o'clock, a number of regiments which had been encamped among the fortifications northwest of the city, were marched down to drewry's bluff. it is probable gen. smith has heard of the enemy's approach from that quarter. i hope he may prove the right man in the right place. it is rumored that we were repulsed yesterday, this side of suffolk. at this critical moment the president is away. a dispatch from gen. lee says gen. wade hampton dashed _into dumfries_, the other side of the rappahannock, and in the _rear of the enemy_, capturing some wagons, and taking a few men. this seems most extraordinary. if he be not taken himself, the diversion must have a good effect; but if he be taken, it will be considered a wild and desperate sally, boding no good to the cause. but lee knows what he is about. from the dispositions of our troops (few in number) in the vicinity of richmond, at this moment, it seems to me that gen. smith is putting the city to great hazard. there are not a thousand men to guard the approach from the head of york river; and if a dozen of the enemy's swift transports were to dash up that river, the city could be surprised by men! ten o'clock a.m. no dispatches from lee have come over the wires to-day. he may have interdicted others. we got no intelligence whatever. from this i infer the battle was resumed at early dawn, and the general deems it best to have no announcements but _results_. if this be so, it is a day big with events--and upon its issue may depend the fate of governments. and yet our people exhibited no trepidation. the foreign portion of the population may be seen grouped on the pavements indulging in speculation, and occasionally giving vent to loud laughter, when a jew is asked what will be the price of his shoes, etc. to-morrow. they care not which side gains the day, so they gain the profits. but our women and children are going to church as usual, to pray for the success of the cause, and not doubting but that our army will triumph as usual on the field of combat. it is a bright and lovely sabbath morning, and as warm as may. december th.--yesterday evening several trains laden with wounded arrived in the city. the remains of brig.-gen. t. r. r. cobb, of georgia, were brought down. brig.-gen. gregg, of south carolina, is said to be mortally wounded. it is now believed that major-gen. hood, of texas, did not fall. the number of our killed and wounded is estimated, by a surgeon who came with the wounded, to be not over a thousand. to-day, stragglers from the battle-field say that our loss in killed and wounded is . it is all conjecture. there was heavy skirmishing all day yesterday, and until to-day at noon, when the telegraph operator reports that the firing had ceased. we know not (yet) what this means. we are still sending artillery ammunition to gen. lee. gen. evans dispatches from kinston, n. c., that on the th, yesterday, he repulsed the enemy, , strong, and drove them back to their boats in neuse river. a portion of gen. r. a. pryor's command, in isle of wight county, was engaged with the enemy's advance the same day. they have also landed at gloucester point. this is pronounced a simultaneous attack on our harbors and cities in virginia and north carolina. perhaps we shall have more before night. our people seem prepared for any event. another long train of negroes have just passed through the city, singing, to work on the fortifications. december th.--to-day the city is exalted to the skies! gen. lee telegraphed that the enemy had disappeared from his front, _probably meditating a design to cross at some other place_. such were his words, which approach nearer to a practical joke, and an inkling of exultation, than anything i have seen from his pen. he has saved the capital. before the enemy could approach richmond from "some other place;" lee would be between him and the city, and if he could beat him on the rappahannock he can beat him anywhere. doubtless burnside has abandoned his heavy stores, siege guns, etc., and at this moment our army must occupy the town. lee _allowed_ the invaders to cross the river, and, in exact accordance with his promise, made a month ago, before they could advance from fredericksburg, his "whole army _was_ in position." they could not debouch without passing through our crescent line, the extreme ends of which touched the river above and below them. they attempted this on saturday, and met with a bloody defeat, and until last night, when they retraced their steps, were confined to an exceedingly narrow and uncomfortable strip of land along the south bank of the river. our loss in the battle will not exceed, perhaps, men, not more than being slain. it is estimated that the enemy's loss is over , , and it may greatly exceed that number, as our positions were strong and our batteries numerous. the enemy fought well, charging repeatedly over the plain swept completely by our guns, and leaving the earth strewn with their dead. we have many prisoners, but i have heard no estimate of the number. the enemy have taken kinston, n. c., having overwhelming numbers, and a letter from gen. bragg, dated at raleigh, yesterday, says it is probable goldsborough will fall into their hands. this will cut our railroad communication with wilmington, which may likewise fall--but not without its price in blood. why not let the war cease now? it is worse than criminal to prolong it, when it is apparent that subjugation is an impossibility. there were no stragglers from lee's army, and never were men in better spirits and condition. they are well clad and fed, and exceedingly anxious for burnside to resume his "on to richmond" after the _skirmish_ of saturday. they call it but a skirmish, for not a brigade was blown, not a regiment fatigued. although men shake hands over this result, they all say they never looked for any other termination of burnside. the ladies say he is now charred all over. well, he _may_ come again by some other route, but i have doubts. the rigors of winter are sufficient punishment for his troops. it is said burnside intended to resume the battle on sunday morning, but his generals reported that their men could not be relied upon to approach our batteries again. i shall look with interest for the next northern papers. december th.--a dispatch from gen. g. w. smith, last night, says we have repulsed the enemy from kinston, n. c., but a dispatch this morning says a cavalry force has cut the railroad near goldsborough, broken down the wires, and burnt the bridge. we had no letters from beyond that point this morning. last night large quantities of ammunition and some more regiments were sent to north carolina. this is done because richmond is relieved by the defeat and retreat of burnside. but suppose it should _not_ be relieved, and a force should be sent suddenly up the james and york rivers? we have not a word from fredericksburg, and it is probable burnside's batteries still command the town. lee is content and has no idea of crossing the river. there are two notable rumors in the streets: first, that we have gained a great battle in tennessee; and, second, that the government at washington has arrested john van buren and many other democratic leaders in the north, which has resulted in a riot, wherein have fallen, making the gutters in new york run with blood! gen. lee's official report says our loss in the battle of the th in killed and wounded did not exceed , whereas our _papers_ said wounded have already been brought to this city. well, our government must have spies at washington as an offset to federal spies here among gen. winder's policemen; for we knew _exactly_ when the enemy would begin operations in north carolina, and ordered the cotton east of the weldon railroad to be burnt on the th inst., yesterday, and yesterday the road was cut by the enemy. i have not heard of the cotton being burnt--_and i don't believe it was destroyed_. nor do i believe gen. smith knew that burnside would be defeated in time to send troops from here to north carolina. elwood fisher died recently in georgia, and his pen, so highly prized by the south for its able vindication of her rights, was forgotten by the politicians who have power in the confederate government. all mr. memminger would offer him was a lowest class clerkship. he died of a broken heart. he was more deserving, but less fortunate, than mr. m. it was mr. _memminger_, it seems, who refused to contribute anything to supply the soldiers with shoes, and the press is indignant. they say he is not only not a native south carolinian, but hessian born. december th.--we have more accounts of the battle of fredericksburg now in our possession. our loss in killed and wounded will probably be more than the estimate in the official report, while federal prisoners report theirs at , . this may be over the mark, but the _examiner's_ correspondent at fredericksburg puts down their loss at , . the northern papers of the th inst. (while they supposed the battle still undecided) express the hope that burnside will fight his last man and fire his last cartridge on that field, rather than not succeed in destroying lee's army! lee's army, after our victory, is mostly uninjured. the loss it sustained was not a "flea-bite." the enemy, in their ignominous flight on saturday night, left their dead propped up as sentinels and pickets, besides on the plain. accounts from north carolina indicate the repulse of the enemy, though they have burnt some of the railroad bridges. we shall hear more anon. reinforcements are flying to the scene of action. december th.--gen. burnside acknowledges a loss of upwards of , which is good evidence here that his loss was not less than , . the washington papers congratulate themselves on the _escape_ of their army, and say it might have been easily captured by lee. they propose, now, going into winter quarters. we have nothing further from north carolina or mississippi. gen. banks's expedition had passed hilton head. a mr. bunch, british consul, has written an impudent letter to the department, alleging that an irishman, unnaturalized, is forcibly detained in one of our camps. he says his letters have not been answered, which was great discourtesy, and he means to inform lord john russell of it. this letter _was_ replied to in rather scathing terms, as the irishman had enlisted and then deserted. besides, we are out of humor with england now, and court a french alliance. the president was at chattanooga on the th instant; and writes the secretary that he has made some eight appointments of brigadiers, and promotions to major-generals. major-gen. buckner is assigned to command at mobile. we are straightened for envelopes, and have taken to turning those we receive. this is economy; something new in the south. my family dines four or five times a week on _liver_ and rice. we cannot afford anything better; others do not live so well. custis and i were vaccinated to-day, with the rest of the officers of the department. the northern papers now want the federal army to go into winter quarters. this was, confessedly, to be the final effort to take richmond. it failed. many of the people regard the disaster of burnside as the harbinger of peace. an officer from the field informs me that all our generals were sadly disappointed, when it was discovered that burnside had fled. they wanted one more blow at him, and he would have been completely destroyed. december th.--last accounts from fredericksburg state that the enemy are retiring toward the potomac and washington. we have got some of their pontoon bridges, and other things left behind. it is now very cold, with a fair prospect of the potomac freezing over. let them beware! but we were in a bad way: our army, instead of numbering , as the federal journals report, did not exceed , men; and not half that number went into action. the secretary of war had ordered several regiments from gen. s. jones, in western virginia; now sent to north carolina. there is no mail yet from beyond goldsborough, and the news from north carolina seems vague and unsatisfactory. they say we beat the enemy at kinston; yet they have destroyed a portion of the railroad between goldsborough and wilmington. they say the federals are retreating on newbern; yet we know they made of our men prisoners after they crossed the neuse. it is reported that our loss is small, and the enemy's large; and that our men fought successfully their , . however, we have sent some , reinforcements. it is reported that the federals are evacuating nashville; but reports from the west are not always reliable. a communication has been received by secretary seddon from s. b. m., of vicksburg, proposing to purchase shoes, blankets, etc. in the united states, and sell them to the government for cotton or for confederate notes. this was referred to the quartermaster-general, who favors it. now what will mr. secretary do? better wait till the president returns! the late secretary of war, mr. randolph, has formed a partnership with mr. g. a. myers. to-day a paper was sent in by them to the new secretary, containing the names of ten clients, all jews and extortioners, who, it appears, at the beginning of the war, and before virginia had fully seceded, joined several virginia companies of artillery, but did not drill with them. they hired substitutes for a small sum, all, as the memorial sets forth, being foreigners of the class subsequently exempted by act of congress. and these counselors demand the exemption of the jew extortioners on the ground that they once furnished substitutes, now out of the service! and it is probable they will carry their point, and gain large fees. substitutes now are worth $ --then, $ . a dispatch from charleston to-day says: "iron steamer columbia, formerly the giraffe, of liverpool, with cargo of shoes, blankets, whitworth guns, and ammunition, arrived yesterday." i suppose cargoes of this nature have been arriving once a week ever since the war broke out. this cargo, and the ship, belong to the government. o'clock p.m.--after a very cold day, it has become intensely frigid. i have two fires in our little robin's nest (frame) on the same floor, and yet ice forms rapidly in both rooms, and we have been compelled to empty the pitchers! this night i doubt not the potomac will be closed to burnside and his transports! during the first revolution, the chesapeake was frozen over. if we have a winter like that, we shall certainly have an armistice in virginia without the intervention of any other than the great power above. but we shall suffer for the want of fuel: wood is $ per cord, and coal $ per cart load. gen. bonham, who somehow incurred the dislike of the authorities here, and was dropped out of the list of brigadiers, has been made governor of south carolina. and gen. wise, who is possessed of perhaps the greatest mind in the confederacy, is still fettered. they will not let him fight a battle, because he is "ambitious!" when norfolk was (wickedly) given up, his home and all his possessions fell into the hands of the enemy. he is now without a shelter for his head, bivouacing with his devoted brigade at chaffin's farm, below the city. he is the senior brigadier in the army, and will never be a major-general. december st, sunday.--nothing, yet, has been done by the immense federal fleet of iron-clad gun-boats which were to devastate our coast this winter. but the winter is not over yet, and i apprehend something will be attempted. however, we shall make a heroic defense of every point assailed. i omitted to state, in connection with the partnership formed between mr. myers and mr. randolph, that the former had already succeeded, when the latter was secretary of war, in getting the substitutes of the jew extortioners out of the army, on the ground that they were not domiciled in this country; and now both are intent on procuring the exemption of the principals. this may be good practice, but it is not good service. every man protected and enriched by the government, owes service to the country in its hour of peril. i am glad to hear that w. h. b. custis, of the eastern shore of virginia, takes no part in the war. this is the proper course for him under the circumstances. it is said he declined a high position tendered by the federal government. no doubt he has been much misrepresented: his principles are founded on the constitution, which is violated daily at washington, and therefore he can have no sympathy with that government. december d.--we shall never arrive at the correct amount of casualties at the battle of fredericksburg. the _enquirer_ to-day indicates that our loss in killed, wounded, and missing (prisoners), amounted to nearly . on the other hand, some of the federal journals hint that their loss was , . gen. armstrong (confederate), it is said, counted of their dead on the field; and this was after many were buried. there are five wounded to one killed. but where burnside is now, or what he will attempt next, no doubt lee knows; but the rest of our people are profoundly ignorant in relation thereto. the new york _herald_ says: "the finest and best appointed army the world ever saw, has been beaten by a batch of southern ragamuffins!" and it advises that the shattered remains of the army be put into winter quarters. the weather has greatly moderated. i hope, now, it will continue moderate! mr. crenshaw, who has the gigantic flour contract with the war department, effected with mr. randolph, has just (in the president's absence) made another contract with mr. seddon. the department becomes a partner with him, and another party in england, in a huge commercial transaction, the object of which is to run goods in, and cotton out. we shall have our girards, as well as the united states. mr. crenshaw proceeds to england immediately, bearing letters of credit to mr. mason, our minister, etc. an immense sum is to be sent west to pay for stores, etc., and mr. benjamin recommends the financial agent to the department. the illicit trade with the united states has depleted the country of gold, and placed us at the feet of the jew extortioners. it still goes on. mr. seddon has granted passports to two agents of a mr. baumgartien--and how many others i know not. these jews have the adroitness to carry their points. they have injured the cause more than the armies of lincoln. well, if we gain our independence, instead of being the vassals of the yankees, we shall find all our wealth in the hands of the jews. the accounts from north carolina are still conflicting. it is said the enemy have retired to newbern; but still we have no letters beyond goldsborough. from raleigh we learn that the legislature have postponed the array bill until the th of january. december d.--the battle of fredericksburg is still the topic, or the wonder, and it transpired more than nine days ago. it will have its page in history, and be read by school-boys a thousand years hence. the new york _times_ exclaims, "god help us--for man cannot." this is another war sheet. the _tribune_ is bewildered, and knows not what to say. the _herald_ says "everything by turns, and nothing long." its sympathies are ever with the winning party. but it is positively asserted that both seward and his son have resigned, to be followed by the rest of the cabinet. that example might be followed here without detriment to our cause. and it is said burnside has resigned. i doubt that--but no doubt he will be removed. it is said fremont has been appointed his successor. that would be good news. i think halleck will be removed, and mcclellan will be recalled. no matter. it is said our president will command in mississippi himself--the army having no confidence in pemberton, because he is a yankee. we have a letter to-day from gen. pike (another yankee), saying the indian country is lost--lost, because gens. holmes and hindman--southern men--won't let him have his own way! the news from north carolina is still cloudy. gen. g. w. smith is there (another northern man). gen. elzey has been appointed to command this department during gen. l.'s absence. gen. e. is a marylander. in the president's absence, it is said this appointment was made by gen. s. cooper (another yankee) to insult virginia by preventing the capital from being in the hands of a virginian. the richmond papers occasionally allude to the fact that the general highest in rank in the confederacy is a yankee--gen. s. cooper. gen. lee says his ammunition is bad in quality, and that his new guns burst in the late battle--all under charge of the chief of the bureau of ordnance--another yankee. gen. d. h. hill writes a scathing letter to the department in response to a rebuke from the new secretary, occasioned by some complaints of major palfrey in gen. cooper's (a. and i. general) office. i do not know where major p. came from; but the fact that he was not in the field, gave the general occasion to rasp him severely. it must have been caused by an order transferring, furloughing, or discharging some soldier in gen. h.'s division--and his patience vanished at the idea of having his men taken out of the ranks without consulting him, by carpet knights and civilian lawyers. he says are now absent from his command--and that gen. johnston's army, last spring, was reduced from the same cause to , men, where he had to oppose , of the "rascally yankees." he concludes, however, by saying it is the duty of subordinate generals in the field to submit in all humility to the behests of their superiors comfortably quartered in richmond. but if justice were done, and the opinions of the generals in the field were regarded in the matter of discharges, etc., the lawyers, who have grown fat on fees by thinning our ranks, would be compelled to resort to some more laudable means of making a living. a letter from gov. shorter, of alabama, introduces judge rice, agent for p. s. gerald and j. r. powell, who propose to bring goods into the confederate states through mexico, to be paid for in cotton, etc. this was referred by the secretary to the quartermaster-general--who protests against it on the ground that it might interfere with _his agents already engaged in the business_. the president publishes a retaliatory proclamation to-day against gen. butler, for hanging mr. munford, of new orleans, who took down the united states flag before the city had surrendered. he declares butler to be out of the pale of civilization; and orders any commander who may capture him, to hang him as an outlaw. and all commissioned officers serving under butler, and in arms with negroes, to be reserved for execution. there is a rumor that an agent of the federal government has arrived in the city, to propose an armistice. no armistice, unless on the basis of _uli possidetis ante bellum_! bethel, leesburg, and fredericksburg are victories memorable for our great success when fighting in advantageous positions. they teach a lesson to generals; and it will be apparent that no necessity exists for so great an expenditure of life in the prosecution of this war. the disparity of numbers should be considered by our generals. i fear the flower of our chivalry mostly perished in storming batteries. it is true a _prestige_ was gained. december th.--the _louisville journal_ says the defeat of burnside is "sickening," and that this sad condition of affairs cannot be borne long. it is said that confederate bonds are bringing quite as much in new york as in richmond; and that the bonds of southern men are freely discounted in the north. these, if true, are _indications_ of approaching peace. cotton at cents per pound, and our capacity to produce five million bales per annum, must dazzle the calculating yankees. a single crop worth $ , , , ! what interest or department of industry in the united states can promise such results? letters were received to-day from nassau, dated th december. mr. l. heyliger, our agent, reports a number of steamers sailing, and about to sail, with large amounts of stores and goods of all kinds, besides _plates for our navy_. a mr. wiggs has several steamers engaged in this business. our government own some, and private individuals (foreign speculators) are largely engaged in the trade. most of these steamers run sixteen miles an hour. a mr. hart, agent for s. isaac campbell & co., london, proposes to clothe and equip , men for us, and to receive certificates for specific amounts of cotton. this same house has, on this, it is said, advanced as much as $ , , on our account. this looks cheering. we have credit abroad. but they are jews. mr. heyliger says he has seen letters from the united states, conveying information that charleston is to be attacked about the holidays--the ensuing week--by four iron-clad gun-boats. well, i believe _we_ have three there; so let them come! every day we have propositions to supply the army and the country with goods, for cotton; and they succeed in delivering stores, etc., in spite of the vigilance of the federal blockading squadrons. there is a prospect that we shall have abundance of everything some of these days. but there is some wrangling. the quartermaster-general complains to-day that lieut.-gen. pemberton has interfered with his agents, trading cotton for stores. myers is a jew, and pemberton a yankee--so let them fight it out. december th, christmas day.--northern papers show that there is much distraction in the north; that both seward and chase, who had resigned their positions, were with difficulty persuaded to resume them. this news, coupled with the recent victory, and some reported successes in the west (van dorn's capture of holly springs), produces some effect on the spirits of the people here; and we have a merrier christmas than the last one. it is said the federal congress is about to provide for the organization of regiments of negroes. this does not occasion anxiety here. the slaves, once armed, would cut their way back to their masters. the only possible way to restore the union--if indeed it be possible--is to withdraw all the federal troops, and maintain an _effective_ blockade. there might possibly ensue dissensions among our politicians and states, detrimental to any required unity of purpose. but the yankees, with all their smartness, cannot perceive this. they can never appal us with horrors, for we have fed upon nothing else for so long a period, that we have become accustomed to them. and they have not men enough to subjugate us and hold us in subjugation. two millions would not suffice! the boys are firing chinese crackers everywhere, and no little gunpowder is consumed in commemoration of the day. but turkeys are selling at $ each! shoes for $ per pair. salt, however, has fallen from $ . to cents per pound. fresh meats sell at from to cents per pound. a silver (lever) watch, which had been lying in my trunk for two years, and which cost me $ , sold at auction yesterday for $ . this sufficed for fuel for a month, and a christmas dinner. at the end of another month, my poor family must be scattered again, as this house will be occupied by its owner. i have advertised for boarding in the country, but get no response. it would require $ per month to board my family here, and that is more than my income. what shall we do? trust in god! december th.--we have no news to-day--not even a rumor. we are ready for anything that may come. no doubt the assailants of mobile, wilmington, or charleston, will meet with determined resistance. the president will be in richmond about the first day of january. i saw a man who traveled with him in alabama. vicksburg, i understand, cannot be taken by water. and grant, the federal general, is said to be retreating out of mississippi. december th.--the successes in the west have been confirmed. morgan captured and van dorn prisoners at holly springs. they likewise destroyed a large amount of stores. we have intelligence of a great armament, under gen. sherman, sailing from memphis against vicksburg. at the last accounts the president was at vicksburg; and he may be witness of this decisive struggle for the possession of the mississippi river, the result of which involves immense interests. we await with much anxiety the issue of the naval operations during the ensuing month. we are content with the land achievements of this year; and if we should be equally successful in resisting the enemy's fleets, we shall deem ourselves fortunate indeed. the agents of the commissary and quartermaster-general make grievous complaints against lieut.-gen. pemberton, at grenada, mississippi; they say he interferes with their arrangements to procure supplies--for cotton; and it is intimated that he has some little arrangements of his own of that nature. this illicit trade is very demoralizing in its nature. oh, that peace would return! but with independence! december th.--we have no news to-day from the west. if the great battle has been fought at vicksburg, we ought to know it to-day or to-morrow; and if the enemy be beaten, it should be decisive of the war. it would be worse than madness to continue the contest for the union. several fine brass batteries were brought down from fredericksburg last night, an indication that the campaign is over for the winter in that direction. if we should have disasters in the west, and on the southern seaboard, the next session of congress, to begin a fortnight hence, will be a stormy one. december th.--we have a dispatch from vicksburg at last. the enemy, , strong, were repulsed three times yesterday, and finally driven back seven miles, to their gun-boats. it was no battle, for our loss was only , and that of the enemy . it will be fought to-day, probably. it is said an attempt will be made this week on weldon, as well as charleston. our morgan has been in kentucky again, and captured men. glorious morgan! the accounts from the united states are rather cheering. the _herald_ proposes a convention of all the "loyal states," that reconstruction may be tried in that way. a dispatch from tennessee says, even the new york _tribune_ expresses the opinion that our independence must be recognized. the philadelphia _press_ proposes another route to richmond _via_ the rivers, and thinks richmond may be taken yet, and the rebellion crushed. the surgeon in charge of the howard hospital reports that the small-pox is greatly on the increase, and terminating fatally in almost every case. he says men die of it without eruptions on the surface, the disease striking inward. it is proposed to _drive_ away the strangers (thousands in number), if they will not leave voluntarily. there are too many people here for the houses, and the danger of malignant diseases very great. my vaccination was not a success; very little inflammation and a small scab being the only evidences. but i have a cough, and much lassitude. december th.--we have another crisis. dispatches from murfreesborough state the hostile armies are facing each other, and not a mile apart; the skirmishing increases, and a decisive battle may occur at any moment. from vicksburg we have no further intelligence; but from the rappahannock we learn that both artillery and infantry were distinctly heard yesterday in the direction of dumfries. is stuart there? december st.--there were more skirmishes near vicksburg yesterday; and although several of the louisiana regiments are said to have immortalized themselves (having lost only two or three men each), i suppose nothing decisive was accomplished. i have not implicit faith in western dispatches; they are too often exaggerations. and we have nothing further from murfreesborough. but there is reliable intelligence from albemarle sound, where a large fleet of the enemy's transports appeared yesterday. we must look now for naval operations. perhaps weldon is aimed at. gen. wise writes a remarkable letter to the department. his son, just seventeen years old, a lieutenant in th virginia cavalry, was detailed as ordnance officer of the general's brigade, when that regiment was taken from his father. now gen. cooper, the northern head of the southern army, orders him to the th cavalry. the general desires his son to remain with him, or that the lieutenant may be permitted to resign. he says he asks no favors of the administration, and has never received any. his best blood (capt. o. j. w.) has been given to the country, and his home and property lost by the surrender of norfolk, etc. to-day, gen. winder's account for disbursement of "secret service" money was sent in. among the persons who were the recipients of this money, i noticed _dr. rossvally_, a notorious spy, and s----w, one of his policemen, who, with w----ll, very recently fled to the enemy, and is now in the service of the united states, at washington! gen. lee has given the command in northwestern virginia to gen. w. e. jones; and he asks the secretary to hold a major he has captured as a hostage for the good conduct of the federal gen. milroy, who is imitating gen. pope in his cruelties to civilians. chapter xxii. lee in winter quarters.--bragg's victory in the southwest.--the president at mobile.--enemy withdraw from vicksburg.--bragg retreats as usual.--bureau of conscription.--high rents.--flour contracts in congress.--efforts to escape conscription.--ships coming in freely.-- sneers at negro troops.--hopes of french intervention.--gen. rains blows himself up.--davis would be the last to give up.--gov. vance protests against col. august's appointment as commandant of conscripts.--financial difficulties in the united states. january st, .--this first day of the year dawned in gloom, but the sun, like the sun of austerlitz, soon beamed forth in great splendor upon a people radiant with smiles and exalted to the empyrean. a letter from gen. h. marshall informed the government that gen. floyd had seized slaves in kentucky and refused to restore them to their owners, and that if the government did not promptly redress the wrong, the kentuckians would at once "take the law into their own hands." we had a rumor (not yet contradicted) that the enemy, or traitors, had burned the railroad bridge between bristol and knoxville, cutting our communication with the west. then it was said (and it was true) that gen. lee had sent his artillery back some miles this side of the rappahannock, preparatory to going into winter quarters. but this was no occasion for gloom. lee always knows what is best to be done. next there was a rumor (not yet confirmed, but credited) that stuart had made another of his wonderful reconnoissances, capturing prisoners and destroying much of the enemy's stores beyond the rappahannock. then came a dispatch from bragg which put us almost "beside" ourselves with joy, and caused even enemies to pause and shake hands in the street. yesterday he attacked rosecrans's army near murfreesborough, and gained a great victory. he says he drove him from all his positions, except on the extreme left, and after ten hours' fighting, occupied the whole of the field except (those exceptions!) the point named. we had, as trophies, thirty-one guns, two generals, prisoners, and wagons. this is a _western_ dispatch, it is true, but it has bragg's name to it, and he does not willingly exaggerate. although i, for one, shall await the next dispatches with anxiety, there can be no question about the victory on the last day of the bloody year . bragg says the loss was heavy on both sides. i noticed that one of the brass pieces sent down by lee to go to north carolina had been struck by a ball just over the muzzle, and left a glancing mark toward the touch-hole. that ball, probably, killed one of our gunners. january d.--a dispatch from gov. harris gives some additional particulars of the battle near murfreesborough, tenn. he says the enemy was driven back six miles, losing four generals killed and three captured, and that we destroyed $ , , commissary and other stores. but still we have no account of what was done yesterday on the "extreme left." gen. stuart has been near alexandria, and his prisoners are coming in by every train. he captured and destroyed many stores, and, up to the last intelligence, without loss on his side. he is believed, now, _to be in maryland_, having crossed the potomac near leesburg. the mayor of our city, jos. mayo, meeting two friends last night, whom he recognized but who did not recognize him, playfully seized one of them, a judge, and, garroter fashion, demanded his money or his life. the judge's friend fell upon the mayor with a stick and beat him dreadfully before the joke was discovered. the president was at mobile on the th december, having visited both murfreesborough and vicksburg, but not witnessing either of the battles. we are in great exaltation again! dispatches from gen. bragg, received last night, relieve us with the information that the stronghold of the enemy, which he failed to carry on the day of battle, was abandoned the next day; that forrest and morgan were operating successfully far in the rear of the invader, and that gen. wheeler had made a circuit of the hostile army after the battle, burning several hundred of their wagons, capturing an ordnance train, and making more prisoners. bragg says the enemy's telegraphic and railroad communications with his rear have been demolished, and that he will follow up the defeated foe. i think we will get nashville now. january d.--to-day we have a dispatch from vicksburg stating that the enemy had re-embarked, leaving their intrenching instruments, etc., apparently abandoning the purpose of assaulting the city. this is certainly good news. gen. stuart did not cross the potomac, as reported in the northern press, but, doubtless, the report produced a prodigious panic among the yankees. but when stuart was within eight miles of alexandria, he telegraphed the government at washington that if they did not send forward larger supplies of stores to burnside's army, he (stuart) would not find it worth while to intercept them. capt. semmes, of the alabama, has taken another prize--the steamer ariel--but no gold being on board, and having passengers, he released it, under bonds to pay us a quarter million dollars at the end of the war. a large meeting has been held in new york, passing resolutions in favor of peace. they propose that new jersey send a delegation hither to induce us to meet the united states in convention at louisville, to adopt definitive terms of peace, on the basis of the old union, or, that being impracticable, separation. too late! january th.--we have nothing additional from murfreesborough, but it is ascertained that the bridges burned by the enemy on the virginia and tennessee railroad cannot be repaired in a month. it really does seem that some potent and malign influence, resident at the capital, some high functionary, by some species of occultation, controlling the action of the government, a talleyrand in the pay of both governments, and balancing or equalizing disasters between them to magnify his importance and increase his reward, has been controlling many events since the beginning of this war, and is still engaged in the diabolical work. it now appears that several regiments were withdrawn from the vicinity of bristol, whose presence there was necessary for the protection of the railroad and the bridges. they were brought hither _after lee's defeat of burnside_, for the protection of the capital! the president was away, and mr. seddon was now in the war office. but gen. cooper is _old_ in office, and should have known better; and gen. g. w. smith certainly must have known better. just suppose we had been beaten at murfreesborough, and our communications cut, west and east and south! there would have been no escape. it had even been proposed to take a large portion of lee's men from him, so that he must be inevitably defeated on the rappahannock, but lee's resignation would have shocked the people unbearably. great injury was done him by abstracting some , of his men by discharges, transfers, and details. nothing but his generalship and the heroism of his men saved us from ruin. the disasters of donelson, newbern, nashville, memphis, roanoke, new orleans, norfolk, etc. may be traced to the same source. but all new governments have been afflicted by a few evil-disposed leaders. our people in arms have upheld the state; they have successfully resisted the open assaults of the invader, and frustrated the occult machinations of the traitors in our midst. we have great generals, but what were they without great men to obey them? generals have fallen, and divisions and brigades have fought on without them. regiments have lost their field officers and continued the fight, and companies have maintained their position after all their commissioned officers were stricken down. the history which shall give the credit of their achievements to others will be a vile calumny. our cause would have been ruined if it had not been for the bravery and heroism of the people--_the privates in our armies_. there is a rumor this morning that the enemy are advancing toward petersburg from suffolk. if this be so, some spy, under the protection of martial law, has informed the yankees of our defenseless condition at that place, being alarmed at the success of our brave and patriotic men in the west. january th.--we learn from gen. bragg that the enemy did not retire far on the d inst., but remain still in the vicinity of murfreesborough. he says, however, that our cavalry are still circling the yankees, taking prisoners and destroying stores. during the day an absurd rumor was invented, to the effect that bragg had been beaten. we are anxious to learn the precise particulars of the battle. it is to be feared that too many of bragg's men were ordered to reinforce pemberton. if that blunder should prove disastrous, the authorities here will have a hornet's nest about their ears. the president arrived yesterday, and his patriotic and cheering speech at jackson, miss., appeared in all the papers this morning. we hear of no fighting at suffolk. but we have dispatches from north carolina, stating that a storm assailed the enemy's fleet off hatteras, _sinking the monitor with all on board_, and so crippling the galena that her guns were thrown overboard! this is good news--if it be confirmed. a letter from major boyle, in command at gordonsville, gives information that the smugglers and extortioners are trading tobacco (contraband) with the enemy at alexandria. he arrested b. nussbaum, e. wheeler, and s. backrack, and sent them with their wagons and goods to gen. winder, richmond. but instead of being dealt with according to law, he learns that backrack is back again, and on his way to this city _with another wagon load of goods from yankee-land_, and will be here to-day or to-morrow. i sent the letter to the secretary, and hope it will not be intercepted on its way to him from the front office. the secretary never sees half the letters addressed him, or knows of one-half the attempts of persons to obtain interviews. the assistant secretary's duty is to dispose of the less important communications, but to exhibit his decisions. january th.--to-day we are all _down_ again. bragg has _retreated_ from murfreesborough. it is said he saved his prisoners, captured cannon, etc., but it is _not_ said what became of his own wounded. the northern papers say they captured prisoners in the battle, which they claim as a victory. i do not know how to reconcile bragg's first dispatches, and particularly the one saying he had the whole field, and would _follow_ the enemy, with this last one announcing his withdrawal and retirement from the field. eight thousand men were taken from bragg a few days before the battle. it was not done at the suggestion of gen. johnston; for i have seen an extract of a letter from gen. j. to a senator (wigfall), deprecating the detachment of troops from bragg, and expressing grave apprehensions of the probable consequences. a letter was received from r. r. collier, petersburg, to-day, in favor of civil liberty, and against the despotism of martial law. senator clark, of missouri, informed me to-day that my nephew, r. h. musser, has been made a colonel (under hindman or holmes), and has a fine regiment in the trans-mississippi department. lewis e. harvie, president of the railroad, sends a communication to the secretary (i hope it will reach him) inclosing a request from gen. winder to permit liquors to be transported on his road to clover hill. mr. harvie objects to it, and asks instructions from the secretary. he says clover hill is the point from which the smuggling is done, and that to place it there, is equivalent to bringing it into the city. january th.--to-day i was requested to aid, temporarily, in putting in operation a new bureau, created by the military authorities, not by law, entitled the bureau of conscription. from conscription all future recruits must be derived. i found gen. rains, the chief, a most affable officer; and lieut.-col. lay, his next officer, was an acquaintance. i shall not now, perhaps, see so much of the _interior_ of this moving picture of revolution; my son, however, will note important letters. it is said that sumner's corps (of burnside's army) has landed in north carolina, to take wilmington. we shall have news soon. we are sending troops rapidly from virginia to north carolina. the northern papers say the following dispatch was sent to washington by our raiding stuart: "gen. meigs will in future please furnish better mules; those you have furnished recently are very inferior." he signed his own name. a large body of slaves passed through the city to-day, singing happily. they had been working on the fortifications north of the city, and go to work on them south of it. they have no faith in the efficacy of lincoln's emancipation. but it is different in norfolk; enfranchised slaves marched in procession through the town the other day in a sort of frantic jubilee. they will bewail their error; and so will the abolitionists. they will consume the enemy's commissary stores; and if they be armed, we shall get their arms. lee and beauregard were telegraphed to-day in relation to the movement on wilmington; and the president had the cabinet with him many hours. gen. rains is quite certain that the fall of new orleans was the result of treachery. by the emancipation, gen. wise's county, princess ann, is excepted--and so are accomac and northampton counties; but i have no slaves. all i ask of the invaders is to spare my timber, and i will take care of the land--and i ask it, knowing the request will never be known by them until the war is over. january th.--gen. french writes that the enemy at suffolk and newbern amounted to , ; and this force now threatens weldon and wilmington, and we have not more than , to oppose them. with generalship that should suffice. all the virginia conscripts are ordered to gen. wise, under major-gen. elzey. the conscripts from other states are to be taken to gen. lee. if the winter should allow a continuance of active operations, and the enemy should continue to press us, we might be driven nearly to the wall. we must help ourselves all we can, and, besides, invoke the aid of almighty god! we have nothing fresh from bragg--nothing from vicksburg--and that is _bad news_. i like gen. rains. he comes in and sits with me every day. col. lay is the active business man of the bureau. the general is engaged in some experiments to increase the efficiency of small arms. he is very affable and communicative. he says he never witnessed more sanguinary fighting than at the battle of the seven pines, where his brigade retrieved the fortunes of the day; for at one time it was lost. he was also at yorktown and williamsburg; and he cannot yet cease condemning the giving up of the peninsula, norfolk, etc. gen. johnston did that, backed by randolph and mallory. we have all been mistaken in the number of troops sent to the rescue of north carolina; but four or five regiments, perhaps men, have gone thither from virginia. a letter from gen. lee, dated the th inst., says he has not half as many men as burnside, and cannot spare any. he thinks north carolina, herself, will be able to expel the federals, who probably meditate only a marauding expedition. and he supposes bragg's splendid victory (what did he suppose the next day?) may arrest the inroads of the enemy everywhere for a season. at this moment i do not believe we have , men in the field against , ! but what of that, after seeing lee beat , with only , in action! true, it was an ambuscade. january th.--the northern papers say the federals have taken vicksburg; but we are incredulous. yet we have no reliable intelligence from thence; and it may be so. it would be a terrible blow, involving, for a time, perhaps, the loss of the mississippi river. but we have cheering news from galveston, texas. several of our improvised gun-boats attacked the enemy's war vessels in the harbor, and after a sanguinary contest, hand to hand, our men captured the harriet lane, a fine united states ship of war, iron clad. she was boarded and taken. another of the enemy's ships, it is said, was blown up by its officers, rather than surrender, and many perished. if this be magruder's work, it will make him famous. our public offices are crowded with applicants for clerkships, mostly wounded men, or otherwise unfit for field duty. how can we live here? boarding is $ per month, and i have six to support! they ask $ rent for a dwelling--and i have no furniture to put in one. gen. rains and i looked at one to-day, thinking to take it jointly. but neither of us is able to furnish it. perhaps we shall take it, nevertheless. january th.--we have news from the west, which is believed to be reliable, stating that bragg captured prisoners altogether in his late battles; took cannon, stand of arms, and destroyed wagons and many stores. the estimated loss of the enemy in killed and wounded is put down at , . our loss in killed and wounded not more than half that number. to-day we have official intelligence confirming the brilliant achievement at galveston; and it was magruder's work. he has men under him fitted for desperate enterprises; and he has always had a penchant for desperate work. so we shall expect to hear of more gallant exploits in that section. he took prisoners. we have news also from vicksburg, and the city was not taken; on the contrary, the enemy had sailed away. i trust this is reliable; but the northern papers persist in saying that vicksburg has fallen, and that the event took place on the d inst. six hundred women and children--refugees--arrived at petersburg yesterday from the north. they permit them to come now, when famine and pestilence are likely to be added to the other horrors of war! we are doomed to suffer this winter! january th.--the message of gov. seymour, of new york, if i am not mistaken in its import and purposes, will have a distracting effect on the subjugation programme of the government at washington. i shall look for riots, and perhaps rebellions and civil wars in the north. mr. stanley, ycleped governor of north carolina, has written a letter (dated st december) to gen. french, complaining that our soldiery have been guilty of taking slaves from their humane and _loyal_ masters in washington county, against their will; and demanding a restoration of them to their kind and beneficent owners, to whom they are anxious to return. gen. french replies that he will do so very cheerfully, provided the united states authorities will return the slaves they have taken from masters loyal to the confederate states. these may amount to , . and he might have added that on the next day all-- , , --were to be emancipated, so far as the authority of the united states could accomplish it. the enemy's gun-boats (two) came up the york river last week, and destroyed an oyster boat. beyond the deprivation of oysters, pigs, and poultry, we care little for these incursions. january th.--the news of the successful defense of vicksburg is confirmed by an official dispatch, to the effect that the enemy had departed up the mississippi river. by the late northern papers, we find they confess to a loss of men in the several attacks upon the town! our estimate of their loss did not exceed that many hundred. they lost two generals, morgan and another. we did not lose a hundred men, according to our accounts. the _herald_ (n. y.) calls it "another fredericksburg affair." the estimate of the enemy's loss, at murfreesborough, from , to , , in killed, wounded, and prisoners, and ours at from four to nine thousand. bragg says he will fight again near the same place, and his men are in high spirits. our men fight to _kill_ now, since the emancipation doom has been pronounced. but we have had a hard rain and nightly frosts, which will put an end to campaigning during the remainder of the winter. the fighting will be on the water, or near it. the legislature is in session, and resolutions inimical to the passport system have already been introduced. but where are state rights now? congress meets to-morrow. january th.--the generals in north carolina are importunate for reinforcements. they represent the enemy as in great force, and that weldon, goldsborough, raleigh, and wilmington are in extreme peril. lee cannot send any, or, if he does, richmond will be threatened again, and possibly taken. how shall we live? boarding ranges from $ to $ per month. our landlord says he will try to get boarding in the country, and if he succeeds, probably we may keep the house we now occupy, furnished, at a rent of $ , for a mere robin's nest of four rooms! but i hope to get the house at the corner of first and casey, in conjunction with gen. rains, for $ . it has a dozen rooms. january th.--gen. beauregard, some of whose forces have been taken from him and sent to the defense of wilmington, is apprehensive that they may be lost, in the event of the enemy making a combined naval and land attack, and then charleston and savannah would be in great peril. gens. smith and whiting call lustily for aid, and say they have not adequate means of defense. some more negroes have been called for to work on the fortifications near richmond. i believe , are at work now. a letter "by order" of the secretary of war to col. godwin, in king and queen county, written by judge campbell, says that blockaders are allowed to run through, provided they be not suspicious parties. the government takes what it wants at seventy-five per cent. and releases the rest. the parties are liable to have their goods confiscated by the secretary of the treasury, who, however, the letter proceeds to say, has never molested any one in the illicit trade--smuggling. in congress, yesterday, mr. foote called for a committee to investigate the commissary's contract with haxhall, crenshaw & co., and was particularly severe on major ruffin, in the commissary's office, whom he understood was a partner in the flour concern. mr. foote introduced a series of resolutions to-day, tempting the northern states to make peace with us separately, excluding the new england states, and promising commercial advantages, etc. but we must treat as independent states, pledging a league with those that abandon the united states government--offensive and defensive--and guaranteeing the navigation of the mississippi river to the northwestern states. they were referred to the committee on foreign relations, of which he is the chairman. this is nothing. but neither yesterday nor the day before was there a quorum of both houses; a sad spectacle in such a season of gloom. it was enlivened, however, by a communication from the surgeon-general, proposing to send surgeons to vaccinate all the members. they declined the honor, though the small-pox is raging frightfully. to-day a quorum was found in each house, and the president's message was sent in. i have not read it yet. january th.--the president's message is highly applauded. it is well written; but i do not perceive much substance in it, besides some eloquent reproaches of england and france for the maintenance of their neutrality, which in effect is greatly more beneficial to the united states than to us. the president essays to encourage the people to continued effort and endurance--and such encouragement is highly judicious at this dark epoch of the struggle. he says truly we have larger armies, and a better supply of arms, etc., now, than we have had at any time previously. the president says he will, unless congress directs differently, have all federal officers that we may capture, handed over to the states to be dealt with as john brown was dealt with. the emancipation proclamation, if not revoked, may convert the war into a most barbarous conflict. mr. foote, yesterday, introduced a resolution requesting the recall of our diplomatic agents; and, after a certain time, to notify the foreign consuls to leave the country, no longer recognizing them in an official capacity. a bill was introduced making marylanders subject to conscription. january th.--gen. lee is in the city, doubtless to see about the pressure upon him for reinforcements in north carolina. gen. smith still writes from goldsborough for more men, with doleful forebodings if they be refused. from eastern tennessee, we have bad accounts of outrages by the disloyal inhabitants, who have fled, to escape conscription, to the mountains and caves, many of them taking their families. at night they emerge from their hiding-places, and commit depredations on the secessionists. it has been blowing a gale for two days, and there are rumors of more losses of the enemy's ships on the coast of north carolina. a letter was received by the government to-day from arizona, justifying col. baylor for his policy of dealing with the indians. i do not hear of any steps yet on the part of the president. a report of the commandant at camp holmes, raleigh, n. c., states that , conscripts have been received there altogether; have been sent off to regiments, detailed on government work, deserted, etc. the _enquirer_ to-day publishes the fact that a ship, with stores, merchandise, etc., has just arrived at charleston; that six more are on the way thither, and that a steamer has successfully run the blockade from wilmington with cotton. this notification may increase the vigilance of the blockading fleet. the _enquirer_ is also perpetually tilting with the raleigh _standard_. i doubt the policy of charging the leading journals in north carolina with predilections for the union. i believe the _enquirer_ has no settled editor now. mr. foote favors the conscription of marylanders. if such an act should be likely to pass, gen. winder will be beset with applications to leave the confederacy. january th.--gen. lee has left the city. his troops, encamped thirty miles north of richmond, marched northward last night. so it is his determination to cross the rappahannock? or is it a demonstration of the enemy to prevent him from sending reinforcements to north carolina? we shall know speedily. north carolina, one would think, is soon to be the scene of carnage; and it is asked what can , men do against , ? the enemy began the attack on fort caswell yesterday; no result. but one of his blockaders went ashore in the storm, and we captured the officers and crew. all the conscripts in the west have been ordered to gen. bragg. shall we starve? yesterday beef was sold for cts. per pound; to-day it is cts. lard is $ . . butter $ . . they say the sudden rise is caused by the prisoners of gen. bragg, several thousand of whom have arrived here, and they are subsisted from the market. thus they injure us every way. but, _n'importe_, say some; if lincoln's emancipation be not revoked, _but few more prisoners will be taken on either side_. that would be a barbarous war, without quarter. i see that col. j. w. wall, of new jersey, has been nominated, and i suppose will be elected, u. s. senator. he was confined for months in prison at fort lafayette. i imagine the colonel is a bold, able man. january th.--it was bitter cold last night, and everything is frozen this morning; there will be abundance of ice next summer, if we keep our ice-houses. in these times of privation and destitution, i see many men, who were never prominent secessionists, enjoying comfortable positions, and seeking investments for their surplus funds. surely there must be some compensation in this world or the next for the true patriots who have sacrificed everything, and still labor in subordinate positions, with faith and patient suffering. these men and their families go in rags, and upon half-rations, while the others fare most sumptuously. we are now, in effect, in a state of siege, and none but the opulent, often those who have defrauded the government, can obtain a sufficiency of food and raiment. calico, which could once be bought for - / cts. per yard, is now selling at $ . , and a lady's dress of calico costs her about $ . . bonnets are not to be had. common bleached cotton shirting brings $ . per yard. all other dry goods are held in the same proportion. common tallow candles are $ . per pound; soap, $ . ; hams, $ . ; oppossum $ . ; turkeys $ to $ . ; sugar, brown, $ . ; molasses $ . per gallon; potatoes $ . per bushel, etc. these evils might be remedied by the government, for there is no great scarcity of any of the substantials and necessities of life in the country, if they were only equally distributed. the difficulty is in procuring transportation, and the government monopolizes the railroads and canals. our military men apprehend no serious consequences from the army of negroes in process of organization by the abolitionists at washington. gen. rains says the negro cannot fight, and will always run away. he told me an anecdote yesterday which happened under his own observation. an officer, when going into battle, charged his servant to stay at his tent and take care of his property. in the fluctuations of the battle, some of the enemy's shot fell in the vicinity of the tent, and the negro, with great white eyes, fled away with all his might. after the fight, and when the officer returned to his tent, he was vexed to learn that his slave had run away, but the boy soon returned, confronting his indignant master, who threatened to chastise him for disobedience of orders. cæsar said: "massa, you told me to take care of your property, and dis property" (placing his hand on his breast) "is worf fifteen hundred dollars." he escaped punishment. some , of the abolition army will be disbanded in may by the expiration of their terms of enlistment, and we have every reason to believe that their places cannot be filled by new recruits. if we hold out until then, we shall be able to resist at all vital points. january th.--we have rumors of fighting this morning on the rappahannock; perhaps the enemy is making another advance upon richmond. there was a grand funeral to-day,--gen. d. r. jones's; he died of heart disease. gen. bragg dispatches that brig.-gen. wheeler, with his cavalry, got in the rear of rosecrans a few days ago, and burned a railroad bridge. he then penetrated to the cumberland river, and destroyed three large transports and bonded a fourth, which took off his paroled prisoners. after this he captured and destroyed a _gun-boat_ and its armament sent in quest of him. we have taken springfield, missouri. rosecrans sends our officers, taken at murfreesborough, to alton, ill., to retaliate on us for the doom pronounced in our president's proclamation, and one of his generals has given notice that if we burn a railroad bridge (in our own country) all private property within a mile of it shall be destroyed. the black flag next. we have no news from north carolina. mr. caperton was elected c. s. senator by the virginia legislature on saturday, in place of mr. preston, deceased. an intercepted letter from a mr. sloane, charlotte, n. c., to a. t. stewart & co., new york, was laid before the secretary of war yesterday. he urged the new york merchant, who has contributed funds for our subjugation, to send merchandise to the south, now destitute, and he would act as salesman. the secretary indorsed "conscript him," and yet the assistant secretary has given instructions to col. godwin, in the border counties, to wink at the smugglers. this is consistency! and the assistant secretary writes "by order of the secretary of war!" january th.--the rumor of fighting on the rappahannock is not confirmed. but gen. lee writes that his beeves are so poor the soldiers won't eat the meat. he asks the government to send him salt meat. from northern sources we learn that arkansas post has fallen, and that we have lost from to men there. if this be true, our men must have been placed in a man-trap, as at roanoke island. mr. perkins, in congress, has informed the country that mr. memminger, the secretary of the treasury, has hitherto opposed and defeated the proposition that the government buy all the cotton. mr. m. should never have been appointed. he is headstrong, haughty, and tyrannical when he imagines he is dealing with inferiors, and he deems himself superior to the rest of mankind. but he is no carolinian by birth or descent. we see accounts of public meetings in new jersey, wherein the government at washington is fiercely denounced, and peace demanded, regardless of consequences. some of the speakers openly predicted that the war would spread into the north, if not terminated at once, and in that event, the emancipationists would have foes to fight elsewhere than in the south. among the participants i recognize the names of men whom i met in convention at trenton in . they clamor for the "union as it was, the constitution as it is," adopting the motto of my paper, the "_southern monitor_," the office of which was sacked in philadelphia in april, . our government will never agree to anything short of independence. president davis will be found inflexible on that point. there was a rumor yesterday that france had recognized us. the news of the disaster of burnside at fredericksburg having certainly been deemed very important in europe. but france has not yet acted in our behalf. we all pray for the emperor's intervention. we suffer much, and but little progress is made in conscription. nearly all our resources are in the field. another year of war, and ----! january st.--last night the rain fell in torrents, and to-day there is a violent storm of wind from the n. w. this may put an end, for a season, to campaigning on land, and the enemy's fleet at sea may be dispersed. providence may thus intervene in our behalf. it is feared that we have met with a serious blow in arkansas, but it is not generally believed that so many ( to men) surrendered, as is stated in the northern papers. gen. holmes is responsible for the mishap. conscription drags its slow length along. it is not yet adding many to the army. the assistant secretary of war, and several others, "by order of the secretary of war," are granting a fearful number of exemptions daily. congress, i hope, will modify the exemption bill immediately. it is believed enrolling officers, surgeons, and others are permitting thousands to remain at home "for a price." even clerks in the war department, it is said, are driving a lucrative business in "getting men off," who should be on duty, in this war of independence. _young_ men in the departments, except in particular cases, will not stand in good repute "when the hurly burly's done, when the battle's lost and won." congress is at work projecting the organization of a supreme court. january d.--we have reliable intelligence of the sinking of the u. s. gun-boat hatteras, in the gulf, by the alabama. she was iron-clad, and all the officers and crew, with the exception of five, went down. gen. whiting telegraphs to-day for the use of conscripts near wilmington, in the event of an _emergency_. several ships have just come in safely from abroad, and it is said a large number are on the way. mr. miles yesterday reported, from the military committee, a bill repealing the existing exemption law, and embracing all male residents between the ages of and years. the president, or secretary of war, to have authority to grant exemptions in certain cases, if deemed expedient. this _ought_ to give us , more men. and they will be required. a resolution was passed demanding of the commissary and quartermaster-general the number of their employees capable of performing military duty. it would be well to extend the inquiry to the war department itself. a letter from norfolk states that at a grand ball, in celebration of the emancipation of the negroes, gen. vieille opened the dance with a mulatto woman of bad character as his partner; and mrs. v. had for her partner a negro barber. january d.--the northern papers are filled with what purports to be the intercepted correspondence of mr. benjamin with messrs. mason and slidell. lord john russell is berated. the emperor of france is charged with a design to seize mexico as a colony, and to recognize texas separately, making that state in effect a dependency, from which cotton may be procured as an offset to british india. he says the french consuls in texas are endeavoring to detach texas from the confederacy. if this be a genuine correspondence, it will injure the south; if it be false (if the allegations be false), it will still injure us. i have no doubt of its genuineness; and that mr. sanders, once the correspondent of the new york _tribune_, was the bearer. if texas leaves us, so may louisiana--and the gigantic houmas speculation may turn out well at last. mr. curry has brought forward a copyright bill; mr. foster, of alabama, has introduced a bill to abolish the passport system--leaving the matter to railroad conductors. a dispatch from gen. bragg assures us that our cavalry are still capturing and destroying large amounts of rosecrans's stores on the cumberland river. col. wall has been elected senator from new jersey. they say he is still pale and ill from his imprisonment, for opinion sake. i hope he will speak as boldly in the senate as out of it. i met gen. davis to-day (the president's nephew), just _from_ goldsborough, where his brigade is stationed. he is in fine _plumage_--and i hope he will prove a game-cock. major-gen. french, in command at petersburg, is a northern man. our _native_ generals are brigadiers. it is amazing that all the superior officers in command near the capital should be northern men. can this be the influence of gen. cooper? it may prove disastrous! january th.--gen. smith writes that he deems wilmington in a condition to resist any attacks. the exposition of mr. benjamin's dispatches has created profound mortification in the community. another transport has been taken from the enemy in the cumberland river. no further news from arkansas. there is a white flag (small-pox) within seventy yards of our house. but it is probable we must give up the house soon, as the owner is desirous to return to it--being unable to get board in the country. gen. rains, who has been making a certain sort of primer, met with an accident this morning; one of them exploded in his hand, injuring his thumb and finger. he was scarcely able to sign his name to official documents to-day. mr. hunter has brought forward a measure for the funding of treasury notes, the redundant circulation having contributed to produce the present fabulous prices in the market. in the new jersey legislature petitions are flowing in denunciatory of lincoln's emancipation scheme, which would cast into the free states a large excess of profitless population. january th.--gen. lee mentions, in his recent correspondence, an instance of the barbarity of some of the yankee soldiers in the abolition army of the potomac. they thrust into the rappahannock river a poor old negro man, whom they had taken from his master, because he had the small-pox; and he would have been drowned had he not been rescued by our pickets. it is surmised that this dreadful disease prevails to an alarming extent in the yankee army, and probably embarrasses their operations. our men have all been vaccinated; and their recklessness of disease and death is perhaps a guarantee of exemption from affliction. their health, generally, is better than it has ever been before. the government at washington has interdicted the usual exchange of newspapers, for the present. this gives rise to conjecture that lincoln experiences grave difficulties from the adverse sentiment of his people and his armies regarding his emancipation proclamation. and it is likely he has met with grave losses at sea, for the invading army in north carolina has retired back on newbern. but the season for naval enterprises is not over, and we are prepared to expect some heavy blows before april. the revelations in the intercepted dispatches captured with mr. sanders, whose father is a notorious political adventurer, may be most unfortunate. they not only show that we even were negotiating for six war steamers, but give the names of the firms in europe that were to furnish them. the project must now be abandoned. and louis napoleon will be enraged at the suspicions and imputations of our secretary of state regarding his occult policy. gen. rains has invented a new primer for shell, which will explode from the slightest pressure. the shell is buried just beneath the surface of the earth, and explodes when a horse or a man treads upon it. he says he would not use such a weapon in ordinary warfare; but has no scruples in resorting to any means of defense against an army of abolitionists, invading our country for the purpose, avowed, of extermination. he tried a few shell on the peninsula last spring, and the explosion of only four sufficed to arrest the army of invaders, and compelled them to change their line of march. january th.--the _northern_ papers say hooker's grand division crossed the rappahannock, ten miles above falmouth, several days ago. burnside has issued an address to his army, promising them another battle immediately. gen. lee advises the government to buy all the grain in the counties through which the canal runs. he says many farmers are hoarding their provisions, for extortionate prices. i have no house yet. dr. wortham had one; and although i applied first, he let mr. reagan, the postmaster-general, have it. he is a member of president davis's cabinet--and receives $ salary. there is much indignation expressed by the street talkers against mr. benjamin and mr. sanders, in the matter of the intercepted dispatches: against mr. benjamin for casting such imputations on napoleon and his consular agents, and for sending his dispatches by such a messenger, in the absence of the president; against sanders for not destroying the dispatches. many think the information was _sold_ to the united states government. col. wall has made a speech in philadelphia. he said he should take his seat in the united states senate as an advocate of peace; and he boldly denounced the lincoln administration. our official report shows that our military authorities, up to this time, have burnt , bales of cotton in arkansas. i have not learned the amount destroyed in other states--but it is large. gen. lee thinks the object of the expeditions of the enemy on the southern coast is to procure cotton, etc. the slaves can do them no good, and the torch will disappoint the marauders. strong and belligerent resolutions have been introduced in the united states congress against france, for her alleged purpose to obtain dominion in mexico. it is violative of the monroe doctrine. and mr. benjamin's accusation against the consuls (embracing a french design on texas) might seem like a covert purpose to unite both the confederate and the united states against france--and that might resemble premeditated reconstruction. but diplomatists _must_ be busy--always at their webs. president davis would be the last man to abandon the ship independence. january th.--it is too true that several thousand of our men were captured at arkansas post, and that little rock is now in danger. there seems to be no probability, after all, of an immediate advance of the enemy across the rappahannock. but there are eight iron-clad gun-boats and ninety sail at beaufort, north carolina, and, it is reported, , men. wilmington will probably be assailed. mr. foote said, yesterday, if indiana and illinois would recede from the war, he should be in favor of aiding them with an army against lincoln. and all the indications from the north seem to exhibit a strong sentiment among the people favoring peace. but the people are not the government, and they sink peace and reconstruction together. yesterday mr. crockett, of kentucky, said, in the house of representatives, that there was a party in favor of forming a central confederacy (of free and slave states) between the northern and southern extremes. impracticable. to-day we have news of the bombardment of fort mcalister, near savannah. no result known. now we shall have tidings every few days of naval operations. can savannah, and charleston, and wilmington be successfully defended? they may, if they will emulate the example of vicksburg. if they fall, it will _stagger_ this government--before the peace party in the north can operate on the government of the united states. but it would not "crush the rebellion." january th.--the bombardment of fort mcalister continued five hours yesterday, when the enemy's boats drew off. the injury to the fort can be repaired in a day. not a man was killed or a gun dismounted. the injury done the fleet is not known. but the opinion prevails here that if the bombardment was continued to-day, the elongated shot of the enemy probably demolished the fort. last night and all this day it snowed incessantly--melting rapidly, however. this must retard operations by land in virginia and probably in north carolina. january th.--it appears from the northern press that the enemy _did_ make three attempts last week to cross the rappahannock; but as they advanced toward the stream, the _elements_ successfully opposed them. it rained, it snowed, and it froze. the gun carriages and wagons sank up to the hubs, the horses to their bodies, and the men to their knees; and so all stuck fast in the mud. i saw an officer to-day from the army in north carolina. he says the prospect for a battle is good, as soon as the roads admit of marching. we have nothing further from the bombardment near savannah. the wires may not be working--or the fort may be taken. gov. vance has sent to the department a strong protest against the appointment of col. august as commandant of conscripts in northern tennessee. col. a. is a virginian--that is the only reason. well, gen. rains, who commands all the conscripts in the confederate states, is a north carolinian. but the war department has erred in putting so many strangers in command of localities, where natives might have been selected. richmond, for instance, has never yet been in the command of a southern general. there are indications of a speedy peace, although we are environed by sea and by land as menacingly as ever. the _tribune_ (new york) has an article which betrays much desperation. it says the only way for the united states government to raise $ , , , indispensably necessary for a further prosecution of the war, is to guarantee (to the capitalists) that it will be the _last_ call for a loan, and that subjugation will be accomplished in ninety days, or never. it says the war must then be urged on _furiously_, and negro soldiers sent among the slaves to produce an insurrection! if this will not suffice, then let peace be made on the best possible terms. the new york _world_ denounces the article, and is for peace at once. it says if the project (diabolical) of the _tribune_ fails, it may not be possible to make peace on any terms. in this i see indications of a foregone conclusion. all over the north, and especially in the northwest, the people are clamoring for peace, and denouncing the lincoln emancipation proclamation. i have no doubt, if the war continues throughout the year, we shall have the spectacle of more northern men fighting against the united states government than slaves fighting against the south. almost every day, now, ships from europe arrive safely with merchandise: and this is a sore vexation to the northern merchants. we are likewise getting, daily, many supplies from the north, from blockade-runners. no doubt this is winked at by the united states military authorities, and perhaps by some of the civil ones, too. if we are not utterly crushed before may (an impracticable thing), we shall win our independence. january th.--there is a rumor that kentucky has voted to raise an army of , men to resist the execution of lincoln's emancipation proclamation. fort caswell, below wilmington, has been casemated with iron; but can it withstand elongated balls weighing pounds? i fear not. there are, however, submarine batteries; yet these may be avoided, for gen. whiting writes that the best pilot (one sent thither some time ago by the enemy) escaped to the hostile fleet since gen. smith visited north carolina, which is embraced within his command. this pilot, no doubt, knows the location of all our torpedoes. nothing further from savannah. mr. adams, the united states minister at london, writes to mr. seward, secretary of state, dated th of october, , that if the federal army shall not achieve decisive successes by the month of february ensuing, it is probable the british parliament will recognize the confederate states. to-morrow is the last day of january. i cut the following from yesterday's _dispatch_: "_the results of extortion and speculation._--the state of affairs brought about by the speculating and extortion practiced upon the public cannot be better illustrated than by the following grocery bill for one week for a small family, in which the prices before the war and those of the present are compared: . . bacon, lbs. at - / c $ bacon, lbs. at $ $ flour, lbs. at c flour, lbs. at - / c sugar, lbs. at c sugar, lbs. at $ coffee, lbs. at - / c coffee, lbs. at $ tea (green), / lb. at $ tea (green), / lb. at $ lard, lbs. at - / c lard, lbs. at $ butter, lbs. at c butter, lbs. at $ meal, pk. at c meal, pk. at $ candles, lbs. at c candles, lbs. at $ soap, lbs. at c soap, lbs. at $ pepper and salt (about) pepper and salt (about) ---- ---- total $ total $ "so much we owe the speculators, who have stayed at home to prey upon the necessities of their fellow-citizens." we have just learned that a british steamer, with cannon and other valuable cargo, was captured by the enemy, two days ago, while trying to get in the harbor. another, similarly laden, got safely in yesterday. we can afford to lose one ship out of three--that is, the owners can, and then make money. cotton sells at _seventy-five cents_ per pound in the united states. so the blockade must be felt by the enemy as well as ourselves. war is a two-edged sword. january st.--we have dispatches from charleston, to-day, which reconcile us to the loss of the cargo captured by the blockading squadron early in the week. an artillery company captured a fine gun-boat in stone river (near charleston) yesterday evening. she had eleven guns and men. but this morning we did better still. our little fleet of two iron-clads steamed out of charleston harbor, and boldly attacked the blockading fleet. we crippled two of their ships, and sunk one, completely raising the blockade, for the time being. this will frustrate some of their plans, and may relieve wilmington. the attack on fort mcalister was a failure. the monitor which assaulted the fort sustained so much injury, that it had to retire for repairs. several blockade-runners between this and williamsburg were arrested and sent to gen. winder to-day by lieut. g. d. wise. gen. w. sent them to gen. rains. mr. petit and mr. james custis (from williamsburg) came with them to endeavor to procure their liberation. gen. rains sent them back to gen. w., with a note that he had no time to attend to such matters. such business does not pertain to his bureau. i suppose they will be released. major lear, of texas, who was at the capture of the harriet lane, met on the captured steamer his mortally-wounded son, the lieutenant. a few days ago, lieut. buchanan was killed on a united states gun-boat by our sharpshooters. he was the son of admiral buchanan, in the confederate service, now at mobile. thus we are reminded of the wars of the roses--father against son, and brother against brother. god speed the growth of the peace party, north and south; but we must have independence. mr. hunter was in our office to-day, getting the release of a son of the hon. jackson morton, who escaped from washington, where he had resided, and was arrested here as a conscript. the assistant secretary of war ruled him entitled to exemption, although yesterday others, in the same predicament, were ruled into the service. chapter xxiii. proposed fixture of prices.--depreciation in the north.--gen. hooker in command of the u. s. forces.--lee thinks charleston will be attacked.--congress does nothing.--some fears for vicksburg.-- pemberton commands.--wise dashes into williamsburg.--rats take food from my daughter's hand.--lee wants the meat sent from georgia to virginia, where the fighting will be.--gen. winder uneasy about my diary.--gen. johnston asks to be relieved in the west. february st.--the virginia legislature, now in session, has a bill under discussion for the suppression of extortion. one of the members, mr. anderson, read the following table of the prices of agricultural produce. _before the war._ _now._ white wheat, per bushel $ white wheat, per bushel $ flour, per barrel flour, per barrel corn, per bushel corn, per bushel hay, per hundred hay, per hundred hides, per pound hides, per pound beef, per pound beef, per pound bacon, per pound bacon, per pound lard, per pound lard, per pound butter, per pound butter, per pound irish potatoes irish potatoes sweet potatoes sweet potatoes apple brandy apple brandy wool, per pound wool, per pound manufactures. bar iron, per pound bar iron, per pound nails, per pound nails, per pound leather, sole, per pound leather, sole, per pound " upper, per pound " upper, per pound cotton goods. osnaburgs, per yard osnaburgs, per yard brown cotton, per yard brown cotton, per yard sheeting, per yard sheeting, per yard woolen goods. coarse jeanes coarse jeanes crenshaw's gray crenshaw's gray miscellaneous. coarse shoes $ coarse shoes $ high-quartered shoes high-quartered shoes boots boots wool hats, per dozen wool hats, per dozen stocks. dividends on stocks in cotton companies, worth in may, , $ to $ per share, now from $ to $ . it is doubtful whether the bill will pass, as most of the members are agriculturists. it is said and believed that several citizens from illinois and indiana, now in this city, have been sent hither by influential parties, to consult our government on the best means of terminating the war; or, that failing, to propose some mode of adjustment between the northwestern states and the confederacy, and new combination against the yankee states and the federal administration. burnside has at last been removed; and franklin and sumner have resigned. gen. hooker now commands the federal army of the potomac--if it may be still called an army. gen. r----, who knows hooker well, says he is deficient in talent and character; and many years ago gentlemen refused to associate with him. he resigned from the army, in california, and worked a potatoe patch, yankee like, on speculation--and failed. february d.--after the feat at charleston, gen. beauregard and commodore ingraham invited the consuls resident to inspect the harbor, and they pronounced the blockade raised, no united states ship being seen off the coast. then the general and the commodore issued a proclamation to the world that the port was open. if this be recognized, then the united states will have to give sixty days' notice before the port can be closed again to neutral powers; and by that time we can get supplies enough to suffice us for a year. before night, however, some twenty blockaders were in sight of the bar. it is not a question of right, or of might, with france and england--but of inclination. whenever they, or either of them, shall be disposed to relieve us, it can be done. there was a fight near suffolk yesterday, and it is reported that our troops repulsed the enemy. the enemy's gun-boats returned to the bombardment of fort mcalister, and met no success. they were driven off. but still, i fear the fort must succumb. senator saulsbury, of delaware, has been arrested by the sergeant-at-arms of the senate, for his denunciation of lincoln as an "imbecile." and a philadelphia editor has been imprisoned for alleged "sympathy with secessionists." these arrests signify more battles--more blood. february d.--it appears that gen. pryor's force, strong, was attacked by the enemy, said to be in number, on the blackwater. after some shelling and infantry firing, gen. p. retired some eight miles, and was not pursued. our loss was only fifty; _it is said_ the enemy had killed and wounded; but i know not how this was ascertained. gold in the north now brings - / cents premium. exchange sells at $ . . cotton at cents per pound! they are getting up a fine rumpus in the north over the imprisonment of an editor. to-day, when conversing with judge perkins in relation to having a passport system established by law, he admitted the necessity, but despaired of its accomplishment. "for," said he, "nothing can be done in congress which has not the sanction of the executive." he meant, i thought, from his manner and tone, that the executive branch of the government was omnipotent, having swallowed up the functions of the other co-ordinate branches. i cannot understand this, for the executive has but little appointing patronage, the army being completely organized, having supplementary generals, and all officers, under the grade of brigadiers, being promoted as vacancies occur. february th.--one of the enemy's iron-clad gun-boats has got past our batteries at vicksburg. gen. pemberton says it was struck "three times." but it is through. the enemy's presses reiterate the assertion that gen. longstreet is in tennessee with his corps; and that the detachments from gen. lee's army amount to , men. this is evidently for the purpose to encourage hooker's army to cross the rappahannock. these presses must know that gen. lee's whole army was less than , men; that longstreet is still with him, and that only one small brigade has been sent away to north carolina. well, let them come! they will be annihilated. but is it not diabolical in the new york _post_, _times_, etc. to urge their own people on to certain destruction? if hooker had , , he could not now come to richmond! we have extremely cold weather now; and, probably, the rivers in virginia will be frozen over to-night. february th.--it snowed again last night. tuesday night the mercury was ° below zero. a dispatch from gen. beauregard says sixty sail of the enemy have left beaufort, n. c., for charleston. a british frigate (cadmus) has arrived at charleston with intelligence that the federal fleet of gun-boats will attack the city immediately; and that the british consul is ordered away by the minister at washington. the attack will be by sea and land. god help beauregard in this fearful ordeal! february th.--gen. lee thinks charleston will be assailed, and suggests that all the troops in north carolina be concentrated near wilmington, and he will undertake the defense of the rest of the state. nevertheless, if the government deems it more important to have his troops sent to north carolina, than to retain them for the defense of richmond, he must acquiesce. but he thinks hooker will attempt the passage of the rappahannock, at an early day, if the weather will admit of it. in regard to the last attempt of burnside to cross his army (when he stuck in the mud), gen. lee says it was fortunate for the federals that they failed to get over. no doubt he was prepared for their reception. congress is doing nothing but voting money for themselves. the president (some of the members say) is their master, and they await his nod. these are his enemies. february th.--we have a dispatch from texas, of another success of gen. magruder at sabine pass, wherein he destroyed a large amount of the enemy's stores. but we are calmly awaiting the blow at charleston, or at savannah, or wherever it may fall. we have confidence in beauregard. we are more anxious regarding the fate of vicksburg. northern man as he is, if pemberton suffers disaster by any default, he will certainly incur the president's eternal displeasure. mississippi must be defended, else the president himself may feel the pangs of a refugee. "that mercy i to others show, that mercy show to me!" february th.--from intelligence received yesterday evening, it is probable the alabama, harriet lane, and florida have met off the west indies, and turned upon the u. s. steamer brooklyn. the account says a large steamer was seen on fire, and three others were delivering broadsides into her. the united states press thought the burning steamer was the florida. from charleston or savannah we shall soon have stirring news. they may overpower our forces, but our power there will be completely exhausted before resistance ceases. there will be no more "giving up," as with new orleans, norfolk, etc. yet there is a feverish anxiety regarding vicksburg. pemberton permitted one iron-clad gun-boat to pass, and all our boats below are now at its mercy. the house of representatives, at washington, has passed the "negro soldier bill." this will prove a "pandora's box," and the federals may rue the day that such a measure was adopted. february th.--gen. lee requests that all dispatches passing between his headquarters and the war department be in cipher. he says everything of importance communicated, he has observed, soon becomes the topic of public conversation; and thence is soon made known to the enemy. the iron-clad gun-boat, which got past vicksburg, has been up the red river spreading devastation. it has taken three of our steamers, forty officers on one, and captured large amounts of stores and cotton. gen. wise made a dash into williamsburg last night, and captured the place, taking some prisoners. custis (my son) received a letter to-day from miss g., newbern, _via_ underground railroad, inclosing another for her sweet-heart in the army. she says they are getting on tolerably well in the hands of the enemy, though the slaves have been emancipated. she says a yankee preacher (whom she calls a white-washed negro) made a _speculation_. he read the lincoln proclamation to the negroes: and then announced that none of them had been legally married, and might be liable to prosecution. to obviate this, he proposed to marry them over, charging _only_ a dollar for each couple. he realized several thousand dollars, and then returned to the north. this was a legitimate yankee speculation; and no doubt the preacher will continue to be an enthusiastic advocate of a war of subjugation. as long as the yankees can make money by it, and escape killing, the war will continue. february th.--no stirring news yet. the enemy's fleet is at port royal, s. c. everywhere we are menaced with overwhelming odds. upon god, and our own right arms, we must rely, and we do rely. to-day, in cabinet council, it is believed it was decided to call out all conscripts under forty-five years of age. the president might have done it without consulting the cabinet. yesterday mrs. goddin, the owner or wife of the owner of the house i occupy, failing to get board in the country, and we having failed to get another house, took possession of one room of the little cottage. we have temporarily the rest: parlor, dining-room, and two chambers--one of them by --at the rate of $ per annum. this is low, now; for ordinary dwellings, without furniture, rent for $ . mr. g. has an hereditary (i believe) infirmity of the mind, and is confined by his father in an asylum. mrs. g. has four little children, the youngest only a few weeks old. she has a white nurse, who lost her only child (died of scarlet fever) six days ago; her husband being in the army. it is a sad spectacle. to-day beef was selling in market at _one dollar_ per pound. and yet one might walk for hours in vain, in quest of a _beggar_. did such a people ever exist before? february th.--there is a rumor that major-gen. gustavus w. smith has tendered his resignation. some idea may be formed of the scarcity of food in this city from the fact that, while my youngest daughter was in the kitchen to-day, a young rat came out of its hole and seemed to beg for something to eat; she held out some bread, which it ate from her hand, and seemed grateful. several others soon appeared, and were as tame as kittens. perhaps we shall have to eat them! february th.--congress has not yet restricted the class of exempts, and the work of conscription drags heavily along. all under forty-five must be called, else the maximum of the four hundred regiments cannot be kept up. it reminds me of jack falstaff's mode of exemption. the numerous employees of the southern express co. have been let off, after transporting hither, for the use of certain functionaries, sugars, etc. from alabama. and so in the various states, enrolling and other officers are letting thousands of conscripts slip through their hands. february th.--there is a rumor in the papers that something like a revolution is occurring, or has occurred, in the west; and it is stated that the federal troops demand the recall of the emancipation proclamation. they also object to serving with negro troops. but we ought to look for news of terrific fighting at savannah or charleston. no doubt all the troops in the field (federal) or on the water will be hurled against us before long, so as to effect as much injury as possible before defection can spread extensively, and before the expiration of the enlistments of some , men in may. and what are we doing? but little. the acceptance of substitutes who desert, and the exemption of thousands who should be fighting for the country, employ hundreds of pens daily in this city. alas, that so many dishonest men have obtained easy places! the president has been grossly imposed upon. february th.--a beautiful day. yet gen. lee is giving furloughs, two to each company. if the weather should be dry, perhaps hooker will advance: a thing desired by our people, being confident of his destruction. the papers issued extras to-day with news from the northwest, based upon the account of a "reliable gentleman," who has just run the blockade. he says ohio, kentucky, indiana, and illinois have resolved to meet in convention, at frankfort, ky., for the purpose of _seceding from the united states, and setting up a confederacy for themselves, or joining the southern confederacy_. i fear the "reliable gentleman" is not to be relied upon. yet it would be well for the western states, a just retribution to new england, _and a very great relief to us_. gen. lee is urging the department to have the meat at atlanta brought to his army without delay. it is _here_ the army will be wanted. i saw pigs to-day, not six weeks old, selling in market at $ a piece. i met col. bledsoe to-day, on a visit to the city, who told me fenelon never tasted meat, and lived to be ninety years old. i am no fenelon, but i shall probably have to adopt his regimen. i would barter, however, some of his years for a good supply of food. we must have peace soon, or a famine. february th.--already, as if quite certain that the great northwest would speedily withdraw from the eastern united states, our people are discussing the eventualities of such a momentous occurrence. the most vehement opposition to the admission of any of the non-slaveholding states, whose people have invaded our country and shed the blood of our people, into this confederacy, is quite manifest in this city. but virginia, "the old mother," would, i think, after due hesitation, take back her erring children, ohio, illinois, indiana, and perhaps one or two more, if they earnestly desired to return to her parental protection. some of the cotton states might revolt at such a project, and even the cabinet might oppose the scheme of adding several powerful free states to the confederacy; but it would not all suffice to prevent it, if they desire to join us. it is true, the constitution would have to be modified, for it is not to be supposed that slaves would be held in any of the states referred to; but then slavery would be recognized by its proper term, and ample guarantees would be agreed upon by the great free states which abandon the united states on the issue of emancipation. ohio, indiana, and illinois, added to the thirteen confederate states, would speedily constitute us a people of sufficient military power to defy the menaces of the arms of the greatest powers of the earth; and the commercial and agricultural prosperity of the country would amaze the world. i am of the opinion that virginia, maryland, delaware, kentucky, north carolina, tennessee, arkansas, and missouri would form a league of union with ohio, illinois, and indiana, even if the rest of the southern states were to reject the alliance. but who can foresee the future through the smoke of war, and amid the clash of bayonets? nevertheless, division and subdivision, would _relieve all of the burden of debt, for they would repudiate the greater part, if not the whole, of the indebtedness of both the present governments, which has been incurred in ravaging the country and cutting each other's throats_. the cry will be: "we will not pay the price of blood--for the slaughter of our brothers!" february th.--another gun-boat has got past vicksburg. but three british steamers have run into charleston with valuable cargoes. gen. lee is now sending troops to charleston, and this strengthens the report that hooker's army is leaving the rappahannock. they are probably crumbling to pieces, under the influence of the peace party growing up in the north. some of them, however, it is said, are sent to fortress monroe. our bureau of conscription ought to be called the bureau of exemption. it is turning out a vast number of exempts. the southern express company bring sugar, partridges, turkeys, etc. to the potential functionaries, and their employees are exempted during the time they may remain in the employment of the company. it is too bad! i have just been reperusing frederick's great campaigns, and find much encouragement. prussia was not so strong as the confederate states, and yet was environed and assailed by france, austria, russia, and several smaller powers simultaneously. and yet frederick maintained the contest for seven years, and finally triumphed over his enemies. the preponderance of numbers against him in the field was greater than that of the united states against us; and lee is as able a general as frederick. hence we should never despair. february th.--gen. lee is _not_ sending troops to charleston. he is sending them _here_ for the defense of richmond, which is now supposed to be the point of attack, by land and by water, and on both sides of the james river. well, they have striven to capture this city from every point of the compass but one--the south side. perhaps they will make an attempt from that direction; and i must confess that i have always apprehended the most danger from that quarter. but we shall beat them, come whence they may! february th.--mr. h----s, another of gen. winder's detectives, has gone over to the enemy. he went on a privateering cruise from wilmington; the vessel he sailed in captured a brig, and h----s was put in command of the prize, to sail into a confederate port. instead of this, however, h----s sailed away for one of the west india islands, and gave up his prize to com. wilkes, of the united states navy. one or two of the regiments of gen. lee's army were in the city last night. the men were pale and haggard. they have but a quarter of a pound of meat per day. but meat has been ordered from atlanta. i hope it is abundant there. all the necessaries of life in the city are still going up higher in price. butter, $ per pound; beef, $ ; bacon, $ . ; sausage-meat, $ ; and even liver is selling at cents per pound. by degrees, quite perceptible, we are approaching the condition of famine. what effect this will produce on the community is to be seen. the army must be fed or disbanded, or else the city must be abandoned. how we, "the people," are to live is a thought of serious concern. gen. lee has recommended that an appeal be made to the people to bring food to the army, to feed their sons and brothers; but the commissary-general opposes it; probably it will not be done. no doubt the army could be half fed in this way for months. but the "red tape" men are inflexible and inscrutable. nevertheless, the commissaries and quartermasters are getting rich. february th.--the resignation of gen. gustavus w. smith has been accepted by the president. it was well done--the acceptance, i mean. who will gen. winder report to now? gen. winder has learned that i am keeping a diary, and that some space in it may be devoted to the history of martial law. he said to capt. warner, his commissary of prisons, that he would patronize it. the captain asked me if gen. winder's rule was not dwelt upon in it. i said doubtless it was; but that i had not yet revised it, and was never in the habit of perusing my own works until they were completed. then i carefully corrected them for the press. major-gen. pickett's division marched through the city to-day for drewry's bluff. gen. lee writes that this division can beat the army corps of hooker, supposed to be sent to the peninsula. it has , men--an army corps , . brig.-gen. hood's division is near the city, on the chickahominy. gen. lee warns the government to see that gens. french and pryor be vigilant, and to have their scouts closely watching the enemy at suffolk. he thinks, however, the main object of the enemy is to take charleston; and he suggests that every available man be sent thither. the rest of his army he will keep on the rappahannock, to watch the enemy still remaining north of that river. i sent a communication to the president to-day, proposing to reopen my register of "patriotic contributions" to the army, for they are suffering for meat. i doubt whether he will agree to it. if the war be prolonged, the appeal must be to the people to feed the army, or else it will dissolve. february th.--we have exciting news from the west. the iron-shod gun-boat, queen of the west, which run past pemberton's batteries some time since, captured, it appears, one of our steamers in red river, and then compelled our pilot to steer the queen of the west farther up the river. the heroic pilot ran the boat under our masked batteries, and then succeeded in escaping by swimming. the queen of the west was forced to surrender. this adventure has an exhilarating effect upon our spirits. hon. james lyons sent to the president to-day a petition, signed by a majority of the members of congress, to have me appointed major in the conscription service. february st.--major-gen. hood's division passed through the city to-day, and crossed over the river. i hope an attack will be made at suffolk. it is too menacing a position to allow the invader to occupy it longer. no attack on charleston yet, and there is a rumor that the command of the expedition is disputed by foster and hunter. if it hangs fire, it will be sure to miss the mark. february d.--this is the anniversary of the birth of washington, and of the inauguration of president davis, upon the installation of the permanent government of the confederate states. it is the ugliest day i ever saw. snow fell all night, and was falling fast all day, with a northwest wind howling furiously. the snow is now nearly a foot deep, and the weather very cold. my communication to the president, proposing an appeal to the people to furnish the army with meat and clothing (voluntary contributions), was transmitted to the secretary of war yesterday, without remark, other than the simple reference. the plan will not be adopted, in all probability, for the secretary will consult the commissary and quartermaster-general, and they will oppose any interference with the business of their departments. red tape will win the day, even if our cause be lost. our soldiers must be fed and clothed according to the "rules and regulations," or suffer and perish for the want of food and clothing! i have some curiosity to learn what the president has indorsed, or may indorse, on the paper sent him by mr. lyons, signed by half the members of congress. will he simply refer it to the secretary? then what will the secretary do? my friends in congress will likewise be curious to learn the result. february d.--i saw a letter from gen. lee to-day, suggesting to the government on appeal to the governors of the states to aid more directly in recruiting the armies. he says the people habitually expect too much from the troops now in the field; that because we have gained many victories, it does not follow that we shall always gain them; that the legitimate fruits of victory have hitherto been lost, for the want of numbers on our side; and, finally, that all those who fail to go to the field at such a momentous period as this, are guilty of the blood of the brave soldiers who perish in the effort to achieve independence. this would be contrary to the "rules and regulations" as understood by the adjutant and inspector-general (a northern man), and no doubt the secretary of war and the president will reject the plan. the petition of forty members of congress in my behalf came from mr. seddon, the secretary, to our bureau to-day. he asks the superintendent if there is a necessity for such an officer, one whose rank is equal to that of a commandant of a camp of instruction. he says important services only should require the appointment of such an officer. well, gen. rains recommended it. i know not whether he can say more. i shall not get it, for congress has but little influence, just now. february th.--gen. longstreet is now in command of gen. smith's late department, besides his own corps. richmond is safe. our papers contain a most astonishing speech purporting to have been delivered by mr. conway, in the united states congress. mr. c. is from kansas, that hot-bed of abolitionism. he is an avowed abolitionist; and yet he advocates an immediate suspension of hostilities, or at least that the federal armies and fleets be ordered to act on the defensive; that the independence of the confederate states be recognized, upon the basis of a similar tariff; free-trade between the north and south; free navigation of the mississippi, and co-operation in the maintenance of the monroe doctrine. i like the indications apparent in this speech. let us have a suspension of hostilities, and then we can have leisure to think of the rest. no doubt the peace party is growing rapidly in the united states; and it may be possible that the republicans mean to beat the democrats in the race, by going beyond them on the southern question. the democrats are for peace and union; the republicans may resolve to advocate not only peace, _but secession_. february th.--on the th inst. the enemy's battery on the opposite side of the mississippi river opened on vicksburg. the damage was not great; but the front of the town is considered untenable. the conscription bill has passed the united states senate, which will empower the president to call for , , men. "will they come, when he does call for them?" that is to be seen. it may be aimed at france; and a war with the emperor might rouse the northern people again. some of them, however, have had enough of war. to-day i heard of my paper addressed to the president on the subject of an appeal to the people to send food to the army. he referred it to the commissary-general, col. northrop, who sent it to the war department, with an indorsement that as he had no acquaintance with that means of maintaining an army (the patriotic contributions of the people), he could not recommend the adoption of the plan. red tape is mightier than patriotism still. there may be a change, however, for gen. lee approves the plan. february th.--we have good news from vicksburg to-day. the queen of the west, lately captured by us, and another gun-boat, attacked the indianola, the iron-clad federal gun-boat which got past our batteries the other day, and, after an engagement, sunk her. we captured all the officers and men. february th.--no news from any quarter to-day. gen. joseph e. johnston is discontented with his command in the west. the armies are too far asunder for co-operative action; and, when separated, too weak for decisive operations. there is no field there for him, and he desires to be relieved, and assigned to some other command. i was surprised to receive, to-day, the following very official letter from the secretary of war: "richmond, va., feb. th, . "j. b. jones, esq. "sir:--the president has referred your letter of the th inst. to this department. "in reply, you are respectfully informed that it is not deemed judicious, unless in the last extremity, to resort to the means of supply suggested. the patriotic motives that dictated the suggestion are, however, appreciated and acknowledged. "your obedient servant, "james a. seddon, "_secretary of war_." chapter xxiv. removed into clay street.--gen. toombs resigned.--lincoln dictator.--he can call , , of men.--president is sick.--his office is not a bed of roses.--col. gorgas sends in his oath of allegiance.-- confederate gold $ for $ .--explosion of a laboratory.--bad weather everywhere.--fighting on the mississippi river.--conflict of views in the conscription bureau.--confederate states currency $ for $ .-- snow a foot deep, but melting.--we have no negro regiments in our service.--only conscripts from east tennessee.--how seven were paroled by one.--this is to be the crisis campaign.--lee announces the campaign open. march st.--to-morrow we remove to new quarters. the lady's husband, owning cottage, and who was confined for seven months among lunatics, has returned, and there is not room for two families. besides, mrs. g. thinks she can do better taking boarders, than by letting the house. what a mistake! beef sold yesterday for $ . per pound; turkeys, $ . corn-meal $ per bushel, and all other articles at the same rates. no salaries can board families now; and soon the expense of boarding will exceed the incomes of unmarried men. owners and tenants, unless engaged in lucrative business, must soon vacate their houses and leave the city. but we have found a house occupied by three widows in clay street. they have no children. they mean to board soon among their relatives or friends, and then we get the house; in the mean time, they have fitted up two rooms for us. we should have gone yesterday, but the weather was too bad. the terms will not exceed the rent we are now paying, and the house is larger. i espied several fruit trees in the back yard, and a space beyond, large enough for a smart vegetable garden. how delighted i shall be to cultivate it myself! always i have visions of peas, beans, radishes, potatoes, corn, and tomatoes of my own raising! god bless the widows sent for our relief in this dire necessity! met judge reagan yesterday, just from the council board. i thought he seemed dejected. he said if the enemy succeeded in getting command of the mississippi river, the confederacy would be "cut in two;" and he intimated his preference of giving up richmond, if it would save texas, etc. for the confederacy. texas is his adopted state. march d.--the enemy burnt the steamship nashville on saturday near savannah. she was employed taking provisions to fort mcalister. i think it was destroyed by an incendiary shell. there is a rumor to-day of the burning of railroad bridges between this and fredericksburg. i signed an agreement to-day with mr. malsby to publish my new "wild western scenes." he is to print , copies, which are to retail at $ ; on this he pays me - / per cent. or cents for every copy sold; $ if the whole are sold. he will not be able to get it out before may. we moved into the west end of clay street to-day, and like the change. there are no children here except our own. the house is a brick one, and more comfortable than the frame shell we abandoned. march d.--we like our new quarters--and the three samaritan widows, without children. they lend us many articles indispensable for our comfort. it is probable they will leave us soon in the sole occupancy of the house. there is ground enough for a good many vegetables--and meat is likely to be scarce enough. bacon is now $ . - / cts. per pound, and flour $ per barrel. the shadow of the gaunt form of famine is upon us! but the pestilence of small-pox is abating. we have now fine march weather; but the floods of late have damaged the railroad bridges between this and fredericksburg. the secretary of war requested the editors, yesterday, to say nothing of this. we have no news from the west or from the southeast--but we shall soon have enough. the united states congress has passed the conscription act. we shall see the effect of it in the north; i predict civil war there; and that will be our "aid and comfort." gen. toombs has resigned; and it is said pryor has been made a major-general. thus we go up and down. the president has issued a proclamation for prayer, fasting, etc., on the twenty-seventh of this month. there will certainly be fasting--and prayer also. and god _has_ helped us, or we should have been destroyed ere this. march th.--the enemy bombarded fort mcalister again yesterday, several gun-boats opening fire on it. it lasted all day; during which one of the iron-clads retired, perhaps injured. we had only two men wounded and one gun ( in. columbiad) dismounted. the fort was but little injured. recent northern papers assert that their gun-boats have all passed through the canal opposite vicksburg. this is not true--yet. lincoln is now dictator, his congress having given him power to call out all the male population between the ages of twenty and thirty-five years, and authority to declare martial law whenever he pleases. the _herald_ shouts for lincoln--of course. we must fight and pray, and hope for revolution and civil war in the north, which may occur any day. our cavalry, under gen. jones, has done some brilliant skirmishing recently in the vicinity of winchester; and as soon as the march winds dry the earth a little, i suppose hooker will recommence the "on to richmond." we shall be weaker the next campaign, but our men are brave. march th.--yesterday the government seized the flour in the mills and warehouses; and now the price has risen from $ to $ per barrel. i wrote to the commissary, in view of the dissatisfaction of the people, and to prevent disturbances, advising him to seize the barrels in the hands of the small speculators, and to allow so many pounds per month to each inhabitant, at the rate paid by government. this would be beneficent and popular, confining the grumblers to the extortioners. but he will not do it, as the constitution only provides for impressments for the public use. our dinner to-day (for seven, for the servant has an equal share) consisted of twelve eggs, $ . ; a little corn bread, some rice and potatoes. how long shall we have even this variety and amount? bad beef in market, this morning, sold at $ . per pound. after bombarding fort mcalister on the d inst. and all night, the enemy's fire ceased. the fort was not much injured, says the dispatch. there is a rumor to-day that the fort has been reduced--but no one believes it. gen. van dorn has had a fight in tennessee, killing and wounding and capturing prisoners. our loss is said to have been heavy. gen. lee writes that now, since lincoln may call out , , men, and has $ , , voted him, we must put out all our strength, if we expect to keep the field. we shall certainly have an exciting time. but there may be use for some of the federal troops in the north! if not, i apprehend that richmond must withstand another siege and assault. it is said they have dropped the "constitution and the union" in the united states, and raised the cry of the "nation" and the "flag." this alarms me. if they get up a new sensation, they will raise new armies. gold is selling at a premium of $ . in confederate notes. we bought a barrel of flour to-day (that is, my wife paid for one not yet delivered), from a dealer who was not an extortioner, for the moderate sum of $ . . this, with what we have on hand, ought to suffice until the growing wheat matures. for _tea_ we had meal coffee, and corn cakes without butter. but we had a _half-pint_ of molasses (for seven) which cost cts. the gaunt specter is approaching nearer every day! every morning there is a large crowd of irish and germans besieging gen. winder's office for passports to go north. is it famine they dread, or a desire to keep out of the war? will they not be conscripted in the north? they say they can get consular protection there. march th.--i have meditated on this day, as the anniversary of my birth, and the shortening lapse of time between me and eternity. i am now fifty-three years of age. hitherto i have dismissed from my mind, if not with actual indifference, yet with far more unconcern than at present, the recurring birthdays which plunged me farther in the vale of years. but now i cannot conceal from myself, if so disposed, that i am getting to be an old man. my hair is gray--but nevertheless my form is still erect, and my step is brisk enough. my fancies, tastes, and enjoyments have not changed perceptibly; and i can and often do write without glasses. i desire to live after this war is over, if it be the will of god--if not, i hope to exist in a better world. we have no news of interest to-day. a letter says the non-combatants, even the women and children, heedless of danger, were voluntary spectators of the bombardment of vicksburg the other day. the shells often exploded near them, and behind them, but the fascination was so great that they remained on the ground; even one had an arm carried away by a ball! can such a people be subjugated? houses (furnished) are beginning to be offered more plentifully than ever before; their occupants and owners finding their ordinary incomes insufficient for subsistence. i suppose they mean to find in the country an escape from famine prices prevailing in the city. there is a rumor this evening of the fall of vicksburg; but that rumor has been whispered here several times during the last few months. no one believes it. when vicksburg falls, many an invader will perish in its ruins. march th.--the president is sick, and has not been in the executive office for three days. gen. toombs, resigned, has published a farewell address to his brigade. he does not specify of what his grievance consists; but he says he cannot longer hold his commission with honor. the president must be aware of his perilous condition. when in adversity, some of those he has trusted, discuss the bases of reconstruction; and when we are prosperous, others, in similar positions, agitate the question of reorganization--the motive of both being his ruin. but i suppose he has calculated these contingencies, and never anticipated paving a bed of roses to recline upon during the terrible, and sometimes doubtful struggle for independence. the rumor that vicksburg had fallen is not confirmed; on the contrary, the story that the indianola, captured from the enemy, and reported to have been blown up, was unfounded. we have gen. pemberton's official assurance of this. col. gorgas, chief of ordnance, a pennsylvanian, sent into the department to-day, with a request that it be filed, his oath of allegiance to this government, and renunciation of that of the united states, and of his native state. this would indicate that the location of his nativity has been the subject of remark. what significance is to be attributed to this step at this late day, i know not, and care not. an error was committed in placing northern men in high positions to the exclusion of southern men, quite as capable of filling them. march th.--judge meredith's opinion, that foreigners, marylanders, and others, who have served in the army, have become domiciled, and are liable to conscription, has produced a prodigious commotion. gen. winder's door is beset with crowds of eager seekers of passports to leave the confederacy; and as these people are converting their confederate money into gold, the premium on specie has advanced. judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, has decided that judge meredith's opinion is not authority; and hence his son-in-law, lieut.-col. lay, who at present wields the conscription bureau, acts accordingly. but gen. rains has a contrary opinion; and he intended to see the president yesterday, who is understood to coincide with judge meredith. it is also alleged that secretary seddon concurs in this opinion; and if this be the case, an explosion is imminent--for judge campbell must have given instructions "by order of the secretary," without the secretary's knowledge or consent. i advised the general to see the president and secretary once a week, and not rely upon verbal instructions received through a subordinate; he said the advice was good, and he should follow it. but he is much absorbed in his subterrene batteries. march th.--we have no news to-day. but the next act of this terrible drama is near at hand. the northern papers have reports of the fall of vicksburg and charleston. unfounded. they also say , men have deserted from the army of the potomac. this is probably true. there is much denunciation of the recent seizure of flour; but this is counteracted by an appalling intimation in one of the papers that unless the army be subsisted, it will be withdrawn from the state, and virginia must fall into the hands of the enemy. the loss of virginia might be the loss of the confederacy. march th.--no war news of importance. just at this time there is a large number of persons passing to and from the north. they are ostensibly blockade-runners, and they do succeed in bringing from the enemy's country a large amount of goods, on which an enormous profit is realized. the assistant secretary of war, his son-in-law, lt.-col. lay, the controlling man in the bureau of conscription, and, indeed, many heads of bureaus, have received commodities from maryland, from friends running the blockade. gen. winder himself, and his provost marshal griswold (how much that looks like a yankee name!), and their police detectives, have reaped benefit from the same source. but this intercourse with the enemy is fraught with other matters. communications are made by the disloyal to the enemy, and our condition--bad enough, heaven knows!--is made known, and hence the renewed efforts to subjugate us. this illicit intercourse, inaugurated under the auspices of mr. benjamin, and continued by subsequent ministers of war, may be our ruin, if we are destined to destruction. already it has unquestionably cost us thousands of lives and millions of dollars. i feel it a duty to make this record. to-day we have a violent snow-storm--a providential armistice. it has been ascertained that hooker's army is still near the rappahannock, only some , or , having been sent to the peninsula and to suffolk. no doubt he will advance as soon as the roads become practicable. if hooker has , men, and advances soon, gen. lee cannot oppose his march; and in all probability we shall again hear the din of war, from this city, in april and may. the fortifications are strong, however, and , men may defend the city against , --provided we have subsistence. the great fear is famine. but hungry men will fight desperately. let the besiegers beware of them! we hope to have nearly , men in the field in may, and i doubt whether the enemy will have over , veterans at the end of that month. their new men will not be in fighting condition before july. we may cross the potomac again. march th.--gen. fitzhugh lee has made a dash into fairfax (near washington) a day or two ago, and captured the federal gen. slaughter and other officers, in their beds. last night one of the government warehouses in this city was burnt. it is supposed to have been the work of an incendiary traitor; perhaps in retaliation for the recent impressment of flour. yesterday the lower house of congress passed a resolution restricting impressments. this has a bad aspect. the bureau of conscription, to-day, under the direction of col. lay, decided that all clerks in the departments, appointed subsequent to the eleventh of october last, are liable to be enrolled for service. yet the colonel himself has a clerk appointed in january last. gold sells at $ in confederate states notes for one; u. s. treasury notes are at a premium here of $ . . even the notes of our state banks are at per cent. premium over confederate notes. this is bad for mr. memminger. an abler financier would have worked out a different result. all the patriotism is in the army; out of it the demon avarice rages supreme. every one seems mad with speculation; and the extortioners prey upon every victim that falls within their power. nearly all who sell are extortioners. we have at the same time, and in the same community, spectacles of the most exalted virtue and of the most degrading vice. col. mattel, the former commandant of conscripts for north carolina, who was wounded at kinston, and yet was superseded by col. lay's friend, col. august, is now to be restored, and col. a. relieved. upon this col. l. has fallen sick. mr. duffield, whom col. lay and mr. jacques had appointed a. a. g. over me, has not yet, for some cause, got his commission. the secretary or some one else may have "intervened." march th.--to-day we have no army news. mr. richard smith issued the first number of _the sentinel_ yesterday morning. thus we have five daily morning papers, all on half sheets. _the sentinel_ has a biography of the president, and may aspire to be the "organ." john mitchel, the irishman, who was sentenced to a penal colony for disturbances in ireland, some years ago, is now the leading editor of the _enquirer_. he came hither from the north recently. his "compatriot," meagher, once lived in the south and advocated our "institutions." he now commands a federal brigade. what mitchel will do finally, who knows? my friend r. tyler, probably, had something to do with bringing him here. as a politician, however, he must know there is no irish element in the confederate states. i am sorry this irish editor has been imported. the resignation of gen. toombs is making some sensation in certain circles. he was among the foremost leaders of the rebellion. he was secretary of state, and voluntarily resigned to enter the army. i know not precisely what his grievance is, unless it be the failure of the president to promote him to a higher position, which he may have deemed himself entitled to, from his genius, antecedents, wealth, etc. but it is probable he will cause some disturbance. duff green, who is everywhere in stormy times, told me to-day that gen. toombs would be elected governor of georgia this fall, and said there were intimations that georgia might make peace with the united states! this would be death to the government--and destruction to toombs. it must be a mistake. he cannot have any such design. if he had, it would be defeated by the people of georgia, though they sighed for peace. peace is what all most desire--but not without independence. some there are, in all the states, who would go back into the union, for the sake of repose and security. but a majority would not have peace on such terms. still, it behooves the president to be on his guard. he has enemies in the south, who hate him much. march th.--to-day a great calamity occurred in this city. in a large room of one of the government laboratories an explosion took place, killing instantly five or six persons, and wounding, it is feared fatally, some thirty others. most of them were little indigent girls! march th.--gen. pemberton writes that he has hogs-heads of sugar at vicksburg, which he retains for his soldiers to subsist on when the meat fails. meat is scarce there as well as here. bacon now sells for $ . per pound in richmond. butter $ . i design to cultivate a little garden by feet; but fear i cannot get seeds. i have sought in vain for peas, beans, corn, and tomatoes seeds. potatoes are $ per bushel. ordinary chickens are worth $ a piece. my youngest daughter put her earrings on sale to-day--price $ ; and i think they will bring it, for which she can purchase a pair of shoes. the area of subsistence is contracting around us; but my children are more enthusiastic for independence than ever. daily i hear them say they would gladly embrace death rather than the rule of the yankee. if all our people were of the same mind, our final success would be certain. this day the leading article in the _examiner_ had a striking, if not an ominous conclusion. inveighing against the despotism of the north, the editor takes occasion likewise to denounce the measure of impressment here. he says if our congress should follow the example of the northern congress, and invest our president with dictatorial powers, a reconstruction of the union might be a practicable thing; for our people would choose to belong to a strong despotism rather than a weak one--the strong one being of course the united states with , , , rather than the confederate states with , , . there may be something in this, but we shall be injured by it; for the crowd going north will take it thither, where it will be reproduced, and stimulate the invader to renewed exertions. it is a dark hour. but god disposes. if we deserve it, we shall triumph; if not, why should we? but we cannot fail without more great battles; and who knows what results may be evolved by them? gen. lee is hopeful; and so long as we keep the field, and he commands, the foe must bleed for every acre of soil they gain. march th.--another cold, disagreeable day. march so far has been as cold and terrible as a winter month. march th.--gen. hill is moving toward newbern, n. c., and may attack the enemy there. the weather continues dreadful--sleeting; and movements of armies must perforce be stayed. but the season of slaughter is approaching. there was an ominous scantiness of supply in the market this morning, and the prices beyond most persons--mine among the rest. col. lay got turkeys to-day from raleigh; on saturday partridges, by the express company. fortunate man! march th.--on saturday, the enemy's lower mississippi fleet attacked our batteries at port hudson. the result reported is that only one of their gun-boats got past, and that in a damaged condition. the frigate mississippi, one of the best war steamers of the united states, was burned, and the rest retired down the river, badly repulsed. we sustained no loss. to-day, the secretary of war sent in a paper indorsing judge meredith's opinion in regard to foreigners who have accepted service in our country, viz., that they are liable to conscription. this is in the teeth of the decision of the assistant secretary, judge campbell, col. lay's father-in-law, and upon which the bureau has been acting, although gen. rains, the superintendent, permitted it with reluctance, upon the assurance of col. l. that such was the will of the department. this business may produce an explosion. i walked with gen. rains this afternoon in capitol square. he is annoyed at the action of col. lay in following the instructions of the assistant secretary of war in regard to foreigners. the decision had not the sanction of the secretary of war, mr. seddon. he thinks _several thousand_ men may have been permitted to escape military service by it. he intended to lay judge campbell's decision before the president, but it disappeared very mysteriously from his desk. and to-day it reappeared just as mysteriously. and, simultaneously, and quite as mysteriously, a paper appeared, signed by mr. seddon, secretary of war, suggesting that the bureau act in conformity with judge meredith's opinion, directly in the teeth of mr. assistant secretary campbell's decision! and it was dated march th, full four days before. what delayed it, and who brought it, no one seemed to know. col. lay suggested that it be sent back, with an indorsement that the bureau had been already acting under the decision of judge campbell (just the reverse of the opinion), assistant secretary of war, "by order of the secretary of war." to this gen. r. demurred, and said the bureau would conform its action to mr. seddon's suggestions; and he charged a clerk to preserve _that_ paper. col. l. grumbled awfully at mr. seddon's off-hand decision, without mature reflection. gen. stewart (of maryland) was at the office a short time before, and advocated mr. seddon's views; for he knew how many marylanders would be embraced in the decision, as well as other foreigners. lieut.-col. a. c. jones, assistant adjutant-general, had, in the name of the bureau, notified gen. winder, this morning, that marylanders, etc. were not liable to bear arms for the south after being in the service two years! the general says he will have all the commandants of conscripts written to immediately; and that he will have an interview with the secretary of war in relation to the matter. every man we can put in the field is demanded; and many fear we shall not have a sufficient number to oppose the overwhelming tide soon to be surging over the land. at such a crisis, and in consideration of all the circumstances attending this matter, involving the loss of so many men, one is naturally startled at judge campbell's conduct. march th.--i sent an extract from my diary of yesterday to the hon. t. h. watts, minister of justice. i know not whether he will appreciate its importance; but he has professed friendship for me. the city is in some excitement to-day, for early this morning we had intelligence of the crossing of the rappahannock by a portion of the federal army. during the day the division of hood defiled through the streets, at a quick pace, marching back to lee's army. but the march of troops and the rumbling of artillery have ceased to be novel spectacles to our community. some aged ladies ran out as they passed, calling the bronzed texans their "children," and distributed loaves of bread and other food among them. i never saw a merrier set than these brave soldiers, who have been through the "fire and the flood" numberless times. some of them had three or four loaves on their bayonets. gen. lee himself left early this morning, on an extra train, having been "caught napping" here, the first time. the enemy crossed the river yesterday. but during the day a dispatch was received from gen. j. e. b. stuart (cavalry), stating that he had attacked the enemy on this side of the river, and beaten him back, forcing him to recross with loss. the particulars of the fight were not stated; but it is believed we lost a brigadier-general, killed. march th.--snowing. it is estimated that we lost men, killed, wounded, and taken, in the fight on the rappahannock; the enemy's loss is not known, but certainly was heavy, since they were defeated, and fled back, hotly pursued. confederate money still depreciates, in spite of the funding act. some of the brokers are demanding ten dollars confederate notes for one in gold! that is bad, and it may be worse. the enemy are advancing from corinth, and there are not sufficient troops to resist them. gen. johnston says if men are taken from bragg, his army may be destroyed; and none can be ordered from mobile, where there are only for land defense. march th.--the snow is eight inches deep this morning, and it is still falling fast. not a beggar is yet to be seen in this city of , inhabitants! hood's division, mostly texans, whose march to the rappahannock was countermanded when it was ascertained that the enemy had been beaten back across the river, were all the morning defiling through main street, in high spirits, and merrily snowballing each other. and these men slept last night out in the snow without tents! can such soldiers be vanquished? yesterday floyd's division of state troops were turned over to the confederacy--only about ! we have no further particulars of the fight on the rappahannock; we know, however, that the enemy were beaten, and that this snow-storm must prevent further operations for many days. several eastern shore families, i learn, are about to return to their homes. this is no place for women and children, who have homes elsewhere. we are all on quarter-rations of meat, and but few can afford to buy clothing at the present prices. march st.--the snow is nearly a foot deep this morning, as it continued to fall all night, and is falling still. it grows warmer, however. but we now learn that the indianola _was_ destroyed in the mississippi by the officers, upon the appearance of a simulated gun-boat sent down, without a crew! this was disgraceful, and some one should answer for it. col. godwin writes from king and queen county, that many of the people there are deserting to the enemy, leaving their stock, provisions, grain, etc., and he asks permission to seize their abandoned property for the use of the government. mr. secretary seddon demands more specific information before that step be taken. he intimates that they may have withdrawn to avoid conscription. march d.--it was thawing all night, and there is a heavy fog this morning. the snow will disappear in a few days. a very large number of slaves, said to be nearly , , have been collected by the enemy on the peninsula and at adjacent points, for the purpose, it is supposed, of co-operating with hooker's army in the next attempt to capture richmond. the snow has laid an embargo on the usual slight supplies brought to market, and all who had made no provision for such a contingency are subsisting on very short-commons. corn-meal is selling at from $ to $ per bushel. chickens $ each. turkeys $ . turnip greens $ per bushel. bad bacon $ . per pound. bread cts. per loaf. flour $ per barrel,--and other things in proportion. there are some pale faces seen in the streets from deficiency of food; but no beggars, no complaints. we are all in rags, especially our underclothes. this for liberty! the northern journals say we have negro regiments on the rappahannock and in the west. this is utterly untrue. we have no armed slaves to fight for us, nor do we fear a servile insurrection. we are at no loss, however, to interpret the meaning of such demoniac misrepresentations. it is to be seen of what value the negro regiments employed against us will be to the invader. march d.--the snow has nearly disappeared, and the roads are very bad. no food is brought to the market, and such as may be found in the city is held at famine prices. i saw a letter to-day from bishop lay, in arkansas. he says affairs in that state wear a dark and gloomy aspect. he thinks the state is lost. gen. beauregard writes the hon. mr. miles that he has not men enough, nor heavy guns enough, for the defense of charleston. if this were generally known, thousands would despair, being convinced that those charged with the reins of power are incompetent, unequal to the crisis, and destined to conduct them to destruction rather than independence. march th.--judge lyons has granted an injunction, arresting the impressment of flour by the secretary of war, and congress is debating a bill which, if passed, will be a marked rebuke to the government. notwithstanding the wishes of the secretary of war, the president, and gen. rains, lt.-col. lay is _still_ exempting marylanders, and even foreigners who have bought real estate, and resided for years in this country, if they have "not taken the oath of domicile." in eastern tennessee, , conscripts were enrolled, and yet only were added to the army. the rest were exempted, detailed, or deserted. such is the working of the conscription act, fettered as it is by the exemption law, and still executed under judge campbell's decision. gen. rains has the title, but does not execute the functions of superintendent of the bureau of conscription. the president has been informed of everything. march th.--we have no news to-day, excepting the falling back of rosecrans from murfreesborough, and a raid of morgan and capture of a train of cars. rosecrans means, perhaps, to aid in the occupation of the mississippi river. it will be expensive in human life. although our conscription is odious, yet we are collecting a thousand per week. the enemy say they will crush the rebellion in ninety days. in sixty days half their men will return to their homes, and then we may take washington. god knows, but man does not, what will happen. march th.--we have dispatches (unofficial) from the west, stating that one of the enemy's gun-boats has been sunk in attempting to pass vicksburg, and another badly injured. also that an engagement has occurred on the yazoo, the enemy having several gun-boats sunk, the rest being driven back. it snowed a little this morning, and is now clear and cold. mr. seddon is vexed at the unpopularity of the recent impressments by his order. it was an odious measure, because it did not go far enough and take all, distributing enough among the people to crush the extortioners. march th.--this is the day appointed by the president for fasting and prayers. fasting in the midst of famine! may god save this people! the day will be observed throughout the confederacy. the news from the west, destruction of more of the enemy's gun-boats, seems authentic. so far we have sustained no disasters this spring, the usual season of success of the enemy by water. mr. g. w. randolph was the counsel of the speculators whose flour was impressed, and yet this _man_, when secretary of war, ordered similar impressments repeatedly. "oh, man! dressed in a little brief authority," etc. mr. foote has brought forward a bill to prevent trading with the enemy. col. lay even gets his pipes from the enemy's country. let mr. foote smoke that! a gentleman said, to-day, if the yankees only knew it, they might derive all the benefits they seek by the impracticable scheme of subjugation, without the expenditure of human life, by simply redoubling the blockade of our ports, withdrawing their armies to the borders, and facilitating trade between the sections. we would not attack them in their own country, and in a month millions of their products would be pouring into the south, and cotton, tobacco, etc. would go to the north in vast quantities. i wonder the smart yankee never thinks of this! let both sides give passports freely, and an unlimited intercourse would be immediately established. march th.--we have nothing additional or confirmatory from the west. a letter from gen. beauregard states that he has but , men in south carolina, and , in georgia, , in all. he asks more, as he will be assailed, probably, by , federals. the president refers this important letter to the secretary of war, simply with the indorsement, "this is an exact statement of affairs in south carolina and georgia." col. lay predicts that we shall be beaten in thirty days, or else we shall then be in the way of beating the enemy. a safe prediction--but what is his belief? this deponent saith not. there will be fearful odds against us, and yet our men in the field fear nothing. we are sending napoleons up to lee. but the weather, which has been fine for the last two days, is wet again. if hooker makes a premature advance, he will be sure to "march back again." an amusing letter was received from an officer in tennessee to-day. he was taken prisoner by seven federals when straying some distance from camp, and subsequently hearing the men express some anxiety to be at home again with their families, gave them some brandy which he happened to possess. he then suggested a plan by which they might return to their homes, viz., to become his prisoners, and being paroled by him. after consultation, they agreed to it, and released him. he then paroled them, giving them the usual certificates to exhibit to their officer, and so, taking another drink, they pursued their different ways. if this disposition prevails extensively among the western federals, we may look for speedy results in that quarter. rosecrans may lose his laurels in a most unexpected manner. march th.--no news. yet a universal expectation. what is expected is not clearly defined. those who are making money rapidly no doubt desire a prolongation of the war, irrespective of political consequences. but the people, the majority in the united states, seem to have lost their power. and their representatives in congress are completely subordinated by the executive, and rendered subservient to his will. president lincoln can have any measure adopted or any measure defeated, at pleasure. such is the irresistible power of enormous executive patronage. he may extend the sessions or terminate them, and so, all power, for the time being, reposes in the hands of the president. a day of reckoning will come, for the people of the united states will resume the powers of which the war has temporarily dispossessed them, or else there will be disruptions, and civil war will submerge the earth in blood. the time has not arrived, or else the right men have not arisen, for the establishment of despotisms. everything depends upon the issues of the present campaign, and upon them it may be bootless to speculate. no one may foretell the fortunes of war--i mean where victory will ultimately perch in this frightful struggle. we are environed and invaded by not less than , men in arms, and we have not in the field more than , to oppose them. but we have the advantage of occupying the interior position, always affording superior facilities for concentration. besides, our men _must_ prevail in combat, or lose their property, country, freedom, everything,--at least this is their conviction. on the other hand, the enemy, in yielding the contest, may retire into their own country, and possess everything they enjoyed before the war began. hence it may be confidently believed that in all the battles of this spring, when the numbers are nearly equal, the confederates will be the victors, and even when the enemy have superior numbers, the armies of the south will fight with roman desperation. the conflict will be appalling and sanguinary beyond example, provided the invader stand up to it. that much is certain. and if our armies are overthrown, we may be no nearer peace than before. the paper money would be valueless, and the large fortunes accumulated by the speculators, turning to dust and ashes on their lips, might engender a new exasperation, resulting in a regenerated patriotism and a universal determination to achieve independence or die in the attempt. march th.--gen. bragg dispatches the government that gen. forrest has captured prisoners in tennessee, and several thousand of our men are making a successful raid in kentucky. gen. whiting makes urgent calls for reinforcements at wilmington, and cannot be supplied with many. gen. lee announces to the war department that the spring campaign is now open, and his army may be in motion any day. col. godwin (of king and queen county) is here trying to prevail on the secretary of war to put a stop to the blockade-runners, jews, and spies, daily passing through his lines with passports from gens. elzey and winder. he says the persons engaged in this illicit traffic are all extortioners and spies, and $ , worth of goods from the enemy's country pass daily. col. lay still repudiates judge meredith's decision in his instructions to the commandants of camps of instruction. well, if we have a superabundance of fighting men in the field, the foreign-born denizens and marylanders can remain at home and make money while the country that protects them is harried by the invader. the gaunt form of wretched famine still approaches with rapid strides. meal is now selling at $ per bushel, and potatoes at $ . meats have almost disappeared from the market, and none but the opulent can afford to pay $ . per pound for butter. _greens_, however, of various kinds, are coming in; and as the season advances, we may expect a diminution of prices. it is strange that on the th of march, even in the "sunny south," the fruit-trees are as bare of blossoms and foliage as at mid-winter. we shall have fire until the middle of may,--six months of winter! i am spading up my little garden, and hope to raise a few vegetables to eke out a miserable subsistence for my family. my daughter ann reads shakspeare to me o' nights, which saves my eyes. march st.--another stride of the grim specter, and corn-meal is selling for $ per bushel. coal at $ . per ton, and wood at $ per cord. and at these prices one has to wait several days to get either. common tallow candles are selling at $ per pound. i see that some furnished houses are now advertised for rent; and i hope that all the population that can get away, and subsist elsewhere, will leave the city. the lower house of congress has passed a most enormous tax bill, which i apprehend cannot be enforced, if it becomes a law. it will close half the shops--but that may be beneficial, as thousands have rushed into trade and become extortioners. i see some batteries of light artillery going toward petersburg. this is to be used against the enemy when he advances in that direction from suffolk. no doubt another attempt will be made to capture richmond. but lee knows the programme, i doubt not. chapter xxv. symptoms of bread riots.--lee forming depots of provisions near the rappahannock.--beauregard ready to defend charleston.--he has rebuffed the enemy severely.--french and british advancing money on cotton.--the yankees can beat us in bargaining.--gen. lee anxious for new supplies.--the president appeals to the people to raise food for man and beast.--federal and confederate troops serenading each other on the rappahannock.--cobbler's wages $ per annum.--wrangling in the indian country.--only conscripts per month from virginia.-- longstreet at suffolk.--the president's well eye said to be failing.--a "reconnoissance!"--we are planting much grain.--picking up pins.--beautiful season.--gen. johnston in tennessee.-- longstreet's successes in that state.--lee complains that his army is not fed.--we fear for vicksburg now.--enemy giving up plunder in mississippi.--beauregard is busy at charleston.--gen. marshall, of kentucky, fails to get stock and hogs.--gen. lee calls for longstreet's corps.--the enemy demonstrating on the rappahannock. april st.--it is said we have taken washington, a village in north carolina. and it is represented that large supplies of meat, etc. can be taken from thence and the adjacent counties. every day we look for important intelligence from charleston, and from the west. mr. seddon, the secretary of war, has receded from his position in regard to resident aliens. april d.--this morning early a few hundred women and boys met as by concert in the capitol square, saying they were hungry, and must have food. the number continued to swell until there were more than a thousand. but few men were among them, and these were mostly foreign residents, with exemptions in their pockets. about nine a.m. the mob emerged from the western gates of the square, and proceeded down ninth street, passing the war department, and crossing main street, increasing in magnitude at every step, but preserving silence and (so far) good order. not knowing the meaning of such a procession, i asked a pale boy where they were going. a young woman, seemingly emaciated, but yet with a smile, answered that they were going to find something to eat. i could not, for the life of me, refrain from expressing the hope that they might be successful; and i remarked they were going in the right direction to find plenty in the hands of the extortioners. i did not follow, to see what they did; but i learned an hour after that they marched through cary street, and entered diverse stores of the speculators, which they proceeded to empty of their contents. they impressed all the carts and drays in the street, which were speedily laden with meal, flour, shoes, etc. i did not learn whither these were driven; but probably they were rescued from those in charge of them. nevertheless, an immense amount of provisions, and other articles, were borne by the mob, which continued to increase in numbers. an eye-witness says he saw a boy come out of a store with a hat full of money (notes); and i learned that when the mob turned up into main street, when all the shops were by this time closed, they broke in the plate-glass windows, demanding silks, jewelry, etc. here they were incited to pillage valuables, not necessary for subsistence, by the class of residents (aliens) exempted from military duty by judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, in contravention of judge meredith's decision. thus the work of spoliation went on, until the military appeared upon the scene, summoned by gov. letcher, whose term of service is near its close. he had the riot act read (by the mayor), and then threatened to fire on the mob. he gave them five minutes' time to disperse in, threatening to use military force (the city battalion being present) if they did not comply with the demand. the timid women fell back, and a pause was put to the devastation, though but few believed he would venture to put his threat in execution. if he had done so, he would have been hung, no doubt. about this time the president appeared, and ascending a dray, spoke to the people. he urged them to return to their homes, so that the bayonets there menacing them might be sent against the common enemy. he told them that such acts would bring _famine_ upon them in the only form which could not be provided against, as it would deter people from bringing food to the city. he said he was willing to share his last loaf with the suffering people (his best horse had been stolen the night before), and he trusted we would all bear our privations with fortitude, and continue united against the northern invaders, who were the authors of all our sufferings. he seemed deeply moved; and indeed it was a frightful spectacle, and perhaps an ominous one, if the government does not remove some of the quartermasters who have contributed very much to bring about the evil of scarcity. i mean those who have allowed transportation to forestallers and extortioners. gen. elzey and gen. winder waited upon the secretary of war in the morning, asking permission to call the troops from the camps near the city, to suppress the women and children by a summary process. but mr. seddon hesitated, and then declined authorizing any such absurdity. he said it was a municipal or state duty, and therefore he would not take the responsibility of interfering in the matter. even in the moment of aspen consternation, he was still the politician. i have not heard of any injuries sustained by the women and children. nor have i heard how many stores the mob visited; and it must have been many. all is quiet now (three p.m.); and i understand the government is issuing rice to the people. april d.--gen. d. h. hill writes from north carolina that the business of conscription is miserably mismanaged in that state. the whole business, it seems, has resolved itself into a machine for making money and putting pets in office. no account of yesterday's riot appeared in the papers to-day, for obvious reasons. the mob visited most of the shops, and the pillage was pretty extensive. crowds of women, marylanders and foreigners, were standing at the street corners to-day, still demanding food; which, it is said, the government issued to them. about midday the city battalion was marched down main street to disperse the crowd. congress has resolved to adjourn on the th april. the tax bill has not passed both houses yet. gen. blanchard has been relieved of his command in louisiana. he was another general from massachusetts. april th.--it is the belief of some that the riot was a premeditated affair, stimulated from the north, and executed through the instrumentality of emissaries. some of the women, and others, have been arrested. we have news of the capture of another of the enemy's gun-boats, in berwick bay, louisiana, with five guns. it is said to have been done by _cavalry_. a dispatch just received from charleston states that the enemy's monitors were approaching the forts, seven in number, and that the attack was commencing. this is _joyful_ news to our people, so confident are they that gen. beauregard will beat them. april th.--snow fell all night, and a depth of several inches covers the earth this morning. it will soon melt, however, as it is now raining. the northern invaders who anticipate a pleasant sojourn during the winter and spring in this climate, have been very disagreeably disappointed in these expectations. a surgeon was arrested yesterday for saying there was "a power behind the throne greater than the throne." upon being asked by the mayor what power he alluded to, he answered "the people." he was released. april th.--it seems that it was a mistake about the enemy's monitors approaching the forts in charleston harbor; but the government has dispatches to the effect that important movements are going on, not very distant from charleston, the precise nature of which is not yet permitted to transpire. generals johnston and bragg write that gen. pillow has secured ten times as many conscripts, under their orders, as the bureau in richmond would have done. judge campbell, as assistant secretary of war, having arrested gen. p.'s operations, generals j. and b. predict that our army in tennessee will begin, immediately, to diminish in numbers. the rails of the york river railroad are being removed to-day toward danville, in view of securing a connection with the n. c. central road. it seems that the government thinks the enemy will again possess the york river railroad, but it cannot be possible a retreat _out of virginia_ is meditated. april th.--nothing definite has transpired at charleston, or if so, we have not received information of it yet. from the west, we have accounts, from northern papers, of the failure of the yankee yazoo expedition. that must have its effect. judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, has decided in one instance (page , e. b. conscript bureau), that a paroled political prisoner, returning to the south, is not subject to conscription. this is in violation of an act of congress, and general orders. it appears that grave judges are not all inflexibly just, and immaculately legal in their decisions. col. lay ordered the commandant of conscripts (col. shields) to give the man a protection, without any reason therefor. it is now said large depots of provisions are being formed on the rappahannock. this does not look like an indication of a retrograde movement on the part of gen. lee. perhaps he will _advance_. this afternoon dispatches were received from charleston. notwithstanding all the rumors relative to the hostile fleet being elsewhere, it is now certain that all the monitors, iron-clads, and transports have succeeded in passing the bar, and at the last accounts were in readiness to begin the attack. and beauregard was prepared to receive it. to-morrow we shall have exciting intelligence. if we are to believe what we hear from south carolinians, recently from charleston (i do believe it), _charleston_ will not be taken. if the ground be taken, it will not be charleston. if the forts fall, and our two rams be taken or destroyed, the defenders will still resist. rifle-pits have been dug in the streets; and if driven from these, there are batteries beyond to sweep the streets, thus involving the enemy and the city in one common ruin. april th.--we learn to-day that the enemy bombarded our forts at charleston, yesterday, two hours and a half. but few of our men were injured, and the forts sustained no damage of consequence. on the other hand, several of the iron-clads and monitors of the enemy were badly crippled; one of the latter, supposed to be the keokuk, was sunk. since then the bombardment has not been renewed. but no doubt the enemy will make other efforts to reduce a city which is the particular object of their vengeance. every one is on the _qui vive_ for further news from charleston. success there will make beauregard the most popular man in the confederacy, lee excepted. speculation is running wild in this city; and the highest civil and military officers are said to be engaged, directly or indirectly, in the disgraceful business of smuggling. mr. memminger cannot be ignorant of this; and yet these men are allowed to retain their places. april th.--nothing additional has occurred at charleston, the enemy not having renewed the attack. at vicksburg all was quiet, and the enemy abandoning their canal. such news must have a depressing effect upon the north. they will see that their monitors and iron-clads have lost their terrors. they have lost some twenty war steamers within the last few months; and how many of their merchantmen have been destroyed on the ocean, we have no means of knowing. british and french capitalists have taken a cotton loan of $ , , , which is now selling at a premium of four per cent. in those countries. our government can, if it will, soon have a navy of alabamas and floridas. but we are in danger of being sold to the enemy by the blockade-runners in this city. high officers, civil and military, are said, perhaps maliciously, to be engaged in the unlawful trade hitherto carried on by the jews. it is said that the flag of truce boats serve as a medium of negotiations between official dignitaries here and those at washington; and i have no doubt many of the federal officers at washington, for the sake of lucre, make no scruple to participate in the profits of this treasonable traffic. they can beat us at this game: cheat us in bargaining, and excel us in obtaining information as to the number and position of troops, fortifications, etc. april th.--we are not informed of a renewal of the attack on charleston. it is said our shot penetrated the turret of the keokuk, sunk. in new york they have been exulting over the capture of charleston, and gold declined heavily. this report was circulated by some of the government officials, at washington, for purposes of speculation. col. lay announced, to-day, that he had authority (oral) from gen. cooper, a. and i. g., to accept marylanders as substitutes. soon after he ordered in two, in place of louisianian sutlers, whom he accompanied subsequently--i know not whither. but this verbal authority is in the teeth of published orders. april th.--gen. beauregard telegraphs that gen. walker has destroyed another federal gun-boat in coosa river. they are looking for a renewal of the attack on charleston, and are ready for it. gen. lee writes that he is about sending a cavalry brigade into loudon county to bring off commissary's and quartermaster's stores. this will frighten the people in washington city! he also writes that, unless the railroads be repaired, so as to admit of speedier transportation of supplies, he cannot maintain his present position much longer. the president has published a proclamation, to-day, appealing to the patriotism of the people, and urging upon them to abstain from the growth of cotton and tobacco, and raise food for man and beast. appended to this is a plan, "suggested by the secretary of war," to obtain from the people an immediate supply of meat, etc. in the various counties and parishes. this is _my_ plan, so politely declined by the secretary! well, if it will benefit the government, the government is welcome to it; and mr. seddon to the credit of it. april th.--gen. van dorn, it is reported, has captured or destroyed another gun-boat in the west. night before last another riot was looked for in this city by the mayor, and two battalions of gen. elzey's troops were ordered into the city. if the president could only see the necessity of placing this city under the command of a native southern general, he might avoid much obloquy. the smiths, winders, and elzeys, who are really foreigners, since the men from their states are not liable to conscription (vide judge campbell's decision), are very obnoxious to the people. virginians can never be reconciled to the presence of a mercenary swiss guard, and will not submit to imported masters. notwithstanding the _enquirer_ urges it, and mr. barksdale, of mississippi, persistently advocates it, congress still refuses to confer additional powers on the president. twice, within the last week, congress has voted down the proposition to clothe the president with power to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_. congress has likewise refused to reconsider the vote postponing the consideration of the bill to create a court of claims. judge s----was here, working for it; but was doomed to disappointment. a few nights since a full federal band came within a hundred yards of our men, the rappahannock only separating them, and played "dixie." our men cheered them lustily. then they played "yankee doodle," when the yankees cheered. after this they played "home, sweet home!" and all parties cheered them. there may be something significant in this. the pickets have orders not to fire on each other, when no demonstration is in progress. our members of congress get salaries of $ . a cobbler (free negro), who mends shoes for my family, told me yesterday that he earned $ per day, or $ per annum. a pair of pantaloons now costs $ ; boots, $ ; and so on. we have warm weather at last, and dry. armies will soon be in motion. our government and people seem now to despair of european intervention. but the president says our armies are more numerous, and better armed and disciplined than at any period during the war. hence the contest will be maintained indefinitely for independence. with these feelings the third year of the war opens. may god have mercy on the guilty men who determine more blood shall be shed. the south would willingly cease the sanguinary strife, if the invader would retire from our territory; but just as willingly will she fight hereafter as heretofore, so long as a foeman sets foot upon her soil. it must soon be seen with what alacrity our people will rush to the battle-field! april th.--the federal monitors, gun-boats, and transports no more menace the city of charleston! the fleet has sailed away, several of the iron-clads towed out of the harbor being badly damaged. but before leaving that part of the coast, the yankees succeeded in intercepting and sinking the merchant steamer leopard, having , pairs of shoes, etc. on board for our soldiers. it is supposed they will reappear before wilmington; our batteries there are ready for them. gen. wise assailed the enemy on saturday, at williamsburg, captured the town, and drove the federals into their fort--magruder. the president was ill and nervous on saturday. his wife, who lost her parent at montgomery, ala., a month ago, and who repaired thither, is still absent. congress still refuses to clothe the president with dictatorial powers. senator oldham, of texas, made a furious assault on the secretary of war, last saturday. he says senators, on the most urgent public business, are subjected to the necessity of writing their names on a slate, and then awaiting the pleasure of some lackey for permission to enter the secretary's office. he was quite severe in his remarks, and moved a call on the president for certain information he desired. the _sentinel_ abuses congress for differing with the president in regard to the retention of diplomatic agents in london, etc. and the _enquirer_, edited by john mitchel, the fugitive irishman, opens its batteries on the _sentinel_. so we go. april th.--we have nothing additional from gen. wise's expedition against williamsburg; but it was deprecated by our people here, whose families and negroes have been left in that vicinity. they argue that we cannot hold the town, or any portion of the peninsula in the neighborhood; and when the troops retire, the enemy will subject the women and children to more rigorous treatment, and take all the slaves. we have news from tennessee, which seems to indicate that gen. van dorn has been beaten, losing a battery, after a sanguinary battle of several hours. van dorn had only cavalry-- . this has a depressing effect. it seems that we lose all the battles of any magnitude in the west. this news may have been received by the president in advance of the public, and hence his indisposition. we shall have news now every day or so. albert pike is out in a pamphlet against gens. holmes and hindman. he says their operations in arkansas have resulted in reducing our forces, in that state, from forty odd thousand to less than , . it was imprudent to publish such a statement. albert pike is a native yankee, but he has lived a long time in the south. gov. vance is furious at the idea of conscribing magistrates, constables, etc. in north carolina. he says it would be an annihilation of state rights--nevertheless, being subject to militia duty by the laws of the state, they are liable under the act of conscription. well, we are getting only some conscripts per month in virginia--the largest state! at this rate, how are we to replenish the ranks as they become thinned in battle? it is to be hoped the enemy will find the same difficulty in filling up their regiments, else we have rather a gloomy prospect before us. but god can and will save us if it be his pleasure. april th.--there is a dispatch, unofficial, from the west, contradicting the news of the defeat of van dorn. on the cumberland river, another dispatch says, we have met with new successes, capturing or destroying several more gun-boats. and wheeler has certainly captured a railroad train in the rear of the enemy, containing a large sum of federal money, and a number of officers. we have nothing from the south, except a letter from gen. whiting, in regard to some demonstration at bull bay, s. c. major griswold, provost marshal, is now himself on trial before a court-martial, for allowing barrels of spirits to come into the city. he says he had an order from the surgeon-general; but what right had he to give such orders? it is understood he will resign, irrespective of the decision of the court. congress, yesterday (the house of representatives), passed a series of resolutions, denying the authority of the government to declare martial law, such as existed in this city under the administration of gen. winder. it was a great blunder, and alienated thousands. we have a seasonable rain to-day. april th.--the federal papers have heard of the failure to take charleston, and the sinking of the keokuk; and yet they strive to mollify the disaster, and represent that but little damage was sustained by the rest of the fleet. those that escaped, they say, have proved themselves invulnerable. the keokuk had ninety shots on the water line. no wonder it sunk! gen. longstreet has invested suffolk, this side of norfolk, after destroying one gun-boat and crippling another in the nansemond river. unless the enemy get reinforcements, the garrison at suffolk may be forced to surrender. perhaps our general may storm their works! i learn, to-day, that the remaining eye of the president is failing. total blindness would incapacitate him for the executive office. a fearful thing to contemplate! april th.--from the northern papers we learn that the defeat at charleston is called by the enemy a reconnoissance. this causes us much merriment here; mcclellan's defeat was called a "strategical movement," and "change of base." we have some rumors to-day, to the effect that gen. hill is likely to take washington and newbern, n. c.; gen. longstreet, suffolk; and gen. wise, fort magruder, and the peninsula--he has not troops enough. gold advanced per cent. in new york when the news of the "reconnoissance" reached that city. we are planting almost every acre in grain, to the exclusion of cotton and tobacco--resolved never to be _starved_, nor even feel a scarcity of provisions in future. we shall be cutting wheat in another month in alabama and other states. among the other rumors, it is said hooker is falling back toward washington, but these are merely rumors. the president is in a very feeble and nervous condition, and is really threatened with the loss of sight altogether. but he works on; and few or no visitors are admitted. he remains at his dwelling, and has not been in the executive office these ten days. col. lay was merry again to-day. he ordered in another foreign substitute (in north carolina). pins are so scarce and costly, that it is now a pretty general practice to stoop down and pick up any found in the street. the boarding-houses are breaking up, and rooms, furnished and unfurnished, are rented out to messes. one dollar and fifty cents for beef, leaves no margin for profit, even at $ per month, which is charged for board, and most of the boarders cannot afford to pay that price. therefore they take rooms, and buy their own scanty food. i am inclined to think provisions would not be deficient, to an alarming extent, if they were equally distributed. wood is no scarcer than before the war, and yet $ per load (less than a cord) is demanded for it, and obtained. the other day wilmington _might_ have been taken, for the troops were sent to beauregard. their places have since been filled by a brigade from longstreet. it is a monstrous undertaking to attempt to subjugate so vast a country as this, even with its disparity of population. we have superior facilities for concentration, while the invader must occupy, or penetrate the outer lines of the circumference. our danger is from within, not from without. we are distressed more by the extortioners than by the enemy. eternal infamy on the heads of speculators in articles of prime necessity! after the war, let them be known by the fortunes they have amassed from the sufferings of the patriots and heroes!--the widows and orphans! this day is the anniversary of the secession of virginia. the government at washington did not believe the separation would last two years! nor do they believe now, perhaps, that it will continue two years longer. april th.--we have nothing more from the peninsula, suffolk, n. c., or south carolina; but it is rumored that the enemy's gun-boats (seven or eight) have passed down the mississippi in spite of our batteries at vicksburg, which sunk one of them. if this be true, it is bad news. we have lovely weather now, and vegetation shows signs of the return of the vernal season. we shall soon have blossoms and roses in abundance, and table vegetables too, to dispel the fears of famine. but we shall also have the horrid sounds of devastating war; and many a cheerful dame and damsel to-day, must soon put on the weeds of mourning. gen. jos. e. johnston has assumed the command of the army of tennessee. gen. howell cobb is preparing for the defense of florida. we do not hear a word from lee or jackson--but this is the ominous silence preceding their decisive action. bacon fell to-day from $ to $ . per pound, and butter from $ . to $ . ; potatoes are $ per bushel. and yet they say there is no scarcity in the country. such supplies are hoarded and hidden to extort high prices from the destitute. an intelligent gentleman from north carolina told me, to-day, that food was never more abundant in his state; nevertheless, the extortioners are demanding there very high prices. this evening we have dispatches (unofficial) confirmatory of the passing of vicksburg by the enemy's gun-boats. one of them was destroyed, and two disabled, while five got by uninjured. this is not cheering. no doubt an attack by land will be made, by superior numbers, and blood will gush in streams! it is now said that longstreet has captured two gun-boats in the nansemond, and taken prisoners; and that the yankees in norfolk have been thrown into great commotion. the general in command there, veillé, has adopted very stringent measures to keep the people sympathizing with our cause in subjection. perhaps he fears an outbreak. the weather continues fine, and we must soon have important operations in the field. april th, sunday.--it is now said longstreet captured two transports, instead of gun-boats, and prisoners. _mr. benjamin_ reports that the enemy's gun-boats, which passed vicksburg, have recaptured the queen of the west! it must be so, since he says so. mr. baldwin, the other day, in congress, asserted a fact, on his own knowledge, that an innocent man had been confined in prison nearly two years, in consequence of a mistake of one of gen. winder's subordinates in writing his name, which was simons; he wrote it simmons! april th.--we have nothing definite from suffolk, or from washington, n. c. but we have northern accounts of their great disaster at charleston. it appears that during the brief engagement on the th inst., all their monitors were so badly damaged that they were unable to prolong or to renew the contest. they will have to be taken to new york for repairs; and will not go into service again before autumn. thus, after nearly a year's preparation, and the expenditure of $ , , , all their hopes, so far as charleston is concerned, have been frustrated in a few brief hours, under the fire of beauregard's batteries. they complain that england furnished us with the steel-pointed balls that penetrated their iron turrets. to this there can be no objection; indeed it may be productive of good, by involving the abolitionists in a new quarrel: but it is due to candor to state that the balls complained of were manufactured in this city. it was a federal account of the retaking the queen of the west, reported by mr. benjamin; and hence, it is not generally believed. it is thought by many that hooker will change his base from the rappahannock to the pamunky, embarking his army in transports. if this be so, we shall again have the pleasure of hearing the thunders of battle, this summer, in richmond. gen. lee has been quite ill, but is now recovering. april st.--gen. longstreet lost, it is said, two -pounder guns yesterday, with which he was firing on the enemy's gun-boats. a force was landed and captured the battery. gen. lee writes that his men have each, daily, but a quarter pound of meat and ounces of flour. they have, besides, pound of rice to every ten men, two or three times a week. he says this may keep them _alive_; but that at this season they should have more generous food. the scurvy and the typhoid fever are appearing among them. longstreet and hill, however, it is hoped will succeed in bringing off supplies of provision, etc.--such being the object of their demonstrations. gen. wise has fallen back, being ordered by gen. elzey not to attempt the capture of fort magruder--a feat he could have accomplished. april d.--the president is reported to be very ill to-day--dangerously ill--with inflammation of the throat, etc. while this is a source of grief to nearly all, it is the subject of secret joy to others. i am sure i have seen some officers of rank to-day, not _fighting_ officers, who sincerely hope the president will not recover. he has his faults, but upon the whole is no doubt well qualified for the position he occupies. i trust he will recover. the destruction of the queen of the west, and of another of our steamers, is confirmed. is not pemberton and blanchard responsible? the loss of two guns and forty men the other day, on the nansemond, is laid at the door of major-gen. french, a northern man! can it be gen. cooper (northern) who procures the appointment of so many northern generals in our army? i cut the following from the _dispatch_ of yesterday: _produce, etc._--bacon has further declined, and we now quote $ . to $ . for hog-round; butter, $ . to $ per pound; beans in demand at $ per bushel. corn is lower--we quote at $ to $ . per bushel; corn meal, $ to $ per bushel--the latter figure for a limited quantity; candles, $ . to $ . per pound; fruit--dried apples, $ to $ ; dried peaches, $ to $ per bushel; flour--superfine, $ to $ ; extra, $ ; family, $ ; hay is in very small supply--sales at $ per cwt.; lard, $ . to $ . per pound; potatoes--irish, $ to $ ; sweet, $ to $ per bushel; rice, to cents per pound; wheat, $ . to $ per bushel. _groceries._--sugars have a declining tendency: we quote brown at $ . to $ . ; molasses, $ to $ per gallon; coffee, $ to $ . ; salt, cents per pound; whisky, $ to $ ; apple brandy, $ to $ ; french brandy, $ per gallon. april d.--the president's health is improving. his eye is better; and he would have been in his office to-day (the first time for three weeks) if the weather (raining) had been fine. the expenses of the war amount now to $ , , per month, or $ , , per annum. this enormous expenditure is owing to the absurd prices charged for supplies by the farmers, to save whose slaves and farms the war is waged, in great part. they are charging the government $ per hundred weight, or $ per ton for hay! well, we shall soon see if they be reluctant to pay the taxes soon to be required of them--one-tenth of all their crops, etc. if they refuse to pay, then what will they deserve? april th.--we lost five fine guns and over a hundred men on the nansemond; and we learn that more of the enemy's gun-boats and transports have passed vicksburg! these are untoward tidings. gens. pemberton and french are severely criticised. we had a tragedy in the street to-day, near the president's office. it appears that mr. dixon, clerk of the house of representatives, recently dismissed one of his under clerks, named ford, for reasons which i have not heard; whereupon the latter notified the former of an intention to assault him whenever they should meet. about two p.m. they met in bank street; ford asked dixon if he was ready; and upon an affirmative response being given, they both drew their revolvers and commenced firing. dixon missed ford, and was wounded by his antagonist, but did not fall. he attempted to fire again, but the pistol missed fire. ford's next shot missed d. and wounded a man in main street, some seventy paces beyond; but his next fire took effect in dixon's breast, who fell and expired in a few moments. many of our people think that because the terms of enlistment of so many in the federal army will expire next month, we shall not have an active spring campaign. it may be so; but i doubt it. blood must flow as freely as ever! april th.--we have bad news from the west. the enemy (cavalry, i suppose) have penetrated mississippi some miles, down to the railroad between vicksburg and meridian. this is in the rear and east of vicksburg, and intercepts supplies. they destroyed two trains. this dispatch was sent to the secretary of war by the president without remark. the _enquirer_ this morning contained a paragraph stating that gen. pemberton was exchanging civilities with gen. sherman, and had sent him a beautiful bouquet! did he have any conception of the surprise the enemy was executing at the moment? well, mississippi is the president's state, and if he is satisfied with northern generals to defend it, he is as likely to be benefited as any one else. gen. beauregard is urging the government to send more heavy guns to savannah. i saw an officer to-day just from charleston. he says none of the enemy's vessels came nearer than yards of our batteries, and that the northern statements about the monitors becoming entangled with obstructions are utterly false, for there were no obstructions in the water to impede them. but he says one of the monitors was directly over a torpedo, containing pounds of powder, which we essayed in vain to ignite. april th.--this being sunday i shall hear no news, for i will not be in any of the departments. there is a vague understanding that notwithstanding the repulse of the enemy at charleston, still the federal government collects the duties on merchandise brought into that port, and, indeed, into all other ports. these importations, although purporting to be conducted by british adventurers, it is said are really contrived by northern merchants, who send hither (with the sanction of the federal government, by paying the duty in advance) british and french goods, and in return ship our cotton to liverpool, etc., whence it is sometimes reshipped to new york. the duties paid the united states are of course paid by the consumers in the confederate states, in the form of an additional per centum on the prices of merchandise. some suppose this arrangement has the sanction of certain members of our government. the plausibility of this scheme (if it really exists) is the fact that steamers having munitions of war rarely get through the blockading fleet without trouble, while those having only merchandise arrive in safety almost daily. gen. d. green intimates that mr. memminger, and frazer & co., charleston, are personally interested in the profits of heavy importations. april th.--a dispatch from montgomery, ala., states that the enemy have penetrated as far as enterprise, miss., where we had a small body of troops, conscripts. if this be merely a raid, it is an extraordinary one, and i feel some anxiety to learn the conclusion of it. it is hard to suppose a small force of the enemy would evince such temerity. but if it be supported by an army, and the position maintained, vicksburg is doomed. we shall get no more sugar from louisiana. april th.--the enemy's raid in mississippi seems to have terminated at enterprise, where we collected a force and offered battle, but the invaders retreated. it is said they had cavalry and guns, and the impression prevails that but few of them will ever return. it is said they sent back a detachment of men some days ago with their booty, watches, spoons, jewelry, etc. rifled from the habitations of the non-combating people. i saw brig.-gen. chilton to-day, chief of gen. lee's staff. he says, when the time comes, gen. lee will do us all justice. i asked him if richmond were safe, and he responded in the affirmative. i am glad the secretary of war has stopped the blockade-running operations of gen. winder and judge campbell, assistant secretary of war. until to-day, gen. w. issued many passports which were invariably approved by judge campbell, but for some cause, and heaven knows there is cause enough, mr. secretary has ordered that no more passports be granted marylanders or foreigners to depart from the confederacy. i hope mr. s. will not "back down" from this position. to-day i returned to the department from the bureau of conscription, being required at my old post by mr. kean, chief of the bureau of war, my friend, jacques, being out of town with a strangury. thus it is; when congress meets i am detailed on service out of the department, and when congress adjourns they send for me back again. do they object to my acquaintance with the members? a few weeks ago i addressed the president a letter suggesting that an alphabetical analysis be made of letter and indorsement books, embracing principles of decisions, and not names. this i did for the bureau of conscription, which was found very useful. precedents could thus be readily referred to when, as was often the case, the names of parties could not be recollected. it happened, singularly enough, that this paper came into my hands with forty-nine others to-day, at the department, where i shall wholly remain hereafter. the president seemed struck with the idea, and indorsed a reference on it to the "state, treasury, war, and navy departments," and also to the attorney general. i shall be curious to know what the secretary thinks of this plan. no matter what the secretary of war thinks of it; he declined my plan of deriving supplies directly from the people, and then adopted it. april th.--gen. beauregard is eager to have completed the "torpedo ram," building at charleston, and wants a "great gun" for it. but the secretary of the navy wants all the iron for _mailing_ his gun-boats. mr. miles, of south carolina, says the ram will be worth two gun-boats. the president of the manassas gap railroad says his company is bringing all its old iron to the city. wherefore? the merchants of mobile are protesting against the impressment by government agents of the sugar and molasses in the city. they say this conduct will double the prices. so congress did not and cannot restrain the military authorities. gen. humphrey marshall met with no success in kentucky. he writes that none joined him, when he was led to expect large accessions, and that he could get neither stock nor hogs. alas, poor kentucky! the brave hunters of former days have disappeared from the scene. the secretary of war was not _permitted_ to see my letter which the president referred to him, in relation to an alphabetical analysis of the decisions of the departments. the _assistant_ secretary, judge campbell, and the young chief of the bureau of war, sent it to the secretary of the navy, who, of course, they knew had no decisions to be preserved. mr. kean, i learn, indorsed a hearty approval of the plan, and said he would put it in operation in the war office. but he said (with his concurrence, no doubt) that _judge campbell_ had suggested it some time before. well, that may be; but i first suggested it a year ago, and before either mr. k. or judge campbell were in office. office makes curious changes in men! still, i think mr. seddon badly used in not being permitted to see the communications the president sends him. i have the privilege, and will use it, of sending papers directly to the secretary. gen. lee telegraphs the president to-day to send troops to gordonsville, and to hasten forward supplies. he says lt.-gen. longstreet's corps might now be sent from suffolk to him. something of magnitude is on the tapis, whether offensive or defensive, i could not judge from the dispatch. we had hail this evening as large as pullets' eggs. the federal papers have accounts of brilliant successes in louisiana and missouri, having taken prisoners in the former state and defeated price at cape girardeau in the latter. whether these accounts are authentic or not we have no means of knowing yet. we have nothing further from mississippi. it is said there is some despondency in washington. our people will die in the last ditch rather than be subjugated and see the confiscation of their property. april th.--the enemy are advancing across the rappahannock, and the heavy skirmishing which precedes a battle has begun. we are sending up troops and supplies with all possible expedition. decisive events are looked for in a few days. but if all of longstreet's corps be sent up, we leave the southern approach to the city but weakly defended. hooker must have overwhelming numbers, else he would not venture to advance in the face of lee's army! can he believe the silly tale about our troops being sent from virginia to the carolinas? if so, he will repent his error. we hear of fighting in northwestern virginia and in louisiana, but know not the result. the enemy have in possession all of louisiana west of the mississippi river. this is bad for us,--sugar and salt will be scarcer still. at grand gulf our batteries have repulsed their gun-boats, but the battle is to be renewed. the railroad presidents have met in this city, and ascertained that to keep the tracks in order for military purposes, , tons of rails must be manufactured per annum, and that the tredegar works here, and the works at atlanta, cannot produce more than , tons per annum, even if engaged exclusively in that work! they say that neither individual nor incorporated companies will suffice. the government must manufacture iron or the roads must fail! a cheering letter was received from gov. vance to-day, stating that, upon examination, the state (north carolina) contains a much larger supply of meat and grain than was supposed. the state government will, in a week or so, turn over to the confederate government , pounds of bacon, and a quantity of corn; and as speculators are driven out of the market, the confederate states agents will be able to purchase large supplies from the people, who really have a considerable surplus of provisions. he attributes this auspicious state of things to the cessation of arbitrary impressments. chapter xxvi. lee snuffs a battle in the breeze.--hooker's army supposed to be , men.--lee's perhaps , efficient.--i am planting potatoes.--part of longstreet's army gone up.--enemy makes a raid.--great victory at chancellorville.--hot weather.--our poor wounded coming in streams, in ambulances and on foot.--hooker has lost the game.--message from the enemy.--they ask of lee permission to bury their dead.--granted, of course.--hooker fortifying.--food getting scarce again.--gen. lee's thanks to the army.--crowds of prisoners coming in.-- lieut.-gen. jackson dead.--hooker's raiders "hooked" a great many horses.--enemy demand , more men.--beauregard complains that so many of his troops are taken to mississippi.--enemy at jackson, miss.--strawberries.--r. tyler.--my cherries are coming on finely.-- ewell and hill appointed lieutenant-generals.--president seems to doubt beauregard's veracity.--hon. d. m. lewis cuts his wheat to-morrow, may th.--johnston says our troops are in fine spirits around vicksburg.--grant thunders on.--plan of servile insurrection. may st.--gov. vance writes that gen. hill desires him to call out the militia, believing the enemy, balked in the attempt on charleston, will concentrate their forces against north carolina. but the governor is reluctant to call the non-conscripts from the plow in the planting season. he thinks the defense of north carolina has not been adequately provided for by the government, and that his state has been neglected for the benefit of others. he asks heavy guns; and says half the armament hurled against charleston would suffice for the capture of wilmington. a protest, signed by the thousands of men taken at arkansas post, now exchanged, against being kept on this side of the mississippi, has been received. the protest was also signed by the members of congress from texas, louisiana, arkansas, and missouri. capt. causey, of the signal corps, writes that there are only a few battalions of the enemy on the peninsula; but that rations for , men are sent to suffolk. gen. lee announces the crossing of the rappahannock at port royal (which the yankees pillaged) and at places above fredericksburg. gen. stuart is hovering on their flank. a great battle may happen any moment. l. e. harvey, president of richmond and danville railroad, asks for details to repair locomotives, else daily trains (freight) must be reduced to tri-weekly trains--and then the army cannot be sustained in virginia. hon. mr. garnett asked (and obtained) permission for a mr. hurst (jew?) to pass our lines, and bring northern merchandise to richmond for sale. he vouches for his loyalty to virginia. congress has before it a bill rendering this traffic criminal. may d.--the awful hour, when thousands of human lives are to be sacrificed in the attempt to wrest this city from the confederate states, has come again. now parents, wives, sisters, brothers, and little children, both in the north and in the south, hold their breath in painful expectation. at the last accounts the two armies, yesterday, were drawn up in battle array, facing each other. no water flowed between them, the northern army being on this side of the rappahannock. we have no means of knowing their relative numbers; but i suspect gen. hooker commands more than , men, while gen. lee's army, perhaps, does not exceed , efficients. accounts by passengers, and reports from the telegraph operators at the northern end of the line, some ten or twelve miles this side of the armies, indicate that the battle was joined early this morning. certainly heavy cannonading was heard. yet nothing important transpired up to p.m., when i left the department, else i should have known it. still, the battle may be raging, without, as yet, decisive result, and the general may not have leisure to be dictating dispatches. yet the heavy artillery may be only the preliminary overture to the desperate engagement; and it seems to me that several days might be spent in manoeuvring into position before the shock of arms occurs, which will lay so many heads low in the dust. but a great battle seems inevitable. all the world knows the fighting qualifications of gen. lee, and the brave army he commands; and gen. hooker will, of course, make every effort to sustain his reputation as "fighting joe." besides, he commands, for the first time, an army: and knows well that failure to fight, or failure to win, will consign him to the same disgrace of all his predecessors who have hitherto commanded the "army of the potomac." it is certain that a column of federal cavalry, yesterday, cut the central railroad at trevillian's depot, which prevents communication with gordonsville, if we should desire to send heavy stores thither. and some suppose lee is manoeuvring to get in the rear of hooker, which would place the enemy between him and richmond! he could then cut off his supplies, now being drawn by wagons some twenty or thirty miles, and spread alarm even to washington. but, then, how would it be with richmond, if hooker should accept the position, and if the force at suffolk should advance on the south side of the river, and gun-boats and transports were to come, simultaneously, up the york and james? has hooker the genius to conceive such a plan? suppose it were so, and that he has shipped his supplies from the potomac--the supplies which stuart expects to capture--with the desperate resolution, abandoning his base on the rappahannock, to force a junction with the heavy detachments south and east of this city? a napoleon would get richmond--_but then lee might get washington_! longstreet's corps is somewhere in transitu between petersburg and gordonsville, and would no doubt be ordered here, and it might arrive in time. our defenses are strong; but at this moment we have only gen. wise's brigade, and a few battalions at the batteries, to defend the capital--some in all. this is mere speculation, to be succeeded speedily by awful facts. the inhabitants here do not doubt the result, although there is a feverish anxiety to get intelligence. there is no such thing as fear, in this community, of personal danger, even among the women and children; but there is some alarm by the opulent inhabitants, some of whom, for the sake of their property, would submit to the invader. one thing is pretty certain, richmond will not fall by assault without costing the lives of , men, which is about equal to its population in ordinary times. well, i am planting potatoes in my little garden, and hope to reap the benefit of them. i pay cts. per quart for seed potatoes, and should be chagrined to find my expenditure of money and labor had been for the benefit of the invader! yet it may be so; and if it should be, still there are other little gardens to cultivate where we might fly to. we have too broad and too long a territory in the revolted states to be overrun and possessed by the troops of the united states. may d.--we have no further news from the army, except the usual skirmishing. a number of our wounded arrived last evening. an officer reports that, from what he could see of the enemy's conduct, the soldiers do not come to the point with alacrity. he thinks they fight with reluctance, and are liable to be routed any hour by inferior numbers. troops were sent up in special trains last night, and also this morning. these are some of the regiments which gen. d. p. hill had in north carolina; and hence the complaints of gov. vance, that his state did not have its just proportion of the protection of the government. of longstreet's movements, i am not advised. but there will be news enough in a few days. the president's health is still precarious, and he is still threatened with the loss of his remaining eye. the vice-president was in my office yesterday, and told me his health is quite as good as usual. one would suppose him to be afflicted with all manner of diseases, and doomed to speedy dissolution; but, then, he has worn this appearance during the last twenty years. his eyes are magnificent, and his mind is in the meridian of intellectual vigor. there has been some commotion in the city this afternoon and evening, but no painful alarm, produced by intelligence that the enemy's cavalry, that cut the road at trevillian's depot, had reached ashland and destroyed the depot. subsequent rumors brought them within eight miles of the city; and we have no force of any consequence here. the account was brought from ashland by a mr. davis, who killed his horse in riding eighteen miles in one hour and a half. later in the day a young man, sixteen years old (shelton), reached the city from hanover on a united states horse, the enemy having foraged on his father's farm and taken his blooded steed. he says, when he escaped from them (having been taken prisoner this morning) were at his father's place, and three times as many more, being in all, were resting a short distance apart on another farm; but such ideas of numbers are generally erroneous. they told him they had been in the saddle five days, and had burnt all the bridges behind them to prevent pursuit. it was after this that they cut the road at ashland. they professed to have fresh horses taken from our people, leaving their own. i think they will disappear down the pamunky, and of course will cut the central and york river roads, and the wires. thus communication with lee's army is interrupted! the fredericksburg train, of course, failed to arrive to-day at p.m.; and it is rumored there were of our wounded in it, and that a great battle was fought yesterday by lee. these are rumors. may th.--this morning early the _tocsin_ sounded, and the din, kept up for several hours, intensified the alarm. the presence of the enemy would not have produced a greater effect. but, in truth, the enemy were almost in sight of the city. hon. james lyons told me they were within a mile and a half of his house, which is about that distance from the city. thousands of men, mostly old men and employees of the government, were instantly organized and marched to the batteries. but the alarm subsided about a.m. upon information being received that the enemy were flying before gen. wise down the peninsula. after this the following dispatch was received from gen. lee: "milford, may d, . "president davis. "yesterday gen. jackson, with three of his divisions, penetrated to the rear of the enemy, and drove him from all his positions, from the wilderness to within one mile of chancellorville. he was engaged at the same time, in front, by two of longstreet's divisions. this morning the battle was renewed. he was dislodged from all his positions around chancellorville, and driven back toward the rappahannock, over which he is now retreating. "many prisoners were taken, and the enemy's loss, in killed and wounded, large. "we have again to thank almighty god for a great victory. "i regret to state that gen. paxton was killed. gen. jackson severely, and generals heth and a. p. hill slightly, wounded. "(signed) r. e. lee, _general_." enough is known to raise the spirits of all. gen. lee gives thanks to god "for a great victory;" and he never misleads, never exaggerates. my son custis got a musket and marched in one of the companies--i have not learned which--for the defense of the city. it is a sultry day, and he will suffer. the president was driven out in a light open carriage after the reception of gen. lee's dispatch, and exhibited the finest spirits. he was even diverted at the zeal of the old men and boys marching out with heavy muskets to the batteries. brig.-gen. pryor, who has been under arrest (i know not for what offense), volunteered in a company of horse, and galloped away with the rest in pursuit of the enemy. may th.--to-day the excitement was quite as great as ever, for bodies of the enemy are still in the vicinity. they are like frightened quails when the hawks are after them, skurrying about the country in battalions and regiments. fitzhugh lee defeated one of their parties, and reports that the entire cavalry force of hooker, in anticipation of certain victory, had been detached in the rear of lee's army. this force comprises twenty-eight regiments, or , mounted men! now that hooker is defeated--our operator at guiney's station dispatches to-day that it is reported there, and believed, that hooker and his staff are prisoners--it may be reasonably doubted whether one-half of this wild cavalry will escape. it was the mad pranks of a desperate commander. hooker cast all upon the hazard of the die--and lost. among the mad pranks of the enemy, they sent a message over the wires to-day from louisa county, i believe, to this purport: "for heaven's sake, come and take us. we are broken down, and will surrender." they captured an engine sent out yesterday to repair the road. the white men escaped, leaving two free negroes. the yankees made the negroes put on a full head of steam, and run the locomotive into the river. one of the enemy was taken sleeping at one of our city batteries near the river. my friend, dr. powell, on the brooke turnpike, sent his little son, mounted on his finest horse, on an errand to a neighbor. the lad fell in with, as he called, them, "some yankee dutchmen," who presented their pistols and made him dismount. they took his horse and allowed him to return. at the hour we were dining yesterday, the enemy were within two and a half miles of us on the brooke road, and might have thrown shell into this part of the city. col. d. j. godwin writes a long letter to the secretary of war, from king and queen counties, concerning the great number of suspicious persons continually passing our lines into those of the enemy, with passports from this city; and the great injury done by the information they give. unquestionably they have not only given information, but have furnished guides to the many regiments of cavalry now skurrying through the country. but the baltimore plug uglies, under the protection of gen. winder, are the masters, now mr. secretary seddon has yielded again. a letter was received from gen. j. e. johnston to-day. he is too unwell to take the field, and suggests, if it be desirable to be in regular communication with gen. bragg, that the president send out a _confidential_ officer. he says the army is suffering for meat, and if it retires into east tennessee, supplies must be obtained from its flanks instead of from its rear, which would be dangerous. the letter was dated a week ago, and gives no indications of a battle. the general says he is exchanging sugar for bacon; but condemns the practice of allowing our people to sell cotton to the enemy for supplies. in my opinion none but government cotton should be exchanged for subsistence. he says the people are subjugated by trade. he suggests that our men when paroled, and not exchanged, may do duty otherwise than in arms--as is practiced by the enemy. h. d. bird, general superintendent of the railroad, writes from petersburg that the movements of cars with ammunition, etc. are thrown into confusion by the neglect of telegraph agents in giving timely notice. _this_ is an unfortunate time for confusion. i sent the letter to the secretary, and know that it was not "filed" on the way to him. a communication came in to-day from the committee of safety at mobile, ala., charging that j. s. clark, wm. g. ford, and ---- hurt, have been shipping cotton to new orleans, after pretending to clear it for nassau. it says mr. clarke was an intimate crony of gen. butler's speculating brother. it also intimates that the people believe the government here winks at these violations of the act of congress of april, . very curiously, a letter came from the assistant secretary's room to-day for "file," which was written april d, , by r. h. smith to judge campbell--a private letter--warning him not to come to mobile, as nothing was thought of but secession, and it was believed judge c. had used his influence with mr. seward to prevent secession. the writer deprecates civil war. and quite as curiously, the _examiner_ to-day contains what purports to be admiral buchanan's correspondence with the lincoln government, two letters, the first in april, , tendering his resignation, and the last on may th, begging, if it had not been done already, that the government would not accept his resignation. may th.--the excitement has subsided, as troops come pouring in, and many improvised cavalry companies go out in quest of the fox--who has vanished we know not exactly whither. it is believed we have taken , or , prisoners, and that the enemy's killed, wounded, and prisoners must reach the appalling number of , . on sunday, the enemy opposite fredericksburg sent over a flag, asking permission to bury their dead. this was granted. but when they came--two corps under gen. sedgwick came over and fell upon our few regiments in the vicinity. so goes the story. then, it is said, when gen. lee ordered two of our divisions to drive sedgwick back, the men, learning the enemy with the flag of truce had given no quarter to their comrades, refused to fight unless permitted to retaliate in _kind_. this was promised them; and then their charge was irresistible, never pausing until the yankees were hurled back across the river. no prisoners were taken. however this may be, gen. lee sends the following to the president: "[received by telegraph from guiney's depot.] "headquarters, o'clock a.m., "may , . "to his excellency, president davis. "at the close of the battle of chancellorville, on sunday, the enemy was reported advancing from fredericksburg in our rear. "gen. mclaws was sent back to arrest his progress, and repulsed him handsomely that afternoon. learning that this force consisted of two corps, under gen. sedgwick, i determined to attack it, and marched back yesterday with gen. anderson, and uniting with gens. mclaws and early in the afternoon, succeeded by the blessing of heaven in driving gen. sedgwick over the river. we have reoccupied fredericksburg, and no enemy remains south of the rappahannock in its vicinity. "(signed) r. e. lee, _general_." another dispatch from gen. lee says hooker is still on this side of the river, at united states ford, _fortifying_. gen. longstreet is now closeted with the secretary of war. no doubt his entire corps will immediately rejoin lee. jackson was wounded (his arm has been amputated) before the great battle was fought, by our own men, in the gloom of the evening, supposing him a federal officer. he was reconnoitering in front of the line. s. s. h---- writes to the department, proposing to send an emissary to the north, to organize secret societies to destroy the enemy's stores, ships, railroad bridges, etc. by an unexplained process. tillman, griffin & co. write to judge campbell to obtain them permission to trade with mexico. does this mean trading cotton with the enemy? i know not whether the request was granted. mr. benjamin, secretary of state, writes to the secretary to-day for permission for some of his louisiana friends to leave the country in a government steamer. it is said that the government at washington is ordering their troops from north carolina and other places on the southern seaboard towards washington, and to reinforce hooker--or hooker's army. i think hooker himself will go the way of all general flesh that fails. the president sent to the war department fifty-five letters to-day, written to him on various subjects, but mostly asking appointments. he had read them, and several had indorsed on them, in his own hand, what he wished done in the premises. so he has not lost his sight. he still attends to business at his dwelling, and has not been in his office for more than a month. secretary seddon is gaunt and emaciated, with long straggling hair, mingled gray and black. he looks like a dead man galvanized into muscular animation. his eyes are sunken, and his features have the hue of a man who had been in his grave a full month. but he is an orator, and a man of fine education--but in bad health, being much afflicted with neuralgia. his administrative capacity will be taxed by the results. may th.--a scout came in to-day with the vexatious intelligence that a body of hostile cavalry is still in louisa county. and later in the day we have information that the mattapony bridge was burned last night! thus again is communication interrupted between gen. lee and the city! our wounded cannot be brought to the hospitals here, nor supplies sent to them! it really does seem as if an organization of union men here were co-operating with the enemy, else they never could disappear and reappear so often with impunity. every one is asking what gens. elzey and winder are doing--and echo answers, what? there is a great pressure for passports to leave the country. mr. benjamin writes an indignant letter to the secretary against gen. whiting, at wilmington, for detaining a mr. flanner's steamer, laden with cotton for some of the nationalities--mr. b. intimates a foreign or neutral power. but when once away from our shore, many of these vessels steer for new york, depositing large sums "for those whom it may concern." mr. j. b. campbell, attorney for j. e. hertz (jew), writes a long letter to "j. a. campbell, assistant secretary of war," urging the payment of the slight sum of $ , for ninety kegs of bicarbonate of soda seized by the agent of the department! the true value is about $ ! at two o'clock this afternoon a note was received by the secretary of war from lieut.-gen. longstreet (still in the city), stating that the president last night desired him to go to gen. lee immediately; but the general, during the day, has become convinced that he should not leave the city until communications are re-established with gen. lee, and the city in a condition of defense against the sudden dash of one or two columns of the enemy--an event, he thinks, meditated by the yankees! and the persistency of the federal cavalry in hanging round the city in spite of all the generals here, and the many companies, battalions, and regiments vainly sent out in quest of them, would seem to indicate such purpose. but the raids in the west don't seem to flourish so well. we have an official dispatch from gen. bragg, stating that gen. forrest has captured of the enemy's cavalry in a body, near rome, georgia. there are amusing scenes among the horrors of war, as the following, taken from a paper to-day, shows: "_taking the oath under protest._--a few weeks ago a laughable incident occurred in the neighborhood of nashville, which is worthy of record. a saucy, dashing young girl, of the southern persuasion, was, with a number of other ladies, brought into the presence of gen. rosecrans, in order that their southern ardor might be checked by the administration of the oath of loyalty. the bold, bright-eyed juno in question, objected to take the oath, saying that her mother had taught her that it was unlady-like to swear; her sense of morality forbid her to swear, and swear she could and would not. the officer insisted that the lady _must_ take an oath before she left his presence. "'well, general,' said bright eyes, 'if i must swear, i will; but all sins of the oath must rest on your shoulders, for i swear on your compulsion: "g--d d--m every yankee to h--l!'" "and the defiant beauty tossed her dark curls and swept out of the presence unmolested."--_nashville union._ o'clock p.m. the report that the bridge over the mattapony had been burned by the enemy was false--invented probably by a spy or emissary, who has enjoyed the freedom of the city under the dogberrys and vergises imported hither to preserve the government. a number of trains containing our wounded men, guarded by a detachment of troops, have arrived at the fredericksburg depot. an officer just arrived from the army says we have taken , prisoners. if this be so, the loss of the enemy during the week in virginia will not be less than , . our loss in killed and wounded is estimated at from to , --we lost a few hundred prisoners. we have taken, it is said, guns, and lost . i think the reports to-day of squadrons of the enemy's cavalry seen in the surrounding counties are not reliable--they were probably our own men in quest of the enemy. may th.--to-day the city is in fine spirits. hooker had merely thrown up defenses to protect his flight across the river. the following dispatch was received last night from gen. lee: "chancellorville, may th, . "to his excellency, president davis. "after driving gen. sedgwick across the rappahannock, on the night of the th inst., i returned on the th to chancellorville. the march was delayed by a storm, which continued all night and the following day. in placing the troops in position on the morning of the th, to attack gen. hooker, it was ascertained he had abandoned his fortified position. the line of skirmishers was pressed forward until they came within range of the enemy's batteries, planted north of the rappahannock, which, from the configuration of the ground, completely commanded this side. his army, therefore, escaped with the loss of a few additional prisoners. "(signed) r. e. lee, _general_." thus ends the career of gen. hooker, who, a week ago, was at the head of an army of , men, perfect in drill, discipline, and all the muniments of war. he came a confident invader against gen. lee at the head of , "butternuts," as our honest poor-clad defenders were called, and we see the result! an active campaign of less than a week, and hooker is hurled back in disgrace and irreparable disaster! tens of thousands of his men will never live to "fight another day"--and although the survivors did "run away," it is doubtful whether they can be put in fighting trim again for many a month. and the raiding cavalry have not been heard from to-day. if they be not back on the north side of the rappahannock by this time, it is probable they will reach richmond in a few days without arms, and on foot. gens. hood's and pickett's divisions (longstreet's corps) are now passing through the city--perhaps , of the best fighting men in the south. oh, what wisdom and foresight were evinced by gen. lee, when, some ten days ago, he telegraphed the president to send him longstreet's corps, via gordonsville! it was referred to the secretary of war, who consulted with gen. cooper--and of course it was not done. this corps was not in the battle. if it had been on the field, hooker's destruction would have been speedy and complete; and his routed regiments would have been followed to the very gates of the federal capital. as it was, lee lost a day in driving sedgwick back--and then hooker "escaped," as lee expresses it. i do not understand the assistant secretary of war's official correspondence. he sent in the other day a letter addressed to him two years ago to be filed--and to-day an envelope addressed to him as assistant secretary by mr. benjamin, secretary of state, merely covering a letter (sealed) for r. s. bunkee, mobile, alabama. well, it is filed. the pressure for permits to leave the confederacy is not renewed to-day. judge campbell will not have so many passports to "approve," and i trust confidence in the permanency of the confederacy will be unshaken. how must they feel who, in anticipation of lee's defeat, had received, in advance, a pardon from the powers at washington! col. lay was in to-day; he thinks the north will be cheered a little by their capture of grand gulf, in the west. but that is not vicksburg, or charleston, or richmond. we have had short allowance of food yesterday and to-day; the country people being afraid to come to market, lest their horses should be seized to go in quest of the enemy's cavalry. my family dined to-day on eight fresh herrings, which cost two dollars. the trains from fredericksburg brought down several hundred federal officers; among them was a general, a large number of colonels, lieutenant-colonels, majors, captains, etc. these, when exchanged, as i suppose they will be--for victory makes our government magnanimous--may, if they choose, deny the report that the raiding cavalry destroyed the railroad. now what will the _tribune_ say? it did say, a few months ago, that if the effort to crush the rebellion failed this spring, it would be useless to prolong the war--and that peace should be made on the best practicable terms. since the beginning of the war, i doubt not , men have been precipitated upon virginia. where are they now? in the third year of the war, we see "the finest army the world ever saw," overthrown by about half its numbers, and in full retreat toward its own frontier. perhaps , invaders have found bloody graves in virginia--and an equal number have died of their wounds, or from disease contracted in this state. the number of maimed and disabled must also be , --and yet richmond is not taken, or likely to be. to invade and subjugate a vast territory, inhabited by millions of warlike people, the assailants must always have four times as many men as the assailed; therefore we stand on an equal footing with the united states in this war, and they may, if they be insane enough, protract it indefinitely, and in the end reap no substantial benefit. on the contrary, the fortune of war may shift the scene of devastation to their own homes. perhaps lee may follow up this blow until he enters pennsylvania. may th.--the papers contain the following order from gen. lee: "headquarters army northern virginia, "may th, . "general orders no. . "with heartfelt gratification, the general commanding expresses to the army his sense of the heroic conduct displayed by officers and men, during the arduous operations in which they have just been engaged. "under trying vicissitudes of heat and storm, you attacked the enemy, strongly intrenched in the depths of a tangled wilderness, and again on the hills of fredericksburg, fifteen miles distant, and by the valor that has triumphed on so many fields, forced him once more to seek safety beyond the rappahannock. while this glorious victory entitles you to the praise and gratitude of the nation, we are especially called upon to return our grateful thanks to the only giver of victory for the signal deliverance he has wrought. "it is, therefore, earnestly recommended that the troops unite on sunday next in ascribing to the lord of hosts the glory due unto his name. "let us not forget in our rejoicing the brave soldiers who have fallen in defense of their country; and while we mourn their loss, let us resolve to emulate their noble example. "the army and the country alike lament the absence for a time of one to whose bravery, energy, and skill they are so much indebted for success. "the following letter from the president of the confederate states is communicated to the army as an expression of his appreciation of its success: "'i have received your dispatch, and reverently unite with you in giving praise to god for the success with which he has crowned our arms. "'in the name of the people, i offer my cordial thanks to yourself and the troops under your command for this addition to the unprecedented series of great victories which your army has achieved. "'the universal rejoicing produced by this happy result will be mingled with a general regret for the good and the brave who are numbered among the killed and wounded.' "r. e. lee, _general_." the losses on either side are not yet relatively ascertained. ours, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, will probably reach , . we have taken about , prisoners; the enemy's killed and wounded is thought to be , to , . we have taken about fifty guns--and it is said , small arms, in good order. they did not have leisure to destroy them as on former occasions. it was a complete and stunning defeat. gen. jackson remains near fredericksburg, and is doing well since the amputation of his (left) arm. the wound was received, during the battle by moonlight, from his own men, who did not recognize their beloved general. a letter was received to-day from gen. whiting at wilmington, who refuses to permit the "lizzie" to leave the port, unless ordered to do so. he intimates that she trades with the enemy. and yet mr. benjamin urges the secretary to allow her to depart! commodore lynch also writes that the detention of the "lizzie" is a prudential measure, as it is the only steamer in port that could conduct our unfinished gun-boat to a place of safety, should the enemy's fleet make a sudden attack on the city. the president (who still absents himself from the executive office, his health being precarious) writes the secretary to consult gen. lee before detaching gen. jenkins's cavalry brigade from the west. it would have been better if gen. lee's advice had been taken in regard to gen. longstreet. the men from the garrison at drewry's bluff, and the crew from the steamer richmond, were taken away to man the batteries around the city. the president requests the secretary to order them back at the earliest moment practicable. it would be an ugly picture if our defenses at drewry's bluff were surprised and taken by a sudden dash of the enemy up james river. the raid of the enemy's cavalry, after all, did little or no permanent injury to the roads or canal. they are all in operation again. it is said lincoln has called for , more men. numbers have now no terror for the southern people. they are willing to wage the war against quadruple their number. may th.--detachments of federal troops are now marching into the city every few hours, guarded by (mostly) south carolinians, dressed in home-spun, died yellow with the bark of the butternut-tree. yesterday evening, at o'clock, a body of arrived, being marched in by way of the brooke pike, near to my residence. only butternuts had them in charge, and a less number would have sufficed, for they were extremely weary. some of them, however, attempted to be humorous. a young officer asked one of the spectators if the "libby" (the prison) was the best house in the city to put up at. he was answered that it was the best _he_ would find. another passed some compliment on a mulatto wench, who replied: "go long, you nasty abolition yankee." one of our soldiers taken at arkansas post, just exchanged, walked along with the column, and kept repeating these words: "now you know how _we_ felt when you marched us through your cities." but generally a deep silence was maintained, and neither insult nor indignity offered the fallen foe. other columns are on the way--and how they are to be subsisted is a vexatious question. the washington papers of the day preceding the first battle contain hooker's address to his army--how different from lee's! it is short, though: "headquarters army of the potomac, "camp near falmouth, april th. "general orders no. . "it is with heartfelt satisfaction that the commanding general announces to the army that the operations of the last three days have determined that our enemy must either ingloriously fly or come out from behind his defenses and give us battle on our own ground, where certain destruction awaits him. the operations of the th, th, and th corps have been a succession of splendid achievements. "by command of maj.-gen. hooker. "s. williams, _ass't. adj't.-gen._" another column of between twelve and fifteen hundred prisoners marched in this afternoon. it is said a copy of the new york _herald_ is in town, which acknowledges hooker's loss to be fully , . there are rumors, also, that our army in tennessee has gained a great victory. rumors from the west have hitherto been so very unreliable, that i shall wait patiently for the confirmation of any reports from that quarter. may th.--lieut.-gen. j. t. jackson died at p.m. yesterday. his remains will arrive in the city at p.m. this afternoon. the flags are at half-mast, and all the government offices and even places of business are closed. a multitude of people, mostly women and children, are standing silently in the streets, awaiting the arrival of the hero, destined never again to defend their homes and honor. a letter from gen. lee says, emphatically, that if cavalry be not brought from north carolina and the south, the enemy's cavalry will be enabled to make raids almost anywhere without molestation. i recollect distinctly how he urged the secretary of war (randolph), months ago, to send to texas for horses, but it was not attended to--and now we see the consequences. the exchanged prisoners here, taken at arkansas post, are ordered to the mississippi. gen. longstreet urged the secretary to send them off, if that were their destination, without a moment's delay, several days ago--else they would be too late to participate in the campaign. northern papers set down hooker's loss at , , a modest figure, subject to revision. the federal secretary of war has issued a statement to mollify the panic. he is bound to acknowledge that, whereas hooker advanced upon lee across the river, he is now, after the battle, back again, where he started from. but he says not more than a third of the army was engaged; and as , reinforcements have been sent from washington, and as many from suffolk, the army will soon be as strong as ever, and in condition for another advance--and defeat. but what credit can we attach to such statements, since mcclellan, under oath, said that he had ninety odd thousand men at the battle of sharpsburg, , of whom only were actually engaged, while lee had , ? we _know_ that he did not have , engaged! gen. van dorn is dead--being killed by a man whose peace he had ruined. more applications for passports to leave the country are coming in--and they are "allowed" by the assistant secretary of war. how could he refuse, since his own family (at least a portion of it) have enjoyed the benefits of sojourning in the north since the war began? a letter was received to-day from mr. ranney, president of the n. c., jackson, and great northern railroad co., asking the protection of government from harm for violations of the act of congress of april th, , prohibiting the transportation of cotton within the enemy's lines. he incloses a number of peremptory orders from lieut.-gen. pemberton, dated january th, february th and th, to take large amounts of cotton into the enemy's lines for s. j. josephs (jew?), and for messrs. clarke, ford, and hust, etc. etc. he says gen. p. threatened to seize the road if he did not comply, and asserted that he had authority from the secretary of war to issue the orders. one of these orders was from gov. pettus, for a small lot not more than fifty bales, to be exchanged for salt. this was authorized by the president, who most positively forbid the others. the letter from gen. johnston the other day said this traffic was subjugating the people. was that "allowed" to reach the secretary and the president? i know not; it has not yet passed through my hands from the president back to the department. may th.--the departments and all places of business are still closed in honor of gen. jackson, whose funeral will take place to-day. the remains will be placed in state at the capitol, where the people will be permitted to see him. the grief is universal, and the victory involving such a loss is regarded as a calamity. the day is bright and excessively hot; and so was yesterday. many letters are coming in from the counties in which the enemy's cavalry replenished their horses. it appears that the government has sent out agents to collect the worn-down horses left by the enemy; and this is bitterly objected to by the farmers. it is the corn-planting season, and without horses, they say, they can raise no crops. some of these writers are almost menacing in their remarks, and intimate that they are about as harshly used, in this war, by one side as the other. to-day i observed the clerks coming out of the departments with chagrin and mortification. seventy-five per cent. of them ought to be in the army, for they are young able-bodied men. this applies also to the chiefs of bureaus. the funeral was very solemn and imposing, because the mourning was sincere and heartfelt. there was no vain ostentation. the pall bearers were generals. the president followed near the hearse in a carriage, looking thin and frail in health. the heads of departments, two and two, followed on foot--benjamin and seddon first--at the head of the column of young clerks (who ought to be in the field), the state authorities, municipal authorities, and thousands of soldiers and citizens. the war-horse was led by the general's servant, and flags and black feathers abounded. arrived at the capitol, the whole multitude passed the bier, and gazed upon the hero's face, seen through a glass in the coffin. just previous to the melancholy ceremony, a very large body of prisoners (i think ) arrived, and were marched through main street, to the grated buildings allotted them. but these attracted slight attention,--jackson, the great hero, was the absorbing thought. yet there are other jacksons in the army, who will win victories,--no one doubts it. the following is gen. lee's order to the army after the intelligence of gen. jackson's death: "headquarters army northern va., "may th, . "general orders no. . "with deep grief the commanding general announces to the army the death of lieut.-gen. t. j. jackson, who expired on the th inst., at - / p.m. the daring, skill, and energy of this great and good soldier, by the decree of an all-wise providence, are now lost to us. but while we mourn his death, we feel that his spirit still lives, and will inspire the whole army with his indomitable courage and unshaken confidence in god as our hope and our strength. let his name be a watchword to his corps, who have followed him to victory on so many fields. let officers and soldiers emulate his invincible determination to do everything in the defense of our beloved country. "r. e. lee, _general_." _the letter of gen. lee to gen. jackson._ the letter written by gen. lee to gen. jackson before the death of the latter is as follows: "chancellorville, may th. "general:-- "i have just received your note informing me that you were wounded. i cannot express my regret at the occurrence. could i have dictated events, i should have chosen for the good of the country to have been disabled in your stead. "i congratulate you upon the victory which is due to your skill and energy. "most truly yours, "r. e. lee. "_to gen. t. j. jackson_." "the nation's agony," as it is termed in a washington paper, in an appeal for , more men, now demands a prompt response from the people. and yet that paper, under the eye and in the interest of the federal government, would make it appear that "the army of the potomac" has sustained no considerable disaster. what, then, constitutes the "nation's agony"? is it the imminency of war with england? it may be, judging from the debates in parliament, relating to the liberties the united states have been taking with british commerce. but what do they mean by the "_nation_?" they have nothing resembling a homogeneous race in the north, and nearly a moiety of the people are germans and irish. how ridiculous it would have been even for a galba to call his people the roman _nation_! an idiot may produce a conflagration, but he can never rise to the dignity of a high-minded man. yet that word "nation" may raise a million yankee troops. it is a "new thing." the northern papers say charleston is to be assailed again immediately; that large reinforcements are going to hooker, and that they captured _six or eight thousand prisoners_ in their flight on the rappahannock. all these fictions are understood and appreciated here; but they may answer a purpose in the north, by deceiving the people again into the belief that richmond will certainly fall the next time an advance is made. and really, where we see such extravagant statements in the federal journals, after a great battle, we are much rejoiced, because we know them to be unfounded, and we are led to believe our victory was even greater than we supposed it to be. may th.--col. gorgas, chief of the bureau of ordnance, sent in to-day a report of the arms captured in the recent battle. it appears from his statement that, so far, only eight guns have been found, taken from the enemy, while we lost ten. thus, it would appear, our papers have been "lying," in regard to that item, as well as the northern papers about the number of prisoners lost and taken. but, so far, we have collected , of the enemy's small arms left upon the field, and of our own, indicating the number of our killed and wounded. but the new york journals say we captured only prisoners; whereas, up to this time, more than have arrived in richmond; of whom leave to-day, paroled until exchanged. i doubt whether we lost prisoners in the battle. the philadelphia _press_, just received, charges the government at washington with circulating false reports, and is now convinced hooker met with a most crushing defeat. it is rumored the enemy are disembarking troops at the white house, york river. if this be so, it is to prevent reinforcements being sent to lee. the governor of alabama declares that mobile is neglected, and says he will continue to protest against the failure of the government to make adequate preparations for the defense of the city. i saw gen. wise to-day. he seems weather-beaten, but hardy. may th.--we have been beaten in an engagement near jackson, miss., retiring before , . this is a dark cloud over the hopes of patriots, for vicksburg is seriously endangered. its fall would be the worst blow we have yet received. papers from new york and philadelphia assert most positively, and with circumstantiality, that hooker recrossed the rappahannock since the battle, and is driving lee toward richmond, with which his communications have been interrupted. but this is not all: they say gen. keyes marched a column up the peninsula, and took richmond itself, over the capitol of which the union flag "is now flying." these groundless statements will go out to europe, and may possibly delay our recognition. if so, what may be the consequences when the falsehood is exposed? i doubt the policy of any species of dishonesty. gov. shorter, of alabama, demands the officers of forrest's captives for state trial, as they incited the slaves to insurrection. mr. s. d. allen writes from alexandria, la., that the people despair of defending the mississippi valley with such men as pemberton and other hybrid yankees in command. he denounces the action also of quartermasters and commissaries in the southwest. a letter from hon. w. porcher miles to the secretary of war gives an extract from a communication written him by gen. beauregard, to the effect that charleston must at last fall into the hands of the enemy, if an order which has been sent there, for nearly all his troops to proceed to vicksburg, be not revoked. there are to be left for the defense of charleston only exclusive of the garrisons! may th.--the tredegar iron works and crenshou's woolen factory were mostly destroyed by fire last night! this is a calamity. we have also intelligence of the occupation of jackson, miss., by the enemy. thus they cut off communication with vicksburg, and that city may be doomed to fall at last. the president is at work again at the executive office, but is not fully himself yet. the secretary of war dispatched gen. lee a day or two ago, desiring that a portion of his army, pickett's division, might be sent to mississippi. gen. lee responds that it is a dangerous and doubtful expedient; _it is a question between virginia and mississippi; he will send the division off without delay, if still deemed necessary_. the president, in sending this response to the secretary, says it is just such an answer as he expected from lee, and he approves it. virginia will not be abandoned. gens. lee, stuart, and french were all at the war department to-day. lee looked thinner, and a little pale. subsequently he and the secretary of war were long closeted with the president. gen. schenck (federal) has notified gen. w. e. jones, that our men taken dressed in federal uniform will not be treated as prisoners of war, but will be tried and punished as spies, etc. the president directed the secretary of war to-day to require gen. lee to send an order to the commander of the federal army, that accouterments and clothing will be deemed subjects of capture, and if our men are treated differently than prisoners of war, when taken, we will retaliate on the prisoners in our possession. gen. longstreet censured gen. french for his conduct before suffolk, and the secretary of war proposed that french be relieved, and sent before a court of inquiry. the president vetoed this, saying such courts were nuisances, and would not have him molested at this critical moment. gen. d. h. hill writes that desertions in north carolina are alarmingly frequent; that deserters will soon be in arms; that papers and factions exist there in favor of reconstruction, laboring to convince the people that the state has been neglected by the confederate states government, and he suggests summary punishments. the president directs the secretary to correspond with gov. vance on the subject. mr. benjamin has had some pretty passports printed. he sends one to assistant secretary campbell for a mr. bloodgood and son to leave the confederate states. i hope there is no _bad_ blood in this incessant intercourse with persons in the enemy's country. just at this crisis, if so disposed, any one going thither might inflict incalculable injury on the cause of southern independence. may th.--it appears, after the consultation of the generals and the president yesterday, it was resolved not to send pickett's division to mississippi, and this morning early the long column march through the city northward. gen. lee is now stronger than he was before the battle. gen. pickett himself, with his long, black ringlets, accompanied his division, his troops looking like fighting veterans, as they are. and two fine regiments of cavalry, the d and th north carolina regiments, passed through the city this morning likewise. a letter was received from gen. beauregard to-day, again protesting against the movement of so many of his troops to mississippi; on the th, and more than on the th instant. he makes an exhibit of the forces remaining in south carolina and georgia--about infantry, cavalry, and artillery, some , in all. he says the enemy is still on the coast, in the rivers, and on the islands, and may easily cut his communications with savannah; and they have sufficient numbers to take charleston, in all probability, without passing the forts. he says information of his weakness is sure to be communicated to the enemy--and i think so too, judging from the number of passports "allowed" by judge campbell and mr. benjamin! there is some purpose on the part of gen. lee to have a raid in the enemy's country, surpassing all other raids. if he can organize two columns of cavalry, each, to move in parallel lines, they may penetrate to the hudson river; and then the north will discover that it has more to lose by such expeditions than the south. philadelphia, even, may be taken. to-day, the regular train on the fredericksburg road came back to the city, the conductor being in a terrible fright, and reporting that the enemy were again at ashland. but it turned out that the troops there were our men! it is not probable the enemy's cavalry will soon approach richmond again. may th.--the last few days have been cool and dry; fine weather for campaigning. and yet we hear of no demonstrations apparently, though i believe lee's army is moving. mr. lamar, of savannah (formerly president of the bank of the republic, new york), writes that he and others are organizing an exporting and importing company, and desires the government to take an interest in it. so far the heads of bureaus decline, and of course the secretary will do nothing. but the secretary has already engaged with mr. crenshaw in a similar enterprise, and so informed mr. mason, at london. about a.m., some men of all arms arrived at "double quick," having left ashland, eighteen miles distant, at o'clock this morning. that was brisk marching. the guns were sent down on the railroad. the government has information that gen. keyes, with a full division of infantry and a brigade of cavalry, had marched up to west point, to threaten richmond. the troops, however, which arrived from ashland, had been taken from the batteries here, and did not belong to gen. lee's army. messrs. davenport & co., mobile, charge gen. buckner with permitting bales of cotton to be shipped to new orleans. the president of the fredericksburg road states, in a letter to the secretary, that, after the battle, by military authority, the cars were appropriated by the federal officers (prisoners), while our wounded soldiers had to remain and await the return of the trains. hon. mr. dargin, of alabama, writes to the secretary, to procure from the president a disavowal of the "organship" of the _enquirer_, as that paper, under the belief that it speaks for the government, is likely to inflict much mischief on the country. he alluded to the bitter articles against the democrats and peace men of the north, who would soon have been able to embarrass, if not to check the operations of the republican war party. he says now, that they will write against us, and deal destruction wherever they penetrate the land. may th.--a dispatch from gen. johnston says a battle has been fought between pemberton and grant, between jackson and vicksburg, mississippi, which lasted nine hours. pemberton was _forced back_. this is all we know yet. another letter, from hon. w. porcher miles, remonstrating against the withdrawal of beauregard's troops, was received to-day. he apprehends the worst consequences. the government is buying bales of cotton for the crenshaw scheme. jas. r. crenshaw, of this city, is at charleston on this business. why not arrange with lamar? gov. shorter forwards another strongly written memorial from mobile, against the traffic of cotton with the enemy, and, indeed, against all blockade-running. gov. jno. milton, of florida, also writes a powerful denunciation of the illicit traffic, which it seems the policy of the government has been to encourage. they all say this traffic is doing the work of subjugation more effectually than the arms of the enemy. the president is too ill again to come to the executive office. his messenger, who brought me some papers this morning, says he is in a "decline." i think he has been ill every day for several years, but this has been his most serious attack. no doubt he is also worried at the dark aspects in his own state--mississippi. if vicksburg falls, and the valley be held by the enemy, then the confederacy will be curtailed of half its dimensions. texas, louisiana, mississippi, arkansas, missouri, arizona, new mexico, all the indian country, kentucky, half of tennessee, one-third of virginia, eastern north carolina, and sundry islands, etc. of south carolina, georgia, and florida, will be wrested from us. what will remain of the confederacy? two-thirds of virginia, half of tennessee, the greater part of north carolina, south carolina, georgia, and the whole of alabama,--less than six states! but still the war will go on, as long as we have brave armies and great generals, whether the president lives or dies. may th.--reports from the west say we lost and the enemy men in the battle of the th inst., when pemberton fell back over the black river. our forces numbered only , , grant's three times that number. something decisive must occur before vicksburg in a few days. mr. j. w. henry writes from new's ferry, that parties of cavalry, going about the country, professing to belong to our gen. stuart's corps, are probably yankee spies making observations preparatory for another raid. the city councils are organizing the citizens for local defense, thinking it probable another dash may be made. gen. dix threatens to hang the citizens of williamsburg if they co-operate with gen. wise in his frequent attacks on the federals. gen. wise replies, threatening to hang gen. dix if he carries his threat into execution, and should fall into his hands, in a more summary manner than john brown was hung for making his raid in virginia. butter is worth $ per pound. a sheep is worth $ . a cow $ . may st.--there was a rumor on the street last night that gen. johnston had telegraphed the president that it would be necessary to evacuate vicksburg. this has not been confirmed to-day, and i do not believe it. it would be irremediably disastrous. mr. n. s. walker writes from bermuda, may th, , that seventeen additional british regiments have been ordered to canada. a large amount of ordnance and ordnance stores, as well as several war steamers, have likewise been sent thither. he states, moreover, that united states vessels are having their registers changed. does this really mean war? strawberries were selling in market this morning at $ for less than a pint. coal $ per load, and wood $ per cord. may d.--a letter from gen. howell cobb, declining the offer of the secretary of war, of the position of quartermaster-general, was received to-day. his wife is ill, and he prefers to remain with her; besides, he doubts his qualifications--he, who was secretary of the treasury of the united states! he says, moreover, referring to the imperfect ordnance stores of his brigade, that there can be no remedy for this so long as col. g. is the chief of the bureau of ordnance. so col. myers is to be disposed of at last, and col. g. has but an uncertain tenure. we have sad rumors from vicksburg. pemberton, it is said, was flanked by grant, and lost guns, which he abandoned in his retreat. where johnston is, is not stated. but, it is said, vicksburg is closely invested, and that the invaders are closing in on all sides. there is much gloom and despondency in the city among those who credit these unofficial reports. it would be a terrible blow, but not necessarily a fatal one, for the war could be prolonged indefinitely. i met with robt. tyler to-day, who offers to wager something that gen. stuart will be in philadelphia in a fortnight, and he said there was a proposition to stop the publication of newspapers, if the president would agree to it, as they gave information to the enemy, and at such a time as this did no good whatever. he thinks they are on the eve of revolution in the north, and referred to gov. seymour's letter, read at a public meeting in new york. may d.--the reports from mississippi have not been confirmed by official dispatches, and it is understood that the president remarked yesterday, at dinner, that he was satisfied with the condition of affairs in that state. if this be so, vicksburg must not only be still in our possession, but likely to be held by us at the end of this campaign. the president, i know, feels a peculiar interest in that state, and i learn by a letter from tennessee, that on the th inst. troops left mcminnville for the rescue of vicksburg--a texas brigade. cavalry continue to pass through this city from the south, while infantry are passing to the south. these movements will puzzle the spies, who are daily, and without difficulty, obtaining passports to leave the confederate states. we have northern papers to-day, containing gen. hooker's grandiloquent address to his army, a few days after his flight. i preserve it here for the inspection of the future generation, and to deter other generals from the bad policy of publishing false statements. "[copy.] "headquarters army of the potomac, "may th, . "general orders no . "the major-general commanding tenders to this army his congratulations on its achievements of the last seven days. if it has not accomplished all that was expected, the reasons are well known to the army. it is sufficient to say they were of a character not to be foreseen or prevented by human sagacity or resources. in withdrawing from the south bank of the rappahannock, before delivering a general battle to our adversaries, the army has given renewed evidence of its confidence in itself, and its fidelity to the principles it represents. "in fighting at a disadvantage we would have been recreant to our trust, to ourselves, our cause, and our country. profoundly loyal and conscious of its strength, the army of the potomac will give or decline battle whenever its interest or honor may demand. it will also be the guardian of its own history and its own honor. by our celerity and secrecy of movement our advance and passage of the rivers were undisputed, and on our withdrawal not a rebel returned to follow. the events of the last week may swell with pride the hearts of every officer and soldier of this army. we have added new laurels to its former renown. we have made long marches, crossed rivers, surprised the enemy in his intrenchments, and whenever we have fought we have inflicted heavier blows than we have received. "we have taken from the enemy five thousand prisoners and fifteen colors, captured and brought off seven pieces of artillery, and placed _hors du combat_ eighteen thousand of his chosen troops. we have destroyed his depots filled with vast amounts of stores, damaged his communications, captured prisoners within the fortifications of his capital, and filled his country with fear and consternation. we have no other regret than that caused by the death of our brave companions; and in this we are consoled by the conviction that they have fallen in the holiest cause ever submitted to the arbitrament of battle. "by command of "(signed) major-general hooker. "s. williams, a.a.g." to-day we have another official report from the chief of ordnance of the fruits of our victory, as far as they have been gathered, though the whole field has not been carefully gleaned, which i append as a commentary on the statements of hooker. five twelve-pounder napoleons; three-inch rifled guns; parrott gun, ten-pounder; caissons; rear parts of caissons; battery wagons; forges; rounds artillery ammunition; large lot of artillery harness; large lot of wheels, axles, ammunition chests, etc.; , muskets and rifles; cap pouches; , haversacks, and , rounds infantry ammunition. the report says thousand of our soldiers helped themselves on the field to better arms, etc., which cannot be computed. now for the prisoners. to-day the last lot taken by hooker arrived by flag of truce boat, making in all just . we have already sent off prisoners taken from him, and are yet to go. our killed, wounded, and missing amount to but little over . hooker's killed and wounded are admitted by the northern papers to be , , and some say his entire loss was fully , . so much for his march over the rappahannock and his flight back again. if he is not satisfied, lee will try him again. may th, sunday.--we have had a fortnight of calm, dry, and warm weather. there is a hazy atmosphere, and the sun rises and sets wearing a blood-red aspect. at night the moon, dimly and indistinctly seen (now a crescent), has a somber and baleful appearance. this is strange at this season of the year; it is like indian summer in may. the ground is dry and crusted, and apprehensions are felt for the crops, unless we have rain in a few days. my poor little garden has suffered for moisture, but the area is so small i am enabled to throw water over it in the evening. my beets, tomatoes, early potatoes, and lettuce look pretty well, though not so far advanced, in consequence of the late spring, as i have seen them in burlington. but they are a great comfort to me. i work them, water them, and look at them, and this is what the french would call a _distraction_. i have abundance of roses,--this is the city of roses. and my cherries are coming on finely,--i know not yet what kind they are; but it relieves the eye to gaze on them. and then my neighbor has a pigeon-house, and the birds come into my yard and are fed by my daughters, being pretty and tame. i sit for hours watching them. alas! this cruel war! but independence will be ample compensation. our posterity will thank us for our sacrifices and sufferings. yet all do not suffer. the gil blases, by their servility and cringing to their patrons, the _great_ men in power, and only great because they have patronage to bestow, which is power, are getting rich. even adroit clerks are becoming wealthy. they procure exemptions, discharges, and contracts for the speculators for heavy bribes, and invest the money immediately in real estate, having some doubts as to its ultimate redemption, and possibly indifferent as to the fate of the country, so that their own prosperity be secure. after the war the rascals and traitors will be rich, and ought to be marked and exposed. may th.--dispatches from the west inform us that three attempts to carry the city of vicksburg by assault have been repulsed with heavy loss. johnston is on the enemy's flank and rear, engendering a new army with rapidity, and if the garrison can hold out a little while, the city may be safe. gens. ewell and a. p. hill have been made lieutenant-generals, and will command jackson's corps. it appears that the senate has not yet confirmed hardee, holmes, and pemberton. the washington correspondent of the new york _commercial advertiser_ says hooker's loss in killed and wounded amounted to "over , men, and he left guns on the other side of the rappahannock." we got prisoners, which will make the loss , men, and it is said the stragglers, not yet collected, amount to , men! only guns fell into our hands, the rest fell--into the river! may th.--reliable information of hard fighting at vicksburg; but still, so far as we know, the garrison of the invested city has repulsed every assault made upon it. the enemy's losses are said to be very heavy. something decisive must occur there soon, and i hope something calamitous to the enemy. the president and the cabinet have been in council nearly all day. can they have intelligence from the west, not yet communicated to the public? we learn from newbern, n. c., that gray-haired old men, women, and children, who refused to take the oath of allegiance, have been driven from their homes, on foot, despoiled of their property. among these i see the names of the misses custis, cousins of my wife. gen. daniels, commanding our forces at kinston, sent out wagons and ambulances to convey them within our lines. they were on foot. may th.--gen. beauregard's statement of the number of his troops, after , had been ordered to mississippi, with urgent appeals for the order to be countermanded, came back from the president to-day, to whom it had been referred by mr. secretary seddon. the president indorsed, characteristically, that the statement did not agree in numbers with a previous one, and asked the secretary to note the discrepancy! this was all. the president of the seaboard railroad requests the secretary to forbid the common use of the bridge over the roanoke at weldon, the tracks being planked, to be used in case of a hasty retreat; the loss might be great, if it were rendered useless. it is feet long, and feet high. mr. john minor botts is here in difficulty, a negro being detected bearing a letter from him to the enemy's camp. the letter asked if no order had come from washington, concerning the restoration of his slaves taken away (he lives on the rappahannock) by hooker's men; and stating that it was hard for him to be insulted and imprisoned by the confederate states--and deprived of his property by the united states--he a _neutral_. gen. f. lee thought he ought not to be permitted to remain in proximity to the enemy, and so sent him on to richmond. he was to see the secretary to-day. hon. d. m. lewis, sparta, ga., writes that he will cut his wheat on the th (to-morrow), and both for quality and quantity he never saw it equaled. they have new flour in alabama; and everywhere south the crops are unprecedented in amount. to-morrow is election day. for congress, col. wickham, who voted against secession, opposes mr. lyons. but he has _fought_ since! we have a letter from gen. jos. e. johnston, dated at calhoun, miss., th inst. he says the enemy on the railroad at clinton numbered , . we got our baggage out of jackson before it was abandoned. pemberton marched to edward's station with , men. gen. johnston himself had , and some , more were on the way to him. we had at port hudson--being over , which he meant to concentrate immediately. i think vicksburg ought to be safe. our government has been notified that, if we execute the two officers (selected by lot) in retaliation for the execution of two of our officers in kentucky, two men will be shot or hung by the enemy. thus the war will be still more terrible! vallandigham has been sent to shellbyville, within our lines. i think our people ought to give him a friendly greeting. may th.--there is some animation at the polls, this being election day. it is said mr. wickham, who for a long time, in the convention, voted against the secession of virginia, is leading mr. lyons, an original secessionist, and will probably beat him. and flournoy, an old whig politician, will probably be elected governor. a dispatch from gen. johnston, dated yesterday, says in every fight, so far, around vicksburg, our forces have been successful, and that our soldiers are in fine spirits. papers from the north have, in great headings, the word victory, and announce that the stars and stripes are floating over the city of vicksburg! they likewise said their flag was floating over the capitol in this city. if vicksburg falls, it will be a sad day for us; if it does not fall, it will be a sad day for the war party of the united states. it may be decisive, one way or the other. if we beat them, we may have peace. if they beat us--although the war will not and cannot terminate--it may degenerate into a guerrilla warfare, relentless and terrible! may th.--a dispatch from gen. johnston, dated th inst., says fighting at vicksburg had been in progress ever since the th instant, and that our troops have been invariably successful in repulsing the assaults. other dispatches say the unburied dead of the enemy, lying in heaps near our fortifications, have produced such an intolerable stench that our men are burning barrels of tar without their works. but still all is indefinite. yet, from the persistent assaults of the enemy it may be inferred that grant is inspired with the conviction that it is necessary for him to capture vicksburg immediately, and before johnston collects an army in his rear. a few days may produce a decisive result. hon. e. s. dargan, mobile, ala., writes that it is indispensable for our government to stipulate for aid from europe at the earliest moment practicable, even if we must agree to the gradual emancipation of the slaves. he says the enemy will soon overrun the southwestern states and prevent communication with the east, and then these states (eastern) cannot long resist the superior numbers of the invaders. better (he thinks, i suppose) yield slavery, and even be under the protection of a foreign government, than succumb to the united states. the enemy, wherever they have possession in the south, have adopted the policy of sending away (into the confederate states) all the inhabitants who refuse to take the oath of allegiance. this enables them to appropriate their property, and, being destitute, the wanderers will aid in the consumption of the stores of the confederates. a mr. w. e. benthuisen, merchant, sent from new orleans, telegraphs the president for passports for himself and family to proceed to richmond. the president intimates to the secretary of war that many similar cases may be looked for, and he thinks it would be better for the families to be dispersed in the country than congregated in the city. the following are the _wholesale_ prices to-day: "produce, provisions, etc.--the quotations given are wholesale. wheat--nothing doing--we quote it nominal at $ . to $ ; corn, very scarce, may be quoted at $ to $ ; oats, $ to $ . per bushel; flour--superfine, $ , extra, $ , family, $ per barrel; corn-meal, $ per bushel; bacon, hoground, $ . to $ . --a strictly prime article a shade higher; butter, $ . to $ per pound; lard, $ . to $ . ; candles, $ . to $ for tallow, $ for adamantine; dried fruit--apples, $ to $ , peaches, $ to $ per bushel; eggs, $ . to $ . per dozen; beans, $ to $ ; peas, $ to $ per bushel; potatoes, $ to $ per bushel; hay and sheaf-oats, $ to $ per cwt.; rice, to cents per pound; salt, to cents per pound; soap, to cents per pound for hard country. "leather.--market unsettled. we quote as follows: sole, $ . to $ per pound; harness, $ to $ . ; russett and wax upper, $ to $ . ; wax kip skins, $ per pound; calf skins, $ to $ per dozen. "liquors.--we continue to quote apple brandy at $ to $ ; whisky, $ to $ ; french brandy--common, $ , genuine, $ per gallon. "groceries.--brown sugar, $ . to $ . per pound--no clarified or crushed offering; molasses, $ . to $ per gallon; coffee, $ . to $ per pound; tea, $ . to $ per pound." may th.--the newspapers have a dispatch, to-day, from jackson, miss., which says the enemy have fallen back from the position lately occupied by them in front of vicksburg. it adds, that they will be forced to retire to the big black river, for want of water. gen. g. a. smith, who is here, and who resigned because he was not made lieutenant-general instead of pemberton, says he "don't know how to read this dispatch." nevertheless, it is generally believed, and affords much relief to those who appreciate the importance of vicksburg. mr. botts was offered $ in confederate states notes, the other day, for a horse. he said he would sell him for $ in gold, but would not receive confederate notes, as the south would certainly be conquered, and it was merely a question of time. this information was communicated to the secretary of war to-day, but he will attach no importance to it. among the papers sent in by the president, to-day, was a communication from gov. vance, of north carolina, inclosing a letter from augustus s. montgomery, of washington city, to major-gen. foster, newbern, n. c., found in a steamer, captured the other day by our forces, in albemarle and chesapeake canal. it informed gen. f. that a plan of servile insurrection had been adopted, and urged his co-operation. all the yankee generals in the south would co-operate: they were to send smart negroes from the camps among the slaves, with instructions to rise simultaneously at night on the st august. they were to seize and destroy all railroad bridges, cut the telegraph wires, etc., and then retire into the swamps, concealing themselves until relieved by federal troops. it is said they were to be ordered to shed no blood, except in self-defense, and they were not to destroy more private property than should be unavoidable. the writer said the corn would be in the roasting-ear, and the hogs would be running at large, so that the slaves could easily find subsistence. the president thanked gov. vance for this information, and said our generals would be made acquainted with this scheme; and he commended the matter to the special attention of the secretary of war, who sent it to gen. lee. may st.--the commissioners, appointed for the purpose, have agreed upon the following schedule of prices for the state of virginia, under the recent impressment act of congress; and if a large amount of supplies be furnished at these prices--which are fifty, sometimes one hundred per cent. lower than the rates private individuals are paying--it will be good proof that all patriotism is not yet extinct: "wheat, white, per bushel of pounds, $ . ; flour, superfine, per barrel of pounds, $ . ; corn, white, per bushel of pounds, $ ; unshelled corn, white, per bushel of pounds, $ . ; corn-meal, per bushel of pounds, $ . ; rye, per bushel of pounds, $ . ; cleaned oats, per bushel of pounds, $ ; wheat-bran, per bushel of pounds, cents; shorts, per bushel of pounds, cents; brown stuff, per bushel of pounds, cents; ship stuff, per bushel of pounds, $ . ; bacon, hoground, per pound, $ ; salt pork, per pound, $ ; lard, per pound, $ ; horses, first class, artillery, etc., average price per head, $ ; wool, per pound, $ ; peas, per bushel of pounds, $ ; beans, per bushel of pounds, $ ; potatoes, irish, per bushel of pounds, $ ; potatoes, sweet, per bushel of pounds, $ ; onions, per bushel of pounds, $ ; dried peaches, peeled, per bushel of pounds, $ ; dried peaches, unpeeled, per bushel of pounds, $ . ; dried apples, peeled, per bushel of pounds, $ ." chapter xxvii. vicksburg refuses to surrender to grant.--spiritualism at the white house.--lee is pushing a little northward.--it, is said grant has lost , men.--he is still pounding vicksburg.--petty military organizations.--mr. randolph busy.--foolish passport rules.--great battle imminent, but speculation may defeat both sides.--early's victory.--we have only supplies of corn from day to day.-- chambersburg struck.--col. whiting complains of blockade running at wilmington.--false alarm.--grant still before vicksburg. june st.--nothing decisive from vicksburg. it is said northern papers have been received, of the th may, stating that their gen. grant had been killed, and vicksburg (though at first prematurely announced) captured. we are not ready to believe the latter announcement. mr. lyons has been beaten for congress by mr. wickham. it is said the brigade commanded by gen. barton, in the battle near vicksburg, broke and ran twice. if that be so, and their conduct be imitated by other brigades, good-by to the mississippi valley! our people everywhere are alive to the expected raid of the enemy's cavalry, and are organizing the men of non-conscript age for defense. one of our pickets whistled a horse, drinking in the rappahannock, and belonging to hooker's army, over to our side of the river. it was a very fine horse, and the federal gen. patrick sent a flag demanding him, as he was not captured in battle. our officer sent back word he would do so with pleasure, if the yankees would send back the slaves and other property of the south not taken in battle. there it ended--but we shall probably soon have stirring news from that quarter. the baltimore _american_ contains the proceedings of the city council, justifying the arrest of vallandigham. june d.--we have a dispatch from mississippi, stating that on thursday last grant demanded the surrender of vicksburg in three days. he was answered that fifteen minutes were not asked; that the men were ready to die--but would never surrender. this was followed by another assault, in which the enemy lost great numbers, and were repulsed--as they have been in every subsequent attempt to take the town. a letter from our agent in london says h. o. brewer, of mobile, advanced £ , in march last, to buy a steamer for the use of the confederate states. gen. whiting writes from wilmington, that a captured mail furnishes the intelligence that the enemy have thirty-one regiments at newbern, and he apprehends they will cut the railroad at goldsborough, as we have but two small brigades to resist them. then they may march against wilmington, where he has not now sufficient forces to man his batteries. the general says he is quite sure that individual blockade-runners inform the enemy of our defenseless points, and inflict incalculable injury. he desires the secretary to lay his letter before the president. a circular from the bureau of conscription to the commandants of conscripts says, the assistant secretary of war (judge campbell) suggests that overseers and managers on farms be disturbed as little as possible just at this time, for the benefit of the crops. but what good will the crops do, if we be subjugated in the mean time? i thought every man was needed, _just at this time_, on the field of battle. the president rides out (on horse) every afternoon, and sits as straight as an english king could do four centuries ago. june d.--gen. lee communicates to the department to-day his views of the montgomery letter to gen. forrest, a copy of which was sent him by governor vance. he terms it "diabolical." it seems to have been an official letter, superscribed by "c. marshall, major and a. a. g." gen. lee suggests that it be not published, but that copies be sent to all our generals. hon. r. m. t. hunter urges the secretary, in a lengthy letter, to send a cavalry brigade into essex and the adjacent counties, to protect the inhabitants from the incursions of the "yankees." he says a government agent has established a commissary department within six miles of his house, and it will be sure to be destroyed if no force be sent there adequate to its defense. he says, moreover, if our troops are to operate only in the great armies facing the enemy, a few hostile regiments of horse may easily devastate the country without molestation. gov. vance writes a most indignant reply to a letter which, it seems, had been addressed to him by the assistant secretary of war, judge campbell, in which there was an intimation that the judicial department of the state government "lent itself" to the work of protecting deserters, etc. this the governor repels as untrue, and says the judges shall have his protection. that north carolina has been wronged by calumnious imputations, and many in the army and elsewhere made to believe she was not putting forth all her energies in the work of independence. he declares that north carolina furnished more than half the killed and wounded in the two great battles on the rappahannock, in december and may last. by the northern papers we see the president of the united states, his wife, and his cabinet are amusing themselves at the white house with spiritualism. june th.--to-day we have characteristic unintelligible dispatches from mississippi. they say, up to third instant, yesterday, everything is encouraging; but the memphis papers say grant's losses have not been so large as was supposed. then it is reported that grant has retired to grand gulf. yet it is expected the town will be stormed in twenty-four hours! when grant leaves vicksburg, our generals will pursue, and assume the aggressive in more directions than one. lee has some occult object in view, which must soon be manifest. major-gen. d. h. hill writes that if the enemy penetrates to the railroad, a great many men in north carolina will welcome them, and return to their allegiance to the united states. the general wants ranseur's brigade sent him. he says mr. warren, one of the governor's council, in a recent speech remarked, if the enemy got the railroad, it would be a question whether they should adhere to the confederate states or to the united states. does the general mean to alarm the authorities here? after a month of dry weather, we have just had a fine rain, most refreshing to the poor kitchen vegetables in my little garden, which i am cultivating with careful assiduity in hopes of saving some dollars in the items of potatoes, tomatoes, beets, etc. the crops of wheat, etc. south of virginia, mature and maturing, are _perfect_ in quality and unprecedented in quantity. june th.--more unofficial dispatches from the mississippi. it is said kirby smith has defeated the enemy at port hudson; but how could his army get over the river? it is also stated that grant's losses have been , , and ours . who could have computed them? but they go on to say nothing has been heard from vicksburg since sunday, four days previously; and that heavy firing was heard still on thursday. lee's army is in motion--that means something; and it is generally believed that stuart is out on a raid into the enemy's country. mr. m. a. malsby, a georgian, disabled by a wound in the first battle of manassas, has published _one-half_ of my new "wild western scenes;" the balance to appear when he can get paper. he publishes copies of about pages. the paper costs nearly one dollar per pound, over $ per ream. the printing costs $ per ems. but then he retails the pamphlet at $ . , and pays me - / cents copyright on each number sold. june th.--we have not even a rumor to-day from mississippi. the _examiner_ has made a pretty severe attack on judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, for the great number of persons he has "allowed" to pass into the enemy's country. it does not attribute the best motives to the judge, who was late coming over to the confederacy. the british consul here, it seems, has been meddling with matters in mississippi, the president states, and has had his exequatur revoked. gen. d. h. hill recommends the abandonment of the line of the blackwater, for gen. martin informs him that the enemy are preparing their expeditions to cut our railroads in north carolina. gen. hill fears if the present line be held we are in danger of a great disaster, from the inability to transport troops from so remote a point, in the event of a sudden emergency. gen. lee refuses to let him have ranseur's brigade. there are rumors of picket fighting near fredericksburg, and davis's (the president's nephew) brigade, just from north carolina, proceeded through the city to-day in that direction. shall we have _another_ great battle on the rappahannock? i think it a ruse. june th.--i saw yesterday a specimen of the president's elaborate attention to the matter of appointments. lieut.-gen. a. p. hill having asked for a military court to his corps, and having recommended the officers, the president, with his own hand, laid down the rule of selection for the guidance of the secretary, viz.: the state which had the greatest number of regiments would be entitled to the choice of positions, to be taken from the candidates of its citizens according to qualifications, recommendations, etc. it appeared that north carolina stood first on the list, virginia next, georgia next, and so on. oh that we could get something decisive from vicksburg! if grant's and banks's armies should be destroyed, i think there would be some prospect of peace at an early day. for, if lincoln should persist in a prolongation of the war, the probabilities would be the expulsion of the enemy from the mississippi valley and the recovery of new orleans. after the fifteenth of this month, operations must cease on the carolina and georgia coasts--charleston and wilmington being still in our possession. but we should not be idle. lee, in disdaining the sheltered army of the invaders, would be likely to invade in turn; and the public demand of retaliation for the cruelties and destruction of private property perpetrated by the enemy could not be resisted. his men would probably apply the torch to the towns and cities of the yankees, destroying their crops, farming utensils, etc., as the invaders have done in virginia and elsewhere. to avoid these calamities, it is possible lincoln would make peace. therefore we are so anxious to hear from vicksburg, the turning-point of the war. besides, we shall not please england by our treatment of her consuls; and this may stimulate the united states to concentrate its wrath upon its ancient foe. june th.--well, the enemy have thrown another column over the rappahannock, below fredericksburg. this is probably a manoeuvre to arrest lee's advance in culpepper county. but it won't do--lee's plans cannot be changed--and this demonstration was in his calculations. if they think richmond can be taken now, without lee's army to defend it, they may find their mistake. the clerks and employees in the departments are organizing to man the fortifications, should their aid be needed. hon. m. r. h. garnett writes from essex county that the enemy have had lawrence washington, arrested in westmoreland county, confined in a prison-ship in the potomac, until his health gave way. he is now in washington, on parole not to escape. about , bushels of corn have been sent to lee's army in may, which, allowing ten pounds per day to each horse, shows that there are over , horses in this army. but the report says not more than , bushels can be forwarded this month. the press everywhere is opening its batteries on the blockade-runners, who bring in nothing essential to the people, and nothing necessary for the war. the arrivals and departures of steamers amount to one per day, and most of the goods imported are of yankee manufacture. many cargoes (unsold) are now held in charleston--and yet the prices do not give way. june th.--there is rumor that the president has received bad news from the west. this may be without foundation; but it is a little strange that we are not in receipt of authentic accounts of transactions there. time, however, will reveal all things. lee is "marching on," northward, utterly regardless of the demonstrations of hooker on the lower rappahannock. this is a good omen; for no doubt the demonstrations are designed merely to arrest his advance. lee has, perhaps, , fighting men with him--leaving some , behind to defend richmond. the people in the "northern neck" have been much harassed by the incursions of the invaders. i clip the following account from the _whig_ of this date: "nearly every house was visited, and by deceptive artifices, such as disguising themselves in confederate gray clothes, stolen, or otherwise surreptitiously obtained, they imposed themselves upon our credulous and unsuspecting people; excited their sympathies by pretending to be wounded confederate soldiers--won their confidence, and offered to hide their horses and take care of them for them, to prevent the yankees from taking them, who, they said, were coming on. they thus succeeded in making many of our people an easy prey to their rapacity and cunning. in this foray, they abducted about negroes, captured from to horses and mules, a large number of oxen, carriages, buggies and wagons--stole meat, destroyed grain, and robbed gentlemen, in the public road, of gold watches and other property. there are some instances related of personal indignity and violence. they returned with their spoils to camp, after a week devoted by them in the northern neck, among our unhappy people, to the highly civilized, brave, and chivalrous exploits of theft, robbery, and almost every species of felony committed upon a defenseless, unarmed, and helpless population--chiefly consisting of women and children! it was an easy achievement--a proud conquest--the more glorious to the noble and heroic yankee, because stained with crime and won without danger to his beastly carcass." this is but a fair specimen of their conduct whenever they have been permitted to devastate the country with impunity. a few days ago i addressed a letter to the secretary of war, suggesting that the department encourage voluntary organizations of non-conscripts for local defense, and that they be armed with every superfluous musket that the government may possess. if this be done, the army will not be so much embarrassed by vehement calls to protect the people from raids everywhere; and in the event of serious disaster, the people would still make resistance. but an unarmed people would have no alternative but submission. this plan would also effectually prevent servile insurrections, etc. to-day i received the reply, saying it would be done. but will the _arms_ be distributed among them? june th.--we have news of a fight on the rappahannock yesterday, above fredericksburg, the enemy having crossed again. they were driven back. there are also reports from vicksburg, which still holds out. accounts say that grant has lost , men so far. where johnston is, we have no knowledge; but in one of his recent letters he intimated that the fall of vicksburg was a matter of time. june th.--it appears that the enemy design to attack us. the following is lee's dispatch: "culpepper, june th, . "to general s. cooper. "the enemy crossed the rappahannock this morning at five o'clock a.m., at the various fords from beverly to kelly's, with a large force of cavalry, accompanied by infantry and artillery. after a severe contest till five p.m., gen. stuart drove them across the river. r. e. lee." we have not received the details of this combat, further than that it was a surprise, not creditable to our officers in command, by which a portion of ten regiments and horses were taken by the enemy. we lost, killed, also a number of cavalry colonels. we, too, captured several hundred prisoners, which have arrived in the city. of the killed and wounded, i have yet obtained no information--but it is supposed several hundred fell on both sides. still i do not think it probable this affair, coupled with the fact that the enemy have effected a lodgment on this side of the rappahannock below fredericksburg, and are still crossing, will frustrate any plan conceived by lee to invade their country. if, however, lincoln concentrates all his forces in the east for another attempt to capture richmond, and should bring , men against us--we shall have near , to oppose them. the northern democratic papers are filled with the proceedings of indignation meetings, denouncing the republican administration and advocating peace. june th.--a beautiful, bright warm summer day--and yet a little somber. the surprise of stuart, on the rappahannock, has chilled every heart, notwithstanding it does not appear that we lost more than the enemy in the encounter. the question is on every tongue--have our generals relaxed in vigilance? if so, sad is the prospect! but vicksburg is the point of intensest interest and anxieties. gen. johnston writes from canton, mississippi, on the th inst., in reply to the secretary, that he regrets such confidence is reposed in his ability to save vicksburg, and fears that such expectations will be disappointed. grant is receiving reinforcements daily--while he (johnston) is not to have more troops. he does not state the number he has, but he says it seems to him that the relief of vicksburg is _impossible_. pemberton will hold out as long as he can; but if grant's line be not broken, the fall of vicksburg is only a question of time. grant's force (he continues) is more than treble his; and grant has constructed lines of circumvallation, and blocked up all the roads leading to his position. to force his lines would be difficult with an army twice as numerous as the one he (johnston) commands. he will try to do something in aid of the besieged--but it seems a _desperate case_. he has not wagons and provisions enough to leave the railroads more than four days. the track to vicksburg is destroyed. it was his intention at first to unite all the troops in his command--but it was impracticable. so much for these lugubrious tidings. nothing but a miracle can save vicksburg! the governors of alabama and mississippi unite in urging the government to suppress both the foreign and border traffic. i fear it is too late! there is a street rumor that the enemy have appeared on the chickahominy, and on the james river. if this be so, it may be to embarrass lee; or it may be a determined and desperate assault on this city. we shall know very soon. but never before were we in such doubt as to the designs of the enemy; and never before have they evinced such apparent vigor and intrepidity. yet, they know not what lee is doing to call them _home_. june th.--col. baylor, of arizona, has been heard from again. he confesses that he issued the order to slaughter the apaches in cold blood, and says it is the only mode of dealing with such savages. the president indorses on it that it is "a confession of an infamous crime." yesterday the enemy appeared on the peninsula, in what numbers we know not yet; but just when gen. wise was about to attack, with every prospect of success, an order was received from gen. arnold elzey to fall back toward the city, pickets and all. a letter from gen. holmes, containing an account from one of his scouts, shows that the enemy's militia in arkansas and missouri are putting to death all the men, young or old, having favored the confederate cause, who fall into their hands. these acts are perpetrated by order of gen. prentiss. the president suggests that they be published, both at home and abroad. mr. l. heyliger, our agent at nassau, sends an account of the firing into and disabling the british steamer margaret and jessee by the united states steamer rhode island, within a half mile of shore. several british subjects were wounded. this may make trouble. mr. j. s. lemmon applied by letter to-day for permission to leave a confederate port for europe. major-gen. arnold elzey indorsed on it: "this young man, being a native of maryland, is not liable to military service in the confederate states." well, arnold elzey is also a native of maryland. june th.--w----ll, one of the winder _detectives_ that fled to washington last year, is back again. but the mayor has arrested him as a spy, and it is said a lady in the city can prove his guilt. gen. winder wanted to bail him; but the mayor was inexorable, and so w----ll is in the jail, awaiting his trial. two others, of winder's police, have likewise been arrested by the city authorities for some harsh treatment of a citizen supposed to have a barrel of whisky in his house. the justification offered is the jurisdiction of martial law, which gen. winder still thinks exists, although annulled by congress. the company (of ) organized in the war department as independent volunteers for local defense, being objected to by gen. elzey, because they would not be subject to his command, was rejected by the president, who insisted that the officers of the departments (civil) should be mustered into the service under the act of august st, , and are subject to _his_ control, and liable to be attached to battalions, regiments, etc., he appointing the field and staff officers. this was communicated to the lieutenant of the company by the secretary of war, who stated also that the president required the names of all refusing to reorganize on that basis _to be reported to him_. there is an indefinable dread of conspiracy, and the president is right, perhaps, to frown upon all military organizations not subject to his orders. mr. randolph, late secretary of war, has been very busy organizing the second class militia of the city for "local defense," under the supposition that he would command them; but the president has made a requisition for of this class of men, for the same purpose, which will put them under confederate orders, perhaps. a jealousy, i fear, is growing up between confederate and state authority. this when the common enemy is thundering at all our gates! june th.--the enemy have abandoned the vicinity of fredericksburg, falling back across the river, and probably retiring toward alexandria, or else they have taken to their transports, and intend making another effort to capture richmond. it is rumored that gen. ewell has taken winchester; but this, i think, is at least premature. certainly the government is taking steps to guard against a blow at richmond. all the civil officers (subordinates, only, of course) are being mustered into the service for "local defense or special duty;" but gen. elzey, the marylander, it is reported, has said the "d----d clerks have given me so much trouble, that i intend to keep them on duty in such a way that they cannot perform their functions in the departments, and so others must be appointed in their places." this would be in violation both of the constitution and several acts of congress. yet they are to be mustered in this evening "for three years, or the war." and the secretary of the treasury has announced that all who refuse to volunteer are to be reported, by the president's command, and will be removed. the president has intimated no such thing. of course they will _volunteer_. there is much censure of the president for "bad faith"--most of the clerks being refugees, with families to support. mayor mayo has refused to admit gen. winder's three policemen (all imported) to bail, and they remain in prison; and judge meredith has refused to discharge them on a writ of _habeas corpus_--resolving first to test the validity of the martial law set up for them in their defense. i believe the government is acting on my suggestion to col. johnston, a. d. c., in regard to searching blockade-runners, caught in the lines, bearing sealed letters to the north. to-day the attorney-general sent to the department, for mr. seddon's approval, instructions to confederate attorneys and marshals to aid and co-operate with _m. greenwood_, a detective agent of the government. i think about the first men he detects in treasonable practices will be gen. elzey and gen. winder's detectives. mr. vallandigham has been nominated for governor of ohio. the following are the conditions upon which women and children can come to the south, or go to the north, published in washington and baltimore: "_first._--all applications for passes to go south must be made in writing and verified by oath, addressed to major l. c. turner, judge advocate, washington, d. c., as follows: "i, a---- b----, applicant for a pass to go to city point, virginia, and now residing at ----, do solemnly swear that, if said pass be granted, i will not take any property excepting my wearing apparel, and that all the articles to be taken with me are contained in the trunk or package delivered or to be delivered to the quartermaster on the transport steamer on which i am to go to city point. that i have not been in any insurgent state, nor beyond the military lines of the united states, within thirty days last past. that i will not return within the military lines of the united states during the present war, and that i have not in my trunk nor on my person any papers or writings whatsoever, nor any contraband articles. "no person will be allowed to take more than one trunk or package of female wearing apparel, weighing not over one hundred pounds, and subject to inspection; and if anything contraband be found in the trunk or on the person, the property will be forfeited and the pass revoked. "_second._--a passenger boat will leave annapolis, md., on the first day of july next, to deliver those permitted to go south at city point, and the baggage of each applicant must be delivered to the quartermaster on said boat, at least twenty-four hours previous to the day of departure for inspection. "_third._--children will be allowed to accompany their mothers and relatives, and take their usual wearing apparel; but the name and age of each child must be given in the application. "_fourth._--ladies and children desiring to come north will be received on the boat at city point and taken to annapolis, and every adult person coming north will be required to take and subscribe to the oath of allegiance to the government of the united states before the boat leaves fortress monroe. "l. c. turner, _judge advocate_." june th.--we have nothing from the west to-day. but it is believed that hooker is retiring toward manassas--that fatal field--where another (and the third) battle may be fought. lee's army is certainly on the march, and a collision of arms cannot be averted many days. it is believed gen. ewell, successor of jackson, has beaten milroy at winchester. but, while terrible events are daily anticipated in the field, all the civilians seem to have gone wild with speculation, and official corruption runs riot throughout the land. j. m. seixas, agent of the war department, writes from wilmington that while the government steamers can get no cotton to exchange abroad for ordnance stores, the steamers of individuals are laden, and depart almost daily. this is said to be partly the work of the "southern express company," believed to be yankees (a portion of them), which contracts to deliver freight, and bribes the railroads and monopolizes transportation. _this_ is the company on whose application judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, granted so many exemptions and details! it takes a great number of able-bodied men from the army, and then, by a peculiar process, absolutely embarrasses, as gen. whiting says, the conduct of the war. judge dargan, of alabama, writes that private blockade-runners are ruining the country--supplying the enemy with cotton, and bringing in liquors and useless gew-gaws. june th.--the city has been gladdened by the reception of this dispatch from gen. lee: "june th, . "his excellency, jefferson davis. "god has again crowned the valor of our troops with success. early's division stormed the enemy's intrenchments at winchester, capturing their artillery, etc. "(signed) r. e. lee, _general_." subsequent reports to the press state that we captured some prisoners, gen. milroy among them, guns, and a large amount of stores. if we caught milroy, the impression prevails that he was hung immediately, in accordance with the president's order some time since, as a just punishment for the outrages inflicted by him on our helpless old men, women, and children. a sealed envelope came in to-day, addressed by the president to the secretary of war, marked "highly important and confidential," which, of course, i sent to the secretary immediately without breaking the seal, as it is my duty to do to all letters not private or confidential. i can as yet only conjecture what it referred to. it may be of good, and it may be of bad import. it may relate to affairs in the west; or it may be a communication from abroad, several steamers having just arrived. _can_ it be from the government at washington? i care not what it is, if we hold vicksburg. the commissary-general reports that he has some , , pounds of bacon, and quite as much salt and fresh beef at the various depots, besides some , head of cattle. this is not a large amount for such armies as we have in the field; but in the fall we shall have per cent. of all the products in the confederate states as tax in kind. the commissary-general, however, recommends the following reduction of rations: for men in garrison or batteries, a quarter pound of bacon per day; in camp, one-third of a pound; and marching, half a pound. mr. james spence, our financial agent in england, gives a somewhat cheering account of money matters. he recommends the shipping of $ , , worth of cotton per week, which appears to be practicable. he also advises the shipment of the few millions of gold the government holds in this country to england; and mr. memminger approves it--in boxes weekly, containing $ , . if this were known, it could hardly be accomplished, for such is the distrust of several members of the cabinet that the people would revolt. they would believe the cabinet meant soon to follow the gold. and some of our military commanders have no better opinion of them than the people. beauregard once stopped some bullion ordered away by mr. memminger. there is a rumor that gen. wise had a combat yesterday on the peninsula. but the operations beyond the rappahannock, and approaching the capital of the united states, must relieve richmond of all immediate danger. mr. lincoln says he is "making history;" forgetful of the execrable figure he is likely to be in it. our papers to-day contain the following: "_yankee cruelty; forty-three negroes drowned._--one of the most atrocious incidents of the whole war was yesterday related to us by a gentleman of this city, who obtained the facts from capt. jas. g. white, of king william county, who vouches for the accuracy of the statement. some days ago, when the yankees made their raid to aylett's, they visited the place of dr. gregg, living in the neighborhood, and took from their comfortable homes forty-three negroes, who were hurried off to york river and placed on board a vessel bound northward. along with these negroes, as a prisoner, was a gentleman named lee, a resident and highly respectable citizen of king william, who has since been released and allowed to return to his home. he states that when the vessel arrived in chesapeake bay, the small-pox made its appearance among the negroes, that disease having existed to some extent among the same family before they were dragged from their homes in king william. the captain of the yankee vessel and his crew were greatly alarmed at the appearance of the disease on board, and very soon determined to rid the vessel of the presence of the negroes. without attempting to make the shore, and not considering for an instant the inhumanity of the cruel deed, the whole negro cargo was thrown into the bay, and every one left to perish by drowning. not one, perhaps, escaped the cruel fate visited upon them by those who profess to be their earnest friends and warmest sympathizers." june th.--from winchester we have many accounts, in the absence of official reports (gen. lee being too busy in the saddle to write), which have exalted our spirits most wonderfully. the number of prisoners taken, by the lowest estimate is ,--the others say ,--besides guns, and an immense amount of stores. our own loss in storming the fortifications was only killed and wounded! milroy, they say, escaped by flight--but may not have gotten off very far, as it seems certain that our one-legged lieut.-gen. ewell (fit successor of jackson) pushed on to the potomac and surrounded, if he has not taken, harper's ferry, where there is another large depot of supplies. the whole valley is doubtless in our possession--the baltimore and ohio railroad--and the way is open into maryland and pennsylvania. it is believed hooker's army is utterly demoralized, and that lee is _going on_. this time, perhaps, no sharpsburg will embarrass his progress, and the long longed-for day of retributive invasion may come at last. col. gorgas, chief of ordnance (northern born), recommends that the habit of issuing twenty cartridges extra to each of our men be discontinued, and suggests that they be given three cartridges per month, and all over that to be issued upon requisition of the commanding general, on the eve of battle. but might they not, if this were adopted, be liable to be caught sometimes without enough ammunition? he says there is a deficiency of lead. there is a rumor that the secretary of the navy sent an iron-clad out yesterday, at savannah, to fight two of the enemy's blockading squadron, and that after an engagement of thirty minutes, our ship struck her colors. if this be so, the people will wish that the secretary had been on the boat that surrendered. a man by the name of jackson a short time since obtained a passport through our lines from judge campbell, and when a negro was rowing him across the potomac, drew a pistol and made him take him to a federal gun-boat in sight. he was heartily received, and gave such information to the enemy as induced them to engage in a raid on the northern neck, resulting in the devastation of several counties. these facts i got from the president's special detective, craddock. craddock also informs me that my communication to col. johnston was laid before the president, who called in the secretary of state and the secretary of war, to consult on some means of regulating the passport business, etc. he says prompt measures will be adopted immediately. craddock also informs me that a jew named cohen, in this city, has been co-operating with his brother living in the north, obtaining passports both ways for bribes--and bribing the officials that granted them, much to our detriment. this, perhaps, has alarmed the president; but if the business of selling passports be lucrative, i despair of his being able to put an end to it. i see the enemy have destroyed the president's house, furniture, etc., in mississippi. i have good reason to suppose that the package marked "important," etc., sent from the president's office yesterday to the secretary of war, was the substance of a conversation which took place between mr. ould and mr. vallandigham. what mr. v. revealed to mr. o., perhaps supposing the latter, although employed here, friendly to ultimate reconstruction, there is no means of conjecturing. but it was deemed "highly important." june th.--gen. lee telegraphs from _culpepper court house_ yesterday, that gen. rhodes captured martinsburg, sunday, th inst., taking several guns, over prisoners, and a supply of ammunition and grain. our loss was only one killed and two wounded. the secretary of the navy is in bad odor for ordering out the atlanta at savannah to fight _two_ federal steamers, to whom she surrendered. there is nothing more definite or authentic from winchester, except that we certainly captured milroy's army of not less than men. to-day the government issued musket and ball-cartridges (forty to each) to the volunteer companies raised in the departments for home defense. if this does not signify apprehension of an immediate attack, it proves at all events that lee's army is not to be around the city as it was a year ago--and that signifies his purpose to advance. june th.--it has got out that the president intends to dispense with the services of mr. myers, the jew quartermaster-general, and mr. miles, member of congress from south carolina, who happens to be his friend, is characteristically doing the part of a friend for his retention. but he gives the president some severe raps for alleged contempt of the wishes of congress, that body having passed a bill (vetoed by the president) conferring on col. m. the rank and pay of brigadier-general. the operations of gen. lee have relieved the depot here, which was nearly empty. since the capture of winchester and martinsburg, only about bushels of corn are sent to the army daily, whereas were sent before, and there were rarely more than a day's supply on hand. to-day, about one o'clock, the city was thrown into a state of joyful excitement, by the reception of news from the north. from this source it was ascertained, what had hitherto been only a matter of conjecture, that a portion of our forces, the same that captured winchester and martinsburg, were in pennsylvania! gen. jenkins, with his cavalry, had taken chambersburg on the th inst.--and the north, from the line of pennsylvania to the lakes, and from the seaboard to the western prairies, was stricken with consternation. these are some of the dispatches, as copied from northern papers: "the governor of ohio calls for , troops. the governor of pennsylvania calls for , , to prevent the invasion of each state. "washington, june th.--lincoln has issued a proclamation for , men, to repel the invasion of maryland, northern virginia, pennsylvania, and ohio. "harrisburg, june th.--dispatches from chambersburg and hagerstown state that the rebel cavalry are at berryville and martinsburg. a dispatch dated th, says that hard fighting is going on. the rebels had driven reynolds from berryville, and were advancing on the capital. the towns and cities throughout pennsylvania are in danger. "later.--private dispatches state that on the th the rebels were at chambersburg in force. the federals were removing the railroad machinery, stock, and stores. great excitement and alarm pervaded the entire country." in the "hard fighting," gen. lee reports our loss as "one killed and two wounded." here's the second dispatch: "shelbyville, tenn., june th.--nashville papers of the th inst. have been received here. they contain lincoln's proclamation, calling for , militia, for six months' service, and the following highly interesting telegrams: "loudon, pa., june th.--the rebels are in heavy force in the cumberland valley. "bedford, pa., june th.--scouts report rebels at cumberland, maryland. the inhabitants are flying for safety from harper's ferry. "harrisburg, june th.--business is suspended here. all the important documents have been removed from the capital. "milroy telegraphs officially his repulse from the fortifications at winchester by , rebels, with the loss of men. "governor curtin calls upon the people of pennsylvania to defend the state, saying that philadelphia has not responded, while the enemy are in chambersburg. he reproaches pennsylvania for sniffling about the length of service when the exigency exists. "dispatches state that everything looks gloomy, and there is no saving the country south of the susquehanna. "baltimore, june th.--governor bradford calls on the people to rally to the defense of maryland. "providence, r. i., june th.--governor smith convenes the legislature on thursday for the purpose of raising troops. "philadelphia, june th.--the mayor has issued a proclamation closing the stores in order that the occupants may join military organizations to defend the city. "new york, june th.--all the regiments are getting ready under arms. the brooklyn bells were rung at midnight, summoning the men to the regiments, which were to leave immediately for philadelphia. "governor andrews, of massachusetts, tenders lincoln all the available force of militia from that state." milroy's statement in relation to the number of prisoners taken by us is pretty fair, when compared with hooker's official statements on similar occasions. some of the prisoners will probably arrive in richmond to-day--and the agent of exchange has been notified that would be sent on. so gen. milroy told nearly _half_ the truth. again: third dispatch. "shelbyville, june th.--other dispatches in the nashville papers say that the rebels advanced six miles beyond chambersburg. on the th gen. taylor telegraphs officially his retreat, and the capture of the federal forces at winchester." later in the day the new york _herald_ of the th inst. was received by the flag of truce boat. i now quote from it: "fortifications are being rapidly erected all along the north bank of the susquehanna, and gen. mcclellan or gen. franklin has been called for to head the state troops. reports from harrisburg. "harrisburg, pa., june th.--midnight.--rebel cavalry to-day occupied littletown, eleven miles from gettysburg, but at last accounts had not advanced beyond that point. "the rebel officers at chambersburg stated that they were only waiting for infantry to move forward. the authorities are inclined to believe, however, that they will not move farther north. "the farmers in the valley are sending their horses and cattle into the mountains. "the rebels are gathering up all the negroes that can be found. "private property has been respected. "they burned the railroad bridge across scotland creek, six miles this side of chambersburg. harper's ferry invested. "baltimore, june th.--fugitives from hagerstown report the rebels picketing all the roads and not permitting any one to pass. "the force that passed through were all cavalry, under jenkins and imboden, and did not exceed . "all was quiet at frederick up to five o'clock this evening, though the people were greatly excited and hundreds were leaving. "harrisburg, june th.--the aspect of affairs, so far as can be judged by the reports from the border, seems to be this: "the rebel force occupy hagerstown and such other points as leave them free to operate either against harrisburg or baltimore. "apprehensions are entertained by the people of altoona and other points on the line of the pennsylvania railroad, that the rebels will strike for the west, and then go back to their own soil by way of pittsburg and wheeling. "the fortifications constructed on the hills opposite harrisburg are considered sufficient protection for the city, and an offensive movement on our part is not unlikely." june st.--to-day we have an account of the burning of darien, ga. the temptation is strong for our army to retaliate on the soil of pennsylvania. june d.--to-day i saw the memorandum of mr. ould, of the conversation held with mr. vallandigham, for file in the archives. he says if we _can only hold out_ this year that the peace party of the north would sweep the lincoln dynasty out of political existence. he seems to have thought that our cause was sinking, and feared we would submit, which would, of course, be ruinous to his party! but he advises strongly against any invasion of pennsylvania, for that would unite all parties at the north, and so strengthen lincoln's hands that he would be able to crush all opposition, and trample upon the constitutional rights of the people. mr. v. said nothing to indicate that either he or the party had any other idea than that the union would be reconstructed under democratic rule. the president indorsed, with his own pen, on this document, that, in regard to invasion of the north, experience proved the contrary of what mr. v. asserted. but mr. v. is for restoring the union, amicably, of course, and if it cannot be so done, then possibly he is in favor of recognizing our independence. he says any reconstruction which is not voluntary on our part, would soon be followed by another separation, and a worse war than the present one. the president received a dispatch to-day from gen. johnston, stating that lt.-gen. kirby smith had taken milliken's bend. this is important, for it interferes with grant's communications. gov. shorter writes that a company near montgomery, ala., have invented a mode of manufacturing cotton and woolen handcards, themselves making the steel and wire, and in a few weeks will be turning out from to pairs of cards per week. this will be a great convenience to the people. gen. whiting writes that the river at wilmington is so filled with the ships of private blockade-runners that the defense of the harbor is interfered with. these steamers are mostly filled with yankee goods, for which they take them cotton, in the teeth of the law. he pronounces this business most execrable, as well as injurious to the cause. he desires the president to see his letter, and hopes he may be instructed to seize the steamers and cargoes arriving belonging to yankees and freighted with yankee goods. it is a difficult matter to subsist in this city now. beef is $ and bacon $ . per pound, and just at this time there are but few vegetables. old potatoes are gone, and the new have not yet come. a single cabbage, merely the leaves, no head, sells for a dollar, and this suffices not for a dinner for my family. my little garden has produced nothing yet, in consequence of the protracted dry weather. but we have, at last, abundant rains. to-day i found several long pieces of rusty wire, and these i have affixed horizontally to the wood-house and to the fence, intending to lead the lima beans up to them by strings, which i will fasten to switches stuck between the plants. my beets will soon be fit to eat, and so will the squashes. but the potatoes do not yet afford a cheering prospect. the tomatoes, however, are coming on finely, and the cherries are nearly ripe. a lady has sent me cabbage plants to set out, and two dozen red peppers. every foot of my ground is occupied, and there is enough to afford me some exercise every afternoon. june d.--from the army on the potomac we have a dispatch from lee, saying there have been several cavalry engagements during the last week, wherein our arms were successful. lee will soon electrify us with another movement of his grand army,--such is the general belief. from the west we learn that on saturday last, grant, no doubt driven to desperation by our occupation of milliken's bend cutting off his supplies and reinforcements, made a more furious attempt than ever to take vicksburg by assault, and was repulsed disastrously. his loss is estimated at between and , men. pemberton is now greatly praised by many people, while some of our officers shake their heads and say he is fighting with the halter around his neck, and that if he were _not_ to fight and hold out to the last, his own men would hang him. notwithstanding the immense amount of goods brought in daily, the prices keep high. june th.--we have nothing additional from vicksburg or from the potomac, but there is a rumor of fighting near leesburg. the first installment of winchester prisoners reached the city yesterday, in number, and there are over more on the way. so much for milroy's or ! to-day the president desired the secretary of war to send him all the correspondence with gen. johnston, as he intends to write him a confidential letter touching reinforcements, and he wishes to inform him of the military situation of affairs everywhere. this afternoon some excitement prevails in the city, caused by a notification of the governor placarded at the corner of the streets, calling on the citizens to assemble at the capitol square at o'clock p.m., and announcing that reliable information has been received of the landing of the enemy (how many is not stated) at brandon, on the james river, and at the white house, on the york, some thirty-five miles below. there was also a meeting of the clerks of the departments, and it was agreed that at the sounding of the tocsin they should assemble (day or night) with arms at their respective offices. this may be another pawnee alarm of the government, and it may be the wolf. if some , of the enemy's troops make a dash at richmond now, they may take it. but it will, of course, be defended with what means we have, to the last extremity. still, i think it nothing more than a strategical movement to save washington or to embarrass lee's operations, and it will fail to retard his movement. we shall soon see what it is. june th.--the excitement has subsided. no doubt small detachments of the enemy were seen at the places indicated, and gen. elzey (who some say had been drinking) alarmed the governor with a tale of horror. the reports came through gen. winder's detectives, one-half of whom would rather see the enemy here than not, and will serve the side that pays most. yet, we should be prepared. i saw an indorsement by the president to-day, that foreigners should give guarantees of neutrality or be sent out of the city. nothing from lee. june th.--an officer of the signal corps reported, yesterday, the force of gen. keyes, on the peninsula, at . to-day we learn that the enemy is in possession of hanover junction, cutting off communication with both fredericksburg and gordonsville. a train was coming down the central road with another installment of the winchester prisoners (some having already arrived, now confined on belle island, opposite the city), but was stopped in time, and sent back. gen. elzey had just ordered away a brigade from hanover junction to gordonsville, upon which it was alleged another raid was projected. what admirable manoeuvring for the benefit of the enemy! gen. d. h. hill wrote, yesterday, that we had no troops on the blackwater except cavalry. i hope he will come here and take command. gen. whiting has arrested the yankee crew of the arabian, at wilmington. it appears that she is owned by new yorkers, sailed from new york, and has a yankee cargo! capt. maury writes from london that r. j. walker, once a fire-and-fury mississippi senator (but yankee-born), is in europe trying to borrow £ , , for the united states. capt. maury says the british government will not willingly let us have another "alabama;" but that it is also offended at the united states for the atrocities of wilkes, and this may lead to war. the war, however, would not be intended as a diversion in our behalf. nothing is heard to-day from lee, except what appears in northern papers several days old, when our troops were occupying hagerstown, cumberland, etc., in maryland, and foraging pretty extensively in pennsylvania. nothing from vicksburg. just as i apprehended! the brigade ordered away from hanover to gordonsville, upon a wild-goose chase, had not been gone many hours before some of the enemy's cavalry appeared there, and burnt the bridges which the brigade had been guarding! this is sottishness, rather than generalship, in our local commanders. a regiment was sent up when firing was heard (the annihilation of our weak guard left at the bridges) and arrived just two hours too late. the enemy rode back, with a hundred mules they had captured, getting under cover of their gun-boats. to-day, it is said, gen. elzey is relieved, and gen. ransom, of north carolina, put in command; also, that custis lee (son of gen. r. e. lee) has superseded gen. winder. i hope this has been done. young lee has certainly been commissioned a brigadier-general. his brother, brig.-gen. w. h. f. lee, wounded in a late cavalry fight, was taken yesterday by the enemy at hanover court house. gen. whiting's letter about the "arabian" came back from the president, to-day, indorsed that, as congress did not prohibit private blockade-running, he wouldn't interfere. so, this is to be the settled policy of the government. this morning the president sent a letter to the secretary of war, requesting him to direct all mounted officers--some fifty a. a. g.'s and a. d.'s--to report to him for duty around the city. good! these gentlemen ought to be in the saddle instead of being sheltered from danger in the bureaus. o'clock p.m.--three proclamations have just been issued! one (a joint one) from the president and the governor, calling upon everybody to organize themselves into companies, battalions, and regiments, when they will be armed. they say "no time is to be lost, the danger is great." the mayor, in his document, warns the people in time to avoid the fate of new orleans. he says the enemy is advancing on the city, and may assail it before monday morning. this is saturday. the third proclamation is by e. b. robinson, one of my printers, twenty years ago, at washington. he calls upon all natives of maryland and the district of columbia to report to him, and he will lead them against the enemy, and redeem them from the imputation of skulking or disloyalty cast upon poor refugees by the flint-hearted shylocks of richmond, who have extorted all their money from them. besides these inflammatory documents, the militia colonels have out notices for all men under forty-five years of age to meet in broad street to-morrow, sunday. i learn, however, that there are some , or , of the enemy at yorktown; but if we can get together , fighting men, in the next twenty-four hours, to man the fortifications, there will not be much use for the militia and the clerks of the departments, more than as an internal police force. but i am not quite sure we can get that number. june th.--by order of brig.-gen. g. w. custis lee, the department companies were paraded to-day, armed and equipped. these, with the militia in the streets (armed by the government to-day), amounted to several thousand efficient men for the batteries and for guard duty. they are to rendezvous, with blankets, provisions, etc., upon the sounding of the tocsin. i learn that men in the hospitals within convenient reach of the city, including those in the city, can be available for defense in an emergency. they cannot march, but they can fight. these, with hill's division, will make over , men; an ample force to cope with the enemy on the peninsula. it has been a cool, cloudy day (we have had copious rains recently), else the civilians could not have stood several hours exercise so well. a little practice will habituate them by degrees to the harness of war. no one doubts that they will fight, when the time for blows arrives. gen. jenkins has just arrived, with his brigade, from the south side of the james river. i was in the arsenal to-day, and found an almost unlimited amount of arms. we get not a word from gen. lee. this, i think, augurs well, for bad news flies fast. no doubt we shall soon hear something from the northern papers. they are already beginning to magnify the ravages of our army on _their_ soil: but our men are incapable of retaliating, to the full extent, such atrocities as the following, on the blackwater, near suffolk, which i find in the petersburg _express_: "mr. smith resided about one mile from the town, a well-to-do farmer, having around him an interesting family, the eldest one a gallant young man in the th virginia regiment. when gen. longstreet invested suffolk a sharp artillery and infantry skirmish took place near mr. smith's residence, and many balls passed through his house. the yankees finally advanced and fired the houses, forcing the family to leave. mrs. smith, with her seven children, the youngest only ten months old, attempted to escape to the woods and into the confederate lines, when she was fired upon by the yankee soldiers, and a minié-ball entering her limb just below the hip, she died in thirty minutes from the loss of blood. the children, frightened, hid themselves in the bushes, while mr. smith sat down upon the ground by his wife, to see her breathe her last. after she had been dead for some time, the yankee commander permitted him to take a cart, and, with no assistance except one of his children, he put the dead body in the cart and carried it into the town. on his arrival in town, he was not permitted to take the remains of his wife to her brother's residence until he had first gone through the town to the provost marshal's office and obtained permission. on his arrival at the provost marshal's office, he was gruffly told to take his wife to the graveyard and bury her. he carried her to her brother's, john r. kilby, esq., and a few friends prepared her for burial; mr. kilby not being allowed to leave the house, or to attend the remains of his sister to the graveyard. "nor did the cruelty of the fiends stop here. mr. smith was denied the privilege of going in search of his little children, and for four days and nights they wandered in the woods and among the soldiers without anything to eat or any place to sleep. the baby was taken up by a colored woman and nursed until some private in the yankee army, with a little better heart than his associates, took it on his horse and carried it to town. mr. smith is still in the lines of the enemy, his house and everything else he had destroyed, and his little children cared for by his friends. "will not the confederate soldiers now in pennsylvania remember such acts of cruelty and barbarism? will not the nansemond companies remember it? and will not that gallant boy in the th regiment remember his mother's fate, and take vengeance on the enemy? will not such a cruel race of people eventually reap the fruit of their doings? god grant that they may." sunday afternoon.--there are two reports of important events current in the streets: first, that lee's army has taken and destroyed harrisburg, pennsylvania; and second, that vicksburg has fallen. i am not prepared to credit either, although the first is said to be true by no less a person than gov. letcher. and yet one or both may be confirmed to-morrow; and if so, that is, if vicksburg has fallen, and lee should retire, as he must sooner or later, there will be a dark and desponding season in the confederacy. but the war will go on. june th.--there is no confirmation of the report of the fall of vicksburg, but it may be so; nor is it certain that we have advanced to harrisburg, but it is probable. gen. d. h. hill writes (on saturday) from petersburg that , of the enemy could not take richmond; but this may be fishing for the command. he says if gen. dix comes this way, he would make him a subject of the cartel of exchange which he (dix) had a hand in negotiating. j. m. botts writes, from his farm in culpepper, that our men are quartered on his premises, and do as much injury as _a_ hostile army could. _he_ is neutral. they pay him ten cents per day for the grazing of each horse. the commissary-general is again recommending the procuring of bacon from within the enemy's lines, in exchange for cotton. why not get meat from the enemy's country for nothing? hon. r. m. t. hunter writes to the secretary of war to let the quartermaster-general alone, that he is popular with congress, and that his friends are active. it might be dangerous to remove him; the president had better commission him a brigadier-general. he says judge campbell wants the president to go to mississippi; this, mr. h. is opposed to. mr. h. is willing to trust johnston, has not lost confidence in him, etc. and he tells the secretary to inform the president how much he (h.) esteems him (the president). the new york _times_ publishes an account of one of their raids on the peninsula, below this city, as follows: "within the past three days a most daring raid has been made into one of the richest portions of the enemy's country, and the success was equal to the boldness of the undertaking. "the expedition, which was conducted by both land and water, was commanded by col. kilpatrick. it started from the headquarters of gen. keyes on wednesday, and returned yesterday. in the interim the counties of matthews and gloucester were scoured. all the warehouses containing grain were sacked, the mills burned, and everything that could in any way aid the rebels were destroyed or captured. three hundred horses, two hundred and fifty head of cattle, two hundred sheep, and one hundred mules, together with a large number of contrabands, were brought back by the raiders. "the rebel farmers were all taken by surprise. they had not expected a demonstration of the kind. not only were they made to surrender everything that could be of the least use to us, but they were compelled to be silent spectators to the destruction of their agricultural implements." no doubt we shall soon have some account in the northern papers of _our_ operations in this line, in their country. june th.--dispatches from the west show that we still held vicksburg at the last dates; and, moreover, gen. taylor (son of zachary taylor) had stormed and taken the enemy's fortifications at berwick's bay, with the bayonet. we took prisoners, large cannon, and many stores. also that we had taken thibbodauxville, and have thus cut off banks from new orleans. o'clock p.m.--the city is now in good humor, but not wild with exultation. we have what seems pretty authentic intelligence of the taking of harrisburg, the capital of pennsylvania, the city of york, etc. etc. this comes on the flag of truce boat, and is derived from the enemy themselves. lee will not descend to the retaliation instigated by petty malice; but proclaim to the inhabitants that all we desire is peace, not conquest. from vicksburg we have further information that, in springing his mine, grant destroyed hundreds of his own men, and did us no injury. also that a battery we have above vicksburg had fired into some passing transports, doing great damage to life and boats. the troops landed, and failed to take the battery by assault, losing hundreds in addition. chapter xxviii. enemy threatening richmond.--the city is safe.--battle of gettysburg.-- great excitement.--yankees in great trouble.--alas! vicksburg has fallen.--president is sick.--grant marching against johnston at jackson.--fighting at that place.--yankees repulsed at charleston.-- lee and meade facing each other.--pemberton surrenders his whole army.--fall of port hudson.--second class conscripts called for.-- lee has got back across the potomac.--lincoln getting fresh troops.-- lee writes that he cannot be responsible if the soldiers fail for want of food.--rumors of grant coming east.--pemberton in bad odor.-- hon. w. l. yancey is dead. july st.--the intelligence of the capture of harrisburg and york, pa., is so far confirmed as to be admitted by the officers of the federal flag of truce boat that came up to city point yesterday. of the movements of hooker's army, we have the following information: "headquarters, cavalry division, "june th, . "general:--i took possession of fairfax c. h. this morning at nine o'clock, together with a large quantity of stores. the main body of hooker's army has gone toward leesburg, except the garrison of alexandria and washington, which has retreated within the fortifications. "very respectfully, "your obedient servant, "j. e. b. stuart, _major-general_." the northern papers say that our cruiser tacony, taken from them, has destroyed twenty-two of their vessels since the th inst.; but that our men burnt her at last. her crew then entered portland, maine, and cut out the steam cutter caleb cushing, which they subsequently blew up, and then were themselves taken prisoner. the president has decided that the obstructions below the city shall not be opened for the steam iron-clad richmond to go out, until another iron-clad be in readiness to accompany her. capt. maury, at mobile, writes that the two iron-clads, trent and nashville, now ready for sea, might take new orleans and _keep it_. the president directs the secretary of war to consult the secretary of the navy, and if they agreed, the attempt should be made without loss of time. so, probably, we shall have news from that quarter soon. the militia and department guard (soon to be called the national guard, probably) were notified to-day to be in readiness at a minute's warning. it is said positively that dix is advancing toward the city. well, let him come. july d.--the president is unwell again; to what extent i have not learned. but the vice-president is ready, no doubt, to take his place in the event of a fatal result; and some would rejoice at it. such is the mutability of political affairs! the attorney-general watts, being referred to, sends in a written opinion that foreigners sojourning here, under the protection of the confederate states, are liable to military duty, in defense of their homes, against any government but the one to which they claim to owe allegiance. this i sent in to the secretary of war, and i hope he will act on it; but the assistant secretary and mr. benjamin were busy to-day--perhaps combating the attorney-general's opinion. will mr. seddon have the nerve to act? it is a trying time, and every man is needed for defense. the enemy were drawn up in line of battle this morning below the fortifications. the department guard (my son custis among them) were ordered out, and marched away; and so with the second class militia. a battle is looked for to-morrow; and there has been skirmishing to-day. a dispatch from hanover court house says the enemy is approaching likewise from the north in large force--and guns. this is his great blunder. he cannot take richmond, nor draw back lee, and the detachment of so many of his men may endanger baltimore and washington, and perhaps philadelphia. july d.--my son custis stayed out all night, sleeping on his arms in the farthest intrenchments. a little beyond, there was a skirmish with the enemy. we lost eight in killed and wounded. what the enemy suffered is not known, but he fell back, and ran toward the white house. this morning, mr. ould, agent for exchange of prisoners, reported that "not a yankee could be found on the face of the earth." and this induced a general belief that the enemy had retired, finally, being perhaps ordered to washington, where they may be much needed. the secretary of war, believing the same thing, intimated to gen. elzey (who for some cause is unable to ride, and therefore remains in the city) a desire to send several regiments away to some menaced point at a distance. in response, elzey writes that none can be spared with safety; that the enemy had apparently divided his force into two bodies, one for hanover, and the other for the chickahominy, and both _strong_; and he advised against weakening the forces here. he said he had not yet completed the manning of the batteries, the delay being in arming the men--and he hoped "hill could hold out." we have convalescents at camp lee, and as many more may be relied on for the defense of the city; so we shall have not less than , men for the defense of richmond. the enemy have perhaps , ; but it would require , to storm our batteries. let this be remembered hereafter, if the , sent here on a fool's errand might have saved washington or baltimore, or have served to protect pennsylvania--and then let the press of the north bag the administration at washington! gen. lee's course is "right onward," and cannot be affected by events here. my friend jacques (clerk) marched out yesterday with the department guard; but he had the diarrhoea, and was excused from marching as far as the company. he also got permission to come to town this morning, having slept pretty well, he said, apart from the company. no doubt he did good service in the city to-day, having his rifle fixed (the ball, i believe, had got down before the powder), and procuring a basket of edibles and a canteen of strong tea, which he promised to share with the mess. he said he saw custis this morning, looking well, after sleeping on the ground the first time in his life, and without a blanket. we have nothing further from the north or the west. july th.--the department guard (my son with them) were marched last night back to the city, and out to meadow bridge, on the chickahominy, some sixteen miles! the clerks, i understand, complain of bad meat (two or three ounces each) and mouldy bread; and some of them curse the authorities for fraudulent deception, as it was understood they would never be marched beyond the city defenses. but they had no alternative--the secretaries would report the names of all who did not _volunteer_. most of the poor fellows have families dependent on their salaries for bread--being refugees from their comfortable homes, for the cause of _independence_. if removed, their wives and little children, or brothers and sisters, must perish. they would be conscribed, and receive only $ per month. my friend jacques did not return to the company yesterday, after all, although i saw him get into an ambulance with a basket of food. he got out again, sending the basket to mr. k., the young chief of the bureau, and judge campbell allowed him to remain. mr. myers the lawyer is much with judge campbell, working for his jew clients, who sometimes, i am told, pay $ each to be got out of the army, and as high as $ for a two months' detail, when battles are to be fought. mr. m. thinks he has law for all he does. a letter from gen. d. h. hill shows that it was his intention to bring on a battle on the d inst., but the enemy fled. it was only a feint below; but we may soon hear news from hanover county. col. gorgas (ordnance) writes that as his men are marched out to defend the city, he can't send much ammunition to gen. lee! a letter from lieut.-gen. e. kirby smith, dated june th, shows he was at shreveport, la., at that date. the poor militia were allowed to return to their homes to-day; but an hour after the tocsin sounded, and they were compelled to assemble and march again. this is the work of the governor, and the secretary of war says there was no necessity for it, as confederate troops here now can defend the city, if attacked. july th.--this morning the wires refused to work, being cut, no doubt, in hanover county. the presence of the enemy in this vicinity, i think, since they refuse to fight, is designed to prevent us from sending more troops into pennsylvania. i trust the president will think of this matter, if he is well enough; some of his generals here are incapable of thinking at all. _we have just received intelligence of a great battle at gettysburg, pennsylvania._ i have not heard the day; but the news was brought by flag of truce boat to city point last night. the yankee papers, i am told, claim a victory, but acknowledge a loss of five or six generals, among them meade, commander-in-chief (vice hooker), mortally wounded. _but we still held the town_, and "_actions speak louder than words_." more troops are marching up into hanover county. july th.--yesterday evening we received baltimore and new york papers with accounts (and loose ones) of the battle of gettysburg. the governor of pennsylvania says it was "_indecisive_," which means, as we read it, that meade's army was defeated. the forces (federal) are withdrawing from the neighborhood of this city, another indication that lee has gained a victory. dix has done but little damage. in retreating from hanover county, he burnt the bridges to retard pursuit. the "war department guard" have returned, my son among them, sun-burnt and covered with dust. they were out five days and four nights, sleeping on the ground, without tents or blankets, and with little or nothing to eat, although the commissary-general had abundance. the president, however, is better to-day, and able to get out of bed; but his health is apparently gone, and it may be doubtful whether he will ever be quite well again. the vice-president went down to the flag of truce boat on saturday, some say to fortress monroe, and others to washington. it is surmised that he is authorized by the president to have a definitive understanding with the federal authorities, whether or not private property is to be respected hereafter in the future progress of the war. if not, gen. lee will have orders to desolate the northern states, where he has the power. some, however, think he goes to washington, to propose terms of peace, etc. there is a rumor in the city, generally credited, that another battle was fought in pennsylvania on friday, and that the enemy was annihilated; these rumors sometimes assume form and substance, and this one, as if by some sort of magnetism, is credited by many. it is certain that mr. morris, superintendent of the telegraph office, has called upon his friends for the largest confederate flag in the city to hang out of his window. he says nothing more; but he may have sent dispatches to the president, which he is not at liberty to divulge. there may be later news from lee; or vicksburg may be relieved; or new orleans taken; or an armistice; or nothing. i am glad my son's company were ordered in to-day; for, after a week of fine fair weather, it is now raining furiously. this would have prostrated the _tender_ boys with illness. july th.--it appears that the fighting near gettysburg began on wednesday, july st, continued until sunday, the th, and perhaps longer. up to friday the northern papers claim the advantage. this morning at p.m. another dispatch was received from the same (unofficial) source, stating that on sunday the enemy made a stand, and a. p. hill's corps fell back, followed by the enemy, when longstreet's and ewell's corps closed in their rear and captured , prisoners--who are now guarded by pickett's division. it states that the prisoners refused to be paroled. this might possibly be true. this account is credited. col. custis lee, from the president's office, was in my office at half-past two p.m. to-day, and said nothing had been received from his father yet--but he did not deny that such accounts might be substantially true. the president still keeps his eye on gen. beauregard. a paper from the general to gen. cooper, and, of course, referred to the president, in relation to the means of defense in his department, and a call for more guns, was sent back to-day, indorsed by the president, that by an examination of the report of gen. huger, he thought some discrepancies would appear in the statements of gen. b. thus, it would seem, from a repetition of similar imputations, the president has strong doubts of gen. b.'s accuracy of statements. he is quick to detect discrepancies. gen. d. h. hill sends in a characteristic letter. he says the rivers are all swollen, and he can make no movement to-day in pursuit of dix's army of the pamunky--or rather "the monkey army." he says that the brooke pike outer defenses are so defective in design, that a force there could be driven off in five minutes by the enemy's sharpshooters. he wants them amended, and a certain grove cut down--and recommends that engineers be put to work, with orders to leave their "kid gloves behind." he thinks more is to be apprehended from an attack on petersburg than richmond; and requests that gen. wise be ordered to march thither from chaffin's bluff, on the first alarm. he had not heard of the reported victory of lee. july th.--i am glad to copy the following order of gen. lee: "headquarters army northern virginia, "chambersburg, pa., june th, . "general orders no. . "the commanding general has observed with marked satisfaction the conduct of the troops on the march, and confidently anticipates results commensurate with the high spirit they have manifested. no troops could have displayed greater fortitude, or better performed the arduous marches of the past ten days. their conduct in other respects has, with few exceptions, been in keeping with their character as soldiers, and entitles them to approbation and praise. "there have, however, been instances of forgetfulness on the part of some, that they have in keeping the yet unsullied reputation of the army, and that the duties exacted of us by civilization and christianity are not less obligatory in the country of the enemy than in our own. "the commanding general considers that no greater disgrace could befall the army, and through it, our whole people, than the perpetration of the barbarous outrages upon the innocent and defenseless, and the wanton destruction of private property, that have marked the course of the enemy in our own country. such proceedings not only disgrace the perpetrators and all connected with them, but are subversive of the discipline and efficiency of the army and destructive of the ends of our present movements. it must be remembered that we make war only upon armed men, and that we cannot take vengeance for the wrongs our people have suffered without lowering ourselves in the eyes of all whose abhorrence has been excited by the atrocities of our enemy, and offending against him to whom vengeance belongeth, without whose favor and support our efforts must all prove in vain. "the commanding general, therefore, earnestly exhorts the troops to abstain with most scrupulous care from unnecessary or wanton injury to private property; and he enjoins upon all officers to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who shall in any way offend against the orders on this subject. "r. e. lee, _general_." we have no additional news from the battle-field, except the following dispatch from winchester: "our loss is estimated at , . between and of our wounded are arriving here to-night. every preparation is being made to receive them. "gens. scales and pender have arrived here wounded, this evening. gens. armistead, barksdale, garnett, and kemper are reported killed. gens. jones, heth, anderson, pettigrew, jenkins, hampton, and hood are reported wounded. "the yankees say they had only two corps in the fight on wednesday, which was open field fighting. the whole of the yankee force was engaged in the last three days' fighting. the number is estimated at , . "the hills around gettysburg are said to be covered with the dead and wounded of the yankee army of the potomac. "the fighting of these four days is regarded as the severest of the war, and the slaughter unprecedented; especially is this so of the enemy. "the new york and pennsylvania papers are reported to have declared for peace." but the absence of dispatches from gen. lee himself is beginning to create distrust, and doubts of decisive success at gettysburg. his couriers may have been captured, or he may be delaying to announce something else he has in contemplation. the enemy's flag of truce boat of yesterday refused to let us have a single paper in exchange for ours. this signifies something--i know not what. one of our exchanged officers says he heard a northern officer say, at fortress monroe, that meade's loss was, altogether, , men; but this is not, of course, reliable. another officer said lee was retiring, which is simply impossible, now, for the flood. but, alas! we have sad tidings from the west. gen. johnston telegraphs from jackson, miss., that vicksburg capitulated on the th inst. this is a terrible blow, and has produced much despondency. the president, sick as he is, has directed the secretary of war to send him copies of all the correspondence with johnston and bragg, etc., on the subject of the relief of pemberton. the secretary of war has caught the prevailing alarm at the silence of lee, and posted off to the president for a solution--but got none. if lee falls back again, it will be the darkest day for the confederacy we have yet seen. july th.--the sad tidings from vicksburg have been confirmed by subsequent accounts. the number of men fit for duty on the day of capitulation was only a little upwards of . flour was selling at $ per barrel! this betrays the extremity to which they had been reduced. a dispatch to-day states that grant, with , men (supposed), is marching on jackson, to give johnston battle. but johnston will retire--he has not men enough to withstand him, until he leads him farther into the interior. if beaten, mobile might fall. we have no particulars yet--no comments of the southern generals under pemberton. but the fall of the place has cast a gloom over everything. the fall of vicksburg, alone, does not make this the darkest day of the war, as it is undoubtedly. the news from lee's army is appalling. after the battle of friday, the accounts from martinsburg now state, he fell back toward hagerstown, followed by the enemy, fighting but little on the way. instead of , we have only prisoners. how many we have lost, we know not. the potomac is, perhaps, too high for him to pass it--and there are probably , of the enemy immediately in his rear! such are the gloomy accounts from martinsburg. our telegraph operators are great liars, or else they have been made the dupes of spies and traitors. that the cause has suffered much, and may be ruined by the toleration of disloyal persons within our lines, who have kept the enemy informed of all our movements, there can be no doubt. the following is gen. johnston's dispatch announcing the fall of vicksburg: "jackson, july th, . "hon. j. a. seddon, secretary of war. "vicksburg capitulated on the th inst. the garrison was paroled, and are to be returned to our lines, the officers retaining their side-arms and personal baggage. "this intelligence was brought by an officer who left the place on sunday, the th. "j. e. johnston, _general_." we get nothing from lee himself. gen. cooper, the secretary of war, and gen. hill went to the president's office about one o'clock. they seemed in haste, and excited. the president, too, is sick, and ought not to attend to business. it will kill him, perhaps. there is serious anxiety now for the fate of richmond. will meade be here in a few weeks? perhaps so--but, then, lee may not have quite completed his raid beyond the potomac. the _baltimore american_, no doubt in some trepidation for the quiescence of that city, gets up a most glowing account of "meade's victory"--if it should, indeed, in the sequel, prove to have been one. that lee fell back, is true; but how many men were lost on each side in killed, wounded, and prisoners--how many guns were taken, and what may be the result of the operations in pennsylvania and maryland--of which we have as yet such imperfect accounts--will soon be known. july th.--this is the day of fate--and, without a cloud in the sky, the red sun, dimly seen through the mist (at noonday), casts a baleful light on the earth. it has been so for several days. early this morning a dispatch was received from gen. beauregard that the enemy attacked the forts in charleston harbor, and, subsequently, that they were landing troops on morris island. up to o'clock we have no tidings of the result. but if charleston falls, the government will be blamed for it--since, notwithstanding the remonstrances of gen. b., the government, members of congress, and prominent citizens, some , of his troops were away to save vicksburg. about one o'clock to-day the president sent over to the secretary of war a dispatch from an officer at martinsburg, stating that gen. lee was still at hagerstown awaiting his ammunition--(has not col. gorgas, chief of ordnance, been sufficiently vigilant?)--which, however, had arrived at the potomac. that all the prisoners (number not stated), except those paroled, were at the river. that _nothing was known of the enemy_--but that cavalry fighting occurred every day. he concluded by saying he did not know whether lee would advance _or recross the river_. if he does the latter, in my opinion there will be a great revulsion of feeling in the confederate states and in the united states. another dispatch, from gen. j. e. johnston, dated yesterday, at jackson, miss., stated that grant's army was then within _four_ miles of him, with numbers double his own. but that he would hold the city as long as possible, for its fall would be the loss of the state. i learn a subsequent dispatch announced that fighting had begun. i believe johnston is intrenched. to-day mr. secretary seddon requested attorney-general watts, if he could do so consistent with duty, to order a _nolle prosequi_ in the district court of alabama in the case of ford, hurd & co. for trading with the enemy. gen. pemberton had made a contract with them, allowing them to ship cotton to new orleans, and to bring back certain supplies for the army. but mr. attorney-general watts replied that it was not consistent with his duty to comply, and therefore he demurred to it, as the act they were charged with was in violation of the act of congress of april th, . we lost twelve general officers in the fall of vicksburg--one lieutenant-general, four major-generals, and seven brigadiers. dispatches from jackson, miss., say the battle began yesterday, but up to the time of the latest accounts it had not become general. johnston had destroyed the wells and cisterns, and as there are no running streams in the vicinity, no doubt grant's army will suffer for water, if the defense be protracted. from charleston we learn that we lost in yesterday's combat some men, killed and wounded--the enemy quite as many. this morning the yankees assaulted the battery on morris island, and were repulsed in two minutes, with a loss of killed and wounded, besides prisoners. our loss was five, killed and wounded. nothing further was heard up to o'clock p.m. from lee we have no news whatever. a letter from governor vance, of north carolina, complains of an insult offered by col. thorburn (of virginia), and asking that he be removed from the state, and if retained in service, not to be permitted to command north carolinians. the governor, by permission of gen. whiting, proceeded down the river to a steamer which had just got in (and was aground) from europe, laden with supplies for the state; but when attempting to return was stopped by col. t., who said it was against the rules for any one to pass from the steamer to the city until the expiration of the time prescribed for quarantine. the governor informed him of his special permission from gen. whiting and the board of navigation--and yet the colonel said he should not pass for fifteen days, "if he _was_ governor vance or governor jesus christ." the president indorsed on this letter, as one requiring the secretary's attention, "if the case be as stated." again the blockade-runners are at their dirty work, and judge campbell is "allowing" them. to-day col. j. gorgas, who is daily in receipt of immense amounts of ordnance stores from europe by government steamers, recommends that passports be given n. h. rogers and l. s. white to proceed _north_ for supplies. this is a small business. it is no time to apply for passports, and no time to grant them. we now know all about the mission of vice-president stephens under flag of truce. it was ill-timed for success. at washington news had been received of the defeat of gen. lee--which may yet prove not to have been "all a defeat." july th.--there is nothing additional this morning from charleston, mississippi, or maryland. telegraphic communication is still open to jackson, where all was quiet again at the last accounts; but battle, then, must occur immediately. from charleston we learn that beauregard had repulsed every assault of the enemy. it is rumored that lee's account of the battle of gettysburg will be published to-morrow, showing that it was the "most brilliant and successful battle of the war." i hope he may say so--for then it will be so. our papers are publishing milroy's papers captured at winchester. july th.--the _enquirer_ says the president has got a letter from gen. lee (why not give it to the people?) stating that his operations in pennsylvania and maryland have been successful and satisfactory, and that we have now some , to , prisoners, besides the or paroled. nonsense! lee and meade have been facing each other two or three days, drawn up in battle array, and a decisive battle may have occurred ere this. the wires have been cut between martinsburg and hagerstown. not another word have we from either charleston or jackson; but we learn that monitors, gun-boats, and transports are coming up the james river. altogether, this is another dark day in our history. it has been officially ascertained that pemberton surrendered, with vicksburg, , men! he has lost, during the year, not less than , ! and lovell (another northern general) lost fort jackson and new orleans. when _will_ the government put "none but southerners on guard?" letters to-day from the governors of south carolina, alabama, and north carolina show that all are offended at the confederate government. judge campbell's judicial profundity (and he is the department's correspondent) is unfortunate at this crisis, when, not great principles, but quick and successful fighting, alone can serve. it appears that president lincoln has made a speech in washington in exultation over the fall of vicksburg, and the defeat of an army contending against the principle that all men were created equal. he means the negro--we mean that white men were created equal--that we are equal to northern white people, and have a right, which we do not deny to them, of living under a government of our own choice. july th.--to-day we have tidings of the fall of port hudson, on the mississippi river, our last stronghold there. i suppose some , or , of our men had to surrender, unconditionally. thus the army of gen. pemberton, first and last, some , strong, has been completely destroyed. there is sadness and gloom throughout the land! the enemy are established on morris island, and the fate of charleston is in doubt. we have nothing authentic from gen. lee; but long trains of the slightly wounded arrived yesterday and to-day. it has been raining, almost every day, for nearly two weeks. the president is quite amiable now. the newspaper editors can find easy access, and he welcomes them with smiles. a letter was received to-day from a major jones, saying he was authorized to state that the messrs. ------, engine-makers in philadelphia, were willing to remove their machinery to the south, being southern men. the president indorsed that authority might be given for them to come, etc. gen. beauregard writes for a certain person here skilled in the management of torpedoes--but secretary mallory says the enemy's gun-boats are in the james river, and he cannot be sent away. i hope both cities may not fall! a heavy thunder-storm, accompanied with a deluging rain, prevails this afternoon at - / o'clock p.m. july th.--there was a rumor of another battle beyond the potomac, this morning, but it has not been confirmed. from charleston we have no news; but from jackson there has been considerable fighting, without a general engagement. the _enquirer_ and _sentinel_ to-day squint at a military dictatorship; but president davis would hardly attempt such a feat at such a time. gen. samuel jones, western virginia, has delayed men ordered to lee, assigning as an excuse the demonstrations of the enemy in the kanawha valley. "off with his head--so much for buckingham!" there is some gloom in the community; but the spirits of the people will rebound. a large crowd of irish, dutch, and jews are daily seen at gen. winder's door, asking permission to go north on the flag of truce boat. they fear being forced into the army; they will be compelled to aid in the defense of the city, or be imprisoned. they intend to leave their families behind, to save the property they have accumulated under the protection of the government. files of papers from europe show that mr. roebuck and other members of parliament, as well as the papers, are again agitating the question of recognition. we shall soon ascertain the real intentions of france and england. if they truly desire our success, and apprehend danger from the united states in the event of a reconstruction of the union, they will manifest their purposes when the news of our recent calamities shall be transported across the ocean. and if such a thing as reconstruction were possible, and were accomplished (in such a manner and on such terms as would not appear degrading to the southern people), then, indeed, well might both france and england tremble. the united states would have _millions_ of soldiers, and the southern people would not owe either of them a debt of gratitude. july th.--this is another blue day in the calendar. nothing from lee, or johnston, or bragg; and no news is generally bad news. but from charleston we learn that the enemy are established on morris island, having taken a dozen of our guns and howitzers in the sand hills at the lower end; and that the monitors had passed the bar, and doubtless an engagement by land and by water is imminent, if indeed it has not already taken place. many regard charleston as lost. i do not. again the _enquirer_, edited by mitchel, the irishman, is urging the president to seize arbitrary power; but the _examiner_ combats the project defiantly. mr. secretary seddon, who usually wears a sallow and cadaverous look, which, coupled with his emaciation, makes him resemble an exhumed corpse after a month's interment, looks to-day like a galvanized corpse which had been buried two months. the circles round his eyes are absolutely black! and yet he was pacing briskly backward and forward between the president's office and the war department. he seems much affected by disasters. the united states agent of exchange has sent a notice to our agent that the negroes we capture from them in battle must be exchanged as other soldiers are, according to the cartel, which said nothing about color; and if the act of congress in relation to such soldiers be executed, the united states would retaliate to the utmost extremity. captains h. w. sawyer and john flinn, having been designated by lot for execution in retaliation for two of our captains executed by gen. burnside for recruiting in kentucky, write somewhat lugubriously, in bad grammar and execrable chirography, that, as they never served under burnside, they should not be made to suffer for his deed. they say we have two of burnside's captains at atlanta (and they give their names) who would be the proper victims. i saw a paper to-day, sent to the department, with a list of the united states officers at memphis who are said to have taken bribes; among them is col. h----r, of illinois, provost marshal general (grant's staff); col. a----, illinois, ex-provost marshal; capt. w----, illinois, assistant provost marshal; capt. c---- (gen. herbert's staff), and "dan ross," citizen of illinois, _procurer_. on the th instant gen. d. h. hill (now lieutenant-general, and assigned to mississippi) asks if troops are to be sent to cover lee's _retreat_; and fears, if the enemy establish themselves at winchester, they will starve lee to death. speaking of the raid of the enemy to the north carolina railroad, he said they would do the state infinite service by dashing into raleigh and capturing all the members of the legislature. he also hits at the local newspapers here. their mention of his name, and the names of other officers in the campaign round richmond, informed the enemy that we had no troops at goldsborough and weldon, and hence the raid. and, after all, he says the enemy were not more numerous than our forces in the recent dash at richmond. he says it was no feint, but a faint. to-day an order was issued for the local troops to deliver up their ammunition. what does that mean? and to-day the president calls for the second class of conscripts, all between eighteen and forty-five years of age. _so our reserves must take the field!_ july th.--at last we have the authentic announcement that gen. lee has recrossed the potomac! thus the armies of the confederate states are recoiling at all points, and a settled gloom is apparent on many weak faces. the fall of charleston is anticipated. subjugation is not apprehended by the government; for, if driven to an interior line of defense, the war may be prolonged indefinitely, or at least until the united states becomes embroiled with some european power. meantime we are in a half starving condition. i have lost twenty pounds, and my wife and children are emaciated to some extent. still, i hear no murmuring. to-day, for the second time, ten dollars in confederate notes are given for one in gold; and no doubt, under our recent disasters, the depreciation will increase. had it not been for the stupidity of our dutch secretary of the treasury, mr. memminger, there would have been no financial difficulties. if he had recommended (as he was urged to do) the purchase by the government of all the cotton, it could have been bought at cents per pound; and the _profits_ alone would have defrayed the greater portion of the expenses of the war, besides affording immense _diplomatic_ facilities and advantages. but red-tape etiquette, never violated by the government, may prove our financial ruin beyond redemption. it costs this government five times as much to support an army as it does the united states; and the call for conscripts is a farce, since the speculators (and who is not one now?) will buy exemptions from the party who, strangely, have the authority to grant them. the last accounts from jackson state that burnside is reinforcing grant, and that heavy skirmishing is going on daily. but all suppose that johnston must retreat. and bragg is in no condition to face rosecrans. whether lee will come hither or not, no one knows; but some tremble for the fate of richmond. lee possibly may cross the potomac again, however, if meade detaches a heavy force to capture richmond. what our fate would be if we fall into the hands of the invader, may be surmised from the sufferings of the people in new orleans. july th.--lee has got over the potomac with a loss, in crossing, of ; and johnston has abandoned jackson, miss. but we have _awful_ good news from new york: an insurrection, the loss of many lives, extensive pillage and burning, with a suspension of the conscription! gen. morgan is in the enemy's country. july th.--we have no news this morning. but a rumor prevails, which cannot be traced to any authentic source, that texas has put herself under the protection of france. it is significant, because public sentiment seems to acquiesce in such a measure; and i have not met with any who do not express a wish that it may be so. texas, louisiana, and arkansas are now isolated, and no protection or aid can be given them by the government here; and it is natural, after the fall of new orleans and vicksburg, for the people to hope that the invaders may be deprived of their prey just at the moment when they anticipated a realization of its enjoyment. hon. wm. porcher miles writes that, after consultation, the officers have decided that it would be impracticable to hold morris island, even if the enemy were driven from it at the point of the bayonet. therefore they call loudly for brooke guns of long range, and guns of large calibre for sumter, so that the fort may prevent the enemy from erecting batteries in breaching distance. they say, in their appeal, that since the fall of vicksburg there is no other place (but one) to send them. they are now idle in richmond. i understand the secretary of war, etc. are in consultation on the subject, and i hope the president will, at last, yield to gen. beauregard's demands. gen. maury also writes for guns and ordnance stores for the defense of mobile, which may be attacked next. he will get them. if the insurrection in new york lives, and resistance to conscription should be general in the north, our people will take fresh hope, and make renewed efforts to beat back the mighty armies of the foe--suffering, and more than decimated, as we are. but if not--if charleston and richmond and mobile should fall, a peace (submission) party will spring up. nevertheless, the _fighting_ population would still resist, retiring into the interior and darting out occasionally, from positions of concentration, at the exposed camps of the enemy. july th.--nothing from lee or from johnston, except that the latter has abandoned jackson. from bragg's army, i learn that a certain number of regiments were moving from chattanooga toward knoxville--and i suspect their destination is lee's army. but we have a dispatch from beauregard, stating that he has again repulsed an attack of the enemy on the battery on morris island with heavy loss--perhaps --while his is trifling. a thousand of the enemy's forces were in wytheville yesterday, and were severely handled by of the home guards. they did but little injury to the railroad, and burned a few buildings. an indignant letter has been received from the hon. w. porcher miles, who had applied for a sub-lieutenancy for charles porcher, who had served with merit in the st south carolina artillery, and was his relative. it seems that the president directed the secretary to state that the appointment could not be given him because he was not years of age. to this mr. m. replies that several minors in the same regiment have been appointed. i think not. governor brown writes a long letter, protesting against the decision of the confederate states government, that the president shall appoint the colonel for the st georgia regiment, which the governor says is contrary to the confederate states constitution. he will resist it. a mrs. allen, a lady of wealth here, has been arrested for giving information to the enemy. her letters were intercepted. she is confined at the asylum _st. francis de sales_. the surgeon who attends there reports to-day that her mental excitement will probably drive her to madness. her great fear seems to be that she will be soon sent to a common prison. there is much indignation that she should be assigned to such comfortable quarters--and i believe the bishop (mcgill) protests against having criminals imprisoned in his religious edifices. it is said she has long been sending treasonable letters to baltimore--but the authorities do not have the names of her letter-carriers published. no doubt they had passports. a letter from lee's army says we lost , in the recent battle, killed, wounded, and prisoners. we took , prisoners and guns. thank heaven! we have fine weather after nearly a month's rain. it may be that we shall have better fortune in the field now. some of the bankers had an interview with the government to-day. unless we can achieve some brilliant success, they cannot longer keep our government notes from depreciating, down to five cents on the dollar. they are selling for only ten cents now, in gold. in vain will be the sale of a million of government gold in the effort to keep it up. gen. morgan, like a comet, has shot out of the beaten track of the army, and after dashing deeply into indiana, the last heard of him he was in ohio, _near cincinnati_. he was playing havoc with steam-boats, and capturing fine horses. he has some men we cannot afford to lose--but i fear they will be lost. july st.--we have intelligence to-day, derived from a new york paper of the th inst., that the "insurrection" in new york had subsided, under the menacing attitude of the military authority, and that lincoln had ordered the conscription law to be enforced. this gives promise of a long war. mr. mallory sent a note to the secretary of war to-day (which of course the secretary did not see, and will never hear of) by a young man named juan boyle, asking permission for b. to pass into maryland as an agent of the navy department. judge campbell indorsed on the back of it (to brig.-gen. winder) that permission was "allowed" by "order." but what is this "agent" to procure in the united states which could not be had by our steamers plying regularly between wilmington and europe? july d.--col. northrop, commissary-general, sends in a paper to-day saying that only a quarter of a pound of meat per day can be given the soldiers, except when marching, and then only half a pound. he says no more can be derived from the trans-mississippi country, nor from the state of mississippi, or tennessee, and parts of georgia and alabama; and if more than the amount he receives be given the soldiers, the negroes will have to go without any. he adds, however, that the peasants of europe rarely have any meat, and in hindostan, never. col. bradley t. johnson, who commanded a brigade at gettysburg, writes that on the first day we carried everything before us, capturing prisoners and losing but few men; the error was in not following up the attack with all our forces immediately, and in not having sufficient ammunition on the field. the newspapers to-day contain pretty accurate accounts of the battle. july d.--we have the following dispatch from gen. beauregard, which is really refreshing in this season of disasters: "charleston, july d, . "the enemy recommenced shelling again yesterday, with but few casualties on our part. we had, in the battle of the th inst., about killed and wounded. the enemy's loss, including prisoners, was about . nearly were buried under a flag of truce. "col. putnam, acting brigadier-general, and col. shaw, commanding the negro regiment, were killed. "(signed) g. t. beauregard, _general_." it is said the _raiders_ that dashed into wytheville have been taken; but not so with the raiders that have been playing havoc with the railroad in north carolina. another letter from j. m. botts, culpepper county, complains of the pasturing of army horses in his fields before the gettysburg campaign, and asks if his fields are to be again subject to the use of the commander of the army, _now returning to his vicinity_. if _he_ knows that gen. lee is fallen back thither, it is more than any one here seems to know. we shall see how accurate mr. b. is in his conjecture. a letter from mr. goodman, president of mobile and charleston railroad, says military orders have been issued to destroy, by fire, railroad equipments to the value of $ , , ; and one-third of this amount of destruction would defeat the purpose of the enemy for a long time. the president orders efforts to be made to bring away the equipments by sending them down the road. col. preston, commandant of conscripts for south carolina, has been appointed chief of the bureau of conscription; he has accepted the appointment, and will be here august st. the law will now be honestly executed--if he be not too indolent, sick, etc. archbishop hughes has made a speech in new york to keep down the irish. july th.--nothing from lee, or johnston, or beauregard, or bragg--but ill luck is fated for them all. our ladies, at least, would not despair. but a day may change the aspect; a brilliant success would have a marvelous effect upon a people who have so long suffered and bled for freedom. they are getting on more comfortably, i learn, on the eastern shore of virginia. only about of the enemy's troops are said to be there, merely to guard the wires. in the revolutionary war, and in the war of , that peninsula escaped the horrors of war, being deemed then, as now, too insignificant to attract the cupidity of the invaders. the secretary of the treasury sent an agent a few weeks ago with some $ , , for disbursement in the trans-mississippi country, but he has returned to this city, being unable to get through. he will now go to havana, and thence to texas; and hereafter money (if money it can be called) will be manufactured at houston, where a paper treasury will be established. gen. jos. e. johnston has recently drawn for $ , in gold. a letter from the commissary-general to gen. lee states that we have but , , pounds of bacon at atlanta, and , pounds in this city, which is less than days' rations for bragg's and lee's armies. he says all attempts to get bacon from europe have failed, and he fears they will fail, and hence, if the ration be not reduced to / pound we shall soon have no meat on hand. gen. lee says he cannot be responsible if the soldiers fail for want of food. july th.--gen. beauregard telegraphs that preparations should be made to withstand a bombardment at savannah, and authority is asked, at the instance of gov. brown, to impress a sufficient number of slaves for the purpose. gen. jos. b. johnston telegraphs the president that grant has fallen back to vicksburg, and, from information in his possession, will not stay there a day, _but will proceed up the river_. gen. johnston asks if this eccentric movement does not indicate a purpose to concentrate the enemy's forces for the reduction of richmond. grant's men, no doubt, objected to longer service at this season in the southwest; perhaps lincoln thinks grant is the only general who can take richmond, or it may be necessary for the presence of the army in the north to enforce the draft, to overawe conspirators against the administration, etc. we shall soon know more about it. misfortunes come in clusters. we have a report to-day that gen. morgan's command has been mostly captured in ohio. the recent rains made the river unfordable. it appears that gen. pemberton had but days' rations to last days, that the people offered him a year's supply for nothing if he would have it, and this he would not take, red tape requiring it to be delivered and paid for, so it fell into the hands of the enemy. he had a six months' supply of ammunition when he surrendered, and often during the siege would not let his men reply to the enemy's guns. advertisers in the papers offer $ for substitutes. one offers a farm in hanover county, on the central railroad, of acres, for a substitute. there is something significant in this. it was so in france when napoleon had greatly exhausted the male population. july th.--letters were received to-day from gens. beauregard, mercer, whitney, and s. jones. it appears that beauregard has some men of all arms, and that the enemy's force is estimated to be, or to have been (before losing some ), about , . it is true the enemy has the benefit of his floating batteries, but we have our stationary ones. i think charleston safe. gen. mercer _squeaks_ for the fate of savannah, unless the government impresses slaves to work on the fortifications. all our generals _squeak_ when an attack is apprehended, for the purpose of alarming the government, and procuring more men and material, so as to make success doubly sure. and gen. whiting is squeaking loudly for the impressment of a thousand slaves, to complete his preparations for defense; and if he does not get them, he thinks the fall of wilmington a pretty sure thing. and gen. jones squeaks from the west, asking that the infantry he was at last compelled to send to gen. lee, near winchester, be returned to him to oppose the enemy's raids. but what were they sent to lee for, unless he meant to give battle? such may be his intention, and a victory now is demanded of him to place him _rectus in curio_. beauregard says fort wagner, which has made such a successful defense on morris island, was located by gen. pemberton, and this is evidence of some military skill. but all the waters of lethe will not obliterate the conviction of the people that he gave his army in the west to the enemy. if he had not been northern born, they would have deemed him merely incompetent. hence the impolicy of the government elevating northern over southern generals. all generals are judged by the degree of success they achieve, for success alone is considered the proof of merit, and one disaster may obliterate the memory of a dozen victories. even lee's great name is dimmed somewhat in the estimation of fools. he must beat meade before grant comes up, or suffer in reputation. gov. bonham has demanded the free negroes taken on morris island, to be punished (death) according to the state law. july th.--nothing but disasters to chronicle now. natchez and yazoo city, all gone the way of vicksburg, involving a heavy loss of boats, guns, and ordnance stores; besides, the enemy have got some twenty locomotives in mississippi. lee has retreated as far as culpepper court house. the president publishes another proclamation, fixing a day for the people to unite in prayer. the weather is bad. with the exception of one or two bright days, it has been raining nearly a month. superadded to the calamities crowding upon us, we have a rumor to-day that gen. lee has tendered his resignation. this is false. but it is said he is opposed to the retaliatory executions ordered by the president, which, if persisted in, must involve the life of his son, now in the hands of the enemy. our officers executed by burnside were certainly recruiting in kentucky within the lines of the enemy, and gen. lee may differ with the president in the equity of executing officers taken by us in battle in retaliation. july th.--the rumor that gen. lee had resigned was simply a fabrication. his headquarters, a few days ago, were at culpepper c. h., and may be soon this side of the rappahannock. a battle and a victory may take place there. col. j. gorgas, i presume, is no friend of pemberton; it is not often that northern men in our service are exempt from jealousies and envyings. he sends to the secretary of war to-day a remarkable statement of eugene hill, an ordnance messenger, for whom he vouches, in relation to the siege and surrender of vicksburg. it appears that hill had been sent here by lieut.-gen. holmes for ammunition, and on his way back to the trans-mississippi country, was caught at vicksburg, where he was detained until after the capitulation. he declares that the enemy's mines did our works no more injury than our mines did theirs; that when the surrender took place, there were an abundance of caps, and of all kinds of ordnance stores; that there were , pounds of bacon or salt meat unconsumed, besides a number of cows, and mules, grazing within the fortifications; and that but few of the men even thought of such a contingency as a surrender, and did not know it had taken place until the next day ( th of july), when they were ordered to march out and lay down their arms. he adds that gen. pemberton kept himself very close, and was rarely seen by the troops, and was never known to go out to the works until he went out to surrender. major-gen. d. maury writes from mobile, to the president, that he apprehends an attack from banks, and asks instructions relative to the removal of , non-combatants from the city. he says forts gaines and morgan are provisioned for six months, and that the land fortifications are numerous and formidable. he asks for , men to garrison them. the president instructs the secretary, that when the purpose of the enemy is positively known, it will be time enough to remove the women, children, etc.; but that the defenses should be completed, and everything in readiness. but where the , men are to come from is not stated--perhaps from johnston. july th.--still raining! the great fear is that the crops will be ruined, and famine, which we have long been verging upon, will be complete. is providence frowning upon us for our sins, or upon our cause? another battle between lee and meade is looked for on the upper rappahannock. gov. harris, in response to the president's call for men, says western and middle tennessee are in the hands of the enemy, and that about half the people in east tennessee sympathize with the north! some two or three hundred of morgan's men have reached lynchburg, and they believe morgan himself will get off, with many more of his men. the new york _herald's_ correspondent, writing from washington on the th inst., says the united states ministers in england and france have informed the government of the intention of those powers to intervene immediately in our behalf; and that they will send iron-clad fleets to this country without delay. whereupon the _herald_ says mr. seward is in favor of making peace with us, and reconstructing the union--pardoning us--but keeping the slaves captured, etc. it is a cock-and-bull story, perhaps, without foundation. july th.--raining still! lee's and meade's armies are manoeuvring and facing each other still; but probably there will be no battle until the weather becomes fair, and the gushing waters in the vales of culpepper subside. from charleston we learn that a furious bombardment is going on, the enemy not having yet abandoned the purpose of reducing the forts and capturing the city. mr. miles calls loudly for reinforcements and heavy cannon, and says the enemy was reinforced a few days since. an indignant letter was received from gov. vance to-day, in response to the refusal of the government and gen. lee to permit him to send with the army a newspaper correspondent to see that justice was done the north carolina troops. he withdraws the application, and appeals to history for the justice which (he says) will never be done north carolina troops in virginia by their associates. he asserts also that gen. lee refused furloughs to the wounded north carolinians at the battle of chancellorville (one-half the dead and wounded being from north carolina), for fear they would not return to their colors when fit for duty! hon. wm. l. yancey is dead--of disease of the kidney. the _examiner_, to-day, in praising him, made a bitter assault on the president, saying he was unfortunately and hastily _inflicted_ on the confederacy at montgomery, and when fixed in position, banished from his presence the heart and brain of the south--denying all participation in the affairs of government to the great men who were the authors of secession, etc. july st.--hon. e. s. dargan, member of congress, writes from mobile that mississippi is nearly subdued, and alabama is almost exhausted. he says our recent disasters, and lee's failure in pennsylvania, have nearly ruined us, and the destruction must be complete unless france and england can be induced to interfere in our behalf. he never believed they would intervene unless we agreed to abolish slavery; and he would embrace even that alternative to obtain their aid. he says the people are fast losing all hope of achieving their independence; and a slight change of policy on the part of lincoln (pretermitting confiscation, i suppose) would put an end to the revolution and the confederate states government. mr. d. has an unhappy disposition. mr. l. q. washington recommends gen. winder to permit mr. wm. matthews, just from california, to leave the country. gen. w. sends the letter to the assistant secretary of war, judge campbell, who "allows" it; and the passport is given, without the knowledge of the president or the secretary of war. the news from mexico (by the northern papers) is refreshing to our people. the "notables" of the new government, under the auspices of the french general, forey, have proclaimed the states an empire, and offered the throne to maximilian of austria; and if he will not accept, they "implore" the emperor of france to designate the one who shall be their emperor. our people, very many of them, just at this time, would not object to being included in the same empire. the president is still scrutinizing beauregard. the paper read from the general a few days since giving a statement of his forces, and the number of the enemy, being sent to the president by the secretary of war, was returned to-day with the indorsement, that he hoped "a clearer comprehension of the cause," in the promised further report of the general, would be given "why the enemy approached morris island before being observed." so, omitting all notice of the defense (so far) of the batteries, etc., the attention of the president seems fixed on what the general omitted to do; or what he might, could, or should have done. end of vol. i. a rebel war clerk's diary. vol. ii. chapter xxix. some desertion.--lee falling back.--men still foolishly look for foreign aid.--speculators swarming.--god helps me to-day.--conscripts.-- memminger shipping gold to europe.--our women and children making straw bonnets.--attack on charleston.--robert tyler as a financier.-- enemy throw large shells into charleston, five and a half miles.-- diabolical scheme.--gen. lee has returned to the army. august st.--the president learns, by a dispatch from gen. hardee, of mississippi, that information has reached him, which he considers authentic, that gen. taylor has beaten banks in louisiana, taking prisoners; but then it is said that taylor has _fallen back_. i see by mr. memminger's correspondence that he has been sending $ , , in sterling exchange, with the concurrence of the president and the secretary of war, to gen. johnston and gov. pettus. what can this mean? perhaps he is buying stores, etc. gen. pemberton, it is said, has proclaimed a thirty days' furlough to all his paroled army--a virtue of necessity, as they had all gone to their homes without leave. gen. lee writes that fifty men deserted from scale's regiment, north carolina (a small regiment), night before last, being incited thereto by the newspapers. he wants pickets placed at certain places to catch them, so that some examples may be made. gov. vance urges the war department to interdict speculation on the part of officers of the government and army, as it tempts them to embezzle the public funds, enhances prices, and enrages the community. peter v. daniel, jr., president of the central railroad, is anxious for the defense of the four bridges near hanover junction, which, if destroyed by the enemy, could not be replaced for months, and lee would have to fall back to richmond, if not farther, as all his supplies must be transported by the road. he indicates the places where troops should be stationed, and says from those places, if needed in battle, , men could be transported in twenty-four hours to either fredericksburg or richmond. gen. bragg is hurt, because one of his captains has been given an independent command, without consulting him, to defend atlanta, in his department. he says the captain has no merit, and atlanta and augusta are in great danger--the newspapers having informed the enemy of the practicability of taking them. he intimates an inclination to be relieved. mr. plant, president of the southern express company, was "allowed" to leave the confederate states to-day by the assistant secretary of war, subject to the discretion of gen. whiting at wilmington. i suppose his fortune is made. august d.--we have warm, fair weather now; but the momentary gloom, hanging like the pall of death over our affairs, cannot be dispelled without a decisive victory somewhere, or news of speedy foreign intervention. the letters which i read at the department this morning, contain no news whatever. i have suggested to the government to prohibit the exchange of newspapers in the flag of truce boat; but i doubt if they will act upon it. it is a manifest injury to us. the exchange of prisoners is practically resumed; the federal boat delivering yesterday of _our sick and wounded_; and we returned of their sick and wounded. august d.--the president issued a proclamation to-day, calling upon all absentees to return to the ranks without delay, etc. hon. d. m. barringer writes from raleigh, n. c, that the state is in a ferment of rage against the administration for appointing marylanders and virginians, if not pennsylvanians, quartermasters, to collect the war tax within its limits, instead of native citizens. mr. w. h. locke, living on the james river, at the cement and lime works, writes that more than a thousand deserters from lee's army have crossed at that place within the last fortnight. this is awful; and they are mainly north carolinians. august th.--the partial gloom continues. it is now ascertained that gen. morgan is a prisoner; only some of his men, out of , having escaped. lee is falling back on this side of the rappahannock. his army has been diminished by desertions; but he has been reinforced pretty considerably since leaving pennsylvania. the president's address may reinforce him still more; and then it may be possible a portion of bragg's and johnston's armies may be ordered hither. if this should be done, the next battle may be fatal to meade. our people are thirsting for another victory; and may expect too much. confederate notes are now given for gold at the rate of $ or $ for $ . flour is $ per barrel; bacon, $ . per pound; coal, $ per cart-load; and good wood, $ per cord. butter is selling at $ per pound, etc. etc. nevertheless, most men look for relief in the foreign complications the united states are falling into. england _will not_ prohibit the selling of steamers to the confederate states, and the united states say it shall not be done; and france has taken possession of mexico, erecting it into an empire, upon the throne of which will be seated some european ruler. we think recognition of our government is not far behind these events; when we shall have powerful navies to open the blockade. we are used to wounds and death; but can hardly bear starvation and nakedness. august th.--a letter from hon. w. porcher miles to the secretary of war, received the th july, urging the government to send some long-range brooke guns for the salvation of charleston, and saying that the president had once promised him that they should be sent thither, being sent by the secretary to the president, was, to-day, august th, returned by the president, with a paper from the secretary of the navy, showing that, at the time mr. miles says he was promised the brooke guns, there _were really none on hand_. thus mr. miles has been _caught_ by the president, after the lapse of twenty days! it is not denied, even by the secretary of the navy, that long-range guns were on hand at the time--but there were no brooke guns, simply. thus, while charleston's fate hangs trembling in the balance, and the guns are idle here, twenty days are fruitlessly spent. mr. miles appears to be a friend of beauregard. every letter that general sends to the department is sure to put twenty clerks at work in the effort to pick flaws in his accuracy of statement. a report of the ordnance officers of bragg's army shows that in the late retreat (without a battle) from shelbyville to chattanooga, the army lost some arms and between , and , cartridges! our naval commanders are writing that they cannot get seamen--and at mobile half are on the sick list. lee writes that his men are in good fighting condition--if he only had enough of them. of the three corps, one is near fredericksburg (this side the river), one at orange c. h., and one at gordonsville. i doubt if there will be another battle for a month. meantime the treasury notes continue to depreciate, and all the necessaries of life advance in price--but they do not rise in _proportion_. the _examiner_ had a famous attack on the president to-day (from the pen, i think, of a military man, on gen. scott's staff, when mr. davis was secretary of war), for alleged stubbornness and disregard of the popular voice; for appointing pemberton, holmes, mallory, etc., with a side fling at memminger. august th.--a dispatch from gen. lee shows that he is still falling back (this side the rapidan), but gradually concentrating his forces. there _may_ be another battle speedily--and if our army does not gain a _great_ victory, there will be great disappointment. there are some gun-boats in the james as high up as aiken's landing. two torpedoes, badly ignited, failed to injure either of them. capt. kay, of mobile, in conjunction with several other parties, has a scheme for the destruction of the enemy in the mississippi valley. what it is, i know not--but i know large sums of money are asked for. after all, it appears that twenty-two transports of grant's troops have descended the mississippi river--mobile, no doubt, being their destination. it is now believed that only a portion of grant's army has been ordered here; also that rosecrans's army will operate with meade; the object being to besiege richmond. well, we shall, in that event, have johnston and bragg--altogether , men around the city, which _ought_ to suffice for its safety. a grand battle may take place this fall, in which half a million of men may be engaged. that ought to be followed by a decisive result. let it come! the speculators have put up the price of flour to $ per barrel. to the honor of messrs. warwick, they are selling it at their mills for $ --not permitting any family to have more than one barrel. this looks, however, like an approaching siege. my good friend dr. powell, almost every week, brings my family cucumbers, or corn, or butter, or something edible from his farm. he is one in ten thousand! his son has been in sixteen battles--and yet the government refuses him a lieutenancy, because he is not quite twenty-one years of age. he is manly, well educated, brave, and every way qualified. august th.--nothing new from lee's army--only that his troops are eager for another battle, when they are resolved to gain the day. there will probably not be so many prisoners taken as usual, since the alleged cruel treatment of our men now taken at gettysburg, and the sending of gen. morgan to the ohio penitentiary, and shaving his head, by order of gen. burnside. a dispatch from beauregard, to-day, states that the enemy are getting large reinforcements, and are at work on their island batteries. there was a slow firing--and but one man killed. it is believed that governor letcher will, reluctantly, call the legislature together; but he says the members will exhibit only the _bad spirit of the people they represent_. what that means, i know not. the governor elect--commonly called "extra-billy smith"--has resigned his brigadiership. but he is a candidate for a major-generalship, until inauguration day, st january. he has had an interview with the president, and proposes to take command of the troops defending the city--that gen. elzey may take the field. smith would undoubtedly have a strong motive in defending the capital--but then he knows nothing of military affairs, yet i think he will be appointed. gen. wise's batteries crippled and drove off the enemy's monitor and gun-boats day before yesterday. the monitor was towed down the james river in a disabled condition. to-day, for the third time since the war began, i derived some money from our farm. it was another interposition of providence. once before, on the very days that money was indispensable, a mr. evans, a blockade-runner to the eastern shore of virginia, came unexpectedly with $ obtained from my agent, who has had the management of the farm for many years, and who is reported to be a union man. to-day, just when my income is wholly insufficient to pay rent on the house--$ per annum and $ rent for the furniture, besides subsisting the family--at the very moment when my wife was about to part with the last of her little store of gold, to buy a few articles of furniture at auction, and save a heavy expense ($ per month), the same evans came to me, saying that although he had no money from my agent, if i would give him an order on the agent for $ , he would advance that amount in treasury notes. i accepted the sum on his conditions. this is the work of a beneficent providence, thus manifested on three different occasions,--and to doubt it would be to deserve damnation! august th.--there is nothing new from any of the armies, except that my old friend, gen. rains, sent to mississippi, stopped and stampeded grant's army, after johnston retreated from jackson, with his "subterra batteries." it appears that hundreds of the enemy and their horses were killed and wounded by the shells planted by him beneath the surface of the earth, and which ignited under the pressure of their weight. they knew not where to go to avoid them, and so they retreated to vicksburg. this invention may become a terror to all invading. a letter received some days ago from a mr. bible, in georgia, proposing to contribute one-quarter of his slaves as teamsters, cooks, etc. for the army, came back from the president, to-day, approved, with directions to quartermasters to employ in such capacities all that could be procured. col. myers, the quartermaster-general, who is charged with saying "let them suffer," when the soldiers wanted blankets last winter, is to go out of office at last--to be succeeded by brig.-gen. lawton. oak-wood is selling to-day for $ per cord; coal, $ per cart-load; and flour, $ per barrel. mr. warwick, however, sells any family one barrel for $ . i got one from him, and the promise of another for $ --from commissary warner; and i hope to get two loads of coal, under the navy contract, at $ each. there is much excitement against the speculators in food and fuel--and some harsh proceeding may ensue. the _tribune_ (new york) now says no terms will be listened to so long as we are in arms. we will not yield our arms but with life--and this insures independence. august th.--no news from the armies. mrs. ex-president tyler, who has already been permitted to visit her native state, new york, once or twice during the war--and indeed her plantation has been within the enemy's lines--has applied for passage in a government steamer (the lee) to nassau, and to take with her "a few bales of cotton." i suppose it will be "allowed." we have fine hot august weather now, and i hope my tomatoes will mature, and thus save me two dollars per day. my potatoes have, so far, failed; but as they are still green, perhaps they may produce a crop later in the season. the lima beans, trailed on the fence, promise an abundant crop; and the cabbages and peppers look well. every inch of the ground is in cultivation--even the ash-heap, covered all over with tomato-vines. august th.--no army news of immediate importance. south carolina has set an example in the prices of supplies for the army, under the impressment act, fixed by the commissioners. by this schedule (for august, and it will be less in succeeding months) bacon is to be from to cents per pound; beef, cents; corn, $ per bushel; flour $ ; pork, cents; hay, $ . per pounds; oats, $ per bushel; potatoes, $ ; rice, cents; sugar, cents; soap, cents; and wheat, $ . per bushel. gen. lee writes that the railroad brings him but bushels of corn per day; not enough to bring up his exhausted cavalry and artillery horses; and he suggests that passenger cars be occasionally left behind for the purpose of supplying the army--an indispensable measure. gen. lee also writes that he has unarmed men in his army; in two weeks there will be , and in a month , . he suggests that the troops for local defense here, and even the militia, be disarmed, to supply his men. this indicates that lee is to have an _immense_ army, and that richmond is to be defended. but the central and fredericksburg railroads must be repaired immediately, and at any expense to the government, or else all will fail! august th.--after all the applications of the railroad companies when gen. lee was in pennsylvania, and the enemy had withdrawn from this side of the potomac, it appears that the fine iron on the road from fredericksburg to aquia creek was not removed! mr. seddon's subordinates must answer for this. the iron was wanted more than anything else but men. the want of men cannot be alleged for not securing it, because the railroad companies would have procured negroes enough for its removal. well, the first of august has passed, and the grand scheme of the war office at washington of a general servile insurrection did not take place. on the contrary, a large army of slaves might be organized to fight for their masters. to-day, it must be confessed, i saw some of the booty (if, indeed, it was not fairly bought) of the recent invasion of the north. a number of boxes of fine stationery, brought from carlisle, chambersburg, etc., were opened at the war department. there is a controversy between the secretary of war, assistant secretary, and attorney-general on one side, and the commissary-general, col. l. b. northrop, on the other. it appears that one of the assistant commissaries exchanged sugar for flour and rice in alabama with a merchant or speculator, and then, after the lapse of a month or so, _impressed the sugar_. the party got the attorney-general's opinion in his behalf, which was approved by the assistant secretary of war, and the secretary issued an order for the release of the sugar. in response to this, col. n. rebuts the arguments of the whole three (lawyers) by saying it is not _good sense_ to exempt anything, under any circumstances, from impressment, when needed to carry on the war; and that the way to success is to do justice to the whole country--and not to please the people. a palpable hit at the politicians. he says if the secretary insists on the sugar being released, it will be done against his (n.'s) judgment. august th.--letters from georgia to-day assure the government that the grain crops of that state will afford a surplus sufficient for the army, cavalry and all, for months. also one from p. clayton, late assistant secretary of the treasury, censuring the commissary agents in georgia, who are sent thither from other states, who insult the farmers and encourage speculation. mr. memminger is shipping gold from wilmington, $ , by each steamer, to bermuda and nassau. why is this? cotton is quite as good as gold, and there are thousands of millions worth of that in the country, which mr. memminger might buy, certainly might have bought for confederate notes, but, in his peculiar wisdom, he would not. and now, the _great financier_ is shipping gold out of the country, thinking, perhaps, it may arrest the depreciation of paper money! col. northrop, commissary-general, is still urging a diminution of rations, and as our soldiers taken by the enemy fare badly in the north, and as the enemy make a point of destroying all the crops they can when they invade us, and even destroy our agricultural implements and teams, he proposes, in retaliation, to stop meat rations altogether to prisoners in our hands, and give them instead oat gruel, corn-meal gruel, and pea soup, soft hominy, and bread. this the secretary will not agree to, because the law says they shall have the same as our troops. i read to-day gen. lee's report of his operations (an outline) in june and july, embracing his campaign in maryland and pennsylvania. the enemy could not be attacked advantageously opposite fredericksburg, and hence he determined to draw him out of his position by relieving the lower valley of the shenandoah, and, if practicable, transfer the scene of hostilities north of the potomac. the movement began on the d of june. the divisions of mclaws and hood (longstreet's) marched for culpepper c. h. they were followed on the th and th by ewell's corps, a. p. hill's still occupying our lines at fredericksburg. when the enemy discovered the movement (on the th), he sent an army corps across the rappahannock, but this did not arrest longstreet and ewell, who reached culpepper c. h. on the th, where they found gen. stuart and his cavalry. on the th the enemy's cavalry and a strong force of infantry crossed the rappahannock and attacked gen. stuart, but they were beaten back, after fighting all day, with heavy loss, including prisoners, pieces artillery, and several colors. gens. jenkins and imboden had been sent in advance, the latter against romney, to cover the former's movement against winchester, and both were in position when ewell left culpepper c. h. on the th. gen. early stormed the enemy's works at winchester on the th, and the whole army of milroy was captured or dispersed. gen. rhodes, on the same day, took martinsburg, va., capturing prisoners, pieces artillery, and a large supply of stores. more than prisoners were taken at winchester; pieces artillery; wagons and ambulances; horses, besides a large amount of military stores. precisely at this time the enemy disappeared from fredericksburg, seemingly designing to take a position to cover washington. gen. stuart, in several engagements, took more prisoners, etc. meantime, gen. ewell, with gen. jenkins's cavalry, etc., penetrated maryland, and pennsylvania as far as chambersburg. on the th, lt.-gens. longstreet and hill marched to the potomac, the former crossing at williamsport and the latter at shepherdstown, uniting at hagerstown, md., advancing into pennsylvania, and encamping near chambersburg on the th. ewell's corps advanced as far as york and carlisle, to keep the enemy out of the mountains, and to keep our communications open. gen. imboden destroyed all the important bridges of the baltimore and ohio railroad from martinsburg to cumberland, damaging the chesapeake and ohio canal. preparations were made to march upon harrisburg, when information was received of the approach of the army of the enemy, menacing communications with the potomac, necessitating a concentration of our army at gettysburg. hill became engaged with a superior force of the enemy on the st july, but ewell, coming up by the harrisburg road, participated in the engagement, and the enemy were driven through gettysburg with heavy loss, including about prisoners and several pieces of artillery. the enemy retired to a high range of hills, south and east of the town. on the d, gen. ewell occupied the left, gen. hill the center, and gen. longstreet the right. longstreet got possession of the enemy's position in front of his corps after a severe struggle; ewell also carried some strong positions. the battle ceased at dark. the next day, d july, our batteries were moved forward to the positions we had gained, and it was determined to renew the attack. meantime the enemy had strengthened his line. the battle raged with great violence in the afternoon, until sunset. we got possession of some of the enemy's batteries, but our ammunition failing, our troops were compelled to relinquish them, and fall back to their original position with severe loss. our troops (the general says) behaved well in the protracted and sanguinary conflict, accomplishing all that was practicable. the strong position of the enemy, and reduction of his ammunition, rendered it inexpedient for gen. lee to continue longer where he was. such of the wounded as could be moved, and part of the arms collected on the field, were ordered to williamsport. his army remained at gettysburg during the th, and began to retire at night, taking with it about prisoners, nearly having been previously paroled. the enemy's wounded that fell into his hands were left behind. he reached williamsport without molestation, losing but few wagons, etc., and arrived at hagerstown th july. the potomac was much swollen by recent rains, that had fallen incessantly ever since he had crossed it, and was unfordable. the enemy had not yet appeared, until the th, when, instead of attacking, meade fortified his lines. on the th gen. lee crossed at falling waters, the river subsiding, by fords and a bridge, without loss, the enemy making no interruption. only some stragglers, sleeping, fell into the hands of the enemy. august th.--no news. it turns out that gen. taylor got only prisoners at donaldsonville, la., instead of . a writer in the new york _tribune_ says the northern troops burnt jackson, miss. lincoln has marked for close confinement and hostages three of our men for three free negroes taken on morris island. the government here has, at last, indicated blockade-goods (u. s.) which are to be seized; also sent circular letters to the generals at wilmington, charleston, and mobile to impose restrictions on blockade running steamers belonging to private parties. the government must first have such articles as its necessities require, at fair prices, before the merchandise can be offered to the public, and the vessels must be freighted out partly with government cotton. this is a good arrangement, even if it is "locking the stable after the horse is stolen." august th.--the enemy is not idle. he knows the importance of following up his recent advantages, and making the utmost use of his veteran troops now in the field, because his new levies, if indeed the draft be submitted to, will not be fit for use this year, probably, if ever, for they will consist of the riff-raff of the northern population. on the other hand, he suspects we will soon have larger armies in the field than ever before, and our accessions will consist of our bravest men, who will make efficient soldiers in a month. if our armies be not broken before october, no doubt the tide of success will turn again fully in our favor. major wm. norris, signal corps, reports that many transports and troops have been going down from washington and annapolis to fortress monroe during the whole week, and that men embarked at fortress monroe, on monday, for (as they said themselves) charleston. among these was a negro regiment of . t. c. reynolds, confidential agent of the government in the trans-mississippi states, sends copy of a circular letter from lieut.-gen. kirby smith to the "representative men" of missouri, arkansas, louisiana, and texas, to meet him in convention, th august, at marshall, texas. mr reynolds says he and others will exert themselves to prevent the meeting from taking a dangerous political direction. gen. smith is popular, and opposed to the states named setting up for themselves, although he plainly says in the circular that they must now adopt self-sustaining measures, as they cannot look for aid from the east. mr. reynolds says something, not clearly understood by me, about an equipoise among the _political_ generals. has he been instructed on that point in reference to gen. price? letters from mr. crenshaw, in england, and the correspondence forwarded by him, might seem to implicate major caleb huse, col. j. gorgas's ordnance agent, in some very ugly operations. it appears that major h. has contracted for , muskets at $ above the current price, leaving $ , commission for whom? and that he really seems to be throwing obstacles in the way of mr. c., who is endeavoring to procure commissary stores in england. mr. c. has purchased £ , worth of bacon, but major huse, he apprehends, is endeavoring to prevent its shipment. can this be so? the _charleston mercury_ that came to-day contains an editorial broadside against the president, mr. benjamin, mr. mallory, and commissary-general northrop. mr. gilmer, lawyer, remarked to me to-day that some grave men (!) really believed davis and lincoln had an understanding, and were playing into each other's hands to prolong the war, knowing that peace would be the destruction of both! i think there is more danger to both in war. the blood of a brave people could not be trifled with without the utmost danger. let peace come, even if the politicians be shorn of all their power. august th.--i learn an order has been issued to conscribe all commissary and quartermasters' clerks liable to military service. there will be, and ought to be, some special cases of exemption, where men have lost everything in the war and have women and children depending on their salaries for subsistence; but if this order be extended to the ordnance and other bureaus, as it must be, or incur the odium of injustice, and the thousand and one a. a. g.'s, there will soon be a very important accession to the army. major joseph b----, who was lately confined with over of our officers, prisoners, on johnson island, lake erie, proposes a plan to the secretary of war whereby he is certain the island can be taken, and the prisoners liberated and conveyed to canada. he proposes that a dozen men shall seize one of the enemy's steamers at sandusky, and then overpower the guards, etc. it is wild, but not impracticable. we hear nothing to-day from the enemy on the rappahannock or at fortress monroe. our army in western louisiana captured some forty yankee cotton-planters, who had taken possession of the plantations after driving their owners away. the account states that they were "sent to texas." were they not sent into eternity? august th.--the president rides out with some of the female members of his family every afternoon, his aids no longer accompanying him. in this he evinces but little prudence, for it is incredible that he should be ignorant of the fact that he has some few deadly enemies in the city. everywhere the ladies and children may be seen plaiting straw and making bonnets and hats. mrs. davis and the ladies of her household are frequently seen sitting on the front porch engaged in this employment. ostentation cannot be attributed to them, for only a few years ago the howells were in humble condition and accustomed to work. my wife borrowed $ of mr. waterhouse, depositing $ in gold as security--worth $ --which, with the $ from evans on account of rent, have been carefully applied to the purchase of sundry housekeeping articles. after the st september we shall cease to pay $ per month rent on furniture, but that amount for house-rent, so that in the item of rent my expenses will be less than they were the preceding year. so far, with the exception of crockery-ware and chairs, the purchases (at auction) have been at low prices, and we have been fortunate in the time selected to provide indispensable articles. i often wonder if, in the first struggle for independence, there was as much suffering and despondency among certain classes of the people as we now behold. our rich men are the first to grow weary of the contest. yesterday a letter was received by the secretary of war from a mr. reanes, jackson, mississippi, advising the government to lose no time in making the best terms possible with the united states authorities, else all would be lost. he says but a short time ago he was worth $ , , , and now nothing is left him but a shelter, and that would have been destroyed if he had not made a pledge to remain. he says he is an old man, and was a zealous secessionist, and even now would give his life for the independence of his country. but that is impracticable--numbers must prevail--and he would preserve his wife and children from the horrors threatened, and inevitable if the war be prolonged. he says the soldiers that were under pemberton and lovell will never serve under them again, for they denounce them as traitors and tyrants, while, as they allege, they were well treated by the enemy when they fell into their hands. yet it seems to me that, like the israelites that passed through the red sea, and shadrach and his brethren who escaped unscorched from the fiery furnace, my family have been miraculously sustained. we have purchased no clothing for nearly three years, and had no superabundance to begin with, but still we have decent clothes, as if time made no appreciable change in them. i wear a hat bought four years ago, and shoes that cost me (government price then) $ . more than a year ago, and i suppose they would sell now for $ ; new ones are bringing $ . my tomatoes are maturing slowly, but there will be abundance, saving me $ per week for ten weeks. my lima beans are very full, and some of them will be fit to pull in a few days. my potatoes are as green as grass, and i fear will produce nothing but vines; but i shall have cabbages and parsnips, and red peppers. no doubt the little garden, by , will be worth $ to me. thank providence, we still have health! but the scarcity--or rather high prices, for there is really no scarcity of anything but meat--is felt by the cats, rats, etc., as well as by the people. i have not seen a rat or mouse for months, and lean cats are wandering past every day in quest of new homes. what shall we do for sugar, now selling at $ per pound? when the little supply this side of the mississippi is still more reduced it will probably be $ ! it has been more than a year since we had coffee or tea. was it not thus in the trying times of the revolution? if so, why can we not bear privation as well as our forefathers did? we must! august th.--no news, except that the bombardment at charleston is getting hotter--but the casualties are few. the chief ordnance officer of gen. lee's army writes that the ammunition from richmond has always to be tested before they can venture to use it. the shells for the parrott guns are often too large--and of course would be useless in the hour of battle! the _examiner_ to-day has an attack on the president for removing a. c. myers, the quartermaster-general. august th.--there is heavy firing, day and night, on wagner's battery and fort sumter. the enemy use -inch guns; but sumter is yards distant, and it may be hoped will not be reduced. after all, the enemy did not, durst not, shave the head of gen. morgan, and otherwise maltreat him, as was reported. the secretary of war is, i believe, really in earnest in his determination to prevent future blockade-running on private account; and is resolved to send out cotton, tobacco, etc. by every steamer, so that funds and credit may be always available in europe. the steamers go and come every week, in spite of the cruisers, and they bring munitions of war, equipments, provisions, iron, etc. etc. so long as this continues, the war can be maintained; and of late very few captures have been made by the enemy. there are rumors of some manoeuvres of gen. lee, which may indicate an approaching battle. august th.--a _scout_, from washington, has reported to major norris, signal corps, that , new york troops have recently left meade's army, their term of service having expired; and that , men have been sent from his army against charleston. this accounts for the falling back of meade--and the detachment never would have been made without. this intelligence has been in the possession of the government four days; and if charleston should fall now for want of men or material, there will be great culpability somewhere. all the non-combatants have been requested to leave charleston--and none are allowed to enter the city. we have just got information from charleston of a furious assault. so far the casualties are not very great, nor the island batteries materially injured; but sumter, it is feared, is badly shattered, yet is in no great danger. much apprehension for the result is felt and manifested here. six or eight large columbiads have been lying idle at the petersburg depot for a month, although the prayers of the people of charleston for heavy guns have been incessant! col. preston, chief of the bureau of conscription, sent in a long communication to-day, asking for enlarged powers and exclusive jurisdiction in the conscription business, and then, he says, he will have all the conscripts (not exempted) in the army in six months. but more are exempted than conscribed! robert tyler publishes a long and hopeful letter on our finances. if mr. memminger read and approved the manuscript, it is well; but if not, _good-by_, my friend! it is well done, however, even though _aspiring_. but it is incredible there should be no more treasury notes in circulation--and no more indebtedness. august th.--a few weeks ago gen. cooper wrote to bragg, suggesting that he advance into middle tennessee, reinforced by gen. johnston, and attack rosecrans; gen. bragg replied ( th inst.) that with all the reinforcements he could get from johnston, he would not have more than , effective men, while rosecrans has , , and will be reinforced by burnside with , more--making , against , --and as a true patriot he was opposed to throwing away our armies in enterprises sure to terminate disastrously. he said, moreover, that the enemy could starve him out, if he were to advance to the place designated, and thus destroy his army without a battle. gen. cooper sent this response to the president, asking if bragg should not be _ordered_ to fight under such circumstances. but the president paused, in following the guidance of this northern man at the head of all our southern generals--and to-day sent back the paper indorsed that "only a suggestion could be given to a commanding general to fight a battle; but to order him to fight when he predicted a failure in advance, would be unwise." a paper from beauregard intimates that even if batteries wagner and gregg should be taken by the enemy, he has constructed another which will render that part of morris island untenable. but he relied upon holding sumter; and there is a vague rumor to-day that sumter must surrender--if indeed it has not already been reduced. hon wm. porcher miles writes another most urgent letter, demanding reinforcements of seasoned troops. he says charleston was stripped of troops against the remonstrances of beauregard to send to mississippi--to no avail--which invited this attack; and now he asks that jenkins's brigade of south carolinians be sent to the defense; that south carolinians are fighting in virginia, but are not permitted to defend their native soil in the hour of extremity; and that if the enemy, with overwhelming numbers, should take james's island, they would, from thence, be able to destroy the city. we are looking with anxiety for further news from charleston. gen. maury writes from mobile that he has seized, in the hands of steever (who is he?), receipts for bales of cotton--orders for bonds, each £ sterling, and two bags of coin, $ , . the president indorses on the paper that the money had better be turned over to the secretary of the treasury. what is all this? the secretary sent a paper to the president relating to some novel action performed or proposed, asking his "instructions." the president returned it to-day indorsed, "the secretary's advice invited." how in the mischief can such non-committalists ever arrive at a conclusion? hon. e. s. dargan writes that if pemberton be restored to command (as he understands this to be the government's purpose), our cause is ruined beyond redemption. i say so too. when he made up his mind to surrender, it is unpardonable that he did not destroy the , stand of arms before he made any overture. i shall never forgive him! the signal officers report that three large ocean steamers passed down the potomac day before yesterday, having on board men each; and that many large steamers are constantly going up--perhaps for more. brig.-gen. roger a. pryor, after dancing attendance in the ante-rooms for six months, waiting assignment to a command, has resigned, and his resignation has been accepted. he says he can at least serve in the ranks as a private. the government don't like aspiring political generals. yet pryor was first a colonel, and member of congress--resigned his seat--resigned his brigadier-generalship, and is now a private. our cause is dim in europe, if it be true, as the northern papers report, that the confederate loan has sunken from par to per cent. discount since the fall of vicksburg. august st, friday.--this is a day appointed by the president for humiliation, fasting, and prayer. yet the marylanders in possession of the passport office report the following in the _dispatch_ of this date: "_passports._--the passport office was besieged yesterday and last night by large crowds of persons soliciting permission to leave the city, in order that some relaxation might be had from its busy scenes. among those who obtained them were his excellency jefferson davis and his honor joseph mayo, both designing to pay a short visit to the neighboring county of chesterfield." we fast, certainly--and feel greatly humiliated at the loss of new orleans and vicksburg--and we pray, daily. yesterday fort sumter suffered much from the enemy's batteries, and much apprehension is felt for its fate. gen. lee, it is said, is not permitted to follow meade, who is retrograding, being weakened by detachments. a few weeks hence the fall campaign will open in virginia, when the very earth may tremble again with the thunders of war, and the rivulets may again spout human blood. there were no letters to-day, for the reason that last night the clerks in the post-office resigned, their salaries not being sufficient to support them. i hope a force will be detailed, to-morrow, to distribute the letters. i met prof. a. t. bledsoe to-day as he was ambling toward the passport office. he said he was just about to start for london, where he intended publishing his book--on slavery, i believe. he has a free passage on one of the government steamers, to sail from wilmington. he asked me if i fasted to-day; i answered yes, as _usual_! he then bid me good-by, and at parting i told him i hoped he would not find us all hanged when he returned. i think it probable he has a mission from the president, as well as his book to publish. august d.--all the guns of fort sumter on the south face have been silenced by the land batteries of the enemy on morris island; and this account is two days old. what has taken place since, none here but gen. cooper and the president know. but our battery, wagner, dismounted one of the enemy's parrott guns and blew up two magazines. it is rumored to-day that sumter has been abandoned and blown up; also that , of _grant's_ men have been ordered to new york to quell a new _émeute_. neither of these rumors are credited, however, by reflecting men. but they may be true, nevertheless. passengers from bermuda say two monster guns were on the steamer, and were landed at wilmington a few days ago, weighing each twenty-two tons; carriages, _sixty tons_; the balls, inches in diameter, length not stated, weighing pounds; the shells, not filled, weigh pounds; and pounds of powder are used at each discharge. they say these guns can be fired with accuracy and with immense effect seven miles. i wonder if the president will send them to charleston? they might save the city. the balls fired by the enemy are eight inches in diameter, and two feet in length; of these, solid and filled, have struck the southern face of sumter. it is now positively asserted that morgan's head was shaved, when they put him in the penitentiary. night before last all the clerks in the city post-office resigned, because the government did not give them salaries sufficient to subsist them. as yet their places have not been filled, and the government gets no letters--some of which lying in the office may be of such importance as to involve the safety or ruin of the government. to-morrow is sunday, and of course the mails will not be attended to before monday--the letters lying here four days unopened! this really looks as if we had no postmaster-general. august d.--dispatches from charleston, yesterday, brought the melancholy intelligence that fort sumter is but little more than a pile of rubbish. the fall of this fort caused my wife a hearty cry--and she cried when beauregard reduced it in ; not because he did it, but because it was the initiation of a terrible war. she hoped that the separation would be permitted to pass without bloodshed. to-day we have a dispatch from beauregard, stating the _extraordinary fact that the enemy's batteries, since the demolition of sumter, have thrown shell, from their parrott guns, into the city--a distance of five and a half miles_! this decides the fate of charleston; for they are making regular approaches to batteries wagner and gregg, which, of course, will fall. the other batteries beauregard provided to render the upper end of the island untenable, cannot withstand, i fear, the enginery of the enemy. if the government had sent the long-range guns of large caliber when so urgently called for by beauregard, and if it had _not_ sent away the best troops against the remonstrances of beauregard, the people are saying, no lodgment could have been made on morris island by the enemy, and sumter and charleston would have been saved for at least another year. at all events, it is quite probable, now, that all the forts and cities on the seaboard (mobile, savannah, wilmington, richmond) must succumb to the mighty engines of the enemy; and our gun-boats, built and in process of completion, will be lost. richmond, it is apprehended, must fall when the enemy again approaches within four or five miles of it; and wilmington can be taken from the rear, as well as by water, for no forts can withstand the parrott guns. then there will be an end of blockade-running; and we must flee to the mountains, and such interior fastnesses as will be impracticable for the use of these long-range guns. man must confront man in the deadly conflict, and the war can be protracted until the government of the north passes out of the hands of the abolitionists. we shall suffer immensely; but in the end we shall be free. august th.--we have nothing further from charleston, except that beauregard threatened retaliation (how?) if gilmore repeated the offense, against humanity and the rules of civilized war, of shelling the city before notice should be given the women and children to leave it. to-day, at a.m., it is supposed the shelling was renewed. this day week, i learn by a letter from gen. whiting, two -pounder blakely guns arrived in the gladiator. if these could only be transported to charleston, what a _sensation_ they would make among the turreted monitors! but i fear the railroad cannot transport them. the secretary of the treasury asks transportation for bales of cotton to wilmington. what for? to-day i saw a copy of a dispatch from gen. johnston to the president, dated at morton, miss., d august, stating that he would send forward, the next day, two divisions to reinforce gen. bragg in tennessee. this signifies battle. the secretary of the treasury notified the secretary of war, to-day, that the appropriation of fifty millions per month, for the expenditure of the war department, was greatly exceeded; that already this month (august) the requisitions on hand amounted to over $ , , , and they could not be met--some must lie over; and large sums for contracts, pay of troops, etc. will not be paid, immediately. exchange on london, i learn by a letter written by mr. endus to his agent in london, detained by gen. whiting and sent to the secretary of war, is selling in richmond at a premium of fifteen hundred per cent. the post-office clerks have returned to duty, the postmaster-general promising to recommend to congress increased compensation. august th.--hon. a. r. boteler, after consultation with gen. stuart and capt. moseby, suggests that the secretary of war send up some of gen. rains's subterra torpedoes, to place under the track of the orange and alexandria railroad, in possession of the enemy. gen. stuart suggested that a man familiar with their use be sent along with them, as they are dangerous weapons. we have a report, to-day, that our expedition from this city has succeeded in boarding and capturing two of the enemy's gun-boats in the rappahannock. august th.--h. c. ----, a mad private, and northern man, in a georgia regiment, writes to the president, proposing to take some to men of resolution and assassinate the leading public men of the united states--the war abolitionists, i suppose. the president referred the paper, without notice, to the secretary of war. gen. whiting writes that wilmington is in imminent danger from a _coup de main_, as he has but one regiment available in the vicinity. he says he gives the government fair warning, and full information of his condition; asking a small brigade, which would enable him to keep the enemy at bay until adequate reinforcements could arrive. he also wants two whitworth guns to keep the blockaders at a more respectful distance, since they captured one steamer from us, recently, nine miles below the city, and blew up a ship which was aground. he says it is _tempting providence_ to suffer that (now) most important city in the confederate states to remain a day liable to sudden capture, which would effectually cut us off from the rest of the world. gen. beauregard telegraphs for a detail of seamen for his iron-clads, which he intends shall support sumter, if, as he anticipates, the enemy should make a sudden attempt to seize it--or rather its debris--where he still has some guns, _still under our flag_. none of his vessels have full crews. this paper was referred to the secretary of the navy, and he returned it with an emphatic _negative_, saying that the war department had failed to make details from the army to the navy, in accordance with an act of congress, and hence none of our war steamers had full crews. august th.--there is trouble in the conscription bureau. col. preston, the new superintendent, finds it no bed of roses, made for him by lieut.-col. lay--the lieutenant-colonel being absent in north carolina, sent thither to _compose_ the discontents; which may complicate matters further, for they don't want virginians to meddle with north carolina matters. however, the people he is sent to are supposed to be _disloyal_. gen. pillow has applied to have georgia in the jurisdiction of his bureau of conscription, and the governors of georgia, alabama, and tennessee unite in the request; also generals johnston and bragg. gen. pillow already has mississippi, tennessee, alabama, etc.--a much larger jurisdiction than the bureau here. col. preston, of course, protests against all this, and i believe the secretary sympathizes with him. prof. g. m. richardson, of the georgia military institute, sends some interesting statistics. that state has furnished the army , , between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years. still, the average number of men in each county between sixteen and eighteen and forty-five and sixty is , and there are counties: total, , . he deducts per cent, for the infirm, etc. ( , ), leaving , men able to bear arms still at home. thus, after putting some , in the field (if we could put them there), there would yet remain a reserve for home defense against raids, etc. in the confederate states, of not less than , men. gen. winder sent to the secretary of war to-day for authority to appoint a clerk to attend exclusively to the mails to and from the united states--under gen. winder's sole direction. major quantrel, a missouri guerrilla chief, has dashed into lawrence, kansas, and burnt the city--killing and wounding . he had gen. jim lane, but he escaped. gen. floyd is dead; some attribute his decease to ill treatment by the government. i saw mr. hunter yesterday, bronzed, but bright. he is a little thinner, which improves his appearance. gen. lee is in town--looking well. when he returns, i think the fall campaign will open briskly. a dispatch received to-day says that on tuesday evening another assault on battery wagner was in progress--but as yet we have no result. lieut. wood captured a third gun-boat in the rappahannock, having eight guns. the prisoners here selected to die, in retaliation for burnside's execution of our officers taken while recruiting in kentucky, will not be executed. nor will the officers taken on morris island, serving with the negroes, suffer death in accordance with the act of congress and the president's proclamation. the secretary referred the matter to the president for instruction, and the president invited the advice of the secretary. the secretary advised that they be held indefinitely, without being brought to trial, and in this the president acquiesces. august th.--another letter, from gen. whiting, calls vehemently for reinforcements, artillery, cavalry, and infantry--or else the city and harbor are soon to be at the mercy of the enemy. he is importunate. after all, morgan's head was _not_ shaved--but his beard, and that of his officers, was cut, and their hair made _short_. this i learn from a letter at the department from morgan's assistant adjutant-general. the tocsin was ringing in my ears when i awoke this morning. custis packed his haversack, and, taking blanket, etc. etc., joined his department comrades, and they were all marched out the brooke turnpike. yesterday the enemy in considerable force came up the peninsula and attacked the guard ( men) at bottom's bridge, killing, so report says, lieut. jetu, of south carolina, and some twelve or fifteen others. but i believe the attacking party have recrossed the chickahominy. we shall know in a few hours. gen. lee is still here. gen. wise's brigade, with the militia, the department companies, and the convalescents from the hospitals, must number some men in this vicinity. if the enemy be in formidable numbers, we shall soon be reinforced. we have nothing from charleston since tuesday evening, when, it is said, the "_first_ assault" was repulsed. it is strange we get nothing later. august th.--after all, it appears that only a few hundred of the enemy's cavalry came up the peninsula as far as bottom's bridge, from whence they quickly fell back again. and this alarm caused gen. elzey, or the government, to put in movement nearly , men! but something else may be behind this demonstration; it may be the purpose of the enemy to strike in another direction, perhaps at hanover junction--where, fortunately, we have nearly a division awaiting them. the hon. mr. dargan's letter, received at the department a few days ago, saying that the reinstatement of gen. pemberton in command would be the ruin of the cause, was referred by the secretary to the president, with some strong remarks, to the effect that popular opinion was almost universal against pemberton. it came back to-day, with the following indorsement of the president: "_the justice or injustice of the opinion will be tested by the investigation ordered_.--j. d." if the president desires it, of course pemberton will be exonerated. but even if he be honorably and fairly acquitted, the president ought not to forget that he is not a ruler by divine right to administer justice merely, but the servant of the people to aid in the achievement of their independence; and that their opinions and wishes, right or wrong, must be respected, or they can deprive him of honor, and select another leader. august th.--the department companies and militia returned yesterday, through a heavy shower, from the wild-goose chase they were rushed into by gen. elzey's order. mr. reagan, the postmaster-general, informed me to-day (the government will not allow bad news to transpire) that at the _second_ assault on battery wagner, morris island, the enemy captured and held the rifle-pits. this, perhaps, involves the loss of the battery itself--and indeed there is a report, generally believed, that it fell subsequently. i fear that the port of charleston is closed finally--if indeed, as i hope, the city will be still held by beauregard. letters from wilmington, dated st instant, urgently ask the secretary of war to have one of the great blakely guns for the defense of that city--and protesting against both being sent to charleston. from this, i infer that one or both have been ordered to beauregard. gen. samuel jones has had a small combat with the enemy in western virginia, achieving some success. his loss was about , that of the enemy much greater. this is a grain of victory to a pound of disaster. the owners of several fast blockade-running steamers, in anticipation of the closing of all the ports, are already applying for letters of marque to operate against the commerce of the united states as privateers, or in the "volunteer navy"--still with an eye to gain. gen. lee has returned to the army of northern virginia--and we shall probably soon hear of interesting operations in the field. governor vance writes for a brigade of north carolinians to collect deserters in the western counties of that state. there must be two armies in virginia this fall--one for defense, and one (under lee) for the aggressive-- , men in all--or else the losses of the past will not be retrieved during the ensuing _terrible_ campaign. some good may be anticipated from the furious and universal outcry in the confederate states against the extortioners and speculators in food and fuel. already some of the millers here are selling new flour at $ to families; the speculators paid $ for large amounts, which they expected to get $ for! but meat is still too high for families of limited means. my tomatoes are now maturing--and my butter-beans are filling rapidly, and have already given us a dinner. what we shall do for clothing, the lord knows--but we trust in him. august st.--governor vance writes that large bodies of deserters in the western counties of north carolina are organized, with arms, and threaten to raise the union flag at the court-house of wilkes county on next court-day. the governor demands a brigade from virginia to quell them. lieut.-col. lay has been sent thither, by the new good-natured chief of the bureau of conscription, to cure the evil. we shall see what good this mission will effect. col. preston writes to the secretary to-day that disorders among the conscripts and deserters are now occurring in south carolina for the first time--and proposes shortly to visit them himself. the best thing that can be done is to abolish the bureau of conscription, and have the law enforced by the military commanders in the field. i saw to-day a letter to the secretary of war, written by mr. benjamin, secretary of state, on the th inst., referring to a mr. jno. robertson, an artist, whom the secretary of war promised a free passage in a government steamer to europe. mr. b. says the promise was made in the president's room, and he asks if mr. seddon could not spare an hour in his office, for mr. r. to take his portrait. he says mr. r. has the heads of the president, all the heads of departments (except mr. seddon, i suppose), and the principal generals. it does not appear what was done by mr. seddon, but i presume everything asked for by mr. benjamin was granted. but this matter has not exalted the president and his "heads of departments" in my estimation. if it be not "fiddling while rome is burning," it is certainly _egotizing_ while the confederacy is crumbling. on that day sumter was falling to pieces, and some locomotives and hundreds of cars were burning in mississippi, and everywhere our territory passing into the hands of the invader! mr. robertson, i believe, is a stranger and an englishman, and a _free passage_ in a government ship is equivalent to some $ , confederate states currency. almost every day passages are denied to refugees, natives of the south, who have lost fortunes in the cause, and who were desirous to place their children and non-combatants in a place of security, while they fight for liberty and independence. the privileged passage is refused them, even when they are able and willing to pay for the passage, and this refusal is recommended by col. gorgas, a northern man. they do not propose to immortalize "the president, the heads of departments, and the principal generals." but mr. benjamin has nothing else to do. washington would accept no meed of praise until his great work was accomplished. chapter xxx. situation at wilmington.--situation at charleston.--lincoln thinks there is hope of our submission.--market prices.--ammunition turned over to the enemy at vicksburg.--attack on sumter.--stringent conscription order.--disaffection in north carolina.--victory announced by gen. bragg.--peril of gen. rosecrans.--surrender of cumberland gap.-- rosecrans fortifying chattanooga.--mr. seward on flag-of-truce boat.--burnside evacuating east tennessee.--the trans-mississippi army.--meade sending troops to rosecrans.--pemberton in richmond.-- a suggestion concerning perishable tithes. september st.--another letter from gen. whiting, urging the government by every consideration, and with all the ingenuity and eloquence of language at his command, to save wilmington by sending reinforcements thither, else it must be inevitably lost. he says it will not do to rely upon what now seems the merest stupidity of the enemy, for they already have sufficient forces and means at their command and within reach to capture the fort and city. he has but one regiment for its defense! i saw to-day a telegraphic correspondence between the secretary of war and gen. buckner in regard to the invasion of kentucky, the general agreeing to it, being sure that with , men he could compel rosecrans to fall back, etc. but i suppose the fall of vicksburg, and the retreat from pennsylvania, caused its abandonment. hon. wm. capeton, c. s. senate, writes the secretary on the subject of compelling those who have hired substitutes now to serve themselves, and he advocates it. he says the idea is expanding that the rich, for whose benefit the war is waged, have procured substitutes to fight for them, while the poor, who have no slaves to lose, have not been able to procure substitutes. all will be required to fight, else all will be engulfed in one common destruction. he will endeavor to get an expression of opinion from the legislature, about to assemble, and after that he will advocate the measure in congress, intimating that congress should be convened at an early day. september d.--we have no news of any importance from any of the armies. gen. bragg, however, telegraphs, august st, that he is concentrating his forces to receive the enemy, reported to be on the eve of assailing his position. he says he has sent our paroled men to atlanta (those taken at vicksburg), and asks that arms be sent them by the _eastern road_. col. gorgas, chief of ordnance, says this is the first intimation he has had as to the disposition of the paroled prisoners. does he understand that they are to fight before being exchanged? brig.-gen. g. j. rains writes from charleston that the grenades reported by the enemy to have been so destructive in their repulse at battery wagner, were his subterra shells, there being no hand-grenades used. the other night beauregard sent a steamer out with a torpedo to destroy the _ironsides_, the most formidable of the enemy's iron-clads. it ran within forty yards of the ironsides, which, however, was saved by swinging round. the torpedo steamer's engine was so imperfect that it could not be worked when stopped, for several minutes, to readjust the arrangements for striking the enemy in his altered position. when hailed, "what steamer is that?" the reply was, "the live yankee," and our adventurers got off and back to the city without injury--and without inflicting any. there has been much shelling the last few days, but sumter and battery wagner are still under the confederate flag. how long this will continue no one knows. but it is hoped the great blakely guns are there by this time, and that gen. rains's torpedoes may avail something for the salvation of the city. september d.--night before last the heavens were illuminated, it is said, by the terrific bombardment of the batteries and forts in the vicinity of charleston, and earth and sea trembled with the mighty vibrations. yet no material injury was done our works, and there were not more than a dozen casualties. on the side of the enemy there is no means of ascertaining the effect. n. s. walker, confederate states agent, bermuda, writes that the steamer r. e. lee was chased, on her last trip out, twelve hours, and was compelled to throw bales government cotton overboard. he says the british crown officers have decided that british bottoms, with british owners of cargo, running out of blockaded ports, are liable to seizure anywhere on the high seas. some of the papers say knoxville is in the hands of the enemy, and others deny it. hon. f. s. lyon writes from demopolis, ala., that the vicksburg army have not reported upon the expiration of the thirty days' leave, in large numbers, and that the men never can be reorganized to serve again under pemberton. gen. jos. e. johnston writes from morton, miss., that he is disposing his force to oppose any raids of the enemy, and that he shall keep the vicksburg troops (when exchanged) in eastern mississippi. gov. jos. e. brown telegraphs that the men (militia) in georgia cannot be _compelled_ to leave the state; but if the government will send them arms, he thinks he can _persuade_ them to march out of it, provided he may name a commander. the president indorses on this: "if they are militia, i have no power to appoint; if c. s. troops, i have no power to delegate the authority to appoint." gen. lee is still here (i thought he had departed), no doubt arranging the programme of the fall campaign, if, indeed, there be one. he rode out with the president yesterday evening, but neither were greeted with cheers. i suppose gen. lee has lost some popularity among idle street walkers by his retreat from pennsylvania. the president seeks seclusion. a gentleman who breakfasted with him this morning, tells me the president complained of fatigue from his long ride with gen. lee. september th.--there is a rumor that gen. lee (who is still here) is to take the most of his army out of virginia, to recapture the southern territory lost by loring, pemberton, and bragg. i doubt this; for it might involve the loss of richmond, and indeed of the whole state of virginia. it would be a sad blow to the extortionate farmers, it is true; but we cannot afford to lose the whole country, and sacrifice the cause, to punish the speculators. it may be, however, that this is a _ruse_, and if so, lee is preparing for another northern campaign. the project of the hon. mr. boteler to place rains's subterra shells under the orange and alexandria railroad used by the enemy, was referred by the secretary to col. j. gorgas, the northern chief of ordnance, who says he can furnish the shells, but advises _against the use of them_, as they will "only irritate the enemy, and not intimidate them." for this presumptuous advice, which was entirely gratuitous, i do not learn that the secretary has rebuked him. letters from western north carolina show that the defection is spreading. in wilkes county, gideon smoot is the commander of the insurgents, and has raised the united states flag. i have not learned, yet, whether lieut.-col. lay, of the bureau of conscription, reached that far; and i was amazed when the good nature of col. preston yielded to his solicitations to go thither. what possible good could he, a virginian, and formerly an aid of gen. scott, effect in that quarter? september th.--it is believed that lee, with a large portion of his army, will proceed immediately to tennessee against rosecrans; and it is ascertained that meade is sending reinforcements thither. but i fear for virginia when lee is away! meade must have a large army left behind, else he would not send reinforcements to rosecrans. this move will excite the fear of the extortionate farmers, at all events, and make them willing to sell their surplus produce. but if richmond should fall, and the state be overrun, it is possible it would secede from the confederacy, which would be a virtual dissolution of it. she would then form alliances with other southern states on a new basis, and create a new provisional government, and postpone the formation of a permanent one until independence be achieved. however, i am incredulous about the abandonment of virginia. meantime, i hope france will intervene, and that mexico will recognize the independence of the southern government. another letter from hon. mr. miles, of charleston, in reply, as it seems, to a pretty severe rebuke by the secretary of war, for asking jenkins's brigade of south carolinians for the defense of south carolina, was received to-day. knowing the honorable gentleman's intimate relations with beauregard, the secretary criticises the conduct of the general in permitting the enemy to establish himself on the lower end of morris island--allowing a grove to remain, concealing the erection of batteries, etc. etc. mr. miles in reply asserts the fact that gen. b. did the utmost that could be accomplished with the force and means left at his disposal by the government; and that the grove would have been felled, if he had been authorized to impress labor, etc. it is sad to read these criminations and recriminations at such a time as this; but every secretary of war is apt to come in conflict with beauregard. gen. whiting asks, as second in command, brig.-gen. herbert, and reiterates his demand for troops, else wilmington will be lost. this letter came open--having been broken on the way. if a spy did it, which is probable, the army will soon learn what an easy conquest awaits them. mr. c. c. thayer, clerk in the treasury department, leaves on the th, with $ , , for the trans-mississippi department; another clerk has already gone with $ , , . after all, i am inclined to think our papers have been lying about the barbarous conduct of the enemy. a letter was received to-day from c. n. hubbard, a respectable farmer of james city county, stating that when gen. keyes came up the peninsula about the st of july, he sent guards for the protection of the property of the people living along the line of march; and they remained, faithfully performing that duty, until the army retired. mr. h. complains that these guards were made prisoners by our troops, and, if exchanges be demanded for them, he fears the next time the hostile army approaches richmond, their request for a guard will be refused. what answer the secretary will make to this, i have no means of conjecturing; but mr. hubbard recommends him to come to some understanding with the enemy for the mutual protection of the persons and property of non-combating civilians; and he desires an answer directed to the care of col. shingler, who, indeed, captured the guard. the secretary consented to the exchange. september th.--northern papers received yesterday evening contain a letter from mr. lincoln to the illinois convention of republicans, in which i am told (i have not seen it yet) he says if the southern people will first lay down their arms, he will then listen to what they may have to say. evidently he has been reading of the submission of jack cade's followers, who were required to signify their submission with ropes about their necks. this morning i saw dispatches from atlanta, ga., stating that in one of the northern counties the deserters and tories had defeated the home guard which attempted to arrest them. in tennessee, north carolina, mississippi, and georgia, we have accounts of much and growing defection, and the embodying of large numbers of deserters. indeed, all our armies seem to be melting away by desertion faster than they are enlarged by conscription. they will return when there is fighting to do! a letter from col. lay, dated north carolina, to the chief of the bureau of conscription, recommends the promotion of a lieutenant to a captaincy. the colonel is _great_ in operations of this nature; and col. preston is sufficiently good natured to recommend the recommendation to the secretary of war, who, good easy man, will not inquire into his age, etc. gold is worth from to per cent. premium; and yet one who has gold can buy supplies of anything, by first converting it into confederate notes at low prices. for instance, coal at $ is really bought for $ per load. a fine horse at $ for $ . bacon, at $ per pound is only cents; boots at $ is only $ , and so on. thank heaven! the little furniture, etc. we now have is our own--costing less to buy it than the rent we paid for that belonging to others up to the beginning of the month. a history of the household goods we possess would, no doubt, if it could be written, be interesting to haberdashers. i think we have articles belonging in their time to twenty families. the following list of prices is cut from yesterday's paper: "_produce, provisions, etc._--apples, $ to $ per barrel; bacon is firm at $ to $ . for hoground. butter is advancing; we quote at $ . to $ by the package. cheese has advanced, and now sells at $ . to $ per pound; corn, $ to $ per bushel; corn-meal, $ per bushel, in better supply. flour, at the gallego mills, new superfine, uninspected, is sold at $ per barrel; at commission houses and in second hands, the price of new superfine is from $ to $ ; onions, $ to $ per barrel; irish potatoes, $ to $ per bushel, according to quality; oats firm at $ per bushel. wheat--the supply coming in is quite limited. the millers refuse to compete with the government, and are consequently paying $ per bushel. it is intimated, however, that outside parties are buying on speculation at $ to $ . , taking the risk of impressment. lard, $ . to $ . per pound; eggs, $ . to $ . per dozen; seeds, timothy, $ to $ ; clover, $ to $ per bushel. "_groceries._--sugars: the market is active; we hear of sales of prime brown at $ to $ . ; coffee, $ . to $ . per pound; molasses, $ per gallon; rice, cents per pound; salt, cents per pound; soap, cents to cents, as to quality; candles, $ . to $ per pound. "_liquors._--we quote corn whisky at $ to $ per gallon; rye whisky, $ to $ , according to quality; apple brandy, $ to $ ; rum, $ per gallon." september th.--batteries wagner and gregg and fort sumter have been evacuated! but this is not _yet_ the capture of charleston. gen. beauregard telegraphed yesterday that he was preparing (after thirty-six hours' incessant bombardment) to evacuate morris island; which was done, i suppose, last night. he feared the loss of the garrisons, if he delayed longer; and he said sumter was silenced. well, it is understood the great blakely is in position on charleston wharf. if the enemy have no knowledge of its presence, perhaps we shall soon have reports from it. gen. lee, it is said, takes _two corps d'armée_ to tennessee, leaving _one_ in virginia. but this can be swelled to , men by the militia, conscripts, etc., which ought to enable us to stand a protracted _siege_, provided we can get subsistence. fortune is against us now. lieut.-col. lay reports great defection in north carolina, and even says half of _raleigh_ is against "the davis government." the secretary of war has called upon the governor _for all the available slave labor in the state, to work on the defenses, etc._ the united states flag of truce boat came up to city point last night, _bringing no prisoners_, and nothing else except some dispatches, the nature of which has not yet transpired. september th.--we have nothing further from charleston, to-day, except that the enemy is not yet in possession of sumter. mr. seddon, secretary of war, said to mr. lyons, m. c., yesterday, that he had heard nothing of gen. lee's orders to march a portion of his army to tennessee. that may be very true; but, nevertheless, , of lee's troops (a corps) is already marching thitherward. a report on the condition of the military prisons, sent in to-day, shows that there is no typhoid fever, or many cases of other diseases, among the prisoners of war. everything is kept in cleanliness about them, and they have abundance of food, wholesome and palatable. the prisoners themselves admit these facts, and denounce their own government for the treatment alleged to be inflicted on our men confined at fort delaware and other places. an extra session of the legislature is now sitting. the governor's message is defiant, as no terms are offered; but he denounces as unjust the apportionment of slaves, in several of the counties, to be impressed to work on the defenses, etc. september th.--troops were arriving all night and to-day (hood's division), and are proceeding southward, per railroad, it is said for tennessee, via georgia road. it may be deemed impracticable to send troops by the western route, as the enemy possesses the knoxville road. the weather is excessively dry and dusty again. gen. jos. e. johnston, morton, miss., writes that such is the facility of giving information to the enemy, that it is impossible to keep up a ferry at any point on the mississippi; but he will be able to keep up communications, by trusty messengers with small parcels, with lieut.-gen. e. kirby smith's trans-mississippi department. he says if he had another cavalry brigade, he could make the navigation too dangerous for merchant steamers between grand gulf and natchez. two letters were received to-day from privates in north carolina regiments, demanding to be transferred to artillery companies in the forts of north carolina, or else they would _serve no more_. this is very reckless! ordnance officer j. brice transmitted to the secretary to-day, through the ordnance bureau, an official account of the ammunition, etc. at vicksburg during the siege and at the evacuation. he says all the ordnance stores at jackson were hastily removed to vicksburg, and of which he was unable, in the confusion, to get an accurate account, although he accompanied it. he detained and held arms destined for the trans-mississippi department, and issued rounds to each man in the army, before the battle of baker's creek. much _ammunition_ was destroyed on the battle-field, by order of gen. pemberton, to keep it, as he alleged, from falling into the hands of the enemy. during the siege, he got , percussion caps from gen. johnston's scouts, and , _from the enemy's pickets_, for a _consideration_. there was abundance of powder. the ammunition and small arms turned over to the enemy, on the surrender, consisted as follows: , cartridges for belgian rifles; brunswick cartridges; , rounds british rifled muskets; shot-gun cartridges; maynard cartridges; hall's carbine cartridges; holster pistol cartridges; , percussion caps; , pounds of cannon powder. all this was in the ordnance depots, and exclusive of that in the hands of the troops and in the ordnance wagons, doubtless a large amount. he says defective arms were destroyed by fires during the bombardment. the troops delivered to the enemy, on marching out, , arms. the governor demanded the state magazine to-day of the war department, in whose custody it has been for a long time. what does this mean? the governor says the state has urgent use for it. gen. cooper visited the president _twice_ to-day, the secretary not _once_. the _enquirer_, yesterday, attacked and ridiculed the secretary of war on his passport system in richmond. the northern papers contain the following letter from president lincoln to gen. grant: "executive mansion, "washington, july th, . "major-general grant. "my dear general:--i do not remember that you and i ever met personally. i write this now as a grateful acknowledgment for the almost inestimable service you have done the country. i wish to say a word further. when you first reached the vicinity of vicksburg i thought you should do what you finally did--march the troops across the neck, run the batteries with the transports, and thus go below; and i never had any faith, except a general hope that you knew better than i, that the yazoo pass expedition and the like could succeed. when you got below and took port gibson, grand gulf, and vicinity, i thought you should go down the river and join gen. banks; and when you turned northward, east of the big black, i feared it was a mistake. i now wish to make the personal acknowledgment that you were right and i was wrong. a. lincoln." if pemberton had acted differently, if the movement northward had been followed by disaster, then what would mr. lincoln have written to grant? success is the only standard of merit in a general. september th.--a mr. j. c. jones has addressed a letter to the president asking permission to run the blockade to confer with mr. bates, of president lincoln's cabinet, on terms of peace, with, i believe, authority to assure him that none of the northwestern states, or any other free states, will be admitted into the confederacy. mr. j. says he has been on intimate terms with mr. b., and has conceived the idea that the united states would cease the war, and acknowledge the independence of the south, if it were not for the apprehension of the northwestern states seceding from the union. if his request be not granted, he intends to enter the army immediately. he is a refugee from missouri. he assures the president he is his friend, and that a "concentration of power" in his hands is essential, etc. the president refers this paper, with a gracious indorsement, to the secretary of war, recommending him either to see mr. jones, or else to institute inquiries, etc. s. wyatt, augusta, ga., writes in favor of appeals to the patriotism of the people to counteract what mr. toombs has done. what has he done? but he advises the president, to whom he professes to be very friendly, to order a discontinuance of seizures, etc. a. cohen (jew name), purser of the blockade-running steamer "arabia" at wilmington, has submitted a notable scheme to gen. winder, who submits it to the secretary of war, establishing a police agency at _nassau_. gen. w. to send some of his detectives thither to examine persons coming into the confederate states, and if found "all right," to give them passports. it was only yesterday that a letter was received from gen. whiting, asking authority to send out a secret agent on the "arabia," to see what disposition would be made of her cargo, having strong suspicions of the loyalty of the owners and officers of that vessel. gov. z. b. vance complains indignantly of marylanders and virginians appointed to office in that state, to the exclusion of natives; he says they have not yet been recalled, as he had a right to expect, after his recent interview with the president. he says he is disgusted with such treatment, both of his state and of himself. alas! what is behind? night before last some thirty of the enemy's barges, filled with men, attempted to take the ruins of sumter by assault. this had been anticipated by beauregard, and every preparation had been made accordingly. so the batteries at forts moultrie, bee, etc. opened terrifically with shell and grape; the amount of execution by them is not ascertained: but a number of the barges reached the debris of sumter, where a battalion of infantry awaited them, and where of the yankees, including more than a dozen officers, begged for quarters and were taken prisoners. no doubt the casualties on the side of the assailants must have been many, while the garrison sustained no loss. this is substantially the purport of a dispatch from beauregard to gen. cooper, which, however, was published very awkwardly--without any of the niceties of punctuation a fastidious general would have desired. nevertheless, beauregard's name is on every tongue. the clerks in the departments were startled to-day by having read to them an order from brig.-gen. custis lee (son of gen. r. e. lee), an order to the captains of companies to imprison or otherwise punish all who failed to be present at the drills. these young gentlemen, not being removable, according to the constitution, and exempted from conscription by an act of congress, volunteered some months ago for "local defense and special service," never supposing that regular drilling would be obligatory except when called into actual service by the direction of the president, in the terms of an act of congress, which provided that such organizations were not to receive pay for military service, unless summoned to the field by the president in an emergency. they receive no pay now--but yet the impression prevails that this order has the approbation of the president, as gen. g. w. custis lee is one of his special aids, with the rank and pay of a colonel of cavalry. as an aid of the president, he signs himself colonel; as commander of the city brigade, he signs himself brigadier-general, and has been so commissioned by the president. how it can be compatible to hold both positions and commissions, i do not understand--but perhaps the president does, as he is well versed in the rules and regulations of the service. some of the clerks, it is said, regard the threat as unauthorized by law, and will resist what they deem a usurpation, at the hazard of suffering its penalties. i know not what the result will be, but i fear "no good will come of it." they are all willing to fight, when the enemy comes (a probable thing); but they dislike being _forced_ out to drill, under threats of "punishment." this measure will not add to the popularity of col. (or gen.) lee. september th.--a dispatch from raleigh informs us of a mob yesterday in that city. some soldiers broke into and partially destroyed the office of the _standard_, alleged to be a disloyal paper; after that, and when the soldiers had been dispersed by a speech from governor vance, the citizens broke into and partially destroyed the _journal_, an ultra-secession paper. these were likewise dispersed by a speech from the governor. gen. whiting writes that the enemy is making demonstrations against lockwood's folly, miles from wilmington. he says if were to pass it, the forts and harbor would be lost, as he has but one regiment--and it is employed on picket service. he says in ten nights the enemy can come from charleston--and that wilmington was never so destitute of troops since the beginning of the war, and yet it was never in such great peril. it is the only port remaining--and to lose it after such repeated warning would be the grossest culpability. the officers of the signal corps report that gen. meade has been ordered to advance, for it is already known in washington that a large number of troops are marching out of virginia. lee, however, it is now believed, will not go to tennessee. they also report that a federal army of --perhaps they mean , --is to march from arkansas to the rio grande, texas. if they do, they will be lost. the engineer corps are to fortify lynchburg immediately. the clerks of the post-office department have petitioned the secretary of war to allow them (such as have families) commissary stores at government prices, else they will soon be almost in a state of starvation. their salaries are utterly inadequate for their support. the clerks in all the departments are in precisely the same predicament. the postmaster-general approves this measure of relief--as relief must come before congress meets--and he fears the loss of his subordinates. it is said by western men that the enemy is organizing a force of , mounted men at memphis, destined to penetrate georgia and south carolina, as far as charleston! if this be so--and it may be so--they will probably fall in with longstreet's corps of , now passing through this city. september th.--lieut.-col. lay, "inspector," reports from north carolina that some twenty counties in that state are "disaffected;" that the deserters and "recusants" are organized and brigaded; armed, and have raised the flag of the united states. this is bad enough to cause the president some loss of sleep, if any one would show it to him. gen. wise, it is said, is ordered away from the defense of richmond with his brigade. i saw him to-day (looking remarkably well), and he said he did not know where he was going--waiting orders, i suppose. c. j. mcrae, agent of the loan in europe, writes july th, , that the bad news of lee's failure in pennsylvania and retreat across the potomac, caused the loan to recede - / per cent., and unless better news soon reaches him, he can do nothing whatever with confederate credits. he says capt. bullock has contracted for the building of two "iron-clads" in france, and that disbursements on account of the navy, hereafter, will be mostly in france. i fear the reports about a whole fleet of confederate gun-boats having been built or bought in england are not well founded. major ferguson has also (several have done so before him) made charges against major huse, the agent of col. gorgas, chief of ordnance. mr. mcrae thinks the charges cannot be substantiated. we have tidings of the bursting of the blakely gun at charleston. i fear this involves the fall of charleston. still beauregard is there. gen. pickett's division (decimated at gettysburg) is to remain in this vicinity--and jenkins's and wise's brigades will leave. the hour now seems a dark one. but we must conquer or die. it is said a deserter has already gone over from our lines and given information to the enemy of the large number of troops detached from the army of virginia. no doubt gen. meade will take advantage of their absence, and advance on richmond again. yet i am told the very _name_ of richmond is a terror to the foe. september th.--a letter from gen. j. e. johnston, atlanta--whither he had repaired to attend a court of inquiry relating to pemberton's operations, but which has been postponed under the present peril--repels indignantly the charge which seems to have been made in a letter from the secretary of war, that in executing the law of conscription in his command, he had acted hastily, without sufficient attention to the rights of exemption under the provisions of the act. he says the law was a dead letter when he charged gen. pillow with its execution; that gen. pillow has now just got his preparations made for its enforcement; and, of course, no appeals have as yet come before him. he hopes that the secretary will re-examine the grounds of his charge, etc. he is amazed, evidently, with the subject, and no doubt the "bureau" here will strain every nerve to monopolize the business--providing as usual for its favorites, and having appointed to snug places a new batch of a. a. g.'s--men who ought to be conscribed themselves. col. preston, under the manipulations of lieut.-col. lay, is getting on swimmingly, and to-day makes a requisition for arms and equipments of cavalry to _force_ out conscripts, arrest deserters, etc. i think they had better popularize the army, and strive to reinspire the enthusiasm that characterized it at the beginning; and the only way to do this is to restore to its ranks the wealthy and educated class, which has abandoned the field for easier employments. i doubt the policy of shooting deserters in this war--better shoot the traitors in high positions. the indigent men of the south will fight, shoulder to shoulder with the wealthy, for southern independence; but when the attempt is made to debase them to a servile condition, they will hesitate. gen. pickett's division, just marching through the city, wears a different aspect from that exhibited last winter. then it had , men--now ; and they are dirty, tattered and torn. the great blakely gun has failed. we have reports of the evacuation of cumberland gap. this was to be looked for, when the virginia and tennessee railroad was suffered to fall into the enemy's hands. when will this year's calamities end? gen. lee is at orange court house, and probably will not leave virginia. he will still have an army of , men to oppose meade; and richmond may possibly be held another winter. congress will not be called, i think; and the legislature, now in session, i am told, will accomplish no good. it will not be likely to interfere with the supreme power which resolves to "rule or ruin,"--at least this seems to be the case in the eyes of men who merely watch the current of events. september th.--the report from lt.-col. lay of the condition of affairs in north carolina, received some days ago, was indorsed by judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, and father-in-law of col. lay, that the destruction of the government was imminently menaced, does not seem to have alarmed the president; on the contrary, he sends the paper back to the secretary, mr. seddon, suggesting that he had better correspond with gov. vance on the subject, and if military force should be required, he might call in the aid of brig.-gen. hoke, thus ending hopes of a conscription officer here obtaining a command. and so with rumors from eastern tennessee; the president takes matters coolly, saying the "locals," meaning home guards, or companies for local defense, should be on the alert against raiders. if large bodies of the enemy come in, jenkins's brigade, and one from pickett's division, might be temporarily detached to punish them. bragg is falling back toward atlanta, and burnside says, officially, that he has taken cumberland gap, prisoners, with guns, without a fight. all of tennessee is now held by the enemy. there has been another fight (cavalry) at brandy station, and our men, for want of numbers, "fell back." when will these things cease? september th.--gov. vance writes that he has reliable information that the , troops in new york, ostensibly to enforce the draft, are intended for a descent on north carolina, and gen. whiting has said repeatedly that could take wilmington. the governor says if north carolina be occupied by the enemy, virginia and the whole confederacy will be lost, for all communication now, by rail, is through that state. gen. sam. jones writes from abingdon, va., that from his information he does not doubt cumberland gap and its garrison capitulated on the th inst. he calls lustily for reinforcements, and fears the loss of everything, including the salt works, if he be not reinforced. well, he _will_ be reinforced! gov. (just elected) r. l. caruthers (of tennessee) begs that , men from lee's army be sent out on rosecrans's left flank to save tennessee, which alone can save the confederacy. well, they _have_ been sent! there must be a "fight or a foot-race" soon in northern georgia, and also in virginia, on the rappahannock. may god defend the right! if we deserve independence, i think we shall achieve it. if god be not for us, we must submit to his will. major huse is buying and shipping tons saltpetre, besides millions of dollars worth of arms and stores. if we can keep wilmington, we can send out cotton and bring in supplies without limit. september th.--the enemy advanced yesterday, and, our forces being unequal in numbers, captured culpepper c. h. our cavalry fell back several miles, and a battle is looked for immediately, near orange c. h., where gen. lee awaits the foe in an advantageous position. from the southwest also a battle is momentarily looked for. if the enemy be beaten in these battles, they will suffer more by defeat than we would. gov. vance has written a pointed letter to the president in regard to the mob violence in raleigh. he says, when the office of the _standard_ was sacked, the evil was partially counterbalanced by the sacking of the _journal_,--the first, moderate union, the last, ultra-secessionist. he demands the punishment of the officers present and consenting to the assault on the _standard_ office, part of a georgia brigade, and avers that another such outrage will bring back the north carolina troops from the army for the defense of their state. from morton, miss., gen. hardee says, after sending reinforcements to bragg, only three brigades of infantry remain in his department. upon this the president made the following indorsement and sent it to the secretary of war: "the danger to atlanta has probably passed." while the army of gen. taylor threatens the southwestern part of louisiana, troops will not probably leave new orleans. the movement to white river is more serious at this time than the preparations against mobile. "efforts should be made to prevent the navigation of the mississippi by commercial steamers, and especially to sink transports." the letter of gov. vance in relation to the , men destined for north carolina being referred to the president, he sent it back indorsed as follows: "gov. v.'s vigilance will discover the fact if this supposition be true, and in the mean time it serves to increase the demand for active exertions, as well to fill up the ranks of the army as to organize 'local defense' troops." the letter of lt.-col. lay, inspector of conscripts, etc., was likewise referred to the president, who suggests that a general officer be located with a brigade near where the states of north carolina, south carolina, etc. meet. and the president indorses on gen. whiting's earnest calls for aid at wilmington, that gen. martin be sent him, with the "locals," as he calls them, and a brigade from pickett's division, _when filled up_. but suppose that should be too late? he says ransom's troops should also be in position, for it is important to hold wilmington. calico is selling now for $ per yard; and a small, dirty, dingy, dilapidated house, not near as large as the one i occupy, rents for $ . this one would bring $ now; i pay $ , which must be considered low. where are we drifting? i know not; unless we have a crop of victories immediately. september th.--lee and meade have their armies daily drawn up in battle array, and an engagement may be expected. it is said the enemy is evacuating east tennessee; concentrating, i suspect, for battle with bragg. it is now said that brigadier and col. lee, a. d. c. to the president, etc. etc., is going to call out the civil officers of the government who volunteered to fight in defense of the city, and encamp them in the country. this will make trouble. a mr. mendenhall, new garden, n. c., quaker, complains of the treatment two of his young friends are receiving at kinston from the troops. they won't fight, because they believe it wrong, and they won't pay the tax (war) of $ , because they cannot do it conscientiously. and gov. vance says the treatment referred to will not be tolerated. september th.--nothing new from the rappahannock, but a battle is looked for soon. rosecrans, who had advanced into georgia, has fallen back on chattanooga, which he is fortifying. if he be not driven from thence, we shall lose our mines, and the best country for commissary supplies. but bragg had from , to , men on the th inst., when he had not fallen back far from chattanooga; since then he has received more reinforcements from mississippi, and longstreet's corps, arrived by this time, will swell his army to , men, perhaps. johnston will probably take command, for bragg is becoming unpopular. but bragg will fight! the equinoctial storm has commenced, and the monitors are not in view of charleston, having sought quiet waters. the _enquirer_ has again assailed mr. benjamin, particularly on account of the retention of mr. spence, financial agent in england (appointed by mr. memminger), an anti-slavery author, whose books advocate southern independence. to-day a letter was sent to the secretary of war, from mr. benjamin, stating the fact that the president had changed the whole financial programme for europe. frazer, trenholm, & co., liverpool, are to be the custodians of the treasure in england, and mr. mcrae, in france, etc., and they would keep all the accounts of disbursements by the agents of departments, thus superseding mr. spence. i think this arrangement will somewhat affect the operations of major huse (who is a little censured in the letter, purporting to be dictated by the president, but really written by the president) and col. gorges. if wilmington continues in our possession, the transactions in europe will be large, and the government will derive more of its supplies from thence. september th.--the reports from western north carolina indicate that much bad feeling prevails there still; and it is really something more than a military trick to obtain a command. but i think the government had better keep out of the field its assistant adjutant-generals, and especially those in the bureau of conscription, unless they are put in subordinate positions. some of them have sought their present positions to keep aloof from the fatigues and dangers of the field; and they have contributed no little to the disaffection in north carolina. gen. whiting suggests that one of gen. pickett's brigades be sent to weldon; and then, with ransom's brigade, he will soon put down the deserters and tories. the governor approves this plan, and i hope it will be adopted. the northern papers say president lincoln, by proclamation, has suspended the writ of _habeas corpus_ throughout the united states. this is good news for the south; for the people there will strike back through the secret ballot-box. they also say an expedition is about to sail up the rio grande, where it will come in collision with the french, now occupying matamoras. and it appears that lord john russell will _not_ prevent the sailing of our monitor-rams from british ports without evidence of an intention to use them against the united states. he will do nothing on suspicion; but must have affidavits, etc. a young lady, miss heiskell, applied yesterday, through the hon. a. h. h. stuart, for a passport to philadelphia, to be married to a young merchant of that city. her father was a merchant of that city, though a native of virginia. i believe it was granted. the country is indignant at the surrender of cumberland gap by brig.-gen. frazier, without firing a gun, when his force was nearly as strong as burnside's. it was too bad! there must be some examples of generals as well as of deserting poor men, whose families, during their absence, are preyed upon by the extortioners, who contrive to purchase exemption from military service. the country did not know there was such a general until his name became famous by this ignominious surrender. where did gen. cooper find him? september th.--we have nothing to-day from any of the seats of war; but i saw several hundred head of cattle driven through the city this morning, marked "c. s.," which i learned had come from essex and king and queen counties, which may indicate either a raid from the lower rappahannock, or another advance on richmond. there was a meeting called for mechanics, etc. last night, to consider the grievance of the times. i have not learned what was done, or rather said; but i hear citizens on the street to-day talking about subverting the government. i believe they have no _plan_; and as yet it amounts to nothing. september st.--the president was called out of church yesterday, and was for three hours closeted with the secretary of war and gen. cooper. it appears that the enemy were occupying bristol, on the line between virginia and tennessee, with seven regiments, and carse's brigade was ordered (by telegraph) to reinforce gen. s. jones. but to-day a dispatch from gen. jones states that the enemy had been driven back at zollicoffer, which is beyond bristol. this dispatch was dated yesterday. it is unintelligible. but to-day we have a dispatch from gen. bragg, announcing a great battle on the th and th insts. he says, "after two days' engagement, we have driven the enemy, after a desperate resistance, from several positions; we hold the field, but the enemy still confronts us. the losses on both sides are heavy, and especially so among our officers. we have taken more than twenty guns, and prisoners." we await the sequel--with fear and trembling, after the sad experience of western victories. the secretary of war thinks longstreet's corps had not yet reached bragg; then why should he have commenced the attack before the reinforcements arrived? we must await further dispatches. if bragg beats rosecrans utterly, the consequences will be momentous. if beaten by him, he sinks to rise no more. both generals are aware of the consequences of failure, and no doubt it is a sanguinary field. whether it is in georgia or over the line in tennessee is not yet ascertained. september d.--another dispatch from bragg, received at a late hour last night, says the _victory_ is _complete_. this announcement has lifted a heavy load from the spirits of our people; and as successive dispatches come from gov. harris and others on the battle-field to-day, there is a great change in the recent elongated faces of many we meet in the streets. so far we learn that the enemy has been beaten back and pursued some eleven miles; that we have from to prisoners, some guns, besides small arms and stores in vast quantities. but gen. hood, whom i saw at the department but a fortnight ago, is said to be dead! and some half dozen of our brigadier-generals have been killed and wounded. the loss of the enemy, however, has been still greater than ours. at last accounts (this morning) the battle was still raging--the enemy having made a stand (temporarily, i presume) on a ridge, to protect their retreat. they burnt many commissary stores, which they may need soon. yet, this is from the west. the effects of this great victory will be electrical. the whole south will be filled again with patriotic fervor, and in the north there will be a corresponding depression. rosecrans's position is now one of great peril; for his army, being away from the protection of gun-boats, may be utterly destroyed, and then tennessee and southern kentucky may fall into our hands again. to-morrow the papers will be filled with accounts from the field of battle, and we shall have a more distinct knowledge of the magnitude of it. there must have been at least , men engaged; and no doubt the killed and wounded on both sides amounted to tens of thousands! surely the government of the united states must now see the impossibility of subjugating the southern people, spread over such a vast extent of territory; and the european governments ought now to interpose to put an end to this cruel waste of blood and treasure. my little garden has been a great comfort to me, and has afforded vegetables every day for a month past. my potatoes, however, which occupied about half the ground, did not turn out well. there were not more than a dozen quarts--worth $ , though--in consequence of the drought in june and july; but i have abundance of tomatoes, and every week several quarts of the speckled lima bean, which i trailed up the plank fence and on the side of the wood-house--just seven hills in all. i do not think i planted more than a gill of beans; and yet i must have already pulled some ten quarts, and will get nearly as many more, which will make a yield of more than -fold! i shall save some of the seed. the cabbages do not head, but we use them freely when we get a little bacon. the okra flourishes finely, and gives a flavor to the soup, when we succeed in getting a shin-bone. the red peppers are flourishing luxuriantly, and the bright red pods are really beautiful. the parsnips look well, but i have not yet pulled any. i shall sow turnip seed, where the potatoes failed, for spring salad. on the whole, the little garden has compensated me for my labor in substantial returns, as well as in distraction from painful meditations during a season of calamity. september d.--we have nothing additional up to three p.m. to-day; but there is an untraceable rumor on the street of some undefinable disaster somewhere, and perhaps it is the invention of the enemy. we still pause for the sequel of the battle; for rosecrans has fallen back to a strong position; and at this distance we know not whether it be practicable to flank him or to cut his communications. it is said gen. breckinridge commanded only men, losing of them! gen. cooper and the secretary of war have not been permitted to fill up his division; the first probably having no desire to replenish the dilapidated command of an aspiring "political general." a mr. g. preston williams, of eden, chatham county, ga., writes to the president, sept. th, , saying he has lost three sons in the war, freely given for independence. his fourth son is at home on furlough, but he shall not return unless the president gives up his _obstinacy_, and his favorites--_bragg_, pemberton, lovell, etc. he charges the president with incapacity, if not wickedness, and says our independence would have been won ere this, but for the obstacles thrown by him in the way. he threatens revolution within a revolution, when congress meets, unless the president reforms, which will cause him to lose his office, and perhaps his _head_. to which the president replies thus, in an indorsement on the envelope: "secretary of war.--this is referred to you without any knowledge of the writer. if it be a genuine signature, you have revealed to you a deserter, and a man who harbors him, as well as _incites_ to desertion, and opposition to the efforts of the government for public defense. sept. th, .--j. d." the indorsement was written to-day, since hearing of bragg's victory. september th.--a dispatch from gen. bragg, received to-day, three miles from chattanooga, and dated yesterday, says the enemy occupies a strong position, and confronts him in great force, but he is sending troops round his flanks. no doubt he will cross the river as soon as possible. only a small portion of longstreet's corps has been engaged, so bragg will have a fresh force to hurl against the invader. we learn to-day that gen. hood is not dead, and will recover. the president sent over to the secretary of war to-day some extracts from a letter he has just received from mobile, stating that a large trade is going on with the enemy at new orleans. a number of vessels, laden with cotton, had sailed from pascagoula bay, for that destination. some one or two had been stopped by the people, as the traffic is expressly prohibited by an act of congress. but upon inquiry it was ascertained that the trade was authorized by authority from richmond--the war department. i doubt whether mr. seddon authorized it. who then? perhaps it will be ascertained upon investigation. mr. kean, the young chief of the bureau, is a most fastidious civil officer, for he rebukes older men than himself for mistaking an illegible k for an r, and puts _his_ warning on record in pencil marks. mr. k. came in with mr. randolph, but declined to follow his patron any further. september th.--the latest dispatch from gen. bragg states that he has prisoners ( of them wounded), cannon, , of the enemy's small arms, and colors. after the victory, he issued the following address to his army: "headquarters army of tennessee, "field of chickamauga, sept. , . "it has pleased almighty god to reward the valor and endurance of our troops by giving our arms a complete victory over the enemy's superior numbers. thanks are due and are rendered unto him who giveth not the battle to the strong. "soldiers! after days of severe battle, preceded by heavy and important outpost affairs, you have stormed the barricades and breastworks of the enemy and driven him before you in confusion, and destroyed an army largely superior in numbers, and whose constant theme was your demoralization and whose constant boast was your defeat. your patient endurance under privations, your fortitude, and your valor, displayed at all times and under all trials, have been meetly rewarded. your commander acknowledges his obligations, and promises to you in advance the country's gratitude. "but our task is not ended. we must drop a soldier's tear upon the graves of the noble men who have fallen by our sides, and move forward. much has been accomplished--more remains to be done, before we can enjoy the blessings of peace and freedom. "(signed) braxton bragg." the president has received an official report of gen. frazer's surrender of cumberland gap, from major mcdowell, who escaped. it comprised men, guns, beef cattle, , pounds of bacon, bushels of wheat, and days' rations. the president indorsed his opinion on it as follows: "this report presents a shameful abandonment of duty, and is so extraordinary as to suggest that more than was known to the major must have existed to cause such a result.--j. d. sept. ." the quartermasters in texas are suggesting the impressment of the cotton in that state. the president indorses as follows on the paper which he returned to the secretary of war: "i have never been willing to employ such means except as a last resort.--j. d." the secretary of war is falling into the old united states fashion. he has brought into the department two broad-shouldered young relatives, one of whom might serve the country in the field, and i believe they are both possessed of sufficient wealth to subsist upon without $ clerkships. september th.--nothing additional has been received from gen. bragg, but there is reason to believe rosecrans is fortifying chattanooga, preparatory to crossing the river and retreating northward with all possible expedition. from the upper rappahannock there is much skirmishing, the usual preliminary to a battle; and kemper's brigade, of pickett's division, went up thither last night, and it may be probable that a battle is imminent. lee is apt to fight when the enemy is present facing him. the victory of bragg has lifted a mountain from the spirits of the people, and another victory would cast the north into the "slough of despond." gen. c. j. mcrae, and another gentleman, have been directed to investigate the accounts of major caleb huse, the friend and agent of col. gorgas, chief of ordnance. gen. mcr. writes from folkestone, england, to col. g. that the other gentleman not having appeared, he is undertaking the work himself, and, so far, the accounts are all right. messrs isaac, campbell & co. (jews), with whom the ordnance bureau has had large transactions, have afforded (so far) every facility, etc. september th.--nothing additional has been heard from either bragg's or lee's army. but the positions of both seem quite satisfactory to our government and people. how rosecrans can get off without the loss of half his army, stores, etc., military authorities are unable to perceive; and if meade advances, there is a universal conviction that he will be beaten. but there _is_ an excitement in the city. it is reported that the united states flag of truce steamer is down the river, having on board no less a personage than mr. seward, united states secretary of state, and that mr. benjamin, and other dignitaries of the confederate states, are going off this morning to meet him. of course it is conjectured that terms of peace will be discussed, and an infinite variety of opinions are expressed in relation to them. some suppose the mission grows out of foreign complications, of which, as yet, we can have no knowledge, and that, to maintain the vantage ground of france or england, or both, mr. seward may have a scheme of recognition and alliance, etc., looking to the control of affairs on this continent by the united states and confederate states in conjunction, with commercial arrangements, etc. both seward and benjamin are regarded by their uncharitable enemies as alike destitute of principle, and of moral or physical courage, and hence that they would have no hesitation in agreeing to any terms likely to be mutually advantageous--to themselves. they are certainly men of great intellectual power, and if they are not strictly honest, as much may be said of the greatest diplomats who have played conspicuous parts in the field of diplomacy during the last century. they may sacrifice men, and castles, etc., as skillful players do chessmen, with no particle of feeling for the pieces lost, for equivalents, etc. nevertheless, nothing can be finally consummated without the concurrence of all the co-ordinate branches of both governments, and the acquiescence of the people. but these gentlemen are fully aware of the anxiety of both peoples (if so they may be called) for peace, and they may, if they choose, strike a bargain which will put an end to the manslaughter which is deluging the land with blood. then both governments can go into bankruptcy. it may be a humbug. september th.--all is reported quiet on the rappahannock, the enemy seeming to be staggered, if not stupefied, by the stunning blows dealt rosecrans in the west. burnside's detachment is evacuating east tennessee; we have jonesborough, and are pursuing the enemy, at last accounts, toward knoxville. between that and chattanooga he may be intercepted by the right wing of bragg. the president had his cabinet with him nearly all day. it is not yet ascertained, precisely, whether mr. seward was really on the flag of truce steamer yesterday, but it is pretty certain that mr. benjamin went down the river. of course the public is not likely to know what transpired there--if anything. the trans-mississippi army is getting large amounts of stores, etc., on the rio grande river. major hart, quartermaster, writes from san antonio, texas, on the th of july, that three large english steamers, "sea queen," "sir wm. peel," and the "gladiator," had arrived, were discharging, etc. also that two large schooners were hourly expected with , enfield rifles on board. he says gen. magruder is impressing cotton to freight these vessels. so far, quakers, non-combatants, have been reported, mostly in north carolina. a few cannot pay the $ --conscientiously. the papers begin to give the details of the great battle of chickamauga--the "_river of death_." september th.--we have nothing additional from bragg, except confirmation of his victory from northern journals; and it is reported that meade is sending two more army corps to the southwest, for the purpose of extricating rosecrans from his perilous predicament. it is believed our cavalry is in his rear, and that we have the road below chattanooga, cutting him off from his supplies. the president sent for the secretary of war and gen. cooper just before p.m. to-day, having, it is supposed, some recent intelligence of the movements of the enemy. it is possible we shall send troops, etc., with all possible expedition, to reinforce bragg, for the purpose of insuring the destruction of rosecrans's army, and thus to tennessee may be transferred the principal military operations of the fall campaign. young mr. kean has taken friend jacques's place at the door of the secretary, and put him to abstracting the recorded letters containing decisions, the plan i suggested to the president, but which was claimed as the invention of the assistant secretary of war. some one has written a flaming article on the injurious manner in which impressments have been conducted in mississippi--the president's state--and sent it to him. this being referred to col. northrop, the commissary-general, the latter splutters over it in his angular chirography at a furious rate, saying he did not authorize it, he doubted if it were done, and lastly, if done, he was sure it was done by agents of the quartermaster-general. september th.--still nothing additional from lee's or bragg's army; but from abroad we learn that the british government has prevented the rams built for us from leaving the mersey. gen. pemberton is here, and was closeted for several hours to-day with the secretary of war. capt. j. h. wright, th georgia, gives another version of the surrender of cumberland gap. he is the friend of gen. frazer, and says he was induced to that step by the fear that the north carolina regiments ( d and d) could not be relied on. did he try them? a mr. blair, columbus, miss., applies for permission to bring drugs from _memphis_, and refers, for respectability, to president davis and gov. letcher. his letter gives a list of prices of medicines in the confederate states. i select the following: quinine, per oz., $ ; calomel, $ ; blue mass, $ ; opium, $ ; s. n. bismuth, $ ; soda, $ ; borax, $ ; oil of bergamot, per lb., $ ; indigo, $ ; blue-stone, $ . boots are selling in this city at $ per pair, and common shoes for $ . shuck mattresses, $ . blankets, $ each; and sheets, cotton, $ each. wood is $ per cord. i submitted a proposition to the secretary (of a quartermaster) to use some idle government wagons and some negro prisoners, to get in wood for the civil officers of the government, which could be done for $ per cord; but the quartermasters opposed it. but to-day i sent a letter to the president, suggesting that the perishable tithes (potatoes, meal, etc.) be sold at reasonable rates to the civil officers and the people, when in excess of the demand of the army, and that transportation be allowed, and that a government store be opened in richmond. i told him plainly, that without some speedy measure of relief there would be much discontent, for half the families here are neither half-fed nor half-clad. the measure, if adopted in all the cities, would be a beneficent one, and would give popular strength to the government, while it would be a death-blow to the speculators and extortioners. it will be seen what heed the government will give it. gen. wise has his brigade in south carolina. "_the markets._--the quantity of produce in our markets continues large, and of good quality, but the prices remain as high as ever, as the following quotations will show: butter, $ ; bacon, $ . to $ per pound; lard, $ . per pound; beef, $ to $ . ; lamb, $ to $ . ; veal, $ to $ . ; shote, $ . to $ . ; sausage, $ ; chickens, $ . to $ per pair; ducks, $ per pair; salt herrings, $ per dozen; cabbage, $ to $ . ; green corn, $ . to $ per dozen; sweet potatoes, $ to $ per bushel; irish potatoes, to cts. per quart; snaps, $ per quart; peas, cts. to $ . per quart; butter-beans, $ to $ . per quart; onions, $ . per quart; egg-plant, $ to $ a piece; tomatoes, cts. to $ per quart; country soap, $ to $ . per pound." chapter xxxi. suffering of our wounded at gettysburg.--prisoners from the battle of chickamauga.--charleston.--policy in the southwest.--from gen. bragg.--letter from president davis.--religious revival.--departure of the president for the southwest.--about general bragg.--movement of mechanics and non-producers.--about "french" tobacco.--the markets.--outrage in missouri.---speculations of government agents.-- from gen. lee.--judge hastings's scheme.--visit to our prisons.-- letter from gen. kirby smith.--president davis at selma.--gen. winder's passports.--the markets.--campbellites and methodists.--from gen. lee.--from the southwest. october st.--we have a rumor to-day that meade is sending heavy masses of troops to the west to extricate rosecrans, and that gen. hooker is to menace richmond from the peninsula, with , men, to keep lee from crossing the potomac. we have absolutely nothing from bragg; but a dispatch from gen. s. jones, east tennessee, of this date, says he has sent gen. ranseur after the rear guard of the enemy, near knoxville. a letter from w. g. m. davis, describes st. andrew's bay, florida, as practicable for exporting and importing purposes. it may be required, if charleston and wilmington fall--which is not improbable. nevertheless, bragg's victory has given us a respite in the east, and soon the bad roads will put an end to the marching of armies until next year. i doubt whether the yankees will desire another winter campaign in virginia. the papers contain the following account of sufferings at gettysburg, and in the federal prisons: "a lady from the vicinity of gettysburg writes: 'july th--we have been visiting the battle-field, and have done all we can for the wounded there. since then we have sent another party, who came upon a camp of wounded confederates in a wood between the hills. through this wood quite a large creek runs. this camp contained between and wounded men, in every stage of suffering; two well men among them as nurses. most of them had frightful wounds. a few evenings ago the rain, sudden and violent, swelled the creek, and of the unfortunates were swept away; died of starvation. no one had been to visit them since they were carried off the battle-field; they had no food of any kind; they were crying all the time "bread, bread! water, water!" one boy without beard was stretched out dead, quite naked, a piece of blanket thrown over his emaciated form, a rag over his face, and his small, thin hands laid over his breast. of the dead none knew their names, and it breaks my heart to think of the mothers waiting and watching for the sons laid in the lonely grave on that fearful battle-field. all of those men in the woods were nearly naked, and when ladies approached they tried to cover themselves with the filthy rags they had cast aside. the wounds themselves, unwashed and untouched, were full of worms. god only knows what they suffered. "'not one word of complaint passed their lips, not a murmur; their only words were "bread, bread! water, water!" except when they saw some of our ladies much affected, they said, "oh, ladies, don't cry; we are used to this." we are doing all we can; we served all day yesterday, though it was sunday.' this lady adds: 'there were two brothers--one a colonel, the other a captain--lying side by side, and both wounded. they had a bible between them.' another letter from philadelphia says: 'there are over on the island (fort delaware), the hospitals crowded, and between and men on the bare floor of the barracks; not even a straw mattress under them. the surgeon says the hundred pillows and other things sent from here were a god-send. everything except gray clothing will be thankfully received, and can be fully disposed of. it is very difficult to get money here. i write to you in the hope that you may be able to send some comforts for these suffering men. some two or three thousand have been sent to an island in the east river, most of them south carolinians, and all in great destitution. your hearts would ache as mine does if you knew all i hear and know is true of the sufferings of our poor people.' "another writes: philadelphia, july th, . 'i mentioned in my last the large number of southern prisoners now in the hands of the federal government in fort delaware, near this city. there are , a large portion of whom are sick and wounded; all are suffering most seriously for the want of a thousand things. those in the city who are by birth or association connected with southern people, and who feel a sympathy for the sufferings of these prisoners, are but few in number, and upon these have been increasing calls for aid. their powers of contribution are now exhausted. i thought it my duty to acquaint you and others in europe of this state of things, that you might raise something to relieve the sufferings of these prisoners. i believe the government has decided that any contributions for them may be delivered to them. there is scarcely a man among them, officers or privates, who has any money or any clothes beyond those in which they stood when they were captured on the battle-field. you can, therefore, imagine their situation. in the hospitals the government gives them nothing beyond medicines and soldier's rations. sick men require much more, or they perish; and these people are dying by scores. i think it a matter in which their friends on the other side should take prompt and ample action.'" october d.--our prisoners taken at the battle of chickamauga have arrived in this city, and it is ascertained that more are on the way hither. gen. bragg said he had besides the wounded, and as none of the wounded have arrived, more must have been taken since his dispatch. every effort is being made on our part to capture the army of rosecrans--and everything possible is done by the enemy to extricate him, and to reinforce him to such an extent that he may resume offensive operations. without this be done, the campaign must close disastrously in the west, and then the peace party of the north will have a new inspiration of vitality. it is now said that gen. lee, despairing of being attacked in his chosen position, has resolved to attack meade, or at least to advance somewhere. it is possible (if meade has really sent two corps of his army to the west) that he will cross the potomac again--at least on a foraging expedition. if he meets with only conscripts and militia he may penetrate as far as harrisburg, and then let europe perpend! the union will be as difficult of reconstruction, as would have been the celebrated campo formio vase shivered by napoleon. it is much easier to destroy than to construct. the emancipation and confiscation measures rendered reconstruction impracticable--unless, indeed, at a future day, the abolitionists of the united states should be annihilated and abolitionism abolished. to-day i got an excellent pair of winter shoes from a quartermaster here for $ --the retail price for as good an article, in the stores, is $ ; fine boots have risen to $ ! the enemy's batteries on morris island are firing away again at sumter's ruins, and at moultrie--but they have not yet opened on the city. the newspapers continue to give accounts of the chickamauga battle. october d.--nothing from the armies; but from charleston it is ascertained that the enemy's batteries on morris island have some of the guns pointing _seaward_. this indicates a provision against attack from that quarter, and suggests a purpose to withdraw the monitors, perhaps to use them against wilmington. i suppose the opposite guns in the batteries will soon open on charleston. thomas jackson, augusta, ga., writes that he can prove the president of the southern express company, who recently obtained a passport to visit europe, really embarked for the united states, taking a large sum in gold; that another of the same company (which is nothing more than a branch of adams's express company of new york) will leave soon with more gold. he says this company has enough men detailed from the army, and conscripts exempted, to make two regiments. j. m. williams writes from morton, miss., that his negroes have been permitted to return to his plantation, near baton rouge, and place themselves under his overseer. during their absence some ten or twelve died. this is really wonderful policy on the part of the enemy--a policy which, if persisted in, might ruin us. _mr. williams asks permission to sell some fifty bales of cotton to the enemy for the support of his slaves._ he says the enemy is getting all the cotton in that section of country--and it may be inferred that all the planters are getting back their slaves. the moment any relaxation occurs in the rigorous measures of the enemy, that moment our planters cease to be united in resistance. october th.--the major-quartermasters and the acting quartermaster-generals (during the illness or absence of gen. lawton) are buffeting the project some of us set on foot to obtain wood at cost, $ , instead of paying the extortioners $ per cord. all the wagons and teams of longstreet's corps are here idle, while the corps itself is with bragg--and the horses are fed by the government of course. these wagons and teams might bring into the city thousands of cords of wood. the quartermasters at first said there were no drivers; but i pointed out the free yankee negroes in the prisons, who beg employment. now col. cole, the quartermaster in charge of transportation, says there is a prospect of getting teamsters--but that hauling should be done exclusively for the army--and the quartermaster-general (acting) indorses on the paper that if the secretary will _designate the class of clerks_ to be benefited, some little wood might be delivered them. this concession was obtained, because the secretary himself sent my _second_ paper to the quartermaster-general--the _first_ never having been seen by him, having passed from the hands of the assistant secretary to the file-tomb. another paper i addressed to the president, suggesting the opening of government stores for the sale of perishable tithes,--being a blow at the extortioners, and a measure of relief to the non-producers, and calculated to prevent a riot in the city,--was referred by him yesterday to the secretary of war, for his special notice, and for _conference_, which may result in good, if they adopt the plan submitted. that paper the assistant secretary _cannot_ withhold, having the president's mark on it. october th.--it is now said that meade's army has not retired, and that two corps of it have not been sent to rosecrans. well, we shall know more soon, for lee is preparing for a movement. it may occur this week. in the west it is said gen. johnston is working his way, with a few brigades, from meridian towards _nashville._ lieut.-gen. e. kirby smith writes for authority to make appointments and promotions in the trans-mississippi army, as its "communications with richmond are permanently interrupted." the president indorses that he has no authority to delegate the power of appointing, as that is fixed by the constitution; but he will do anything in his power to facilitate the wishes of the general. the general writes that such delegation is a "military necessity." the _enquirer_ and the _dispatch_ have come out in opposition to the fixing of maximum prices for articles of necessity, by either the legislature of the state or by congress. it is charged against these papers, with what justice i know not, that the proprietors of both are realizing profits from speculation. to-day i got a fine shin-bone (for soup) for $ . i obtained it at the government shop; in the market i was asked $ . for one. we had a good dinner, and something left over for to-morrow. october th.--gen. bragg and others recommend gen. hood for promotion to a lieutenant-generalcy; but the president says it is impossible, as the number authorized by congress is full. and gen. bragg also gives timely notice to the commissary-general that the supplies at atlanta will suffice for but a few weeks longer. this, commissary-general northrop took in high dudgeon, indorsing on the paper that there was no necessity for such a message to him; that bragg knew very well that every effort had been and would be made to subsist the army; and that when he evacuated tennessee, the great source of supplies was abandoned. in short, the only hope of obtaining ample supplies was for gen. bragg to recover tennessee, and drive rosecrans out of the country. the president has at last consented to send troops for the protection of wilmington--martin's brigade; and also clingman's, from charleston, if the enemy should appear before wilmington. i read to-day an interesting report from one of our secret agents--mr. a. superviele--of his diplomatic operations in mexico, which convinces me that the french authorities there favor the confederate states cause, and anticipate closer relations before long. when he parted with almonte, the latter assured him that his sympathies were with the south, and that if he held any position in the new government (which he does now) he might say to president davis that his influence would be exerted for the recognition of our independence. mr. jeptha fowlkes, of aberdeen, miss., sends a proposition to supply our army with , suits of clothing, , pairs of shoes, etc. etc. from the united states, provided he be allowed to give cotton in return. mr. randolph made a contract with him last year, of this nature, which our government revoked afterward. we shall see what will be done now. it is positively asserted that gen. bragg has arrested lieut.-gen. (bishop) polk and brig.-gen. hindman, for disobedience of orders in the battle of chickamauga. letter from president davis--the mobile papers publish the following letter from president davis to the "confederate society," of enterprise, miss.: "richmond, va., sept. th, . "j. w. harmon, esq., secretary of the confederate society, enterprise, miss. "sir:--i have received your letter of the d ult., inclosing a copy of an address to the people of the confederate states, calling upon them to unite in an effort to restore and maintain the par value of the currency with gold by forming societies of citizens who will engage to sell and buy only at reduced prices. the object of the address is most laudable, and i sincerely hope for it great success in arousing the people to concerted action upon a subject of the deepest importance. the passion for speculation has become a gigantic evil. it has seemed to take possession of the whole country, and has seduced citizens of all classes from a determined prosecution of the war to a sordid effort to amass money. it destroys enthusiasm and weakens public confidence. it injures the efficiency of every measure which demands the zealous co-operation of the people in repelling the public enemy, and threatens to bring upon us every calamity which can befall freemen struggling for independence. "the united exertions of societies like those you propose should accomplish much toward abating this evil, and infusing a new spirit into the community. "i trust, therefore, that you will continue your labors until their good effect becomes apparent everywhere. "please accept my thanks for the comforting tone of your patriotic letter. it is a relief to receive such a communication at this time, when earnest effort is demanded, and when i am burdened by the complaining and despondent letters of many who have stood all the day idle, and now blame anybody but themselves for reverses which have come and dangers which threaten. "very respectfully, "your fellow-citizen, "jefferson davis." there is a revival in the city among the methodists; and that suggests a recent expiring. in my young days i saw much of these sensational excitements, and partook of them; for how can the young resist them? but it is the cæsarean method of being born again, violating reason, and perhaps outraging nature. there was one gratifying deduction derived from my observation to-night, at the clay street meeting-house--the absence of allusion to the war. i had supposed the attempt would be made by the exhorters to appeal to the fears of the soldiery, composing more than half the congregation, and the terrors of death be held up before them. but they knew better; they knew that every one of them had made up his mind to die, and that most of them expected either death or wounds in this mortal struggle for independence. the fact is they are familiar with death in all its phases, and there is not a coward among them. they look upon danger with the most perfect indifference, and fear not to die. hence there was no allusion to the battle-field, which has become a scene divested of novelty. but the appeals were made to their sympathies, and reliance was placed on the force of example, and the contagion of ungovernable emotions. october th.--we have not a particle of news from the army to-day. it may be an ominous calm. a mr. livingstone, from georgia i believe, has been extensively engaged in financial transactions during the last week. he drew upon the house of north & co., savannah, and purchased some $ , in gold. after obtaining some $ , from the brokers here, he obtained a passport (of course!) and fled into the enemy's lines. october th.--the president, accompanied by two of his aids, set off quietly day before yesterday for the southwest--to bragg's army, no doubt, where it is understood dissensions have arisen among the chieftains. by telegraph we learn that one of bragg's batteries, on lookout mountain, opened fire on the federals in chattanooga on the th inst., which was replied to briskly. night before last an attempt was made to destroy the enemy's steamer ironsides at charleston, but failed. the torpedo, however, may have done it some injury. from lee and meade we have nothing. a rather startling letter was read by the secretary of war to-day from ----, lieut.-gen. bragg's ----d in command. it was dated the th of september, and stated that chickamauga was one of the most complete victories of the war, but has not been "followed up." on the st (day after the battle), gen. bragg asked gen. ----'s advice, which was promptly given: "that he should immediately strike burnside a blow; or if burnside escaped, then to march on rosecrans's communications in the rear of nashville." gen. bragg seemed to adopt the plan, and gave orders accordingly. but the right wing had not marched more than eight or ten miles the next day, before it was halted, and ordered to march toward chattanooga, after giving the enemy two and a half days to strengthen the fortifications. bragg's army remains in front of the enemy's defenses, with orders not to assault him. the only thing bragg has done well (says gen. ----) was to order the attack on the th of september; everything else has been wrong: and now only god can save us or help us--while bragg commands. he begs that gen. lee be sent there, while the army of virginia remains on the defensive, to prosecute offensive measures against rosecrans. he says bragg's army has neither organization nor mobility; and b. cannot remedy the evil. he cannot adopt or adhere to any course, and he invokes the government to interpose speedily. this letter is on file in the archives. the question now is, who is right? if it be ----, bragg ought certainly to be relieved without delay; and the president cannot arrive in the field a moment too soon. as it is, while others are exulting in the conviction that rosecrans will be speedily destroyed, _i_ am filled with alarm for the fate of bragg's army, and for the cause! i am reluctant to attribute the weakness of personal pique or professional jealousy to ----; yet i still hope that events will speedily prove that bragg's plan was the best, and that he had really adopted and advised to the wisest course. october th.--from the west we have only unreliable reports of movements, etc.; but something definite and decisive must occur shortly. gen. lee's army crossed the rapidan yesterday, and a battle may be looked for in that direction any day. it is said meade has only , or , men; and, if this be so, lee is strong enough to assume the offensive. to-morrow the departments will be closed for a review of the clerks, etc., a piece of nonsense, as civil officers are under no obligation to march except to fight, when the city is menaced. the mechanics and non-producers have made a unanimous call (in placards) for a mass meeting at the city hall to-morrow evening. the ostensible object is to instruct mr. randolph and other members of the legislature (now in session) to vote for the bill, fixing maximum prices of commodities essential to life, or else to resign. mr. randolph has said he would not vote for it, unless so instructed to do. it is apprehended that these men, or the authors of the movement, have ulterior objects in view; and as some ten or twelve hundred of them belong to the militia, and have muskets in their possession, mischief may grow out of it. mr. secretary seddon ought to act at once on the plan suggested for the sale of the perishable tithes, since the government is blamed very much, and perhaps very justly, for preventing transportation of meat and bread to the city, or for impressing it in transitu. capt. warner, who feeds the prisoners of war, and who is my good "friend in need," sent me yesterday odd pounds of bacon sides at the government price. this is not exactly according to law and order, but the government loses nothing, and my family have a substitute for butter. october th.--the enemy is undoubtedly falling back on the rappahannock, and our army is pursuing. we have about , in lee's army, and it is reported that meade has , , of whom many are conscripts, altogether unreliable. we may look for stirring news soon. about of the "local" troops were reviewed to-day. the companies were not more than half filled; so, in an emergency, we could raise fighting men, at a moment's warning, for the defense of the capital. in the absence of custis lee, col. brown, the english aid of the president, commanded the brigade, much to the disgust of many of the men, and the whole were reviewed by gen. elzey, still more to the chagrin of the ultra southern men. the secretary seems unable to avert the storm brewing against the extortioners; but permits impressments of provisions coming to the city. it is said the president and cabinet have a large special fund in europe. if they should fall into the hands of lincoln, they might suffer death; so in the event of subjugation, it is surmised they have provided for their subsistence in foreign lands. but there is no necessity for such provision, provided they perform their duty here. i cut the following from the papers: "the vicomte de st. romain has been sent by the french government to ours to negotiate for the exportation of the tobacco bought for france by french agents. "the confederate states government has at last consented to allow the tobacco to leave the country, provided the french government will send its own vessels for it. "the latter _will_ send french ships, accompanied by armed convoys. "to this the united states government objects _in toto_. "vicomte de st. romain is now making his way to new york to send the result of his mission, through the french consul, to the emperor. "the french frigates in new york are there on this errand." october th.--i attended a meeting of "mechanics" and citizens at the city hall last night. the prime mover of this organization is e. b. robinson, some twenty years ago one of my printers in the _madisonian_ office. it was fully attended, and although not so boisterous as might have been expected, was, nevertheless, earnest and determined in its spirit. resolutions instructing mr. randolph (state senator, and late secretary of war) to vote for a bill before the general assembly reducing and fixing the prices of the necessities of life, were passed unanimously; also one demanding his resignation, in the event of his hesitating to obey. he was bitterly denounced by the speakers. i understood yesterday, from the butchers, that they have been buying beef cattle, not from the producers, but from a mr. moffitt (they say a commissary agent), at from to cents gross; and hence they are compelled to retail it (net) at from cents to $ . per pound to the people. if this be so, and the commissary buys at government prices, to cents, a great profit is realized by the government or its agent at the expense of a suffering people. how long will the people suffer thus? this community is even now in an inflammable condition, and may be ignited by a single spark. the flames of insurrection may at any moment wrap this slumbering government in its destructive folds; and yet the cabinet cannot be awakened to a sense of the danger. mr. seddon (who may be better informed than others), deeply sunken in his easy chair, seems perfectly composed; but he cannot know that his agents are permitted to prey upon the people: and the complaints and charges sent to him are acted upon by his subordinates, who have orders not to permit business of secondary importance to engage his attention; and his door-keepers have instructions to refuse admittance to persons below a certain rank. nothing but the generous and brave men in the army could have saved us from destruction long ago, and nothing else can save us hereafter. if our independence shall be achieved, it will be done in _spite_ of the obstructions with which the cause has been burdened by the stupidity or mismanagement of incompetent or dishonest men. "the sufferings of the border missourians.--the people of missouri, on the kansas border, are being slaughtered without mercy under the authority of the yankee commander of that department, schofield. a letter to the st. louis _republican_ (yankee) says: "on sunday last the desire for blood manifested itself in the southeastern part of jackson county, not far from the village of lone jack. although it was sunday, the people of that region, alarmed and terror-stricken by threats from kansas, and cruel edicts from headquarters of the district, were hard at work straining every nerve to get ready to leave their homes before this memorable th day of september, . "one party of these unfortunate victims of a cruel order had almost completed their preparations, and within half an hour's time would have commenced their weary wanderings in search of a home. it consisted of benjamin potter, aged seventy-five; john s. cave, aged fifty; william hunter, aged forty-seven; david hunter, aged thirty-five; william c. tate, aged thirty; andrew owsley, aged seventeen; and martin rice and his son. while thus engaged in loading their wagons with such effects as they supposed would be most useful to them, a detachment of kansas troops (said to be part of the kansas th, though this may be a mistake), under command of lieut.-col. clark and capt. coleman, came up and took them all prisoners. "after a little parleying, mr. rice and his son were released and ordered to leave; which they did, of course. they had not gone much over three-fourths of a mile before they heard firing at the point at which they had left the soldiers with the remaining prisoners. in a short time the command moved on, and the wives and other relatives of the prisoners rushed up to ascertain their fate. it was a horrid spectacle. "there lay six lifeless forms--mangled corpses--so shockingly mangled that it was difficult, my informant stated, to identify some of them. they were buried where they were murdered, without coffins, by a few friends who had expected to join them on that day, with their families, and journey in search of a home. "these are the unvarnished facts with reference to an isolated transaction. there are many, very many others of a similar character that i might mention, but i will not. the unwritten and secret history of our border would amaze the civilized world, and would stagger the faith of the most credulous. in the case just mentioned, we find an old man who had passed his threescore and ten, and a youth who had not yet reached his score, falling victims to this thirsty cry for blood. "the world will doubtless be told that six more bushwhackers have been cut off, etc. but believe it not, sir; it is not true. these six men never were in arms, neither in the bush or elsewhere, i have been told by one who has known them for years past. the widows and orphans of some of them passed through this city yesterday, heart-broken, homeless wanderers." october th.--hon. g. a. henry, senator from tennessee, writes to the secretary that it is rumored that gen. pemberton is to command gen. polk's corps in tennessee. he says if this be true, it will be disastrous; that the tennessee troops will not serve under him, but will mutiny and desert. it is reported to-day by gen. elzey (on what information i know not) that meade's army has been reduced to , or , men, by the heavy reinforcements sent to extricate rosecrans. be this as it may, there is no longer any doubt that lee is advancing toward the potomac, and the enemy is retreating. this must soon culminate in something of interest. i saw commissary-general northrop to-day, and he acknowledges that mr. moffitt, who sells beef (gross) to the butchers at from to cents, is one of his agents, employed by major ruffin, to purchase beef for the army! the schedule price is from to cents, and he pays no more, for the government--and if he buys for himself, it is not likely he pays more--and so we have a government agent a speculator in meat, and co-operating with speculators! will mr. secretary seddon permit this? october th.--gen. lee's cavalry are picking up some prisoners, several hundreds having already been sent to richmond. it is said the advance of his army has been delayed several weeks for want of commissary stores, while commissary-general northrop's or major ruffin's agent moffitt, it is alleged, has been selling beef (gross) to the butchers at cents per pound, after buying or impressing at from to cents. gen. lee writes that a scout (from washington?) informs him that gen. gilmore has been ordered to take charleston at all hazards, and, failing in the attempt, to make a flank movement and seize upon branchville; which he (gen. lee) deems an unlikely feat. what a change! the young professors and tutors who shouldered their pens and became clerks in the departments are now resigning, and seeking employment in country schools remote from the horrid sounds of war so prevalent in the vicinity of the capitol, and since they were ordered to volunteer in the local companies, which will probably have some sharp practice in the field. they are intent, however, on "teaching the young _idea_ how to shoot." the young chiefs of bureaus, being fixed "for life," did not _volunteer_. october th.--a letter from gen. lee to the secretary of war, dated th inst. at madison c. h., complains of the injury done by the newspapers of richmond, which contain early accounts of his movements, and are taken quickly (by flag of truce? or gen. winder's corps of rogues and cut-throats?) to the enemy. he says he is endeavoring to strike at meade, and has already captured, this week, some of the enemy (cavalry), including that number of horses. the secretary sent the requisite notice to the editors. gen. gilmer, at charleston, suggests the removal of the guns on the boats in that harbor to land batteries, to be commanded by officers of the navy. an order has been sent to gen. s. jones, west virginia, for the th and th regiments virginia cavalry. october th.--to-day, at m., i saw a common leatherwing bat flying over the war department. what this portends i do not pretend to say, perhaps nothing. it may have been dislodged by the workmen building chimneys to the offices of the department. the order of the government conscribing all foreign residents who have acquired homes in this country, and the expulsion of the british consuls, will immediately be followed by another exodus of that class of residents. already passports are daily applied for, and invariably granted by mr. assistant secretary campbell. the enemy, of course, will reap great benefit from the information conveyed by these people, and the innumerable brood of blockade-runners. gen. lee has sent down between and prisoners captured in recent cavalry engagements. he took their horses and equipments also. and there is an account of an engagement in the west, near memphis, in which the confederate troops inflicted injury on the enemy, besides destroying the railroad in several places. october th.--no battle had occurred in northern virginia up to o'clock yesterday morning, although there is a constant stream of prisoners being sent to this city daily, taken by our cavalry. at last accounts meade's army was retreating toward washington city, hotly pursued by lee. they were near manassas, the first battle-field of the war. there is nothing new from the west, except some skirmishing of cavalry in central and western tennessee, wherein our men have had the advantage, though sometimes falling back before superior numbers. at charleston a brisk cannonading is kept up between the batteries; and it is said more hostile transports are arriving, which may indicate active operations on land. our -pounder blakely no. is there. judge campbell is giving passports rapidly, sometimes binding the jews not to engage in private operations, but to confine themselves, while in the united states, to the purchase of supplies for the confederate states service! some, however, are willing to go on these terms to avoid conscription, but will realize profit by selling information to the enemy. judge hastings, of california, proposes to return thither and publish a pamphlet describing newly discovered gold mines, and organizing companies to work them, which shall be secessionists; and when organized, he will fall upon and destroy the united states troops, march into arizona, and from thence pour reinforcements into texas. the secretary, in the absence of the president, sends a copy of this scheme to lieut.-gen. e. k. smith, trans-mississippi department, and gives some encouragement to the judge; abstaining, however, for the present, from devoting any money to the project. october th.--we hear to-day that a battle has taken place near manassas, and that lee has taken some prisoners and many wagons. at p.m. there was no official intelligence of this event, and it was not generally credited. gen. wise writes from charleston, that it is understood by the french and spanish consuls there that the city will not be bombarded. in eastern north carolina the people have taken the oath of allegiance to the united states, to be binding only so long as they are within the military jurisdiction of the enemy; and they ask to be exempt from the confederate states tithe tax, for if they pay it, the enemy will despoil them of all that remains. october th.--no authentic information of a battle near manassas has been received at the war department, although it is certain there has been some heavy skirmishing on the rappahannock. we have several brigadier-generals wounded, and lost five guns; but, being reinforced, continued the pursuit of the enemy, picking up many prisoners--they say . the pursuit was retarded by the swelling of the streams. a letter from major-gen. jones, at dublin depot, va., oct. th, leads me to think danger is apprehended in that quarter, the objective point being the salt works; and it may be inferred, from the fact that burnside is still there, that rosecrans is considered safe, by reason of the heavy reinforcements sent from other quarters. while i write, the government is having the tocsin sounded for volunteers from the militia to go to the rescue of the salt works, which is absurd, as the enemy will either have them before aid can be received from richmond, or else he will have been driven off by the local troops near that vicinity. captain warner took me in his buggy this morning to the military prisons. he did not lead me into the crowded rooms above, where he said i would be in danger of vermin, but exhibited his cooking apparatus, etc.--which was ample and cleanly. everywhere i saw the captives peeping through the bars; they occupy quite a number of large buildings--warehouses--and some exhibited vengeful countenances. they have half a pound of beef per day, and plenty of good bread and water--besides vegetables and other matters furnished by themselves. several new furnaces are in process of erection, and most of the laborers are federal prisoners, who agree to work (for their own convenience) and are paid for it the usual wages. there are baths to the prisons; and the conduits for venting, etc. have cost some $ , . to-day the weather is as warm as summer, and no doubt the prisoners sigh for the open air (although all the buildings are well ventilated), and their distant homes in the west--most of them being from the field of chickamauga. october th.--after all the rumors from northern virginia, i have seen nothing official. i incline to the belief that we have achieved no success further than an advance toward washington, and a corresponding retreat of the enemy. it is to be yet seen whether lee captured more prisoners than meade captured. it is said we lost _seven_ guns. but how can lee achieve anything when the enemy is ever kept informed not only of his movements in progress, but of his probable intentions? i observe that just about the time lee purposes a movement, several jews and others of conscript age are seen to apply for passports through the lines, for ordnance and medical stores, and judge campbell is certain to "allow" them. the letter-book, for they are now recorded, shows this. these men bring supplies from maryland, if they ever return, in saddle-bags, while the same kind are landed every week at wilmington by the cargo! a recent letter from lieut.-gen. e. kirby smith, trans-mississippi, fills me with alarm. he says the property-holders in arkansas and louisiana--which states we are evacuating--are willing to return to their allegiance to the united states if that government should modify its policy. he says we have but , in texas, louisiana, and arkansas--all told--and the enemy twice that number. gen. d. h. hill has been relieved in the west, and ordered to report in this city to gen. cooper. it was necessary perhaps to have a scape-goat. bragg will _probably_ be sustained by the president--but then what will become of ------, who is so inimical to bragg? the president has published, in the west, an eloquent address to the soldiers. it appears from gen. k. smith's letter that the french captured a vessel having on board, for the confederate states, , stand of arms, which were taken to vera cruz. it is presumed that the french commander supposed these arms were sent over for the use of the mexicans, probably by the united states. if this be so, it is reasonable to suppose they will be restored us, and so far i do not learn that this government has taken umbrage at the capture. it may be that they were taken to keep them from falling into the possession of the united states cruisers. there are one or two french war steamers now at charleston, interchanging courtesies with the confederate states authorities there. it also appears by gen. smith's letter that a large amount of arms for the trans-mississippi department were deposited at vicksburg, and fell into the hands of the enemy. the president indorsed on the back of the letter that this was a blunder, and asks by whose order the deposit was made. col. gorgas must answer. october th.--nothing definite from lee. i fear his little campaign from the rapidan to bull run was not a glorious one, although meade did run to the fortifications at centreville. he may possibly have had a counter-plot, which is not yet developed. our papers are rejoicing over thousands of prisoners "picked up;" but captain warner, who furnishes the prisoners their rations, assures me that they have not yet arrived; while our papers acknowledge we lost men, killed and wounded, besides several guns. the secretary of war received a dispatch to-day from gen. barton, kinston, n. c., stating that a number of federal regiments were embarking for (he thinks) south carolina. this, the secretary, of course, sends to gen. beauregard, but doubts, however, the destination of the troops. he thinks they are to menace richmond again, and says there are indications of this purpose on the york river. is hooker really there? the public knows nothing, as yet, of what is going on down that river. what if meade retreated to entice lee away from richmond, having in preparation an expedition against this city? i should not wonder at anything, since so many equivocal characters are obtaining passports to the united states. gen. winder and judge campbell are busy signing passports--one granted by the latter yesterday (recorded) also allows the bearer to take with him pounds tobacco! a letter was received to-day from the president, ordering certain concessions to governor brown, relating to exemptions and details. letters have been received justifying the belief (notwithstanding the forebodings of lieut.-gen. e. k. smith) that we have taken little rock, ark., again. this is price's work; also that quantrell and other bold raiders in missouri have collected some thousands of desperate men, and _killed_ several regiments of the enemy. they have burned a number of towns (union), and taken the large town of boonville. these are the men against whom kansas abolitionists have sworn vengeance--no quarter is to be granted them. i suspect they are granting no quarter! yesterday i saw a captain commissary on broad street give his dog a piece of beef for which i would have given a dollar. many little children of soldiers stood by with empty baskets. he would not sell a shank! dispatch from alabama: "selma, october th, . "president davis arrived here this evening, and was welcomed by the citizens _en masse_. an immense crowd gathered in front of the hotel. the president congratulated the people on meeting them under such favorable circumstances, and spoke in glowing terms of the gallantry of alabamians on every battle-field. he said if the non-conscripts of alabama would gather their guns and go to the rescue, by guarding courtland and other points, thereby relieving regular soldiers who are now, from necessity, discharging that sort of duty, such blows would be dealt the enemy as he would find it difficult to recover from. in this way most effective aid could be given the gallant men and officers who are carrying out the plans of the noble longstreet, under the supervision of the heroic bragg. "in this way the president was confident that rosecrans could be crushed to dust. it was only by force of arms that the yankees could be brought to reason and their plans for our subjugation defeated. self-reliance and energy were now our only duty. we should not look to europe for aid, for such is not to be expected now. our only alternative was to sustain ourselves with renewed energy and determination, and a little more sacrifice upon the part of the people, and the president firmly believed that next spring would see the invader driven from our borders. then farmers, who are now refugees, could return to their families and pursue their business undisturbed as heretofore. in fact, he believed that the defeat of rosecrans would practically end the war." mr. randolph has signified his purpose to vote for the bill reducing prices, rather than resign; but mr. wyndham robertson, the delegate, has resigned. nearly all the papers have taken ground against the "maximum bill." to-night a mass meeting is called, to urge the passage of the bill. the "mass meeting" to-night was a small affair. mr. robinson, my old compositor, made a speech, abusing the editors; but the editors have succeeded in putting down for the present the cry for bread. i fear, however, it is but the work of sisyphus, and it may destroy them; for, if the measure fails before the legislature, the prices will be sure to advance, and then the people will attribute their woes to those who were instrumental in the defeat of the plan of relief. it is a dangerous thing to array one's self against a famishing people, even when the remedy they demand is not calculated to alleviate their distresses. i saw flour sell at auction to-day for $ per barrel. this, too, when there is an abundant crop of new grain but recently harvested. it is the result of the depreciation of a redundant currency, and not of an ascertained scarcity. timber and coal are as abundant as ever they were; and the one sells at $ per cord, and the other at $ per load of bushels. and cotton is abundant, while brown domestic is bringing $ . per yard. many are becoming very shabby in appearance; and i can get no clothes for myself or my family, unless the government shall very materially increase our salaries. october st.--gen. lee telegraphed last night that our cavalry had routed the enemy's horse on monday, capturing some , etc. etc. the legislature passed a series of resolutions yesterday, requesting the secretary of war to impress free negroes for the public works; to detail the d class militia (over ); and to order into the ranks the thousands of detailed soldiers and conscripts seen everywhere. the report of a committee states that conscripts and soldiers pay bonuses to contractors to have them detailed, and then they furnish negroes as substitutes to perform the work, engaging themselves in speculation. also that one-third of the conscripts of one county have been detailed to get wood for certain iron works which have a year's supply on hand! surely the secretary will attend to this. there is a row about passports. it appears that judge campbell and gen. winder are competitors in the business. judge c. yesterday remarked that, at gen. winder's office, he understood a passport could be bought for $ ; and this was repeated by mr. kean, the young chief of the bureau, and it somehow reached the ears of gen. winder. perhaps judge c. reported the fact of his belief to mr. secretary seddon, who had ceased to grant any himself (to the united states), and of course was not aware of the great number his assistant, much less gen. w., issued; and if so, it is probable he called gen. w. to an account. the general, in a rage, charged mr. kean with the propagation of a damaging report. mr. k. said he heard mr. chapman (a clerk) say so--and so off they started in pursuit of chapman, who could not be found up to p.m. by to-morrow gen. w. may hear of judge campbell's remarks and agency, and a pretty kettle of fish they will have, if judge c.'s record be brought to the notice of the secretary! it is all wrong, and if the business be not better regulated or terminated, it will terminate the government. gen. lee's reputation as a great captain will be ruined, if the blockade-runners be allowed to continue to give information to the enemy of all his movements. october d.--gen. wheeler has taken of the enemy's cavalry in east tennessee, cannon, wagons, commissary stores, etc. _per contra_, the steamer venus, with bacon, from nassau, got aground trying to enter the port of wilmington, and ship and cargo were lost. there is a rumor that gen. taylor, trans-mississippi, has captured gen. banks, his staff, and sixteen regiments. this, i fear, is not well authenticated. a poor woman yesterday applied to a merchant in carey street to purchase a barrel of flour. the price he demanded was $ . "my god!" exclaimed she, "how can i pay such prices? i have seven children; what shall i do?" "i don't know, madam," said he, coolly, "unless you eat your children." such is the power of cupidity--it transforms men into demons. and if this spirit prevails throughout the country, a just god will bring calamities upon the land, which will reach these cormorants, but which, it may be feared, will involve all classes in a common ruin. beef, to-day, sold in market at $ . per pound. there is no bacon for sale, or corn-meal. but we shall not starve, if we have faith in a beneficent providence. our daughter anne, teaching in appomattox county, writes that she will send us a barrel of potatoes, some persimmons, etc. next wednesday. and we had a good dinner to-day: a piece of fat shoulder capt. warner let me have at $ per pound--it is selling for $ . --and cabbage from my garden, which my neighbor's cow overlooked when she broke through the gate last sunday. although we scarcely know what we shall have to-morrow, we are merry and patriotic to-day. last night i went to hear rev. dr. hobson, reformed baptist, or campbellite, preach. he is certainly an orator (from kentucky) and a man of great energy and fertility of mind. there is a revival in his congregation too, as well as among the methodists, but he was very severe in his condemnation of the emotional or sensational practices of the latter. he said, what was never before known by me, that the word pardon is not in the new testament, but remission was. his point against the methodists was their fallacy of believing that conversion was sudden and miraculous, and accompanied by a happy feeling. happy feeling, he said, would naturally _follow_ a consciousness of remission of sins, but was no evidence of conversion, for it might be produced by other things. it was the efficacy of the word, of the promise of god, which obliterated the sins of all who believed, repented, and were baptized. he had no spasmodic extravagances over his converts; but, simply taking them by the hand, asked if they believed, repented, and would be baptized. if the answers were in the affirmative, they resumed their seats, and were soon after _immersed_ in a pool made for the purpose in the church. i pray sincerely that this general revival in the churches will soften the hearts of the extortioners, for this class is specifically denounced in the scriptures. there is abundance in the land, but "man's inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn." i hope the extortioners may all go to heaven, first ceasing to be extortioners. the legislature has broken up the gambling establishments, for the time being, and the furniture of their gorgeous saloons is being sold at auction. some idea of the number of these establishments may be formed from an estimate (in the _examiner_) of the cost of the entertainment prepared for visitors being not less than $ , daily. their agents bought the best articles offered for sale in the markets, and never hesitated to pay the most exorbitant prices. i hope now the absence of such customers may have a good effect. but i fear the currency, so redundant, is past remedy. october d.--gen. lee has retired to the south side of the rappahannock again, while meade remains in the intrenchments at centreville. gen. imboden occupies winchester. from the west we have only newspaper reports, which may not be true. october th.--to-day we have a cold northwest storm of wind and rain, and we have our first fire in the parlor. the elections in ohio and pennsylvania have gone for the republican (war) candidates. we rely on ourselves, under god, for independence. it is said gen. lee learned that , republican voters were sent from meade's army into pennsylvania to vote, and hence he advanced and drove back the federal army. yet he says that meade's army is more numerous than his. it is not known what our losses have been, but the following dispatch from lee gives an accurate account of the enemy's loss in prisoners. "headquarters army northern virginia, "october d, . "gen. s. cooper, a. and i. general. "gen. imboden, on the th, attacked the garrison at charlestown, shenandoah valley, captured prisoners, with their arms, transportation, and stores. to these, add prisoners already forwarded, makes . "(signed) r. e. lee. "official: john withers, a. a. general." and capt. warner says he is now feeding them. gen. lee writes on the th inst., that it is doubtful whether gen. meade will remain where he is, behind his fortifications along bull run, or make another movement on richmond. a few days will decide this matter. he says meade has superior numbers. if he remains, gen. lee will advance again, provided he can get quartermaster supplies for his army. but at present, thousands of his men are barefooted, without overcoats, blankets, etc. he says it was the sublimest spectacle of the war to see men in such condition move forward with such cheerfulness and alacrity, in the recent pursuit of the enemy. he deprecates sending any of his regiments to west virginia and east tennessee, and thinks gen. sam jones has not evinced sufficient energy and judgment in that quarter. he says it would be better to send reinforcements to chattanooga, where it is practicable to conduct a winter campaign. he could drive the enemy from the peninsula, gloucester point, williamsburg, and yorktown, but to keep them away lee would have to station an army there. if north carolina be menaced, he advises that the troops at richmond and petersburg be sent thither, and he will replace them with troops from his army. he thinks it the best policy not to disperse troops in virginia. from this letter it is easy to perceive that the secretary of war, in the absence of the president, has been making suggestions to gen. lee, none of which does he deem it good policy to adopt, the secretary not being versed in military matters. a private note from gen. lee, dated the th inst., which i saw to-day, informs the secretary of war that much of the benefits he anticipated from his movement, then in progress, must be lost, from the fact that the enemy had been informed of his purposes. this it was the duty of the government to prevent, but mr. seddon, like his predecessors, cannot be convinced that the rogues and cut-throats employed by gen. winder as detectives, have it in their power to inflict injury on the cause and the country. the cleaning of the augean stables here is the work which should engage the attention of the secretary of war, rather than directing the movements of armies in the field, of which matter he knows nothing whatever. the secretary of war wrote a long and rather rebuking letter to-day to mr. sheffey, chairman of the committee on confederate relations, of the general assembly, who communicated a report and resolutions of the house of delegates, in relation to details of conscripts, and the employment in civil offices of robust young men capable of military service, and urging the department to appoint men over forty-five years of age to perform such services, and to impress free negroes to do the labor that soldiers are detailed for. the secretary thinks the confederate government knows its duties, and ought not to be meddled with by state governments. it touched mr. seddon nearly. by the last northern papers i see president lincoln has issued a proclamation calling for , more volunteers, and if they "do not come when he calls for them," that number will be _drafted_ in january. this is very significant; either the draft has already failed, or else about a million of men per annum are concerned in the work of suppressing this "rebellion." we find, just at the time fixed for the subjugation of the south, rosecrans is defeated, and meade is driven back upon washington! october th.--we have nothing new this morning; but letters to the department from north and south carolina indicate that while the troops in virginia are almost perishing for food, the farmers are anxious to deliver the tithes, but the quartermaster and commissary agents are negligent or designedly remiss in their duty. the consequence will be the loss of the greater portion of these supplies, and the enhancement of the price of the remainder in the hands of the monopolists and speculators. the _southern_ express co. has monopolized the railroads, delivering cotton for speculators, who send it to the united states, while the confederate states cannot place enough money in europe to pay for the supplies needed for the army. october th.--no news from our armies. the president was in mobile two days ago. gen. rosecrans has been removed from his command, and grant put in his place. meade, it is said in northern papers, will also be decapitated, for letting lee get back without loss. also dalgren, at charleston, has been relieved. and yet the northern papers announce that richmond will soon and suddenly be taken, and an unexpected joy be spread throughout the north, and a corresponding despondency throughout the south. the weather is cloudy and cold. the papers announce that all clerks appointed since october th, , by order of the secretary of war, are liable to conscription. this cannot be true; for i know a secretary who has just appointed two of his cousins to the best clerkships in the department--both of conscript age. but secretaries know how to evade the law, and "whip the devil round the stump." how long will it be after peace before the sectional hatred intensified by this war can abate? a lady near by, the other night, while surveying her dilapidated shoes, and the tattered sleeping-gowns of her children, burst forth as follows: "i pray that i may live to see the united states involved in a war with some foreign power, which will make refugees of her people, and lay her cities in ashes! i want the people ruined who would ruin the south. it will be a just retribution!" october th.--nothing from the north or west to-day. but beauregard telegraphs that the enemy's batteries and monitors opened this morning heavily on his forts and batteries, but, as yet, there were no casualties. the commissary-general to-day, in a communication to the department, relating to the necessity of impressment to subsist our armies, says "the armies in virginia muster , men." if this be so, then let meade come! it may be possible that instead of exaggerating, a policy may have been adopted calculated to conceal the actual strength of armies. nevertheless, it is understood that one of the cabinet is offering his estates, lands, and negroes for sale. will he convert the money into european funds? if so, he should not let it be known, else it will engender the terrible idea that our affairs are in a desperate condition. the operations of the next thirty days may be decisive of our fate. hundreds of thousands of southern men have yet to die before subjugation can be effected; and quite that number of invaders must fall to accomplish it! october th.--no news from the army. we have some , prisoners here, hungry; for there is not sufficient meat for them. mr. memminger, secretary of the treasury, is said to be transporting his private fortune (very large) to europe. october th.--gen. lee writes (a few days since), from brandy station, that meade seems determined to advance again; that troops are going up the potomac to washington, and that volunteers from new york have been ordered thither. he asks the secretary to ascertain if there be really any federal force in the york river; for if the report be correct of hostile troops being there, it may be the enemy's intention to make another raid on the railroad. the general says we have troops enough in southwestern virginia; but they are not skillfully commanded. after all, i fear we shall not get the iron from the aquia creek railroad. in the summer the government was too slow, and now it is probably too slow again, as the enemy are said to be landing there. it might have been removed long ago, if we had had a faster secretary. major s. hart, san antonio, texas, writes that the , (the number altered again) superior rifles captured by the french off the rio grande last summer, were about to fall into the hands of united states cruisers; and he has sent for them, hoping the french will turn them over to us. gen. winder writes the secretary that the commissary-general will let him have no meat for the , prisoners; and he will not be answerable for their safe keeping without it. the quartermaster-general writes that the duty of providing for them is in dispute between the two bureaus, and he wants the secretary to decide between them. if the secretary should be very _slow_, the prisoners will suffer. yesterday a set (six) of cups and saucers, white, and not china, sold at auction for $ . mr. henry, senator from tennessee, writes the secretary that if ewell were sent into east tennessee with a corps, and gen. johnston were to penetrate into middle tennessee, forming a junction north of chattanooga, it would end the war in three months. october th.--we have nothing new to-day, except the continued bombardment of charleston. that city has been besieged over one hundred days. october st.--letters came to-day from the president (or rather _copies_ in his own handwriting), relieving lieut.-gen. hardee, in mississippi, and assigning him to a command under gen. bragg. he also writes a friendly letter (from meridian, miss.) to gen. bragg, informing him that gen. hardee had been ordered to report to him without delay, and that two brigades might go with him, if needed. this indicates that the president means to sustain bragg, notwithstanding the clamor against him; and that bragg must have an immense army. lieut.-gen. polk (whom the president will always sustain) is assigned to the mississippi department. the latest accounts from chattanooga show that the enemy are stirring a little, and trying to flank bragg's left wing. the bombardment at charleston is still without decisive result. chapter xxxii. letters from various sections.--the president and gen. bragg.--state of the markets.--causes of the president's tour.--gen. duff green-- return of the president.--loss of hoke's and haye's brigades.--letter from gen. howell cobb.--dispatch from gen. lee.--state of the markets.--letter from a. moseley.--mrs. todd in richmond.-- vice-president stephens on furloughs.--about gen. bragg and the battle of lookout mountain. november st.--no news from any of the armies this morning. but gen. whiting writes that he is deficient in ordnance to protect our steamers and to defend the port. if wilmington should fall by the neglect of the government, it will be another stunning blow. however, our armies are augmenting, from conscription, and if we had honest officers to conduct this important business, some four or five hundred thousand men could be kept in the field, and subjugation would be an impossibility. but exemptions and details afford a tempting opportunity to make money, as substitutes are selling for $ each; and the rage for speculation is universal. the president is looked for to-morrow, and it is to be hoped that he has learned something of importance during his tour. he will at once set about his message, which will no doubt be an interesting one this year. how we sigh for peace, on this beautiful sabbath day! but the suffering we have endured for nearly three years is no more than was experienced by our forefathers of the revolution. we must bear it to the end, for it is the price of liberty. yet we sigh for peace--god knows i do--while at the same time we will endure the ordeal for years to come, rather than succumb to the rule of an oppressor. we must be free, be the cost what it may. oh, if the spirit of fanaticism had been kept down by the good sense of the people of the united states, the union would have been preserved, and we should have taken the highest position among the great powers of the earth. it is too late now. neither government may, for a long series of years, aspire to lead the civilized nations of the earth. ambition, hatred, caprice and folly have combined to snap the silken cord, and break the golden bowl. these are the consequences of a persistency in sectional strife and domination, foreseen and foretold by me in the "_southern monitor_," published in philadelphia; no one regarded the warning. now hundreds of thousands are weeping in sackcloth and ashes over the untimely end of hundreds of thousands slain in battle! and thousands yet must fall, before the strife be ended. november d.--a refugee from portsmouth reports the arrival of federal troops at newport news, and that richmond is to be menaced again. brig.-gen. h. w. allen, alexandria, la., reports deserters and skulking conscripts in that vicinity, and a bad state of things generally. gen. lee has written three letters to the department, dated th and st october. st, complaining of the tardiness of the bureau of examination, and the want of efficient officers; d, complaining of the furloughs given georgia officers as members of the legislature, causing a brigade to be commanded by a lieutenant-colonel, etc.; d, relating to an order from the secretary to respite certain deserters, condemned to execution. he says executions are necessary to keep the army together, but he _feels_ the painfulness of the sad necessity. mr. h. d. whitcomb, superintendent central railroad, applied for and obtained passports for his mother and sister to return to the united states. he is a northern man. brig.-gen. s. a. meredith (united states) writes from fortress monroe, proposing that prisoners west of the mississippi be exchanged at galveston. mr. ould, our agent of exchange, indorses on it that there is no necessity for immediate action, for the united states are not exchanging any prisoners at all at this time. mr. memminger writes for troops to be sent to ashville, west north carolina, which is menaced by the traitors, tories, and federals. his family is there, having fled from south carolina. hon. jas. farron also writes that a bad state of things exists in that section, and communication is kept open with the enemy in east tennessee. from st. helena parish, ark., we have letters stating that all restraint is thrown off, and everybody almost is trading with the enemy. some bales of cotton per week is taken to the yankees from that region. they say most of the parties have permits from the government or from commanding generals to trade with the enemy. gen. whiting writes that his men are suffering for shoes, and as , pairs are in that town, asks if he shall not impress them. the secretary is reluctant to do this, and asks the quartermaster-general what he shall do. the quartermaster-general advises that the shoes be bought at a fair price, and paid for in cotton. he says blankets may be had in the same way. november d.--gen. lee writes that he will endeavor to protect the workmen while removing the iron at aquia creek, but he fears the work has been too long delayed. the government has been too slow. gen. sam jones writes from abingdon that his cavalry was at jonesborough on the th ult., although the enemy's raiding parties were on this side. he says if he had a little more infantry, he could soon clear east tennessee of the foe; and asks that an order from gen. cooper (a. and i. g.), calling for two of his best regiments of cavalry, be revoked. in gen. lee's recent campaign beyond the rappahannock, our losses in killed, wounded, and missing amounted to ; the enemy's losses must have been three times that number. the president made a speech in charleston on the st instant. we have copies from him to-day of his correspondence with gen. bragg since he left chickamauga field. gen. b. says he will immediately call for hardee's brigades, promised him, and without delay commence operations on the enemy's left (it is too wet on the right), and drive burnside out of east tennessee. but he complains of gen. buckner, who assumes to have an independent command in east tennessee and west virginia. the president replies that neither bragg nor buckner has jurisdiction over gen. jones in west virginia, but that he gets his orders from richmond. he does not promise to remove buckner, whom he deems only _impatient_, but says he must be subject to bragg's orders, etc. gen. bragg has applied for gen. forrest (who went some time since to mobile and tendered his resignation, in a pet with gen. bragg) to command a cavalry force in north mississippi and west tennessee. in short, the president is resolved to sustain gen. bragg at the head of the army in tennessee in spite of the tremendous prejudice against him in and out of the army. and unless gen. bragg does something more for the cause before congress meets a month hence, we shall have more clamor against the government than ever. but he has quashed the charges (of bragg) against gen. polk, and assigned him, without an investigation, to an important command. november th.--mr. m------, major ruffin's commissary agent, denies selling _government_ beef to the butchers; of course it was his own. but he has been ordered not to sell any more, while buying for the government. mr. rouss, of winchester, merchant, has succeeded in getting some brown cotton from the manufacturer, in georgia, at cost, which he sells for cost and carriage to refugees. my wife got yards to-day for $ . it is brown seven-eighth cotton, and brings in other stores $ per yard. this is a saving of $ . and i bought pounds of bacon of capt. warner, commissary, at $ per pound. the retail price is $ . --and this is a saving of $ . without such "short cuts" as these, occasionally, it would be impossible to maintain my family on the salaries my son custis and myself get from the government, $ . how often have i and thousands in our youth expressed the wish to have lived during the first revolution, or rather to have partaken of the excitements of war! such is the romance or "enchantment" which "distance lends" "to the view." now we see and feel the horrors of war, and we are unanimous in the wish, if we survive to behold again the balmy sunshine of peace, that neither we nor our posterity may ever more be spectators of or participants in another war. and yet we know not how soon we might plunge into it, if an adequate necessity should arise. henceforth, in all probability, we shall be a military people. but i shall seek the peaceful haunts of quiet seclusion, for which i sigh with great earnestness. o for a garden, a vine and fig-tree, and my library! among the strange events of this war, not the least is the position on slavery (approving it) maintained by the bishop of vermont. november th.--the president has not yet returned, but was inspecting the defenses of charleston. the legislature has adjourned without fixing a maximum of prices. _every night troops from lee's army are passing through the city._ probably they have been ordered to bragg. yesterday flour sold at auction at $ per barrel; to-day it sells for $ ! there are , bushels of sweet potatoes, taken by the government as tithes, rotting at the depots between richmond and wilmington. if the government would wake up, and have them brought hither and sold, the people would be relieved, and flour and meal would decline in price. but a lethargy has seized upon the government, and no one may foretell the consequences of official supineness. the enemy at chattanooga have got an advantageous position on bragg's left, and there is much apprehension that our army will lose the ground gained by the late victory. the commissary-general (northrop) has sent in his estimate for the ensuing year, $ , , , of which $ , , is for sugar, exclusively for the hospitals. it no longer forms part of the rations. he estimates for , men, and takes no account of the tithes, or tax in kind, nor is it apparent that he estimates for the army beyond the mississippi. a communication was received to-day from gen. meredith, the federal commissioner of exchange, inclosing a letter from gov. todd and gen. mason, as well as copies of letters from some of morgan's officers, stating that the heads of morgan and his men are not shaved, and that they are well fed and comfortable. november th.--the president was to have returned to-day, but did not. various conjectures are made as to the object of his month's tour of speech-making. some deem the cause very desperate, others that the president's condition is desperate. if the first, they say his purpose was to reanimate the people by his presence, and to cultivate a renewal of lost friendships, and hence he lingered longest at charleston, in social intercourse with gens. beauregard and wise, who had become estranged. the latter is the oldest brigadier-general in the service, and still they have failed to promote him. the president's power is felt in the army, and his patronage being almost unlimited, it was natural, they say, that he should be received with cheers. from a lieutenant up to a general, all are dependent on his favor for promotion. at all events, his austerity and inflexibility have been relaxed, and he has made popular speeches wherever he has gone. i hope good fruits will ensue. but he returns to find the people here almost in a state of starvation in the midst of plenty, brought on by the knavery or incompetency of government agents. what is remarkable is the estimate of $ , , by the commissary-general for the purchase of sugar, exclusively for the sick and wounded in hospitals, the soldiers in the field being refused any more. one-fourth of the whole estimates ($ , , ) for sugar, and not an ounce to go to the army! and this, too, when it is understood nearly all the sugar in the confederacy has been impressed by his agents at from cts. to $ per pound. it is worth $ . now, and it is apprehended that a large proportion of the _fifty millions_ asked for will go into the pockets of commissaries. no account whatever is taken of the _tithe_ in the commissary-general's estimates. flour sold at $ per barrel to-day. there must be an explosion of some sort soon. certainly confederate notes have fallen very low indeed. another solution of the president's tour, by the uncharitable or suspicious, is a preparatory or a preliminary move to assuming all power in his own hands. they say the people are reduced by distress to such an extremity that, if he will only order rations to be served them, they will not quarrel with him if he assumes dictatorial powers. legislation has failed to furnish remedies for the evils afflicting the community; and, really, if the evils themselves were not imputed to the government, and the president were ambitious--and is he not?--he might now, perhaps, play a successful cromwellian rôle. but can he control the state governments? the government of _this_ state seems like potter's clay in his hands, the legislature being as subservient as the congresses have hitherto been. it is observed--independence _first_--then let cromwells or washingtons come. my wife, to-day, presented me with an excellent under-shirt, made of one of her dilapidated petticoats. a new shirt would cost $ . common brown cotton (and in a cotton country!) sells for $ per yard. i saw common cotton shirts sell at auction to-day for $ per pair. beef is $ . per pound, and pork $ . but these prices are paid in confederate treasury notes, and they mark the rapid depreciation of paper money. the enemy, however, in spreading over the southern territory, are not completing the work of subjugation. it would require a million of bayonets to keep this people in subjection, and the indications are that the united states will have difficulty in keeping their great armies up. it is a question of endurance. november th.--no news from any quarter, except the continued bombardment of the debris of fort sumter, and the killing and wounding of some or men there--but that is not news. there is a pause,--a sort of holding of the breath of the people, as if some event of note was expected. the prices of food and fuel are far above the purses of all except speculators, and an explosion must happen soon, of some sort. people will not perish for food in the midst of plenty. the press, a portion rather, praises the president for his carefulness in making a tour of the armies and ports south of us; but as he retained gen. bragg in command, how soon the tune would change if bragg should meet with disaster! night before last some of the prisoners on belle isle (we have some , altogether in and near the city) were overheard by the guard to say they must escape immediately, or else it would be too late, as cannon were to be planted around them. our authorities took the alarm, and increasing the guard, did plant cannon so as to rake them in every direction in the event of their breaking out of their prison bounds. it is suspected that this was a preconcerted affair, as a full division of the enemy has been sent to newport news, probably to co-operate with the prisoners. any attempt now must fail, unless, indeed, there should be a large number of union sympathizers in the city to assist them. several weeks ago it was predicted in the northern papers that richmond would be taken in some mysterious manner, and that there was a plan for the prisoners of war to seize it by a _coup de main_, may be probable. but the scheme was impracticable. what may be the condition of the city, and the action of the people a few weeks hence, if relief be not afforded by the government, i am afraid to conjecture. the croakers say five millions of "greenbacks," and cargoes of provisions, might be more effectual in expelling the confederate government and restoring that of the united states than all of meade's army. and this, too, they allege, when there is abundance in the country. many seem to place no value on the only money we have in circulation. the grasping farmers refuse to get out their grain, saying they have as much confederate money as they want, and the government seems determined to permit the perishable tithes to perish rather than allow the famishing people to consume them. surely, say the croakers, such a policy cannot achieve independence. no, it must be speedily changed, or else worse calamities await us than any we have experienced. old gen. duff green, after making many fortunes and losing them, it seems, is to die poor at last, and he is now nearly eighty years old. last year he made a large contract to furnish the government with iron, his works being in tennessee, whence he has been driven by the enemy. and now he says the depreciation of the money will make the cost of producing the iron twice as much as he will get for it. and worse, he has bought a large lot of sugar which would have realized a large profit, but the commissary agent has impressed it, and will not pay him cost for it. all he can do is to get a small portion of it back for the consumption of his employees, provided he returns to tennessee and fulfills his iron contract. november th.--at this late day the secretary of war is informed by col. gorgas that, in consequence of the enemy's possessing the coal mines in tennessee, he shall not be able to supply orders for heavy shot, etc., for the defense of charleston harbor, if the fleet of monitors were to pass the forts. why, this has been daily looked for any time during the last three months! and information from the western army indicates that only about one shell in twenty, furnished by col. gorgas, will explode. this reminds me of the doubts expressed by gen. cobb of the fitness of col. g. for his position. this is a bleak november day, after some days of pleasant autumnal sunshine. i still gather a few tomatoes from the little garden; a bushel of green ones on the vines will never mature. the young turnips look well, and i hope there may be abundance of salad in the spring. yesterday two tons of northern anthracite coal in this city sold for $ per ton, to a church! we hope for relief when congress meets, a month hence; but what can congress do? the money is hopelessly depreciated. even victories and peace could not restore it to par. november th.--the president returned saturday evening, looking pretty well. yesterday, sunday, he was under the necessity of reading a dispatch from gen. lee, _announcing the surprise and capture of two brigades on the rappahannock_! this is a dark and gloomy day, spitting snow; while not a few are despondent from the recent disasters to our arms. it is supposed that we lost or men on saturday. a day or two before, gen. echols had his brigade cut up at lewisburg! _per contra_, brig.-gen. w. e. jones captured, on saturday, at rogerville, prisoners, pieces of artillery, stands of colors, wagons, and animals. our loss, killed and wounded. so reads a dispatch from "r. ransom, major-gen." there is some excitement in the city now, perhaps more than at any former period. the disaster to the "old guard" has put in the mouths of the croakers the famous words of napoleon at waterloo: "_sauve qui peut._" we have out our last reserves, and the enemy still advances. they are advancing on north carolina, and there was some danger of the president being intercepted at weldon. thousands believe that gen. bragg is about to retire from before grant's army at chattanooga. and to-day bread is selling at cents per loaf--small loaf! and now the assistant secretary of war, judge campbell, is "allowing" men to pass to maryland, through our lines. first, is a rev. mr. a. s. sloat, a chaplain in the army. he was degraded for some offense by his own church, and his wife and children having preceded him (all being northern born), as stated in his letter on file, he is allowed a passport to follow them. recommended by mr. s. r. tucker. second, mr. j. l. white and mr. forrester are "allowed" passports to go to maryland for ordnance stores. recommended by col. gorgas. third and lastly, "tom wash. smith" is "allowed," by the assistant secretary, to take fifteen boxes of tobacco to maryland, and promises to bring back "medical stores." recommended by b. g. williams, one of gen. winder's detectives, and by capt. winder, one of the general's sons. they bring in stores, when they return, in saddle-bags, while whole cargoes are landed at wilmington! november th.--it is supposed our loss in the surprise on saturday did not exceed , killed, wounded, and taken. it is thought that a battle will occur immediately, if it be not already in progress. there is no news of moment from any quarter, except the loss of our steamer cornubia, taken by the blockaders at wilmington. she was laden with government stores. for months nearly all ships with arms or ammunition have been taken, while those having _merchandise on board get in safely_. _these bribe their way through!_ col. gorgas gave notice to-day that our supply of saltpeter will be exhausted in january, unless we can import a large quantity. another blue day! november th.--no news. i saw, to-day, gen. lee's letter of the th instant, simply announcing the capture of hoke's and haye's brigades. they were on the north side of the river, guarding the _pont de tete_. there is no excuse, no palliation. he said it was likely meade's entire army would cross. this had been sent by the secretary to the president, who indorsed upon it as follows: "if it be possible to reinforce, it should be done promptly. can any militia or local defense men be made available?--j. d." gen. whiting writes that he has refused to permit mr. crenshaw's correspondence with collie & co. to pass uninspected, from a knowledge of the nature of previous correspondence seen by him. the northern papers state that mr. seward has authorized them to publish the fact that the french government has seized the confederate rams building in the ports of france. i have written custis lee, the president's aid, that but one alternative now remains: for the president, or some _one_ else, to assume all power, temporarily, and crush the speculators. this i think is the only chance of independence. i may be mistaken--but we shall see. capt. warner, who feeds the , prisoners here, when he has the means of doing so, says col. northrop, the commissary, does not respond to his requisitions for meat. he fears the prisoners will take or destroy the city, and talks of sending his family out of it. i condemned the reign of martial law in this city, in , as it was not then necessary, and because its execution was intrusted to improper and obnoxious men. but now i am inclined to think it necessary not only here, but everywhere in the confederacy. many farmers refuse to get out their grain, or to sell their meat, because they say they have enough confederate money! money for the redemption of which their last negro and last acre are responsible. so, if they be permitted to maintain this position, neither the army nor the non-producing class of the population can be subsisted; and, of course, all classes must be involved in a common ruin. a dictator might prevent the people from destroying themselves, and it seems that nothing short of extreme measures can prevent it. but, again, suppose the federal government were to propose a sweeping amnesty, and exemption from confiscation to all who should subscribe to a reconstruction of the union--and this, too, at a time of suffering and despondency--and so large a body were to embrace the terms as to render a prolongation of the war impracticable? what would the money the farmers now possess be worth? and what would become of the slaves, especially in virginia, tennessee, kentucky, and missouri? november th.--no accounts of any fighting, but plenty of battles looked for. a. a. little writes to the secretary of war from fredericksburg, that the attempt to remove the iron from the aquia railroad by the government having failed, now is the time for private enterprise to effect it. if the secretary "will say the word," it can be done. he says the iron is worth "millions, its weight in gold!" will mr. seddon let it be saved? yes, indeed. mr. heyliger, agent at nassau, writes on the d instant (just a week ago), that he is shipping bacon by every steamer (three or four per week), leather, percussion caps, and a large amount of quartermaster's stores. but the supply of lead and saltpeter is exhausted, and he hopes the agents in europe will soon send more. about one in every four steamers is captured by the enemy. we can afford that. the president sent over to-day, for the perusal of the secretary of war, a long letter from gen. howell cobb, dated at atlanta, on the th instant. he had just returned from a visit to bragg's army, and reports that there is a better feeling among the officers for gen. bragg, who is regaining their confidence. however, he says it is to be wished that more cordiality subsisted between generals bragg and ------, his ---- in command. he thinks generals b------ and c------ might be relieved without detriment to the service, if they cannot be reconciled to bragg. he hints at some important movement, and suggests co-operation from virginia by a demonstration in east tennessee. it is generally believed that france has followed the example of england, by seizing our rams. thus the whole world seems combined against us. and mr. seward has made a speech, breathing fire and destruction unless we submit to lincoln as our president. he says he was fairly elected president for four years of the whole united states, and there can be no peace until he is president of all the states, to which he is justly entitled. a war for the president! november th.--no news of battles yet. but we have a rumor of the burning of the fine government steamer r. e. lee, chased by the blockaders. that makes two this week. gen. lee dispatched the president, yesterday, as follows: "orange c. h., nov. th.--for the last five days we have only received three pounds of corn per horse, from richmond, per day. we depend on richmond for corn. at this rate, the horses will die, and cannot do hard work. the enemy is very active, and we must be prepared for hard work any day.--r. e. lee." on the back of which the president indorsed: "have the forage sent up in preference to anything else. the necessity is so absolute as to call for every possible exertion.--jefferson davis." perhaps this may rouse the department. horses starving in the midst of corn-fields ready for gathering! alas, what mismanagement! i cut the following from the _dispatch_: "flour.--we heard yesterday of sales of flour at $ per barrel. we do not, however, give this as the standard price; for, if the article was in market, we believe that even a higher figure would be reached. a few days since a load of flour was sent to an auction-house on cary street to be sold at auction. the proprietors of the house very properly declined to receive it, refusing to dispose of breadstuffs under the hammer, where men of money, and destitute of souls, would have an opportunity of buying it up and withdrawing it from market. "corn-meal.--this article is bringing from $ to $ per bushel, and scarce at that. "country produce and vegetables.--we give the following as the wholesale rates: bacon, hoground, $ . to $ ; lard, $ . to $ . ; butter, $ . to $ ; eggs, $ to $ . ; irish potatoes, $ . to $ ; sweet potatoes, $ . to $ ; tallow candles, $ per pound; salt, cents per pound. "groceries.--coffee--wholesale, $ per pound, retail, $ ; sugar, $ . to $ . ; sorghum molasses, wholesale, $ , and $ to $ at retail; rice, to cents. "liquors.--whisky, $ to $ per gallon, according to quality, apple brandy, $ ; high proof rum, $ ; french brandy, $ to $ . "in the city markets fresh meats are worth $ . to $ . for beef and mutton, and $ for pork; chickens, $ to $ per pair; ducks, $ to $ per pair; butter, $ . to $ per pound; sweet potatoes, $ . per half peck; irish potatoes, $ per half peck. "leather.--sole leather, $ . to $ . per pound; upper leather, $ . to $ ; harness leather, $ . to $ ; hides are quoted at $ . to $ . for dry, and $ . for salted green; tanners' oil, $ to $ per gallon. "tobacco.--common article, not sound, $ to $ . ; medium, pounds, dark, $ . to $ ; good medium bright, $ to $ . ; fine bright, $ to $ ; sweet 's and 's scarce and in demand, with an advance." my friend capt. jackson warner sent me, to-day, two bushels of meal at government price, $ per bushel. the price in market is $ . also nine pounds of good beef, and a shank--for which he charged nothing, it being part of a present to him from a butcher. november th.--some skirmishing between chattanooga and knoxville. from prisoners we learn that the enemy at both those places are on half rations, and that grant intends to attack bragg soon at lookout mountain. either grant or bragg must retire, as the present relative positions cannot long be held. mr. a. moseley, formerly editor of the _whig_, writes, in response to a letter from the secretary of war, that he deems our affairs in a rather critical condition. he is perfectly willing to resume his labor, but can see no good to be effected by him. he thinks, however, that the best solution for the financial question would be to cancel the indebtedness of the government to all except foreigners, and call it ($ , , ) a contribution to the wars--and the sacrifices would be pretty equally distributed. he suggests the formation of an army, quietly, this winter, to invade pennsylvania next spring, leaving lee still with his army on this side of the potomac. nevertheless, he advises that no time should be lost in securing foreign aid, while we are still able to offer some equivalents, and before the enemy gets us more in his power. rather submit to terms with france and england, or with either, than submission to the united states. such are the opinions of a sagacious and experienced editor. another letter from brig.-gen. meredith, fortress monroe, was received to-day, with a report of an agent on the condition of the prisoners at fort delaware. by this report it appears our men get meat three times a day--coffee, tea, molasses, chicken soup, fried mush, etc. but it is not stated _how much_ they get. the agent says they confess themselves satisfied. clothing, it would appear, is also issued them, and they have comfortable sleeping beds, etc. he says several of our surgeons propose taking the oath of allegiance, first resigning, provided they are permitted to visit their families. gen. m. asks for a similar report of the rations, etc. served the federal prisoners here, with an avowed purpose of retaliation, provided the accounts of their condition be true. i know not what response will be made; but our surgeon-general recommends an inspection and report. they are getting sweet potatoes now, and, generally they get bread and beef daily, when our commissary-general northrop has them. but sometimes they have little or no meat for a day or so at a time--and occasionally they have bread only once a day. it is difficult to feed them, and i hope they will be exchanged soon. but northrop says our own soldiers must soon learn to do without meat; and but few of us have little prospect of getting enough to eat this winter. my family had a fine dinner to-day--the only one for months. as for clothes, we are as shabby as italian lazzaronis--with no prospect whatever of replenished wardrobe, unless some european power will come and take us, as the french have done mexico. november th.--after a fine rain all night, it cleared away beautifully this morning, cool, but not unseasonable. there is no news of importance. the governor of georgia recommends, in his message, that the legislature instruct their representatives in congress to vote for a repeal of the law allowing substitutes, and also to put the enrolling officers in the ranks, leaving the states to send conscripts to the army. the georgia legislature have passed a resolution, unanimously, asking the secretary of war to revoke the appointments of all impressing agents in that state, and appoint none but civilians and citizens. i hope the secretary will act upon this hint. but will he? the papers contain the following: "_arrived in richmond._--mrs. todd, of kentucky, the mother of mrs. lincoln, arrived in this city on the steamer schultz, thursday night, having come to city point on a flag of truce boat. she goes south to visit her daughter, mrs. helm, widow of surgeon-general helm, who fell at chickamauga. mrs. todd is about to take up her residence in the south, all her daughters being here, except the wife of lincoln, who is in washington, and mrs. kellogg, who is at present in paris." "to the poor.--c. baumhard, main street, between seventh and eighth, has received a large quantity of freshly-ground corn-meal, which he will sell to poor families at the following rates: one bushel, $ ; half bushel, $ ; one peck, $ ; half peck, $ ." november th.--governor brown, georgia, writes the secretary that he is opposed to impressments, and that the government should pay the market price--whatever that is. and the rhett politicians of south carolina are opposed to raising funds to pay with, by taxing land and negroes. so indicates the _mercury_. we have news to-day of the crossing of the rapidan river by meade's army. a battle, immediately, seems inevitable. november th.--a cold, dark day. no news. it was a mistake about the enemy crossing the rapidan--only one brigade (cavalry) came over, and it was beaten back without delay. vice-president stephens writes a long letter to the secretary, opposing the routine policy of furloughs, and extension of furloughs; suggesting that in each district some one should have authority to grant them. he says many thousands have died by being hastened back to the army uncured of their wounds, etc.--preferring death to being advertised as deserters. captain warner sent me a bag of sweet potatoes to-day, received from north carolina. we had an excellent dinner. november th.--we have no news whatever, except some damage reported at charleston, done to two monitors yesterday. the bombardment has assumed no new phase. a letter from gen. j. e. johnston, meridian, miss., indicates that the secretary has been writing him and saying that he was responsible for the outrages of the impressing agents in his department. gen. j. disclaims the responsibility, inasmuch as the agents referred to act under orders from the commissary-general or secretary of war. november th.--miss harriet h. fort, of baltimore, has arrived via accomac and northampton counties, with a complete drawing of all the defenses of baltimore. the medical purveyor's guards have petitioned the secretary for higher pay. they get now $ per annum, and say the city watchmen get $ . gens. banks and taylor in the west are corresponding and wrangling about the exchange of prisoners--and the cartel is to be abrogated, probably. the governor of mississippi (clark) telegraphs the president that the legislature (in session) is indignant at the military authorities for impressing slaves. the president telegraphs back that the order was to prevent them falling into the lines of the enemy, and none others were to be disturbed. november th.--we have reports of some successes to-day. gen. hampton, it appears, surprised and captured several companies of the enemy's cavalry, a day or two since, near culpepper court house. and gen. wheeler has captured several hundred of the enemy in east tennessee, driving the rest into the fortifications of knoxville. gen. longstreet, at last accounts, was near knoxville with the infantry. we shall not be long kept in suspense--as longstreet will not delay his action; and burnside may find himself in a "predicament." a private soldier writes the secretary to-day that his mother is in danger of starving--as she failed to get flour in richmond, at $ per barrel. he says if the government has no remedy for this, he and his comrades will throw down their arms and fly to some other country with their families, where a subsistence may be obtained. every night robberies of poultry, salt meats, and even of cows and hogs are occurring. many are desperate. november st.--we have further reports from the west, confirming the success of longstreet. it is said he has taken prisoners, and is probably at knoxville. the president left the city this morning for orange court house, on a visit to gen. lee and the army of northern virginia. we are a shabby-looking people now--gaunt, and many in rags. but there is food enough, and cloth enough, if we had a roman dictator to order an equitable distribution. the secretary of war is destined to have an uncomfortable time. after assuring the legislature and the people that provisions in _transitu_ would not be impressed, it is ascertained that the agents of the commissary-general are impressing such supplies, and the secretary is reluctant to interfere, the commissary-general being understood to have the support of the president. a committee of the grand jury yesterday submitted a paper to the president, on the subject of provisions--indicating the proximity of famine, and deprecating impressments. the president sent it to the secretary, saying mr. seddon would no doubt take measures to keep the people of richmond from starving; and directing the secretary to "confer" with him. but to-day he is off to the army, and perhaps some may starve before any relief can be afforded. a genteel suit of clothes cannot be had now for less than $ . a pair of boots, $ --if good. i saw to-day, suspended from a window, an opossum dressed for cooking, with a card in its mouth, marked "price, $ ." it weighed about four pounds. i luxuriated on parsnips to-day, from my own little garden. a dollar in gold sold for $ confederate money, to-day. our paper is constantly depreciating; and i think it is past redemption, unless we adopt mr. moseley's plan, and cause some six or eight hundred millions to be canceled, and fix a maximum price for all commodities necessary for the support of life. congress will never agree upon any measure of relief. but if the paper money be repudiated, nevertheless we shall have our independence, unless the southern people should become mad, divided among themselves. subjugation of a united people, such as ours, occupying such a vast extent of territory, is impossible. the tenure of its occupation by an invading army would always be uncertain, and a million would be required to hold it. a hard rain commenced falling this evening, and continued in the night. this, i suppose, will put an end to operations in virginia, and we shall have another respite, and hold richmond at least another winter. but such weather must cause severe suffering among the prisoners on belle isle, where there are not tents enough for so large a body of men. their government may, however, now consent to an exchange. day before yesterday some , rations were sent them by the united states flag-boat--which will suffice for three days, by which time i hope many will be taken away. our commissary-general northrop has but little meat and bread for them, or for our own soldiers in the field. it must be confessed they have but small fare, and, indeed, all of us who have not been "picking and stealing," fare badly. yet we have quite as good health, and much better appetites than when we had sumptuous living. november d.--we have nothing additional to-day, except another attempt to take fort sumter by assault, which was discovered before the crews of the boats landed, and of course it was defeated. since then some shells have been thrown into the city of charleston, doing little damage. this morning was bright and warm, the clouds having passed away in the night. november d.--nothing of moment from the armies, although great events are anticipated soon. on saturday, gen. winder's or major griswold's head of the passport office, lieut. kirk, was arrested on the charge of selling passports at $ per man to a mr. wolf and a mr. head, who transported passengers to the potomac. w. and h. were in prison, and made the charge or confession. this passport business has been our bane ever since gen. winder got control of it under mr. benjamin. lieut. k. is from louisiana, but originally from new york. mr. benjamin sent over to-day extracts from dispatches from mr. slidell and a mr. hotze, agent, showing how the government is swindled in europe by the purchasing agents of the bureaus here. one, named chiles, in the purchase of $ , , mr. slidell says, was to realize $ , profit! and mr. hotze (who is he?) says the character and credit of the government are ruined abroad by its own agents! mr. secretary seddon will soon see into this matter. capt. warner says the federal prisoners here have had no meat for three days, commissary-general northrop having none, probably, to issue. one hundred tons rations, however, came up for them yesterday on the flag boat. exchange on london sells at $ for $ . , and gold brings about the same. our paper money, i fear, has sunk beyond _redemption_. we have lost _five_ steamers lately; and it is likely the port of wilmington (our last one) will be hermetically sealed. then we shall soon be destitute of ammunition, unless we retake the mineral country from the enemy. mr. memminger has sent a press to the trans-mississippi country, to issue paper money there. mr. slidell writes that all our shipments to and from matamoras ought to be under the french flag. there may be something in this. the president was expected back to-day; and perhaps came in the evening. he is about to write his message to congress, which assembles early in december, and perhaps he desired to consult gen. lee. everywhere the people are clamorous against the sweeping impressments of crops, horses, etc. and at the same time we have accounts of corn, and hay, and potatoes rotting at various depots! such is the management of the bureaus. the clerks are in great excitement, having learned that a proposition will be brought forward to put all men under forty-five years of age in the army. it will be hard to carry it; for the heads of departments generally have nephews, cousins, and pets in office, young and rich, who care not so much for the salaries (though they get the best) as for exemption from service in the field. and the editors will oppose it, as they are mostly of conscript age. and the youthful members of congress could not escape odium if they exempted themselves, unless disabled by wounds. november th.--the president is expected back to-day. a letter from gen. lee indicates that the commissary-general has been suggesting that he (the general) should impress supplies for his army. this the general deprecates, and suggests that if supplies cannot be purchased, they should be impressed by the agents of the commissary department; and that the burden should be laid on the farmers equally, in all the states. gen. lee does not covet the odium. but it is plain, now, that the extortionate farmers, who were willing to see us non-producing people starve, unless we paid them ten prices for their surplus products, will be likely to get only the comparatively low schedule price fixed by the government. instead of $ per bushel for potatoes, they will receive only $ or $ . this will be a good enough maximum law. but the government _must_ sell to us at cost, or i know not what may be the consequences. november th.--we have an unintelligible dispatch from gen. bragg, saying he had, yesterday, a prolonged contest with the enemy for the possession of lookout mountain, during which one of his divisions suffered severely, and that the manoeuvring of the hostile army was for position. this was the purport, and the language, as well as i remember. there is no indication of the probable result--no intimation whether the position was gained. but the belief is general that bragg will retreat, and that the enemy may, if he will, penetrate the heart of the south! to us it _seems_ as if bragg has been in a fog ever since the battle of the th of september. he refused to permit ---- to move on the enemy's left for nearly two months, and finally consented to it when the enemy had been reinforced by , from meade, and by sherman's army from memphis, of , , just when he could not spare a large detachment! in other words, lying inert before a defeated army, when concentrated; and dispersing his forces when the enemy was reinforced and concentrated! if disaster ensues, the government will suffer the terrible consequences, for it assumed the responsibility of retaining him in command when the whole country (as the press says) demanded his removal. from letters received the last few days at the department, i perceive that the agents of the government are impressing everywhere--horses, wagons, hogs, cattle, grain, potatoes, etc. etc.--leaving the farmers only enough for their own subsistence. this will insure subsistence for the army, and i hope it will be a death-blow to speculation, as government pays less than one-fourth the prices demanded in market. let the government next sell to non-producers; and every man of fighting age will repair to the field, and perhaps the invader may be driven back. we have the speech of the french emperor, which gives _us_ no encouragement, but foreshadows war with russia, and perhaps a general war in europe. we have rain again. this may drive the armies in virginia into winter quarters, as the roads will be impracticable for artillery. the next battle will be terrific; not many men on either side will be easily taken prisoners, _as exchanges have ceased_. dr. powell brought us a bushel of meal to-day, and some persimmons. november th.--the weather is clear and bright again; but, oh, how dark and somber the faces of the croakers! the following dispatches have been received: [battle at lookout mountain.] (official dispatch.) "mission ridge, nov. th, . "to gen. s. cooper. "we have had a prolonged struggle for lookout mountain to-day, and sustained considerable loss in one division. elsewhere the enemy has only manoeuvred for position. "[signed] braxton bragg, _general_." _the latest--official._ "chickamauga, nov. th, . "gen. s. cooper, a. and i. general. "after several unsuccessful assaults on our lines to-day, the enemy carried the left center about four o'clock. the whole left soon gave way in considerable disorder. the right maintained its ground, repelling every assault. i am withdrawing all to this point. "[signed] braxton bragg. "official--john withers, a. a. g." all agree in the conviction that the enemy has been defeated--perhaps badly beaten. hon. h. s. foote, just arrived from the vicinity of the field, says bragg has only some , or , men, while grant has , , and he infers that incalculable disaster will ensue. and meade is steadily advancing. gen. pickett, at petersburg, has been ordered to send some of his troops north of richmond, for the defense of the railroad in hanover county. miss stevenson, sister of major-gen. stevenson, has written the president for employment in one of the departments. he referred it to mr. memminger, who indorsed on it, coldly, as usual, there were no vacancies, and a hundred applications. the president sent it to the secretary of war. he will be more polite. another letter to-day from mr. memminger, requesting that a company, commanded by a son of his friend, trenholm, of charleston, be stationed at ashville, where his family is staying. lieut.-gen. d. h. hill has applied for a copy of gen. bragg's letter asking his removal from his army. the president sends a copy to the secretary, who will probably comply, and there may be a personal affair, for bragg's strictures on hill as a general were pretty severe. there are rumors of a break in the cabinet, a majority, it is said, having been in favor of bragg's removal. bragg's disaster so shocked my son custis that, at dinner, when asked for rice, he poured water into his sister's plate, the pitcher being near. november th.--dark and gloomy. at o'clock gov. vance, of north carolina, telegraphed the secretary of war, asking if anything additional had been heard from bragg. the secretary straightened in his chair, and answered that he knew nothing but what was published in the papers. at o'clock p.m. a dispatch was received from bragg, dated at _ringgold, ga._, some thirty miles from the battle-field of the day before. here, however, it is thought he will make a stand. but if he could not hold his mountain position, what can he do in the plain? we know not yet what proportion of his army, guns, and stores he got away--but he must have retreated rapidly. meade is advancing, and another battle seems imminent. to-day a countryman brought a game-cock into the department. upon being asked what he intended to do with it, he said it was his purpose to send its left wing to bragg! november th.--it rained last night. to-day there is an expectation of a battle near chancellorville, the battle-ground of june last. meade is certainly advancing, and pickett's division, on the south side of the james river, at chaffin's farm, is ordered to march toward lee, guarding the railroad, and the local defense men are ordered out. my son custis goes with his battalion to chaffin's farm in the morning. there are rumors of six or eight thousand of the enemy marching up the line of the james river against petersburg, etc. we have also a rumor of gen. rosser having captured the wagon train of two divisions of the enemy in culpepper county. from bragg not a word since his dispatch from ringgold, ga., and nothing from longstreet. gen. whiting writes that a large number of jews and others with gold, having put in substitutes, and made their fortunes, are applying for passage out of the country. they fear their substitutes will no longer keep them out of the army. gen. w. says they have passports from richmond, and that the spy who published in the north an account of the defenses of wilmington, had a passport from richmond. the government will never realize the injury of the loose passport system until it is ruined. never have i known such confusion. on the th inst. the secretary ordered gen. pickett, whose headquarters were at petersburg, to send a portion of his division to hanover junction, it being apprehended that a raid might be made in lee's rear. gen. p. telegraphs that the french steam frigate was coming up the river (what for?), and that two federal regiments and three companies of cavalry menaced our lines on the south side of the river. the secretary sent this to gen. elzey, on this side of the river, asking if his pickets and scouts could not get information of the movements of the enemy. to-day gen. e. sends back the paper, saying his scouts could not cross the river and get within the enemy's lines. so the government is in a fog--and if the enemy knew it, and it may, the whole government might be taken before any dispositions for defense could be made. incompetency in richmond will some day lose it. three o'clock p.m. the weather is clear, and lee and meade may fight, and it may be a decisive battle. i met mr. foote, of tennessee, to-day. he asked me if i did not think our affairs were in a desperate condition. i replied that i did not know that they were not, and that when one in my position did not know, they must be bad enough. november th.--the clerks were marched out into the muddy street this morning in a cold rain, and stood there for hours, while the officers were making up their minds when to start for the boat to convey them to drewry's bluff, whence they are to march to chaffin's farm, provided the officers don't change their minds. there are reports of a repulse of the enemy by lee yesterday, and also of a victory by bragg, but they are not traceable to authentic sources. at o'clock p.m. it is cold, but has ceased to rain. the want of men is our greatest want, and i think it probable congress will repeal the substitute law, and perhaps the exemption act. something must be done to put more men in the ranks, or all will be lost. the rich have contrived to get out, or to keep out, and there are not poor men enough to win our independence. all, with very few exceptions, between the ages of and , must fight for freedom, else we may not win it. november th.--it is clear and cold. the boat in which my son and the battalion of clerks went down the river yesterday, sunk, from being overloaded, just as it got to the landing. it is said some of the boys had to wade ashore; but none were lost--thank god! this morning early, lee and meade confronted each other in battle array, and no one doubts a battle is in progress to-day this side of the rapidan. lee is outnumbered some two to one, but meade has a swollen river in his rear. it is an awful moment. i took my remaining son to the office this morning, to aid me in custis's absence. at night. nothing has yet been heard from the battle, if indeed it occurred to-day. it is said that meade is _ordered_ to fight. they know at washington it is too late in the season, in the event of meade's defeat, for lee to menace that city, or to invade pennsylvania. it is a desperate effort to crush the "rebellion," as they suppose, by advancing all their armies. and indeed it seems that meade is quite as near to richmond as lee; for he seems to be below the latter on the rappahannock, with his back to fredericksburg, and lee's face toward it. if meade should gain the victory, he might possibly cut off lee from this city. nevertheless, these positions are the result of lee's manoeuvres, and it is to be supposed he understands his business. he has no fear of meade's advance in this direction with his communications cut behind him. captain warner has sold me two pieces of bacon again, out of his own smoke-house, at $ per pound, while it is selling in the market at $ . per pound--and he has given us another bushel of sweet potatoes. had it not been for this kind friend, my little revenue would not have sufficed for subsistence. while the soldiers are famishing for food, what is called "red tapeism" prevents the consummation of contracts to supply them. captains montgomery and leathers, old steamboat captains, with ample capital, and owning the only steamboats in certain waters of florida, have just proposed to furnish the government with a million pounds salt beef, on the main line of railroad in florida, at a reduced price. the cattle are exposed to incursions of the enemy, and have to be transported by steamboats. they endeavored to make a proposal directly to the secretary, which was so expressed in the communication i prepared for them--as they were unwilling to treat with col. northrop, the commissary-general, who has become extremely obnoxious. but it was intercepted, and referred to the commissary-general. learning this, the captains abandoned their purpose and left the city--the secretary never having seen their proposal. our soldiers will not get the beef, and probably the enemy will. chapter xxxiii. assembling of congress.--president's message.--the markets.--no hope for the confederate currency.--averill's raid.--letter from gov. vance.-- christmas.--persons having furnished substitutes still liable to military duty. december st.--this morning the ground is frozen hard. there was no battle yesterday, only heavy skirmishing. both armies were drawn up in line of battle, and the front lines slept on their arms. some froze to death. this morning the enemy opened with artillery--but no battle ensued that we are aware of. at the last accounts from bragg he was still retiring, near dalton. his army must be nearly broken up. bragg, it is rumored to-day, has been relieved. december d.--no battle yet, though still hourly expected on the old field near the rappahannock. and we have nothing definite from the west. the appointment of beauregard to succeed bragg is not officially announced; and the programme may be changed. december d.--meade recrossed the rapidan last night! this is a greater relief to us than the enemy has any idea of. i hope the campaign is over for the winter. and we have authentic advices of a terrible check given the enemy at ringgold, ga.; their killed and wounded being estimated at , which caused grant to recoil, and retire to chickamauga, where he is intrenching. after all, it is doubted whether beauregard is to succeed bragg. lieut.-gen. hardee is in command, temporarily, and it may be permanently. bragg was relieved at his own request. i know he requested the same thing many months ago. a full general should command there. december th.--the only thing new to-day is a dispatch from gen. longstreet, before knoxville, stating that he had been repulsed in an assault upon the place, and calling for reinforcements, which, alas! cannot be sent him. hon. mr. henry, from tennessee, estimates our loss in prisoners in bragg's defeat at but little over , and guns. we captured prisoners. we have intelligence to-day of the escape of brig.-gen. jno. h. morgan from the penitentiary in ohio, where the enemy had confined him. december th.--it has begun to rain again; and yet the clerks are kept at chaffin's bluff, although the roads are impracticable, and no approach of the enemy reported. there is not a word of news from the armies on the rapidan or in georgia. a collision between the confederate and state authorities in georgia is imminent, on the question of "just compensation" for sugar seized by the agents of the commissary-general--whose estimates for the ensuing year embrace an item of $ , , to be paid for sugar. the supreme court of georgia has decided that if taken, it must be paid for at a fair valuation, and not at a price to suit the commissary-general. it is the belief of many, that these seizures involve many frauds, to enrich the commissaries. december th.--it is clear and cold again. custis came home last evening, after a week's sojourn at chaffin's bluff, where, however, there were tents. some local troops, or "national guards," had been sent there to relieve pickett's division, recalled by lee; but when meade recrossed the rapidan, there was no longer any necessity for the "guards" to remain on duty. a brigade of regulars goes down to-day. custis says it was the third day before ammunition was issued! yesterday he heard shelling down the river, by the enemy's gun-boats. i had a conversation with col. northrop, commissary-general, to-day. he anticipates a collision between the confederate and state authorities on the impressment question. he says the law was intended to secure subsistence for both the people and the army; but there is not sufficient grain in the states. therefore the army must have what there is, and the people must go without. i differed with him, and maintained if a proper distribution were made there would be enough for all. to-morrow congress assembles. it is to be apprehended that a conflict with the executive will ensue--instead of unanimity against the common enemy--and no one living can foretell the issue, because no one knows the extent of capacity and courage on either side. the president has made his cabinet a unit. december th.--cold and clear. gen. longstreet telegraphs to-day from rutledge, tenn., some fifty miles northeast of knoxville, and says he will soon need railroad facilities. he is flying from superior numbers, and may be gathering up supplies. governor vance writes distressfully concerning the scarcity of provisions in certain counties of north carolina, and the rudeness of impressing agents. lieut.-gen. hardee telegraphs from dalton that cavalry, besides two brigades of buckner's command, are with longstreet, and that other troops ought to be sent him (h.) to compensate for these detachments. mr. l. s. white obtained another passport yesterday to go to maryland, on the recommendation of col. gorgas, chief of ordnance. there was a quorum in congress to-day; but the message was not sent in. a five-dollar gold piece sold at auction on saturday for $ --$ in confederate notes for one of gold. december th.--the president's message was sent to congress to-day. i was not present, but my son custis, who heard it read, says the president dwells largely on the conduct of foreign powers. to diminish the currency, he recommends compulsory funding and large taxation, and some process of diminishing the volume of treasury notes. in other words, a _suspension_ of such clauses of the constitution as stand in the way of a successful prosecution of the war. he suggests the repeal of the substitute law, and a modification of the exemption act, etc. to-morrow i shall read it myself. december th.--the president's message is not regarded with much favor by the croakers. the long complaint against foreign powers for not recognizing us is thought in bad taste, since all the points nearly had been made in a previous message. they say it is like abusing a society for not admitting one within its circle as well as another. the president specifies no plan to cure the redundancy of the currency. he is opposed to increasing the pay of the soldiers, and absolutely reproaches the soldiers of the left wing of bragg's army with not performing their whole duty in the late battle. mr. foote denounced the president to-day. he said he had striven to keep silent, but could not restrain himself while his state was bleeding--our disasters being all attributable by him to the president, who retained incompetent or unworthy men in command, etc. december th.--no news from any of the armies, except that longstreet has reached bristol, va. yesterday, in congress, mr. foote denounced the president as the author of all the calamities; and he arraigned col. northrop, the commissary-general, as a monster, incompetent, etc.--and cited * * * * i saw gen. bragg's dispatch to-day, dated th ult., asking to be relieved, and acknowledging his defeat. he says he must still fall back, if the enemy presses vigorously. it is well the enemy did not know it, for at that moment grant was falling back on chattanooga! mr. memminger has sent to congress an impracticable plan of remedying the currency difficulty. to-day i saw copies of orders given a year ago by gen. pemberton to col. mariquy and others, to barter cotton with the enemy for certain army and other stores. it is the opinion of many that the currency must go the way of the old continental paper, the french assignats, etc., and that speedily. passports are again being issued in profusion to persons going to the united states. judge campbell, who has been absent some weeks, returned yesterday. the following prices are quoted in to-day's papers: "the specie market has still an upward tendency. the brokers are now paying $ for gold and selling it at $ ; silver is bought at $ and sold at $ . "grain.--wheat may be quoted at $ to $ per bushel, according to quality. corn is bringing from $ to $ per bushel. "flour.--superfine, $ to $ ; extra, $ to $ . "corn-meal.--from $ to $ per bushel. "country produce and vegetables.--bacon, hoground, $ to $ . per pound; lard, $ . to $ . ; beef, cents to $ ; venison, $ to $ . ; poultry, $ . to $ . ; butter, $ to $ . ; apples, $ , to $ per barrel; onions, $ to $ per bushel; irish potatoes, $ to $ per bushel; sweet potatoes, $ to $ , and scarce; turnips, $ to $ per bushel. these are the wholesale rates. "groceries.--brown sugars firm at $ to $ . ; clarified, $ . ; english crushed, $ . to $ ; sorghum molasses, $ to $ per gallon; rice, to cents per pound; salt, to cents; black pepper, $ to $ . "liquors.--whisky, $ to $ per gallon; apple brandy, $ to $ ; rum, proof, $ ; gin, $ ; french brandy, $ to $ ; old hennessy, $ ; scotch whisky, $ ; champagne (extra), $ per dozen; claret (quarts), $ to $ ; gin, $ per case; alsop's ale (quarts), $ ; pints, $ ." december th.--there was a rumor that chattanooga had been evacuated; but it turns out that the enemy are fortifying it, and mean to keep it, while operating in east tennessee. it is said gen. grant is to bring , men to virginia, and assume command of the army of the potomac, superseding meade. he may be ordered to take richmond next--if he can. hardee is yet commanding bragg's army. i saw to-day a project, in mr. benjamin's handwriting, for a bureau of export and import. mr. g. a. myers got a passport to-day for a mr. pappenheimer, a rich jew; it was "allowed" by the assistant secretary of war. and a mr. kerchner (another jew, i suppose) got one on the recommendation of col. j. gorgas, chief of ordnance, to bring back stores in his saddle-bags. orders to-day were given that no more supplies from the united states should be received by the federal prisoners here. it seems that our men in their hands are not even allowed the visits of their friends. december th.--rained last night--and this morning we have warm april weather and bright sunshine. it is getting to be the general belief among men capable of reflection, that no jugglery can save the confederate states currency. as well might one lift himself from the earth by seizing his feet, as to legislate a remedy. whatever scheme may be devised to increase the value of the confederate states paper money, the obligor is the same. for the redemption of the currency (now worth about five cents in specie to the dollar), every citizen, and every description of property, has been pledged; and as the same citizens and the same property must be pledged for the redemption of any newly created currency, there is no reason to suppose it would not likewise run the same career of depreciation. nor can bonds be worth more than notes. success in the field, only, can appreciate either; for none will or can be paid, if we fail to achieve independence. the weather, this afternoon, is warm, calm, and clear; but the roads are too soft for military operations. i am reading the memoirs of bishop doane, by his son, rev. william croswell doane. he was the great bishop truly; and his son proves an admirable biographer. i knew the bishop personally, and much of his personal history; and hence this work is to me, and must be to many others, very interesting. the coming year is to be an eventful one. we shall be able (i hope) to put , effective men in the field; and these, well handled, might resist a million of assailants from without. we have the center, they the circumference; let them beware of --when the united states shall find herself in the throes of an embittered presidential contest! december th.--we have president lincoln's message to-day, and his proclamation of amnesty to all who take an oath of allegiance, etc., and advocate emancipation. there are some whom he exempts, of course. it is regarded here as an electioneering document, to procure a renomination for the presidency in the radical abolition convention to assemble in a few months. but it will add , men to our armies; and next year will be the bloody year. congress spent much of the day in secret session. a baltimorean, last week, seeing a steamer there loading with goods of various kinds for the federal prisoners here, bought a box of merchandise for $ , and put it on board, marked as if it contained stores for the prisoners. he ran the blockade so as to meet the steamer here; and obtained his box, worth, perhaps, $ , . but all this is forbidden hereafter. december th.--bright, beautiful day--but, alas! the news continues dark. two companies of cavalry were surprised and taken on the peninsula day before yesterday; and there are rumors of disaster in western virginia. foote still keeps up a fire on the president in the house; but he is not well seconded by the rest of the members, and it is probable the president will regain his control. it is thought, however, the cabinet will go by the board. december th.--the _examiner_ to-day discovers that if the president's project of enrolling all men, and detailing for civil pursuits such as the executive may designate, be adopted, that he will then be constituted a dictator--the best thing, possibly, that could happen in the opinion of many; though the _examiner_ don't think so. it is probable the president will have what he wants. _per contra_, the proposition of senator johnson, of arkansas, requiring members of the cabinet to be renominated at the expiration of every two years, if passed, would be a virtual seizure of executive powers by that body. but it won't pass. december th.--averill (federal) made a raid a day or two since to salem (roanoke county, va.), cutting the virginia and tennessee railroad, destroying the depot, bridges, court-house, etc. gen. j. e. johnston has been ordered to take command of bragg's army. i saw a communication from lieut.-col. ruffin (commissary bureau), suggesting the trade of cotton to the enemy in new orleans for supplies, meat, etc., a mr. pollard, of st. louis, having proposed to barter meat for cotton, which col. ruffin seems to discourage. gen. halleck has proposed a plan of exchange of prisoners, so far as those we hold go. we have , ; they, , . a letter from mr. underwood, of rome, ga., says our people fly from our own cavalry, as they devastate the country as much as the enemy. we have a cold rain to-day. the bill prohibiting the employment of substitutes has passed both houses of congress. when the conscription act is enlarged, all substitutes now in the army will have to serve for themselves, and their employers will also be liable. december th.--yesterday evening the battalion of clerks was to leave for western virginia to meet the _raiders_. after keeping them in waiting till midnight, the order was countermanded. it is said now that gen. lee has sent three brigades after averill and his men, and hopes are entertained that the enemy may be captured. it is bright and cold to-day. december th.--bright and cold. a resolution passed congress, calling on the president to report the number of men of conscript age removed from the quartermaster's and commissary's departments, in compliance with the act of last session. the commissary-general, in response, refers only to _clerks_--none of whom, however, it seems have been removed. capt. alexander, an officer under gen. winder, in charge of castle thunder (prison), has been relieved and arrested for malfeasance, etc. gen. c. j. mcrae, charged with the investigation of the accounts of isaacs, campbell & co., london, with major huse, the purchasing agent of col. j. gorgas, chief of ordnance, reports irregularities, overcharges, etc., and recommends retention of gold and cotton in this country belonging to i., c. & co. mr. ---- informed me to-day that he signed a contract with the commissary-general last night to furnish meat on the mississippi in tennessee, in exchange for cotton. he told me that the proposition was made by the federal officers, and will have their connivance, if not the connivance of federal functionaries in washington, interested in the speculation. lieut.-col. ruffin prefers trading with the enemy at new orleans. it is rumored that mr. seddon will resign, and be succeeded by gov. letcher; notwithstanding hon. james lyons asserted in public (and it appears in the _examiner_ to-day) that gov. l. told gen. j. r. anderson last year, subsequent to the fall of donelson, "he was still in favor of the union." december th.--we have nothing new yet from averill's raiders; but it is said gen. lee has set a trap for them. from east tennessee there is a report that a battle has taken place somewhere in that region, but with what result is not yet known. there is much consternation among the jews and other speculators here, who have put in substitutes and made money. they fear that their substitutes will be made liable by legislative action, and then the principals will be called for. some have contributed money to prevent the passage of such a law, and others have spent money to get permission to leave the country. messrs. gilmer and myers, lawyers, have their hands full. the confederate states tax act of last session of congress is a failure, in a great measure, in virginia. it is said only , bushels of wheat have been received! but the governor of alabama writes that over , , pounds of bacon will be paid by that state. december st.--we have dispatches to-day from western virginia, giving hope of the capture of averill and his raiders. such is the scarcity of provisions, that rats and mice have mostly disappeared, and the cats can hardly be kept off the table. december d.--averill has escaped, it is feared. but it is said one of his regiments and all his wagons will be lost. gen. longstreet writes ( th instant) that he must suspend active operations for the want of shoes and clothing. the quarter-master-general says he sent him blankets a few days since. there are fifty-one quartermasters and assistant quartermasters stationed in this city! pound cakes, size of a small dutch oven, sell at $ . turkeys, from $ to $ . december d.--nothing further from the west. but we have reliable information of the burning (accidentally, i suppose) of the enemy's magazine at yorktown, destroying all the houses, etc. i learn to-day that the secretary of war revoked the order confiscating blockade goods brought from the enemy's country. december th.--another interposition of providence in behalf of my family. the bookseller who purchased the edition of the first volume of my "wild western scenes--new series," since mr. malsby's departure from the country, paid me $ to-day, copyright, and promises more very soon. i immediately bought a load of coal, $ . , and a half cord of wood for $ . i must now secure some food for next month. among the papers sent in by the president, to-day, was one from gen. whiting, who, from information received by him, believes there will be an attack on wilmington before long, and asks reinforcements. one from gen. beauregard, intimating that he cannot spare any of his troops for the west, or for north carolina. the president notes on this, however, that the troops may be sent where they may seem to be actually needed. also an application to permit one of gen. sterling price's sons to visit the confederate states, which the president is not disposed to grant. the lower house of congress yesterday passed a bill putting into the army all who have hitherto kept out of it by employing substitutes. i think the senate will also pass it. there is great consternation among the speculators. december th.--no war news to-day. but a letter, an impassioned one, from gov. vance, complains of outrages perpetrated by detached bodies of confederate states cavalry, in certain counties, as being worse than any of the plagues of egypt: and says that if any such scourge had been sent upon the land, the children of israel would not have been followed to the red sea. in short, he informs the secretary of war, if no other remedy be applied, he will collect his militia and levy war against the confederate states troops! i placed that letter on the secretary's table, for his christmas dinner. as i came out, i met mr. hunter, president of the senate, to whom i mentioned the subject. he said, phlegmatically, that many in north carolina were "prone to act in opposition to the confederate states government." yesterday the president sent over a newspaper, from alabama, containing an article marked by him, in which he was very severely castigated for hesitating to appoint gen. j. e johnston to the command of the western army. _why_ he sent this i can hardly conjecture, for i believe johnston has been assigned to that command; but i placed the paper in the hands of the secretary. my son custis, yesterday, distributed proposals for a night-school (classical), and has some applications already. he is resolved to do all he can to aid in the support of the family in these cruel times. it is a sad christmas; cold, and threatening snow. my two youngest children, however, have decked the parlor with evergreens, crosses, stars, etc. they have a cedar christmas-tree, but it is not burdened. candy is held at $ per pound. my two sons rose at a.m. and repaired to the canal to meet their sister anne, who has been teaching latin and french in the country; but she was not among the passengers, and this has cast a shade of disappointment over the family. a few pistols and crackers are fired by the boys in the streets--and only a few. i am alone; all the rest being at church. it would not be safe to leave the house unoccupied. robberies and murders are daily perpetrated. i shall have no turkey to-day, and do not covet one. it is no time for feasting. december th.--no army news. no papers. no merriment this christmas. occasionally an _exempt_, who has speculated, may be seen drunk; but a somber heaviness is in the countenances of men, as well as in the sky above. congress has adjourned over to monday. december th.--from charleston we learn that on christmas night the enemy's shells destroyed a number of buildings. it is raining to-day: better than snow. to-day, sunday, mr. hunter is locked up with mr. seddon, at the war office. no doubt he is endeavoring to persuade the secretary not to relinquish office. mr. s. is the only secretary of war over whom mr. hunter could ever exercise a wholesome influence. mr. stephens, the vice-president, is still absent; and mr. h. is president of the senate. mr. hunter is also a member of the committee on finance, and the protracted consultations may refer mainly to that subject--and a difficult one it is. besides, if this revolution be doomed by providence to failure, mr. hunter would be the most potent negotiator in the business of reconstruction. he has great interests at stake, and would save his property--and of course his life. another letter from gov. vance demands the return of some bales of cotton loaned the confederate states. he likewise applies for the extension of a detail of a north carolina soldier, "for satisfactory reasons." december th.--averill has escaped, losing a few hundred men, and his wagons, etc. the chesapeake, that sailed out of new york, and was subsequently taken by the passengers (confederates), was hotly followed to canada, where it was surrendered to the british authorities by the united states officers, after being abandoned. december th.--a letter from the president, for the secretary of war, marked "private," came in to-day at p.m. can it be an acceptance of his resignation? a resolution has been introduced in the house of representatives to inquire into the fact of commissioned officers doing clerical duties in richmond receiving "allowances," which, with their pay, make their compensation enormous. a colonel, here, gets more compensation monthly than gen. lee, or even a member of the cabinet! mr. ould, agent of exchange, has sent down some prisoners, in exchange for a like number sent up by the enemy. but he has been instructed by the president not to hold correspondence with gen. butler, called "the beast," who is in command at fortress monroe. my daughters have plaited and sold several hats, etc., and to-day they had a large cake (costing $ ) from their savings. and a neighbor sent in some egg-nog to my daughter anne, just arrived from the country. gen. winder reported to the secretary, to-day, that there were no guards at the bridges, the militia refusing to act longer under his orders. december th.--a memorial from the army has been presented in both houses of congress. the speech of mr. foote, relative to a dictator, has produced some sensation in the city, and may produce more. a great many jews and speculators are still endeavoring to get out of the country with their gains. to-day mr. davies paid me $ more, the whole amount of copyright on the copies of the first volume of new "wild western scenes," published by malsby. he proposes to publish the second volume as soon as he can procure the necessary paper. december st.--yesterday the senate passed the following bill, it having previously passed the house: "_a bill to be entitled an act to put an end to the exemption from military service of those who have heretofore furnished substitutes._ "whereas, in the present circumstances of the country, it requires the aid of all who are able to bear arms, the congress of the confederate states of america do enact, that no person shall be exempted from military service by reason of his having furnished a substitute; but this act shall not be so construed as to affect persons who, though not liable to render military service, have, nevertheless, put in substitutes." it was preceded by discussion, yet only two votes were cast in the negative. mr. wigfall, it is said, was strangely indisposed; however that might be, his speech is represented as being one of the best ever delivered by him. to-morrow the president throws open his house for a public reception: his enemies allege that this is with a view to recovering popularity! it rained during the whole of this day. nevertheless, the jews have been fleeing to the woods with their gold, resolved to take up their abode in the united states rather than fight for the confederate states, where they leave in the ranks the substitutes hired by them. chapter xxxiv. hospitalities of the city to gen. morgan.--call for a dictator.--letter from gen. lee.--letters from gov. vance.--accusation against gen. winder.--treatment of confederate prisoners (from the _chicago times_).--change of federal policy.--efforts to remove col. northrop.--breach between the president and congress.--destitution of our prisoners.--appeal of gen. lee to the army.--new conscription act.--letter from gen. cobb. january st, .--a bright windy day, and not cold. the president has a reception to-day, and the city councils have voted the hospitalities of the city to brig.-gen. j. h. morgan, whose arrival is expected. if he comes, he will be the hero, and will have a larger crowd of admirers around him than the president. the councils have also voted a _sword_ to ex-gov. letcher, whose term of service ended yesterday. gov. wm. smith--nicknamed extra-billy--is to be inaugurated to-day. flour is now held at $ per barrel. capt. warner has just sold me two bushels of meal at $ per bushel; the price in market is $ per bushel. i did not go to any of the receptions to-day; but remained at home, transplanting lettuce-plants, which have so far withstood the frost, and a couple of fig-bushes i bought yesterday. i am also breaking up some warm beds, for early vegetables, and spreading manure over my little garden: preparing for the siege and famine looked for in may and june, when the enemy encompasses the city. i bought some tripe and liver in the market at the low price of $ per pound. engaged to pay $ hire for our servant this year. january d.--gen. longstreet writes that it will be well to winter in east tennessee (rogersville), unless there should be a pressing necessity for him elsewhere. but his corps ought to be at least , . he says provisions may be got in that section; and if they be collected, the enemy may be forced to leave. the secretary of the navy has requested the secretary of war to open the obstructions at drewry's bluff, so that the iron-clads, richmond and fredericksburg, may pass out. this he deems necessary for the defense of richmond, as our iron-clads may prevent the enemy from coming up the river and landing near the city. the _lynchburg virginian_ has come out for a dictator, and names gen. lee. the raleigh (n. c.) _progress_ says we must have peace on any terms, or starvation. i think we can put some , additional men in the field next year, and they can be fed also. january d.--yesterday was the coldest day of the winter, and last night was a bitter one. this morning it is bright and clear, and moderating. we have had no snow yet. there is much talk everywhere on the subject of a dictator, and many think a strong government is required to abate the evils we suffer. the president has temporarily lost some popularity. the speculators and extortioners who hired substitutes are in consternation--some flying the country since the passage of the bill putting them in the army, and the army is delighted with the measure. the petition from so many generals in the field intimidated congress, and it was believed that the western army would have melted away in thirty days, if no response had been accorded to its demands by government. herculean preparations will now be made for the next campaign, which is, as usual, looked forward to as the final one. january th.--on saturday, resolutions were unanimously adopted by the senate complimenting gen. lee. this is his opportunity, if he be ambitious,--and who can see his heart? what man ever neglected such an opportunity? the weather is dark and threatening. again the rumor is circulated that ex-gov. letcher is to be secretary of war. i don't believe that. major tachman claims $ in gold and $ paper, because after raising two regiments in he was not made a brigadier-general. he says he expended that much money. i thought this polish adventurer would give the government trouble. custis commenced his school to-night, with three scholars,--small beginnings, etc. january th.--bright, pleasant day. i saw a letter from gen. elzey to-day, stating that his command will probably soon be called out from the city on important service. what can this mean? and our iron-clads are to go below the obstructions if they can get out. yesterday mr. good offered a resolution declaring the unalterable purpose of congress to prosecute the war until independence is attained. what significance is in this? why declare such a purpose at this day? mr. benjamin, gen. myers, col. preston, and mr. seddon are to partake of a feast on thursday. a feast in time of famine! january th.--yesterday mr. moffitt, lieut.-col. ruffin's agent (commissary), was in the market buying beef for gen. lee's army! and this same moffitt was in september selling beef to the same butchers (as they say) at from to cts. gross, the impressing price in the country being cts. on the d inst. gen. lee wrote the president that he had just heard of two droves of cattle from the west, destined for his army, being ordered to richmond. [he does not say by whom, or for what purpose. he knew not.] he says he has but one day's meat rations, and he fears he will not be able to retain the army in the field. the president sent a copy of this to the commissary-general, with a few mild remarks, suggesting that he shall get such orders from the secretary of war as are necessary in such an emergency. in response to this the commissary-general makes a chronological list of his letters to gen. lee and others, pretending that if certain things were not done, the army, some day, would come to want, and taking great credit for his foresight, etc. this table of contents he ran first to the department with, but not finding the secretary, he carried it to the president, who returned it without comment to col. n. yesterday, and to-day the secretary got it, not having seen it before. well, if col. n. had contracted with capt. montgomery for the , , pounds of salt beef, it would have been delivered ere this. but the secretary never saw capt. m.'s offer at all! january th.--gen. j. e. johnston dispatches from the west that the meat is so indifferent, the soldiers must have an additional quantity of rice. beef sells to-day at $ . per pound by the quarter. and yet an englishman at the best hotel yesterday remarked that he never lived so cheaply in any country, his board being only three shillings (in specie) per diem, or about $ confederate states notes. a dozen china cups and saucers sold at auction to-day for $ . col. preston, conscription bureau, several members of the cabinet, etc. feasted at a cost of $ ! it is said that the jack was turned up and _jeff_ turned down in a witticism, and smiled at _nem. con._ but i don't believe that. we have a light snow, the first time the earth has been white this winter. i am reminded daily of the privations i used to read of in the revolutionary war. then thorns were used, now we use pins, for buttons. my waistbands of pantaloons and drawers are pinned instead of buttoned. gen. jno. h. morgan arrived this evening, and enjoyed a fine reception, as a multitude of admirers were at the depot. about the same hour the president rode past my house alone, to indulge his thoughts in solitude in the suburbs of the city. january th.--dispatches from both beauregard and whiting indicate a belief of an intention on the part of the enemy to attempt the capture of charleston and wilmington this winter. the president directs the secretary to keep another brigade near petersburg, that it may be available in an emergency. it snowed again last night, but cleared off to-day, and is bitter cold. a memorial was received to-day from the officers of gen. longstreet's army, asking that all men capable of performing military service, including those who have hired substitutes, be placed in the army. to-day i bought a barrel of good potatoes (irish) for $ , and one of superior quality and size for $ . this is providing for an anticipated season of famine. gen. morgan received the congratulations of a vast multitude to-day. one woman kissed his hand. gov. smith advertises a reception to-night. yesterday a committee was appointed to investigate the report that a certain member of congress obtained passports for several absconding jews, for a bribe. january th.--cold and clear. gen. longstreet has preferred charges against major-gen. mclaws and another general of his command, and also asks to be relieved, unless he has an independent command, as gen. johnston's headquarters are too far off, etc. the secretary is willing to relieve him, but the president intimates that a successor ought to be designated first. beef was held at $ . per pound in market to-day--and i got none; but i bought pounds of rice at cts., which, with the meal and potatoes, will keep us alive a month at least. the rich rogues and rascals, however, in the city, are living sumptuously, and spending confederate states notes as if they supposed they would soon be valueless. january th.--letters from governor vance received to-day show that he has been making extensive arrangements to clothe and subsist north carolina troops. his agents have purchased abroad some , blankets, as many shoes, bacon, etc., most of which is now at bermuda and nassau. he has also purchased an interest in several steamers; but, it appears, a recent regulation of the confederate states government forbids the import and export of goods except, almost exclusively, for the government itself. the governor desires to know if his state is to be put on the same footing with private speculators. he also demands some thousands of bales of cotton, loaned the government--and which the government cannot now replace at wilmington--and his complaints against the government are bitter. is it his intention to assume an independent attitude, and call the north carolina troops to the rescue? a few weeks will develop his intentions. mr. hunter is in the secretary's room every sunday morning. is there some grand political egg to be hatched? if the government had excluded private speculators from the ports at an early date, we might have had clothes and meat for the army in abundance--as well as other stores. but a great duty was neglected! sunday as it is, trains of government wagons are going incessantly past my door laden with ice--for the hospitals next summer, if we keep richmond. january th.--the snow has nearly vanished--the weather bright and pleasant, for midwinter; but the basin is still frozen over. gen. e. s. jones has captured several hundred of the enemy in southwest virginia, and moseby's men are picking them up by scores in northern virginia. congress recommitted the new conscript bill on saturday, intimidated by the menaces of the press, the editors being in danger of falling within reach of conscription. a dwelling-house near us rented to-day for $ . january th.--hundreds were skating on the ice in the basin this morning; but it thawed all day, and now looks like rain. yesterday the president vetoed a bill appropriating a million dollars to clothe the kentucky troops. the vote in the senate, in an effort to pass it nevertheless, was to , not two-thirds. the president is unyielding. if the new conscription act before the house should become a law, the president will have nearly all power in his hands. the act suspending the writ of _habeas corpus_, before the senate, if passed, will sufficiently complete the dictatorship. gen. jos. e. johnston writes in opposition to the organization of more cavalry. mr. j. e. murral, mobile, ala., writes judge campbell that a party there has authority from the united states authorities to trade anything but arms and ammunition for cotton. gen. winder being directed to send mr. hirsh, a rich jew, to the conscript camp, says he gave him a passport to leave the confederate states some days ago, on the order of judge campbell, a. s. w. col. northrop says supplies of meat have failed. january th.--there was firing yesterday near georgetown, s. c., the nature and result of which is not yet known. yesterday the senate passed a bill allowing increased pay to civil officers in the departments; but senator brown, of miss., proposed a _proviso_, which was adopted, allowing the increased compensation only to those who are not liable to perform military duty, and unable to bear arms. the auctions are crowded--the people seeming anxious to get rid of their money by paying the most extravagant prices for all articles exposed for sale. an old pair of boots, with large holes in them, sold to-day for $ . --it costs $ to foot a pair of boots. january th.--mr. a. ----, editor of the ----, recommends the secretary of war to get congress to pass, in secret session, a resolution looking to a reconstruction of the union on the old basis, and send commissioners to the northern governors. meantime, let the government organize an army of invasion, and march into pennsylvania. the object being to sow dissension among the parties of the north. a letter from a mr. stephens, columbia, s. c., to the president, says it is in his power to remove one of the evils which is bringing the administration into disrepute, and causing universal indignation--gen. winder. the writer says winder drinks excessively, is brutish to all but marylanders, and habitually receives bribes, etc. the president indorsed on it that he did not know the writer, and the absence of specifications usually rendered action unnecessary. but perhaps the secretary may find mr. s.'s character such as to deserve attention. captain warner says it is believed there will be a riot, perhaps, when col. northrop, the commissary-general, may be immolated by the mob. flour sold to-day at $ per barrel; butter, $ per pound; and meat from $ to $ . this cannot continue long without a remedy. the president has another reception to-night. "a yankee account of the treatment of confederate prisoners.--_the chicago times_ gives the account which follows of the treatment of our soldiers at camp douglas. "it is said that about four weeks ago one of the prisoners was kindling his fire, which act he had a right to perform, when one of the guard accosted him with, 'here, what are you doing there?' the prisoner replied, 'that is not your business,' when the guard instantly drew his musket and shot the fellow dead. it is said also that a mulatto boy, a servant of one of the confederate captains, and, of course, a prisoner of war, who was well known to have a pass to go anywhere within the lines, was walking inside the guard limits about a day after the above occurrence, when the guard commanded him to halt. he did not stop, and was instantly killed by a bullet. "it is also charged that, at the time the discovery was made of an attempt on the part of some of the prisoners to escape, a party of three or four hundred was huddled together and surrounded by a guard; that one of them was pushed by a comrade and fell to the ground, and that instantly the unfortunate man was shot, and that three or four others were wounded. it is further stated that it is no uncommon thing for a soldier to fire on the barracks without any provocation whatever, and that two men were thus shot while sleeping in their bunks a week or two ago, no inquiry being made into the matter. no court-martial has been held, no arrest has been made, though within the past month ten or twelve of the prisoners have been thus put out of the way. another instance need only be given: one of the prisoners asked the guard for a chew of tobacco, and he received the bayonet in his breast without a word." january th.--we have no news. but there is a feverish anxiety in the city on the question of subsistence, and there is fear of an outbreak. congress is in secret session on the subject of the currency, and the new conscription bill. the press generally is opposed to calling out all men of fighting age, which they say would interfere with the freedom of the press, and would be unconstitutional. january th.--general good spirits prevail since northern arrivals show that the house of representatives at washington has passed a resolution that , , men, including members of congress under , volunteer to deliver the prisoners of war out of our hands. this produces a general smile, as indicative of the exhaustion of the available military force of the united states--and all believe it to be the merest bravado and unmitigated humbug. every preparation will be made by the confederate states government for the most stupendous campaign of the war. there are indications of disorganization (political) in north carolina--but it is too late. the confederate states executive is too strong, so long as congress remains obedient, for any formidable demonstration of that character to occur in any of the states. we shall probably have martial law everywhere. i bought some garden seeds to-day, fresh from new york! this people are too improvident, even to sow their own seeds. january th.--there is nothing new to-day. the weather is pleasant for the season, the snow being all gone. custis has succeeded in getting ten pupils for his night-school, and this will add $ per month to our income--if they pay him. but with flour at $ per barrel; meal, $ per bushel, and meat from $ to $ per pound, what income would suffice? captain warner (i suppose in return for some writing which custis did for him) sent us yesterday two bushels of potatoes, and, afterwards, a turkey! this is the first turkey we have had during our housekeeping in richmond. i rarely see robert tyler nowadays. he used to visit me at my office. his brother john i believe is in the trans-mississippi department. my friend jacques is about town occasionally. january th.--a flag of truce boat came up, but no one on board was authorized to negotiate for an exchange of prisoners but gen. butler, outlawed. it returns without anything being effected. congress has passed a bill for the reduction of the currency, in secret session. we know not yet what are its main features. the senate bill increasing the compensation of civil officers has not yet been acted on in the house, and many families are suffering for food. anne writes us that lieut. minor has returned from his canada expedition, which failed, in consequence of the gratuitous action of lord lyons, the british minister at washington, who has been secured in the interest of the federal government, it is said, by bribes. lieut. m. brought his family a dozen cups and saucers, dresses, shoes, etc., almost unattainable here. the president receives company every tuesday evening. among the letters referred by the commissary-general to the secretary of war to-day for instructions, was one from our honest commissary in north carolina, stating that there were several million pounds of bacon and pork in chowan and one or two other counties, liable to the incursions of the enemy, which the people were anxious to sell the government, but were afraid to bring out themselves, lest the enemy should ravage their farms, etc., and suggesting that a military force be sent thither with wagons. the commissary-general stated none of these facts in his indorsement; but i did, so that the secretary must be cognizant of the nature of the paper. the enemy made a brief raid in westmoreland and richmond counties a few days ago, and destroyed , pounds of meat in one of the commissary-general's depots! a gentleman writing from that section, says it is a pity the president's heart is not in his head; for then he would not ruin the country by retaining his friend, col. northrop, the commissary-general, in office. it appears that gen. meade has changed the federal policy in the northern neck, by securing our people within his lines from molestation; and even by allowing them to buy food, clothing, etc. from northern traders, on a pledge of strict neutrality. the object is to prevent the people from conveying intelligence to moseby, who has harassed his flanks and exposed detachments very much. it is a more dangerous policy for us than the old habit of scourging the non-combatants that fall in their power. january th.--a furious storm of wind and rain occurred last night, and it is rapidly turning cold to-day. the prisoners here have had no meat during the last four days, and fears are felt that they will break out of confinement. yesterday senator orr waited upon the president, to induce him to remove col. northrop, the obnoxious commissary-general. the president, it is said, told him that col. n. was one of the greatest geniuses in the south, and that, if he had the physical capacity he would put him at the head of an army. a letter from mrs. polk, widow of president polk, dated at nashville, expresses regret that a portion of her cotton in mississippi was burnt by the military authorities (according to law), and demanding remuneration. she also asks permission to have the remainder sent to memphis, now held by the enemy. the secretary will not refuse. i bought a pretty good pair of second-hand shoes at auction to-day for $ . ; but they were too large. i will have them sold again, without fear of loss. a majority of the judiciary committee, to whom the subject was referred, have reported a bill in the senate vacating the offices of all the members of the cabinet at the expiration of every two years, or of every congress. this is a blow at mr. benjamin, mr. memminger, etc., and, as the president conceives, at himself. it will not pass, probably; but it looks like war between the senate and the executive. some of the secretaries _may_ resign on the th of february, when this congress expires. _nous verrons._ january th.--the senate bill to give increased compensation to the civil officers of the government in richmond was _tabled_ in the house yesterday, on the motion of mr. smith, of north carolina, who spoke against it. major-gen. gilmer, chief of the engineer bureau, writes that the time has arrived when no more iron should be used by the navy department; that no iron-clads have effected any good, or are likely to effect any; and that all the iron should be used to repair the roads, else we shall soon be fatally deficient in the means of transportation. and col. northrop, commissary-general, says he has been trying to concentrate a reserve supply of grain in richmond, for eight months; and such has been the deficiency in means of transportation, that the effort has failed. gov. milton, of florida, writes that the fact of quartermasters and commissaries, and their agents, being of conscript age, and being speculators all, produces great demoralization. if the rich will not fight for their property, the poor will not fight for them. col. northrop recommends that each commissary and quartermaster be allowed a confidential clerk of conscript age. that would deprive the army of several regiments of men. the weather is bright again, but cool. january st.--gen. longstreet reports some small captures of the enemy's detached foraging parties. the prisoners here have now been six days without meat; and capt. warner has been ordered by the quartermaster-general to purchase supplies for them, relying no longer on the commissary-general. last night an attempt was made (by his servants, it is supposed) to burn the president's mansion. it was discovered that fire had been kindled in the wood-pile in the basement. the smoke led to the discovery, else the family might have been consumed with the house. one or two of the servants have absconded. at the sale of a jew to-day an _etegere_ brought $ ; a barrel of flour, $ ; and meal, $ per bushel. all else in proportion. he is a jeweler, and intends leaving the country. he will succeed, because he is rich. yesterday the house passed the senate bill, adjourning congress on the th of february, to meet again in april. mr. barksdale, the president's organ in the house, moved a reconsideration, and it will probably be reconsidered and defeated, although it passed by two to one. major griswold being required by resolution of the legislature to give the origin of the passport office, came to me to-day to write it for him. i did so. there was no law for it. january d.--troops, a few regiments, have been passing down from lee's army, and going toward north carolina. a dispatch, in cipher, from petersburg, was received to-day at p.m. it is probable the enemy threaten the weldon and wilmington railroad. we shall hear soon. it is thought the negroes that attempted to burn the president's house (they had heaped combustibles under it) were instigated by yankees who have been released upon taking the oath of allegiance. but i think it quite as probable his enemies here (citizens) instigated it. they have one of the servants of the war department under arrest, as participating in it. the weather is delightful, and i seek distraction by spading in my garden. judge campbell is still "allowing" men to pass out of the confederate states; and they will invite the enemy in! january d.--the secretary of war has authorized mr. boute, president of the chatham railroad, to exchange tobacco through the enemy's lines for bacon. and in the west he has given authority to exchange cotton with the enemy for meat. it is supposed certain men in high position in washington, as well as the military authorities, wink at this traffic, and share its profits. i hope we may get bacon, without strychnine. congress has passed a bill prohibiting, under severe penalties, the traffic in federal money. but neither the currency bill, the tax bill, nor the repeal of the exemption act has been effected yet, and the existence of the present congress shortly expires. a _permanent_ government is a cumbersome one. the weather is fine, and i am spading up my little garden. january th.--for some cause, we had no mail to-day. fine, bright, and pleasant weather. yesterday mr. lyons called up the bill for increased compensation to civil officers, and made an eloquent speech in favor of the measure. i believe it was referred to a special committee, and hope it may pass soon. it is said the tax bill under consideration in congress will produce $ , , revenue! if this be so, and compulsory funding be adopted, there will soon be no redundancy of paper money, and a magical change of values will take place. we who live on salaries may have better times than even the extortioners--who cannot inherit the kingdom of heaven. and relief cannot come too soon: for we who have families are shabby enough in our raiment, and lean and lank in our persons. nevertheless, we have health and never-failing appetites. roasted potatoes and salt are eaten with a keen relish. january th.--the breach seems to widen between the president and congress, especially the senate. a majority of the committee on military affairs have reported that col. a. c. myers (relieved last august) is still the quartermaster-general of the armies, and that gen. lawton, who has been acting as quartermaster-general since then, is not the duly authorized quartermaster-general: not having given bond, and his appointment not having been consented to by the senate. they say all the hundreds of millions disbursed by his direction have been expended in violation of law. for the last few nights col. browne, one of the president's a. d. c.'s, and an unnaturalized englishman, has ordered a guard (department clerks) to protect the president. capt. manico (an englishman) ordered my son custis to go on guard to-night; but i obtained from the secretary a countermand of the order, and also an exemption from drills, etc. it will not do for him to neglect his night-school, else we shall starve. i noticed, to-day, eight slaughtered deer in one shop; and they are seen hanging at the doors in every street. the price is $ per pound. wild turkies, geese, ducks, partridges, etc. are also exposed for sale, at enormous prices, and may mitigate the famine now upon us. the war has caused an enormous increase of wild game. but ammunition is difficult to be obtained. i see some perch, chubb, and other fish, but all are selling at famine prices. the weather is charming, which is something in the item of fuel. i sowed a bed of early york cabbage, to-day, in a sheltered part of the garden, and i planted twenty-four grains of early-sweet corn, some cabbage seed, tomatoes, beets, and egg-plants in my little hot-bed--a flour barrel sawed in two, which i can bring into the house when the weather is cold. i pray god the season may continue mild, else there must be much suffering. _and yet no beggars are seen in the streets._ what another month will develop, i know not; the fortitude of the people, so far, is wonderful. major-gen. sam. jones, dublin, va., is at loggerheads with lieut.-gen. longstreet about some regiments the latter keeps in east tennessee. gen. j. says averill is preparing to make another raid on the virginia and tennessee railroad, the salt-works, the mines, etc.; and if he is charged with the defense, he must have at least all his regiments. he gets his orders from gen. cooper, a. and i. g., who will probably give him what he wants. january th.--gen. lee recommends the formation of several more brigades of cavalry, mostly from regiments and companies in south carolina, and to this he anticipates objections on the part of the generals and governors along the southern seaboard; but he deems it necessary, as the enemy facing him has a vastly superior cavalry force. the prisoners on belle isle ( ) have had no meat for eleven days. the secretary says the commissary-general informs him that they fare as well as our armies, and so he refused the commissary (capt. warner) of the prisoners a permit to buy and bring to the city cattle he might be able to find. an outbreak of the prisoners is apprehended: and if they were to rise, it is feared some of the inhabitants of the city would join them, for they, too, have no meat--many of them--or bread either. they believe the famine is owing to the imbecility, or worse, of the government. a riot would be a dangerous occurrence, now: the city battalion would not fire on the people--and if they did, the army might break up, and avenge their slaughtered kindred. it is a perilous time. my wife paid $ , to-day, for a half bushel of meal; meantime i got an order for two bushels, from capt. warner, at $ per bushel. the president receives visitors to-night; and, for the first time, i think i will go. mr. foote, yesterday, offered a resolution that the commissary-general ought to be removed; which was defeated by a decided vote, twenty in the affirmative. twenty he relied on failed him. letters from all quarters denounce the commissary-general and his agents. january th.--last night, the weather being very pleasant, the president's house was pretty well filled with gentlemen and ladies. i cannot imagine how they continue to dress so magnificently, unless it be their old finery, which looks well amid the general aspect of shabby mendicity. but the statures of the men, and the beauty and grace of the ladies, surpass any i have seen elsewhere, in america or europe. there is high character in almost every face, and fixed resolve in every eye. the president was very courteous, saying to each, "i am glad to meet you here to-night." he questioned me so much in regard to my health, that i told him i was not very well; and if his lady (to whom he introduced us all) had not been so close (at his elbow), i might have assigned the cause. when we parted, he said, "_we_ have met before." mrs. davis was in black--for her father. and many of the ladies were in mourning for those slain in battle. gen. lee has published the following to his army: "headquarters army of northern virginia, "january d, . "general orders no . "the commanding general considers it due to the army to state that the temporary reduction of rations has been caused by circumstances beyond the control of those charged with its support. its welfare and comfort are the objects of his constant and earnest solicitude; and no effort has been spared to provide for its wants. it is hoped that the exertions now being made will render the necessity but of short duration: but the history of the army has shown that the country can require no sacrifice too great for its patriotic devotion. "soldiers! you tread, with no unequal steps, the road by which your fathers marched through suffering, privation, and blood to independence! "continue to emulate in the future, as you have in the past, their valor in arms, their patient endurance of hardships, their high resolve to be free, which no trial could shake, no bribe seduce, no danger appal: and be assured that the just god, who crowned their efforts with success, will, in his own good time, send down his blessings upon yours. "(signed) r. e. lee, _general_." an eloquent and stirring appeal! it is rumored that the writ of _habeas corpus_ has been suspended--as the president has been allowed to suspend it--by congress, in secret session. but congress passed a resolution, yesterday, that after it adjourns on the th february, it will assemble again on the first monday in may. mr. lyons, chairman of the committee on increased compensation to the civil officers, had an interview with the secretary of war yesterday. the secretary told him, it is said, that unless congress voted the increase, he would take the responsibility of ordering them rations, etc. etc. and mr. smith, of north carolina, told me, to-day, that something would be done. he it was who moved to lay the bill on the table. he said it would have been defeated, if the vote had been taken on the bill. gov. smith sent to the legislature a message, yesterday, rebuking the members for doing so little, and urging the passage of a bill putting into the state service all between the ages of sixteen and eighteen and over forty-five. the legislature considered his lecture an insult, and the house of delegates contemptuously laid it on the table by an almost unanimous vote. so he has war with the legislature, while the president is in conflict with the confederate states senate. january th.--the beautiful, pleasant weather continues. it is said congress passed, last night, in secret session, the bill allowing increased compensation to civil officers and employees. mr. davidson, of fifty years of age, resigned, to-day, his clerkship in the war department, having been offered $ by one of the incorporated companies to travel and buy supplies for it. mr. hubbard, of alabama, suggests to the secretary to buy , slaves, and give one to every soldier enlisting from beyond our present lines, at the end of the war. he thinks many from the border free states would enlist on our side. the secretary does not favor the project. gen. whiting writes for an order for two locomotive boilers, at montgomery, ala., for his torpedo-boats, now nearly completed. he says he intends to attack the blockading squadron off wilmington. the weather is still warm and beautiful. the buds are swelling. january th.--the senate has passed a new conscription act, putting all residents between the ages of eighteen and fifty-five in the military service for the war. those over forty-five to be detailed by the president as commissary quartermasters, nitre bureau agents, provost guards, clerks, etc. this would make up the enormous number of , , men! the express companies are to have no detail of men fit for the field, but the president may exempt a certain class for agricultural purposes, which, of course, can be revoked whenever a farmer refuses to sell at schedule prices, or engages in speculation or extortion. thus the president becomes almost absolute, and the confederacy a military nation. the house will pass it with some modifications. already the _examiner_ denounces it, for it allows only one owner or editor to a paper, and just sufficient printers,--no assistant editors, no reporters, no clerks, etc. this will save us, and hasten a peace. mr. g. a. myers, the little old lawyer, always potential with the successive secretaries of war, proposes, in a long letter, that the department allows to foreigners (jews) to leave the confederate states, _via_ maryland, every week! mr. goodman, president of the mississippi railroad, proposes to send cotton to the yankees in exchange for implements, etc., to repair the road, and lieut.-gen. (bishop) polk favors the scheme. commissary-general northrop likewise sent in a proposal from an agent of his in mississippi, to barter cotton with the yankees for subsistence, and he indorses an approval on it. i trust we shall be independent this summer. to-day it is cool and cloudy, but custis has had no use for fire in his school-room of nights for a week--and that in january. the warm weather saved us a dollar per day in coal. custis's scholars are paying him $ the first month. i shall hope for better times now. we shall have men enough, if the secretary and conscription officers do not strain the meshes of the seine too much, and the currency will be reduced. the speculators and extortioners, in great measure, will be circumvented, for the new conscription will take them from their occupations, and they will not find transportation for their wares. the barrels of corn destroyed by the enemy on the peninsula, a few days ago, belonged to a relative of col. ruffin, assistant commissary-general! he would not impress that--and lo! it is gone! many here are glad of it. january st.--it rained moderately last night, and is cooler this morning. but the worst portion of the winter is over. the pigeons of my neighbor are busy hunting straws in my yard for their nests. they do no injury to the garden, as they never scratch. the shower causes my turnips to present a fresher appearance, for they were suffering for moisture. the buds of the cherry trees have perceptibly swollen during the warm weather. a letter from gen. cobb (georgia) indicates that the secretary of war has refused to allow men having employed substitutes to form new organizations, and he combats the decision. he says they will now appeal to the courts, contending that the law putting them in the service is unconstitutional, and some will escape from the country, or otherwise evade the law. they cannot go into old companies and be sneered at by the veterans, and commanded by their inferiors in fortune, standing, etc. he says the decision will lose the service men in georgia. the jews are fleeing from richmond with the money they have made. chapter xxxv. gen. lovell applies for a command.--auspicious opening of .--mr. wright's resolutions.--rumored approach of gen. butler.--letter from gov. brown.--letter from gen. lee.--dispatches from gen. beauregard.--president davis's negroes.--controversy between gen. winder and mr. ould.--robbery of mr. lewis hayman.--promotion of gen. bragg, and the _examiner_ thereon.--scarcity of provisions in the army.--congress and the president. february st.--hazy, misty weather. gen. lovell (who lost new orleans) has applied for a command in the west, and gen. johnston approves it strongly. he designs dividing his army into three corps, giving one ( d division) to gen. hardee; one ( d division) to gen. hindman; and one ( st division) to lovell. but the secretary of war (wide awake) indorses a disapproval, saying, in his opinion, it would be injudicious to place a corps under the command of gen. lovell, and it would not give confidence to the army. this being sent to the president, came back indorsed, "opinion concurred in.--j. d." gen. pillow has applied for the command of two brigades for operations between gen. johnston's and gen. polk's armies, protecting the flanks of both, and guarding the coal mines, iron works, etc. in middle alabama. this is strongly approved by generals johnston, polk, gov. watts & co. but the president has not yet decided the matter. the commissary-general is appointing many ladies to clerkships. old men, disabled soldiers, and ladies are to be relied on for clerical duty, nearly all others to take the field. but every ingenuity is resorted to by those having in substitutes to evade military service. there is a great pressure of foreigners (mostly irish) for passes to leave the country. february d.--so lax has become gen. winder's rule, or deficient, or worse, the vigilance of his detectives,--the rogues and cut-throats,--one of them keeps a mistress in a house the rent of which is more than his salary, that five jews, the other day, cleared out in a schooner laden with tobacco, professedly for petersburg, but sailed directly to the enemy. they had with them some $ , in gold; and as they absconded to avoid military service in the confederate states, no doubt they imparted all the information they could to the enemy. mr. benjamin, secretary of state, asked the secretary of war to-day to make such arrangements as would supply the state department with regular files of northern papers. they sometimes have in them important diplomatic correspondence, and the perusal of this is about all the secretary of state has to do. it is rumored that the hon. robert toombs has been arrested in georgia for treason. i cannot believe it, but i know he is inimical to the president. the british papers again seem to sympathise with us. senator orr writes to the secretary that a resolution of the senate, asking for copies of gen. beauregard's orders in for the fortification of vicksburg (he was the first to plan the works which made such a glorious defense), and also a resolution calling for a copy of gen. b.'s charges against col. ----, had not been responded to by the president. he asks that these matters may be brought to the president's attention. the weather is beautiful and spring-like again, and we may soon have some news both from tennessee and north carolina. from the latter i hope we shall get some of the meat endangered by the proximity of the enemy. february d.--the following dispatch indicates the prestige of success for the year , and it is probable it will be followed by a succession of successes, for the administration at washington will find, this year, constant antagonisms everywhere, in the north as well as in the south, and in the army there will be opposing parties--republicans and democrats. on the part of the south, we have experienced the great agony of , and have become so familiar with horrors that we shall fight with a fearful desperation. but the dispatch: "glorious news! the whole yankee force, about , are our prisoners, and their gun-boat 'smith briggs,' destroyed. "no one hurt on our side. four yankees killed and two or three wounded. "the prisoners are now at broad water. send down a train for them to-morrow." we learn that this yankee force was commissioned to destroy a large factory at smithfield, in isle of wight county. we do not know the size or composition of our command which achieved the results noticed above, but understand that it contained two companies of the thirty-first north carolina regiment. congress has not yet finally acted on the tax bill, nor on the new conscription bill. the secretary of war said to-day that he would not allow the increased pay to any of his civil officers who were young and able to bear arms--and this after urging congress to increase their compensation. it will be very hard on some who are refugees, having families dependent on them. others, who board, must be forced into the army (the design), for their expenses per month will be some fifty per cent, more than their income. the weather is clear but colder. february th.--clear and pretty cold. we have news of another brilliant affair at kinston, n. c., where gen. pickett has beaten the enemy, killing and wounding and taking some men, besides capturing another gun-boat! thus the campaign of opens auspiciously. and gen. early has beaten the foe in hardy county, northwest virginia, capturing, it is said, some . it is supposed that gen. pickett will push on to newbern, and probably capture the town. at all events we shall get large supplies from the tide-water counties of north carolina. general lee planned the enterprise, sending some , men on the expedition. yesterday the senate committee reported _against_ the house bill modifying the act making all men liable to conscription who have hired substitutes. but they are debating a new exemption bill in the house. it is true mr. toombs was arrested at savannah, or was ejected from the cars because he would not procure a passport. to-day mr. kean, the young chief of the bureau of war, has registered all the clerks, the dates of their appointments, their age, and the number of children they have. he will make such remarks as suits him in each case, and submit the list to the secretary for his action regarding the increased compensation. will he intimate that his own services are so indispensable that he had better remain out of the field? the following "political card" for the northern democrats was played yesterday. i think it a good one, if nothing more be said about it here. it will give the abolitionists trouble in the rear while we assail them in the front. the following extraordinary resolutions were, yesterday, introduced in the house of representatives by mr. wright of georgia. the house went into secret session before taking any action upon them. "whereas: the president of the united states, in a late public communication, did declare that no propositions for peace had been made to that government by the confederate states, when, in truth, such propositions were prevented from being made by the president of the united states, in that he refused to hear, or even to receive, two commissioners, appointed to treat expressly of the preservation of amicable relations between the two governments. "nevertheless, that the confederate states may stand justified in the sight of the conservative men of the north of all parties, and that the world may know which of the two governments it is that urges on a war unparalleled for the fierceness of the conflict, and intensifying into a sectional hatred unsurpassed in the annals of mankind. therefore, "_resolved_, that the confederate states invite the united states, through their government at washington, to meet them by representatives equal to their representatives and senators in their respective congress at ----, on the ---- day of ---- next, to consider, "_first_: whether they cannot agree upon the recognition of the confederate states of america. "_second_: in the event of such recognition, whether they cannot agree upon the formation of a new government, founded upon the equality and sovereignty of the states; but if this cannot be done, to consider "_third_: whether they cannot agree upon treaties, offensive, defensive, and commercial. "_resolved_, in the event of the passage of these resolutions, the president be requested to communicate the same to the government at washington, in such manner as he shall deem most in accordance with the usages of nations; and, in the event of their acceptance by that government, he do issue his proclamation of election of delegates, under such regulations as he may deem expedient." eighteen car loads of coffee went up to the army to-day. i have not tasted coffee or tea for more than a year. february th.--bright frosty morning, but warmer and hazy later in the day. from dispatches from north carolina, it would seem that our generals are taking advantage of the fine roads, and improving the opportunity, while the enemy are considering the plan of the next campaign at washington. february th.--major-gen. breckinridge, it is said, is to command in southwestern virginia near the kentucky line, relieving major-gen. sam jones. yesterday the cabinet decided to divide the clerks into three classes. those under eighteen and over forty-five, to have the increased compensation; those between those ages, who shall be pronounced unable for field service, also to have it; and all others the secretaries may certify to be necessary, etc. this will cover all their cousins, nephews, and pets, and exclude many young men whose refugee mothers and sisters are dependent on their salaries for subsistence. such is the unvarying history of public functionaries. gen. pickett, finding newbern impregnable, has fallen back, getting off his prisoners, etc. but more troops are going to north carolina. february th, sunday.-- _the tocsin is sounding at_ a.m. it appears that gen. butler is marching up the peninsula (i have not heard the estimated number of his army) toward richmond. but, being in the secretary's room for a moment, i heard him say to gen. elzey that the "local defense men" must be relied on to defend richmond. these men are mainly clerks and employees of the departments, who have just been _insulted_ by the government, being informed that no increased compensation will be allowed them because they are able to bear arms. in other words, they must famish for subsistence, and their families with them, because they happen to be of fighting age, and have been patriotic enough to volunteer for the defense of the government, and have drilled, and paraded, and marched, until they are pronounced good soldiers. under these circumstances, the secretary of war says they must be relied upon to defend the government. in my opinion, many of them are _not_ reliable. why were they appointed contrary to law? who is to blame but the secretaries themselves? ah! but the secretaries had pets and relatives of fighting age they must provide for; and _these_, although not dependent on their salaries, will get the increased compensation, and will also be exempted from aiding in the defense of the city--at least such has been the practice heretofore. these things being known to the proscribed local troops (clerks, etc.), i repeat my doubts of their reliability at any critical moment. we have good news from the rappahannock. it is said gen. rosser yesterday captured several hundred prisoners, beeves, mules, wagons of stores, etc. etc. nevertheless, there is some uneasiness felt in the city, there being nearly , prisoners here, and all the veteran troops of gen. elzey's division are being sent to north carolina. february th.--the air is filled with rumors--none reliable. it is said gen. lee is much provoked at the alarm and excitement in the city, which thwarted a plan of his to capture the enemy on the peninsula; and the militia and the department battalions were kept yesterday and to-day under arms standing in the cold, the officers blowing their nails, and "waiting orders," which came not. perhaps they were looking for the "conspirators;" a new hoax to get "martial law." a union meeting has been held in greensborough, n. c. an intelligent writer to the department says the burden of the speakers, mostly lawyers, was the terrorism of gen. winder and his corps of rogues and cut-throats, marylanders, whose operations, it seems, have spread into most of the states. mr. sloan, the writer, says, however, a vast majority of the people are loyal. it is said congress is finally about to authorize martial law. my cabbages are coming up in my little hot-bed--half barrel. gen. maury writes from mobile that he cannot be able to obtain any information leading to the belief of an intention on the part of the enemy to attack mobile. he says it would require , men, after three months' preparation, to take it. gov. brown, of georgia, says the confederate states government has kept bad faith with the georgia six months' men; and hence they cannot be relied on to relieve gen. beauregard, etc. (it is said the enemy are about to raise the siege of charleston.) gov. b. says the state guard are already disbanded. he says, moreover, that the government here, if it understood its duty, would not seize and put producers in the field, but would stop details, and order the many thousand young officers everywhere swelling in the cars and hotels, and basking idly in every village, to the ranks. he is disgusted with the policy here. what are we coming to? everywhere our troops in the field, whose terms of three years will expire this spring, are re-enlisting for the war. this is an effect produced by president lincoln's proclamation; that to be _permitted_ to return to the union, all men must first take an oath to abolish slavery! february th.--a letter from gen. johnston says he received the "confidential instructions" of the president, from the secretary of war, and succeeded in getting gen. cleburn to lay aside his "memorial," the nature of which is not stated; but i suspect the president was getting alarmed at the disposition of the armies to dictate measures to the government. hon. mr. johnson, senator, and hon. mr. bell, representative from missouri, called on me to-day, with a voluminous correspondence, and "charges and specifications" against lieut.-gen. holmes, by my nephew, lieut.-col. r. h. musser. they desired me to read the papers and submit my views. i have read them, and shall advise them not to proceed in the matter. gen. holmes is rendered unfit, by broken health, for the command of a western department, and his conviction at this time would neither benefit the cause nor aid lieut.-col. musser in his aspirations. it is true he had my nephew tried for disobedience of orders; but he was honorably acquitted. missouri will some day rise like a giant, and deal death and destruction on her oppressors. col. gorgas, chief of ordnance, says the enemy have taken more guns from us than we from them--exclusive of siege artillery--but i don't think so. our people are becoming more hopeful since we have achieved some successes. the enemy cannot get men again except by dragging them out, unless they should go to war with france--a not improbable event. february th.--gen. lee wrote to the secretary of war, on the d of january, that his army was not fed well enough to fit them for the exertions of the spring campaign; and recommended the discontinuance of the rule of the commissary-general allowing officers at richmond, petersburg, and many other towns, to purchase government meat, etc. etc. for the subsistence of their families, at schedule prices. he says the salaries of these officers ought to be sufficient compensation for their services; that such allowances deprived the officers and soldiers _in the field_ of necessary subsistence, and encouraged able-bodied men to seek such easy positions; it offended the people who paid tithes, to see them consumed by these non-combating colonels, majors, etc., instead of going to feed the army; and it demoralized the officers and soldiers in the field. this letter was referred to the commissary-general, who, after the usual delay, returned it with a long argument to show that gen. lee was in "_error_," and that the practice was necessary, etc. to this the secretary responded by a peremptory _order_, restricting the city officers in the item of meat. again the commissary-general sends it back, recommending the _suspension_ of the order until it be seen what congress will do! here are twenty days gone, and the commissary-general has his own way still. he don't hesitate to bully the secretary and the highest generals in the field. meantime the commissary-general's pet officers and clerks are living sumptuously while the soldiers are on hard fare. but, fortunately, gen. lee has captured beeves from the enemy since his letter was written. and gen. cobb writes an encouraging letter from georgia. he says there is more meat in that state than any one supposed; and men too. many thousands of recruits can be sent forward, and meat enough to feed them. the president has issued a stirring address to the army. the weather is still clear, and the roads are not only good, but dusty--yet it is cold. they say gen. butler, on the peninsula, has given orders to his troops to respect private property--and not to molest non-combatants. february th.--night before last federal prisoners, all commissioned officers, made their escape from prison--and only three or four have been retaken! the letter of mr. sloan, of north carolina, only produced a reply from the secretary that there was not the slightest suspicion against gen. w., and that the people of north carolina would not be satisfied with anybody. eight thousand men of johnston's army are without bayonets, and yet col. gorgas has abundance. governor milton, of florida, calls lustily for men--else he fears all is lost in his state. to-day bacon is selling for $ per pound, and all other things in proportion. a negro (for his master) asked me, to-day, $ for an old, tough turkey gobbler. i passed on very briskly. we shall soon have martial law, it is thought, which, judiciously administered, might remedy some of the grievous evils we labor under. i shall have no meat for dinner to-morrow. february th.--it is warm to-day, and cloudy; but there was ice early in the morning. we have recaptured twenty-odd of the escaped prisoners. a bill has passed congress placing an embargo on many imported articles; and these articles are rising rapidly in price. sugar sold to-day at auction in large quantity for $ . per pound; rice, cents, etc. there is a rumor that gen. finnegan has captured the enemy in florida. gen. lee says his army is rapidly re-enlisting for the war. february th.--bright, beautiful weather, with frosty nights. the dispatches i cut from the papers to-day are interesting. gen. wise, it appears, has met the enemy at last, and gained a brilliant success--and so has gen. finnegan. but the correspondence between the president and gen. johnston, last spring and summer, indicates constant dissensions between the executive and the generals. and the president is under the necessity of defending _northern_ born generals, while southern born ones are without trusts, etc. interesting from florida. official dispatch. "charleston, february th, . "to gen. s. cooper. "gen finnegan has repulsed the enemy's force at lake city--details not known. "(signed) g. t. beauregard." second dispatch. "charlestson, february th-- a.m. "to gen. s. cooper. "gen. finnegan's success yesterday was very creditable--the enemy's force being much superior to his own. his reinforcements had not reached here, owing to delays on the road. losses not yet reported. "(signed) g. t. beauregard." repulse of the enemy near charleston. official dispatch. "charleston, february th, . "gen. wise gallantly repulsed the enemy last evening on john's island. he is, to-day, in pursuit. our loss very trifling. the force of the enemy is about ; ours about one-half. "(signed) g. t. beauregard." every day we recapture some of the escaped federal officers. so far we have of the . the president sent over a "confidential" sealed letter to the secretary to-day. i handed it to the secretary, who was looking pensive. dr. mcclure, of this city, who has been embalming the dead, and going about the country with his coffins, has been detected taking jews and others through the lines. several _live men_ have been found in his coffins. again it is reported that the enemy are advancing up the peninsula in force, and, to-morrow being sunday, the local troops may be called out. but gen. rhodes is near with his division, so no serious danger will be felt, unless more than , attack us. even that number would not accomplish much--for the city is fortified strongly. it is rumored by blockade-runners that gold in the north is selling at from to per cent. premium. if this be _true_, our day of deliverance is not distant. february th.--clear and windy. there is nothing new that i have heard of; but great apprehensions are felt for the fate of mississippi--said to be penetrated to its center by an overwhelming force of the enemy. it is defended, however, or it is to be, by gen. (bishop) polk. i hear of more of the escaped federal officers being brought in to-day. the correspondence between the president and gen. johnston is causing some remark. the whole is not given. letters were received from gen. j. to which no allusion is made, which passed through my hands, and i think the fact is noted in this diary. he intimated, i think, that the position assigned him was equivocal and unpleasant in tennessee. he did not feel inclined to push bragg out of the field, and the president, it seems, would not relieve bragg. mr. secretary seddon, it is now said, is resolved to remain in office. february th.--we have over forty of the escaped federal officers. nothing more from gens. wise and finnegan. the enemy have retreated again on the peninsula. it is said meade's army is falling back on washington. we have a snow storm to-day. the president is unfortunate with his servants, as the following from the _dispatch_ would seem: "_another of president davis's negroes run away._--on saturday night last the police were informed of the fact that cornelius, a negro man in the employ of president davis, had run away. having received some clew of his whereabouts, they succeeded in finding him in a few hours after receiving the information of his escape, and lodged him in the upper station house. when caught, there was found on his person snack enough, consisting of cold chicken, ham, preserves, bread, etc., to last him for a long journey, and a large sum of money he had stolen from his master. some time after being locked up, he called to the keeper of the prison to give him some water, and as that gentleman incautiously opened the door of his cell to wait on him, cornelius knocked him down and again made his escape. mr. peter everett, the only watchman present, put off after him; but before running many steps stumbled and fell, injuring himself severely." february th.--a plan of invasion. gen. longstreet telegraphs that he has no corn, and cannot stay where he is, unless supplied by the quartermaster-general. this, the president says, is impossible, for want of transportation. the railroads can do no more than supply grain for the horses of lee's army--all being brought from alabama, georgia, south carolina, etc. but the president says longstreet might extricate himself from the exigency by marching into middle tennessee or kentucky, or both. soon after this document came in, another followed from the tennessee and kentucky members of congress, inclosing an elaborate plan from col. dibrell, of the army of tennessee, of taking nashville, and getting forage, etc. in certain counties not yet devastated, in tennessee and kentucky. only , additional men will be requisite. they are to set out with eight days' rations; and if grant leaves chattanooga to interfere with the plan, gen. johnston is to follow and fall upon his rear, etc. gen. longstreet approves the plan--is eager for it, i infer from his dispatch about corn; and the members of congress are in favor of it. if practicable, it ought to be begun immediately; and i think it will be. a bright windy day--snow gone. the federal general sherman, with , men, was, at the last dates, still marching southeast of jackson, miss. it is predicted that he is rushing on his destruction. gen. polk is retreating before him, while our cavalry is in his rear. he cannot keep open his communications. february th.--bright and very cold--freezing all day. col. myers has written a letter to the secretary, in reply to our ordering him to report to the quartermaster-general, stating that he considers himself the quartermaster-general--as the senate has so declared. this being referred to the president, he indorses on it that col. myers served long enough in the united states army to know his status and duty, without any such discussion with the secretary as he seems to invite. yesterday congress consummated several measures of such magnitude as will attract universal attention, and which must have, perhaps, a decisive influence in our struggle for independence. gen. sherman, with , or , men, is still advancing deeper into mississippi, and the governor of alabama has ordered the non-combatants to leave mobile, announcing that it is to be attacked. if sherman _should go on_, and succeed, it would be the most brilliant operation of the war. if he goes on and fails, it will be the most disastrous--and his surrender would be, probably, like the surrender of lord cornwallis at yorktown. he ought certainly to be annihilated. i have advised senator johnson to let my nephew's purpose to bring gen. holmes before a court-martial lie over, and i have the papers in my drawer. the president will probably promote col. clark to a brigadiership, and then my nephew will succeed to the colonelcy; which will be a sufficient rebuke to gen. h., and a cataplasm for my nephew's wounded honor. the _examiner_ has whipped congress into a modification of the clause putting assistant editors and other employees of newspaper proprietors into the army. they want the press to give them the meed of praise for their bold measures, and to reconcile the people to the tax, militia, and currency acts. this is the year of crises, and i think we'll win. we are now sending federal prisoners to georgia daily; and i hope we shall have more food in the city when they are all gone. february th.--this was the coldest morning of the winter. there was ice in the wash-basins in our bed chambers, the first we have seen there. i fear my cabbage, beets, etc. now coming up, in my half barrel hot-bed, although in the house, are killed. the topic of discussion everywhere, now, is the effect likely to be produced by the currency bill. mr. lyons denounces it, and says the people will be starved. i have heard (not seen) that some holders of treasury notes have burnt them to spite the government! i hope for the best, even if the worst is to come. some future shakspeare will depict the times we live in in striking colors. the wars of "the roses" bore no comparison to these campaigns between the rival sections. everywhere our troops are re-enlisting for the war; one regiment re-enlisted, the other day, for forty years! the president has discontinued his tuesday evening receptions. the legislature has a bill before it to suppress theatrical amusements during the war. what would shakspeare think of that? sugar has risen to $ and $ per pound. february th.--cold and clear. congress adjourned yesterday, having passed the bill suspending the writ of _habeas corpus_ for six months at least. now the president is clothed with dictatorial powers, to all intents and purposes, so far as the war is concerned. the first effect of the currency bill is to inflate prices yet more. but as the volume of treasury notes flows into the treasury, we shall see prices fall. and soon there will be a great rush to fund the notes, for fear the holders may be _too late_, and have to submit to a discount of - / per cent. dispatches from gen. polk state that sherman has paused at meridian. february th.--bright, calm, but still cold--slightly moderating. roads firm and dusty. trains of army wagons still go by our house laden with ice. brig.-gen. wm. preston has been sent to mexico, with authority to recognize and treat with the new emperor maximilian. i see, by a letter from mr. benjamin, that he is intrusted by the president with the custody of the "secret service" money. late papers from the united states show that they have a money panic, and that gold is rising in price. in lowell not a spindle is turning, and , operatives are thrown out of employment! from england we learn that the mass of the population are memorializing government to put an end to the war! i saw a _ham_ sell to-day for $ ; it weighed fifty pounds, at $ per pound. february st.--cold, clear, and calm, but moderating. mr. benjamin sent over, this morning, extracts from dispatches received from his commercial agent in london, dated december th and january th, recommending, what had already been suggested by mr. mcrae, in paris, a government monopoly in the export of cotton, and in the importation of necessaries, etc. this measure has already been adopted by congress, which clearly shows that the president can have any measure passed he pleases; and this is a good one. so complete is the executive master of the "situation", that, in advance of the action of congress on the currency bill, the secretary of the treasury had prepared plates, etc. for the new issue of notes before the bill passed calling in the old. some forty of the members of the congress just ended failed to be re-elected, and of these a large proportion are already seeking office or exemption. the fear is now, that, from a plethora of paper money, we shall soon be without a sufficiency for a circulating medium. there are $ , , in circulation; and the tax bills, etc. will call in, it is estimated, $ , , ! well, i am willing to abide the result. speculators have had their day; and it will be hoped we shall have a season of low prices, if scarcity of money always reduces prices. there are grave lessons for our edification daily arising in such times as these. i know my ribs stick out, being covered by skin only, for the want of sufficient food; and this is the case with many thousands of non-producers, while there is enough for all, if it were equally distributed. the secretary of war has nothing new from gen. polk; and sherman is supposed to be still at meridian. there is war between gen. winder and mr. ould, agent for exchange of prisoners, about the custody and distribution to prisoners, federal and confederate. it appears that parents, etc. writing to our prisoners in the enemy's country, for want of three cent stamps, are in the habit of inclosing five or ten cent pieces, and the perquisites of the office amounts to several hundred dollars per month--and the struggle is really between the clerks in the two offices. a. mr. higgens, from maryland, is in winder's office, and has got the general to propose to the secretary that he shall have the exclusive handling of the letters; but mr. ould, it appears, detected a letter, of an alleged treasonable character, on its way to the enemy's country, written by this higgens, and reported it to the secretary. but as the secretary was much absorbed, and as winder will indorse higgens, it is doubtful how the contest for the perquisites will terminate. the secretary was aroused yesterday. the cold weather burst the water-pipe in his office, or over it, and drove him off to the spottswood hotel. february d.--the offices are closed, to-day, in honor of washington's birth-day. but it is a _fast_ day; meal selling for $ per bushel. money will not be so abundant a month hence! all my turnip-greens were killed by the frost. the mercury was, on friday, ° above zero; to-day it is °. sowed a small bed of curled savoy cabbage; and saved the early york in my half barrel hot-bed by bringing it into the parlor, where there was fire. a letter from lieut.-col. r. a. alston, decatur, ga., says capt. ---- ----, one of gen. morgan's secret agents, has just arrived there, after spending several months in the north, and reports that lincoln cannot recruit his armies by draft, or any other mode, unless they achieve some signal success in the spring campaign. he says, moreover, that there is a perfect organization, all over the north, for the purpose of revolution and the expulsion or death of the abolitionists and free negroes; and of this organization generals ------, ------, and ---- ---- ---- are the military leaders. col. a. asks permission of the secretary of war to go into southern illinois, where, he is confident, if he cannot contribute to precipitate civil war, he can, at least, bring out thousands of men who will fight for the southern cause. dispatches from gen. lee show that nearly every regiment in his army has re-enlisted for the war. the body guard of the president has been dispersed. here is the sequel to the history of the jew whose goods brought such fabulous prices at auction a few weeks ago: "_a heavy robbery--a former citizen of richmond stripped of all his goods and chattels._--a few weeks ago, mr. lewis hyman, who had for some years carried on a successful and profitable trade in jewelry in the city of richmond, disposed of his effects with a view of quitting the confederacy and finding a home in some land where his services were less likely to be required in the tented field. having settled up his business affairs to his own satisfaction, he applied for and obtained a passport from the assistant secretary of war, to enable him to pass our lines. he first took the southern route, hoping to run out from wilmington to nassau; but delays occurring, he returned to richmond. from this point he went to staunton, determined to make his exit from the country by the valley route. all went on smoothly enough until he had passed woodstock, in shenandoah county. between that point and strasburg he was attacked by a band of robbers and stripped of everything he possessed of value, embracing a heavy amount of money and a large and valuable assortment of jewelry. we have heard his loss estimated at from $ , to $ , . his passport was not taken from him, and after the robbery he was allowed to proceed on his journey--minus the essential means of traveling. it is stated that some of the jewelry taken from him has already made its appearance in the richmond market. "p.s.--since writing the above, we have had an interview with mr. jacob ezekiel, who states that the party of mr. hyman consisted of lewis hyman, wife and child, madam son and husband, and h. c. ezekiel; and the presumption is that if one was robbed, all shared the same fate. mr. e. thinks that the amount in possession of the whole party would not exceed $ , . on friday last two men called upon mr. ezekiel, at his place of business in this city, and exhibited a parchment, in hebrew characters, which they represented was captured on a train on the baltimore and ohio railroad. this story, mr. ezekiel thinks, is incorrect, from the fact that he received a letter from his son, then at woodstock, dated subsequent to the capture of the train on that road; and he is satisfied that the articles shown him belonged to some of the parties above mentioned." february d.--bright and pleasant. a letter from gen. maury indicates now that mobile is surely to be attacked. he says they may force a passage at grant's pass, which is thirty miles distant; and the fleet may pass the forts and reach the lower bay. gen. m. has , effective men, and subsistence for , for six months. he asks or more men. he has also food for horses for six months. but he has only rounds for his cannon, and for his siege guns, and for each musket. meal is the only food now attainable, except by the rich. we look for a healthy year, everything being so cleanly consumed that no garbage or filth can accumulate. we are all good scavengers now, and there is no need of buzzards in the streets. even the pigeons can scarcely find a grain to eat. gold brought $ for $ , saturday. nevertheless, we have only good news from the armies, and we have had a victory in florida. february th.--bright and pleasant. intelligence from the west is of an interesting character. the column of federal cavalry from memphis, destined to co-operate with gen. sherman, has been intercepted and a junction prevented. and both sherman and the cavalry are now in full retreat--running out of the country faster than they advanced into it. the desert they made as they traversed the interior of mississippi they have now to repass, if they can, in the weary retreat, with no supplies but those they brought with them. many will never get back. and a dispatch from beauregard confirms finnegan's victory in florida. he captured all the enemy's artillery, stores, etc., and for three miles his dead and wounded were found strewn on the ground. thus the military operations of are, so far, decidedly favorable. and we shall probably soon have news from longstreet. if meade advances, lee will meet him--and let him beware! gold is still mounting up--and so with everything exposed for sale. when, when will prices come down? but we shall probably end the war this year--and independence will compensate for all. the whole male population, pretty much, will be in the field this year, and our armies will be strong. so far we have the prestige of success, and our men are resolved to keep it, if the dissensions of the leaders do not interfere with the general purpose. february th.--the president has certainly conferred on bragg the position once ( ) occupied by lee, as the following official announcement, in all the papers to-day, demonstrates: "war department, "adjutant and inspector general's office, "richmond, february th, . "general orders no. . "gen. braxton bragg is assigned to duty at the seat of government, and, under direction of the president, is charged with the conduct of military operations in the armies of the confederacy. "by order of the secretary of war. "s. cooper, "_adjutant and inspector general._" no doubt bragg can give the president valuable counsel--nor can there be any doubt that he enjoys a secret satisfaction in triumphing thus over popular sentiment, which just at this time is much averse to gen. bragg. the president is naturally a little oppugnant. he has just appointed a clerk, in the department of war, a military judge, with rank and pay of colonel of cavalry--one whom he never saw; but the clerk once had a street fight with mr. pollard, who has published a pamphlet against the president. mr. pollard sees his enemy with three golden stars on each side of his collar. the retreat of sherman seems to be confirmed. gen. beauregard sends the following dispatch: "charleston, february d-- p.m. "to gen. s. cooper. "the latest reports from gen. finnegan give no particulars of the victory at occum pond, except that he has taken all of the enemy's artillery, some or stand of small arms already collected, and that the roads for three miles are strewn with the enemy's dead and wounded. "(signed) g. t. beauregard." the _examiner_ has the following remarks on the appointment of bragg: "the judicious and opportune appointment of gen. bragg to the post of commander-in-chief of the confederate armies, will be appreciated as an illustration of that strong common sense which forms the basis of the president's character, that regard for the opinions and feelings of the country, that respect for the senate, which are the keys to all that is mysterious in the conduct of our public affairs. the confederate armies cannot fail to be well pleased. every soldier's heart feels that merit is the true title to promotion, and that glorious service should insure a splendid reward. from lookout mountain, a step to the highest military honor and power is natural and inevitable. johnston, lee, and beauregard learn with grateful emotions that the conqueror of kentucky and tennessee has been elevated to a position which his superiority deserves. finally this happy announcement should enliven the fires of confidence and enthusiasm, reviving among the people like a bucket of water on a newly kindled grate." the day before his appointment, the _enquirer_ had a long editorial article denouncing in advance his assignment to any prominent position, and severely criticised his conduct in the west. to-day _it hails his appointment as commander-in-chief with joy and enthusiasm_! this reminds one of the _moniteur_ when napoleon was returning from elba. the _enquirer's_ notion is to prevent discord--and hence it is patriotic. the weather is still bright, pleasant, but dusty. we have had only one rain since the th of december, and one light snow. my garden is too dry for planting. we have not only the negroes arrayed against as, but it appears that recruiting for the federal army from ireland has been carried on to a large extent. february th.--cool, bright, but windy and dusty. dispatches announce heavy skirmishing in the vicinity of dalton--and gen. johnston's army was in line of battle. it may be merely a feint of the enemy to aid in the extrication of sherman. gen. lee is here in consultation with the president. they decided that over men be transferred from the army to the navy--so that something may be soon heard from our iron-clads. pork is selling at $ per pound to-day. writings upon the walls of the houses at the corners of the streets were observed this morning, indicating a riot, if there be no amelioration of the famine. february th.--bright and pleasant--dusty. but one rain during the winter! the "associated press" publishes an unofficial dispatch, giving almost incredible accounts of gen. forrest's defeat of grierson's cavalry, , strong, with only . it is said the enemy were cut up and routed, losing all his guns, etc. sugar is $ per pound; new bacon, $ ; and chickens, $ per pair. soon we look for a money panic, when a few hundred millions of the paper money is funded, and as many more collected by the tax collectors. congress struck the speculators a hard blow. one man, eager to invest his money, gave $ , for a house and lot, and he now pays $ tax on it; the interest is $ more--$ , total. his next door neighbor, who bought his house in for $ , , similar in every respect, pays $ tax (valued at date of sale), interest $ ; total, $ per annum. the speculator pays $ , per annum more than his patriotic neighbor, who refused to sell his house for $ , . february th.--bright, cool, and dusty. no war news; nor denial or confirmation of the wonderful victory of forrest in mississippi. that he captured the enemy's artillery and drove them back, is official. longstreet has retired from before knoxville; perhaps to assault nashville, or to penetrate kentucky. yesterday the secretary ordered col. northrop to allow full rations of meal to the engineer corps; to-day he returns the order, saying: "there is not sufficient transportation for full rations to the troops in the field." last night the secretary sent for mr. ould, exchange agent, and it is thought an exchange of prisoners will be effected, and with butler. a confidential communication _may_ have been received from butler, who is a politician, and it may be that he has offered _secret_ inducements, etc. he would like to establish a _trade_ with us for tobacco, as he did for cotton and sugar when he was in new orleans. no doubt some of the high officials at washington would _wink_ at it for a share of the profits. the southern express company (yankee) has made an arrangement with the quartermaster-general to transport private contributions of supplies to the army--anything to monopolize the railroads, and make private fortunes. well, "all's well that ends well,"--and our armies may be _forced_ to forage on the enemy. i copy this advertisement from a morning paper: "notice.--owing to the heavy advance of feed, we are compelled to charge the following rates for boarding horses on and after the st of march: board per month $ . " " day . single feed . "_virginia stables._ james c. johnson, w. h. sutherland, b. w. green." congress and the president parted at the adjournment in bad temper. it is true everything was passed by congress asked for by the executive as necessary in the present exigency--a new military bill, putting into the service several hundred thousand more men, comprising the entire male population between the ages of and ; the tax and currency bills, calculated to realize $ , , or $ , , ; and the suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_. these were conceded, say the members, for the sake of the country, and not as concessions to the executive. but the commissary-general's nomination, and hundreds of others, were not sent into the senate, in derogation of the constitution; and hundreds that were sent in, have not been acted on by the senate, and such officers now act in violation of the constitution. dill's government bakery, clay street, is now in flames--supposed to be the work of an incendiary. loss not likely to be heavy. february th.--raining moderately. there is a rumor that frederick's hall, between this city and fredericksburg, was taken to-day by a detachment of the enemy's cavalry, an hour after gen. lee passed on his way to the army. this is only rumor, however. a dispatch from gen. lee's chief commissary, received to-day, says the army has only bread enough to last till the st of march, to-morrow! and that meat is getting scarce again. col. northrop, the commissary-general, indorses on this, that he _foresaw_ and frequently _foretold_ that such a crisis would come. he says transportation sufficient cannot be had, and that he has just heard of an accident to the wilmington railroad, which will diminish the transportation of corn one-half; and he says a similar accident to the charlotte road would be fatal. comfortable! and when i saw him afterward, his face was lit up with triumph, as if he had gained a victory! he _predicted_ it, because they would not let him impress all the food in the country. and now he has no remedy for the pressing need. but the soldiers won't starve, in spite of him. chapter xxxvi attempt to capture richmond.--governor vance and judge pearson-- preparations to blow up the "libby" prisoners.--letter from general lee.--proposal to execute dahlgren's raiders.--general butler on the eastern shore.--colonel dahlgren's body.--destitution of the army.-- strength of the southwestern army.--destitution of my family.-- protest from south carolina.--difficulty with p. milmo & co.--hon. j. w. wall. march st.--dark and raining. as the morning progressed, the city was a little startled by the sound of artillery in a northern direction, and not very distant. couriers and horsemen from the country announced the approach of the enemy _within_ the outer fortifications; a column of cavalry. then hon. james lyons came in, reporting that the enemy were shelling his house, one and a half miles from the city. and gen. elzey (in command) said, at the department, that a fight was in progress; and that brig.-gen. custis lee was directing it in person. but an hour or so after the report of artillery ceased, and the excitement died away. yet the local troops and militia are marching out as i write; and a caisson that came in an hour ago has just passed our door, returning to the field. of course the city is full of rumors, and no one yet knows what has occurred. i presume it was only distant shelling, as no wounded men have been brought in. it is reported that the enemy captured mr. seddon's family twenty-five miles distant,--also gen. wise's. to-morrow we shall know more; but no _uneasiness_ is felt as to the result. in a few hours we can muster men enough to defend the city against , . a letter from gen. whiting suggests that martial law be proclaimed in north carolina, as a judge pearson--a traitor, he thinks--is discharging men who have in conscripts as substitutes, on the ground that the act of congress is unconstitutional. the president suggest a general order, etc., complying with gen. w.'s request. col. a. c. myers, late quartermaster-general, writes again, indignantly resenting the president's indorsement, etc. as unfounded and injurious, etc. the president indorses this letter as follows: "unless this letter is designed to ask whether col. m. is still in the army, or discharged by the appointment of a successor, i find nothing which changes the case since my indorsement referred to, as causing resentment and calling for vindication. your orders were certainly official communications. not having seen them, i can express no opinion upon their terms.--jefferson davis." march d.--a slight snow on the ground this morning--but bright and cool. last night, after i had retired to bed, we heard a brisk cannonading, and volleys of musketry, a few miles distant. this morning an excitement, but no alarm, pervaded the city. it was certainly a formidable attempt to take the city by surprise. from the number of disgraceful failures heretofore, the last very recently, the enemy must have come to the desperate resolution to storm the city this time at all hazards. and indeed the coming upon it was sudden, and if there had been a column of , bold men in the assault, they might have penetrated it. but now, twenty-four hours subsequently, , would fail in the attempt. the department clerks were in action in the evening in five minutes after they were formed in line. capt. ellery, chief clerk of d auditor, was killed, and several were wounded. it rained fast all the time, and it was very dark. the enemy's cavalry charged upon them, firing as they came; they were ordered to lie flat on the ground. this they did, until the enemy came within fifteen yards of them, when they rose and fired, sending the assailants to the right and left, helter-skelter. how many fell is not yet known. to-day gen. hampton sent in prisoners, taken six miles above town--one lieutenant-colonel among them; and yankee horses, etc. are coming in every hour. gov. vance writes that inasmuch as judge pearson still grants the writ of _habeas corpus_, and discharges all who have put substitutes in the army, on the ground of the unconstitutionality of the act of congress, he is bound by his oath to sustain the judge, even to the summoning the military force of the state to resist the confederate states authorities. but to avoid such a fatal collision, he is willing to abide the decision of the supreme court, to assemble in june; the substitute men, meantime, to be left unmolested. we shall soon see the president's decision, which will probably be martial law. last night, when it was supposed probable that the prisoners of war at the libby might attempt to break out, gen. winder ordered that a large amount of powder be placed under the building, with instructions to blow them up, if the attempt were made. he was persuaded, however, to consult the secretary of war first, and get his approbation. the secretary would give no such order, but said the prisoners must not be permitted to escape under any circumstances, which was considered sanction enough. capt. ---- obtained an order for, and procured several hundred pounds of gunpowder, which were placed in readiness. whether the prisoners were advised of this i know not; but i told capt. ---- it could not be justifiable to spring such a mine in the absence of their knowledge of the fate awaiting them, in the event of their attempt to break out,--because such prisoners are not to be condemned for striving to regain their liberty. indeed, it is the _duty_ of a prisoner of war to escape if he can. gen. winder addressed me in a friendly manner to-day, the first time in two years. the president was in a bad humor yesterday, when the enemy's guns were heard even in his office. the last dispatch from gen. lee informs us that meade, who had advanced, had fallen back again. but communications are cut between us and lee; and we have no intelligence since monday. gen. wilcox is organizing an impromptu brigade here, formed of the furloughed officers and men found everywhere in the streets and at the hotels. this looks as if the danger were not yet regarded as over. the secretary of war was locked up with the quartermaster and commissary-generals and other bureau officers, supposed to be discussing the damage done by the enemy to the railroads, etc. etc. i hope it was not a consultation upon any presumed necessity of the abandonment of the city! we were paid to-day in $ bills. i gave $ for half a cord of wood, and $ for a bushel of common white cornfield beans. bacon is yet $ per pound; but more is coming to the city than usual, and a decline may be looked for, i hope. the farmers above the city, who have been hoarding grain, meat, etc., will lose much by the raiders. march d.--bright and frosty. confused accounts of the raid in the morning papers. during the day it was reported that col. johnson's forces had been cut up this morning by superior numbers, and that butler was advancing up the peninsula with , men. the tocsin was sounded in the afternoon, and the militia called out; every available man being summoned to the field for the defense of the city. the opinion prevails that the plan to liberate the prisoners and capture richmond is not fully developed yet, nor abandoned. my only apprehension is that while our troops may be engaged in one direction, a detachment of the enemy may rush in from the opposite quarter. but the attempt must fail. there is much excitement, but no alarm. it is rather eagerness to meet the foe, and a desire that he may come. the department battalion returned at p.m. to attend the funeral of capt. ellery, and expect to be marched out again this evening toward bottom's bridge, where the enemy is said to be in considerable force. custis, though detailed to duty in the department, threw down his pen to-day, and said he _would_ go out and be in the next fight. and so he left me suddenly. the secretary, to whom i communicated this, said it was right and proper for him to go--even without orders. he goes without a blanket, preferring not to sleep, to carrying one. at night he will sit by a fire in the field. some of the clerks would shoot mr. memminger cheerfully. he will not pay them their salaries, on some trivial informality in the certificates; and while they are fighting and bleeding in his defense, their wives and children are threatened to be turned out of doors by the boarding-house keepers. march th.--bright and frosty in the morning; warm and cloudy in the afternoon. the enemy have disappeared. on the th inst., gen. lee wrote the secretary of war that he had received a letter from gen. longstreet, asking that pickett's division be in readiness to join him; also that a brigade of gen. buckner's division, at dalton, be sent him at once. he says the force immediately in front of him consists of the th, th, th, and d corps, besides a large body of cavalry from middle tennessee. gen. lee says the railroad from chattanooga to knoxville, being about completed, will enable the enemy to combine on either johnston or longstreet. he (gen. lee) says, however, that the th and th corps are small, and may have been consolidated; the d also is small; but he does not know the strength of the enemy. he thinks pickett's division should be sent as desired, and its place filled with troops from south carolina, etc., where operations will probably soon cease. the secretary sent this to the president. the president sent it back to-day, indorsed, "how can pickett's division be replaced?--j. d." henley's battalion returned this evening; and custis can resume his school, unless he should be among the list doomed to the rank in the field, for which he is physically incapable, as surgeon garnett, the president's physician, has certified. march th.--clear and pleasant, after a slight shower in the morning. the raid is considered at an end, and it has ended disastrously for the invaders. some extraordinary memoranda were captured from the raiders, showing a diabolical purpose, and creating a profound sensation here. the cabinet have been in consultation many hours in regard to it, and i have reason to believe it is the present purpose to deal summarily with the captives taken with dahlgren, but the "sober second thought" will prevail, and they will not be executed, notwithstanding the thunders of the press. retaliation for such outrages committed on others having been declined, the president and cabinet can hardly be expected to begin with such sanguinary punishments when _their own_ lives are threatened. it would be an act liable to grave criticism. nevertheless, mr. secretary seddon has written a letter to-day to gen. lee, asking his views on a matter of such importance as the execution of some _ninety_ men of dahlgren's immediate followers, not, as he says, to divide the responsibility, nor to effect a purpose, which has the sanction of the president, the cabinet, and _gen. bragg_, but to have his _views_, and information as to what would probably be its effect on the army under his command. we shall soon know, i hope, what gen. lee will have to say on the subject, and i am mistaken if he does not oppose it. if these men had been put to death in the heat of passion, on the field, it would have been justified, but it is too late now. besides, _gen. lee's son_ is a captive in the hands of the enemy, designated for retaliation whenever we shall execute any of their prisoners in our hands. it is cruelty to gen. lee! it is already rumored that gen. butler has been removed, and a flag of truce boat is certainly at city point, laden with prisoners sent up for exchange. the commissary-general has sent in a paper saying that unless the passenger cars on the southern road be discontinued, he cannot supply half enough meal for lee's army. he has abundance in georgia and south carolina, but cannot get transportation. he says the last barrel of flour from lynchburg has gone to the army. we have news from the west that morgan and his men will be in the saddle in a few days. after all, mr. lyon's house was not touched by any of the enemy's shells. but one shell struck within yards of one house in clay street, and not even the women and children were alarmed. the price of a turkey to-day is $ . march th.--my birthday-- . bright and frosty; subsequently warm and pleasant. no news. but some indignation in the streets at the adjutant-general's (cooper) order, removing the clerks and putting them in the army, just when they had, by their valor, saved the capital from flames and the throats of the president and his cabinet from the knives of the enemy. if the order be executed, the heads of the government will receive and merit execration. it won't be done. march th.--bright and frosty morning; cloudy and warm in the evening. cannon and musketry were heard this morning some miles northwest of the city. probably gen. hampton fell in with one of the lost detachments of the raiders, seeking a way of escape. this attempt to surprise richmond was a disgraceful failure. the secretary of war has gone up to his farm for a few days to see the extent of injury done him by the enemy. mr. benjamin and assistant secretary campbell are _already_ "allowing" men to pass to the united states, and even directly to _washington_. surely the injury done us by information thus conveyed to the enemy hitherto, ought to be a sufficient warning. gen. bragg has resolved to keep a body of cavalry permanently within the city and its vicinity. march th.--an application of capt. c. b. duffield, for a lieutenant-colonelcy, recommended by col. preston, came back from the president to-day. it was favorably indorsed by the secretary, but gen. cooper marked it adversely, saying the assistant adjutant-general should not execute the conscription act, and finally, the president simply said, "the whole organization requires revision--j. d." i hope it _will_ be revised, and nine-tenths of its officers put in the army as conscripts. raining this morning, and alternate clouds and sunshine during the day. one of the clerks who was in the engagement, tuesday night, march st, informed me that the enemy's cavalry approached slowly up the hill, on the crest of which the battalion was lying. at the word, the boys rose and fired on their knees. he says the enemy delivered a volley before they retreated, killing two of our men and wounding several. reports from the eastern shore of virginia indicate that gen. butler's rule there has been even worse than lockwood's. it is said that the subordinate officers on that quiet peninsula are merely _his_ agents, to tax and fine and plunder the unoffending people,--never in arms, and who have, with few exceptions, "taken the oath" repeatedly. one family, however (four sisters, the misses p.), relatives of my wife, have not yielded. they allege that their father and oldest sister were persecuted to death by the orders of the general, and they _could not_ swear allegiance to any government sanctioning such outrages in its agents. they were repeatedly arrested, and torn from their paternal roof at all hours of the day and night, but only uttered defiance. they are ladies of the first standing, highly accomplished, and of ample fortune, but are ready to suffer death rather than submit to the behests of a petty tyrant. butler abandoned the attempt, but the soldiery never lose an opportunity of annoying the family. march th.--a frosty morning, with dense fog; subsequently a pretty day. this is the famine month. prices of every commodity in the market--up, up, up. bacon, $ to $ per pound; meal, $ per bushel. but the market-houses are deserted, the meat stalls all closed, only here and there a cart, offering turnips, cabbages, parsnips, carrots, etc., at outrageous prices. however, the super-abundant paper money is beginning to flow into the treasury, and that reflex of the financial tide may produce salutary results a few weeks hence. march th.--raining fast all day. there was a rumor to-day that the enemy were approaching again, but the secretary knew nothing of it. major griswold is at variance with gen. winder, who has relieved him as provost marshal, and ordered him to americus, ga., to be second in command of the prisons, and assigned major carrington to duty as provost marshal here. major griswold makes a pathetic appeal to the president to be allowed to stay here in his old office. the following, from the _dispatch_, differs from the _examiner's_ account of the disposal of col. dahlgren's body: "_col. dahlgren's body._--on sunday afternoon last, the body of col. ulric dahlgren, one of the leaders of the late yankee raid on this city, and on whose body the paper revealing their designs, if successful, were found, was brought to this city on the york river railroad train, and remained in the car (baggage) in which it was till yesterday afternoon, when it was transferred to some retired burial place. the object in bringing dahlgren's body here was for identification, and was visited, among others, by captain dement and mr. mountcastle, of this city, who were recently captured and taken around by the raiders. these gentlemen readily recognized it as that of the leader of the band sent to assassinate the president and burn the city. the appearance of the corpse yesterday was decidedly more genteel than could be expected, considering the length of time he has been dead. he was laid in a plain white pine coffin, with flat top, and was dressed in a clean, coarse white cotton shirt, dark blue pants, and enveloped in a dark military blanket. in stature he was about five feet ten inches high, with a long, cadaverous face, light hair, slight beard, closely shaven, and had a small goatee, very light in color. in age we suppose he was about thirty years, and the expression of his countenance indicated that of pain." march th.--rained all night--a calm, warm rain. calm and warm to-day, with light fog, but no rain. it is now supposed the clerks (who saved the city) will be kept here to defend it. march th.--it cleared away yesterday evening, and this morning, after the dispersion of a fog, the sun shone out in great glory, and the day was bright, calm, and pleasant. the trees begin to exhibit buds, and the grass is quite green. my wife received a letter to-day from mrs. marling, raleigh, n. c., containing some collard seed, which was immediately sown in a bed already prepared. and a friend sent us some fresh pork spare ribs and chine, and four heads of cabbage--so that we shall have subsistence for several days. my income, including custis's, is not less, now, than $ per month, or $ per annum; but we are still poor, with flour at $ per barrel; meal, $ per bushel; and even fresh fish at $ per pound. a market-woman asked $ to-day for a half pint of snap beans, to plant! march th.--a lovely spring day--bright, warm, and calm. there is nothing new, only the burning of houses, mills, etc. on the york river by the yankees, and that is nothing new. subsequently the day became very windy, but not cold. the roads will be dry again, and military operations will be resumed. the campaign will be an early one in virginia, probably. our people are impatient to meet the foe, for they are weary of the war. blood will flow in torrents, unless the invaders avoid great battles; and in that event our armies may assume the offensive. it is now thought that the department battalion will be kept here for the defense of the city; the clerks, or most of them, retaining their offices. those having families may possibly live on their salaries; but those who live at boarding-houses cannot, for board is now from $ to $ per month. relief _must_ soon come from some quarter, else many in this community will famish. but they prefer death to submission to the terms offered by the abolitionists at washington. the government must provide for the destitute, and array every one capable of bearing arms in the field. march th.--bright, pleasant day. the city is full of generals--lee and his son (the one just returned from captivity), longstreet, whiting, wise, hoke, morgan (he was ordered by gen. cooper to desist from his enterprise in the west), evans, and many others. some fourteen attended st. paul's (episcopal) church yesterday, where the president worships. doubtless they are in consultation on the pressing needs of the country. about noon to-day a dispatch came from lieut. col. cole, gen. lee's principal commissary, at orange court house, dated th inst., saying _the army was out of meat, and had but one day's rations of bread_. this i placed in the hands of the secretary myself, and he seemed roused by it. half an hour after, i saw col. northrop coming out of the department with a pale face, and triumphant, compressed lips. he had indorsed on the dispatch, before it came--it was addressed to him--that the state of things had come which he had long and often _predicted_, and to avert which he had repeatedly suggested the remedy; but the secretary would not! no wonder the generals are in consultation, for all the armies are in the same lamentable predicament--to the great triumph of col. n., whose prescience is triumphantly vindicated! but gen. wise, when i mentioned these things to him, said _we would starve in the midst of plenty_, meaning that col. n was incompetent to hold the position of commissary-general. at p.m. a dispatch (which i likewise placed in the hands of the secretary) came from gen. pickett, with information that thirteen of the enemy's transports passed yorktown yesterday with troops from norfolk, the eastern shore of virginia, washington city, etc.--such was the report of the signal corps. they also reported that gen. meade would order a general advance, to _check gen. lee_. what all this means i know not, unless it be meant to aid gen. kilpatrick to get back the way he came with his raiding cavalry--or else gen. lee's army is in motion, even while he is here. it must do something, or starve. l. p. walker, the first secretary of war, is here, applying for an appointment as judge advocate of one of the military courts. gen. bragg is at work. i saw by the president's papers to-day, that the secretary's recommendation to remit the sentence to drop an officer was referred to him. he indorsed on it that the sentence was just, and ought to be executed. the president then indorsed: "drop him.--j. d." march th.--a clear, cool morning; but rained in the evening. by the correspondence of the department, i saw to-day that , bushels of corn left north carolina nearly a week ago for lee's army, and about the same time , pounds of bacon was in readiness to be shipped from augusta, ga. at short rations, that would furnish bread and meat for the army several weeks. we hear nothing additional from the enemy on the peninsula. i doubt whether they mean fight. we are buoyed again with rumors of an intention on the part of france to recognize us. so mote it be! we are preparing, however, to strike hard blows single-banded and unaided, if it must be. march th.--there was ice last night. cold all day. gen. maury writes that no immediate attack on mobile need be apprehended now. he goes next to savannah to look after the defenses of that city. the _examiner_ to-day publishes gen. jos. e. johnston's report of his operations in mississippi last summer. he says the disaster at vicksburg was owing to gen. pemberton's disobedience of orders. he was ordered to concentrate his army and give battle before the place was invested, and under no circumstances to allow himself to be besieged, which must of course result in disaster. he says, also, that he was about to manoeuvre in such manner as would have probably resulted in the saving a large proportion of his men, when, to his astonishment, he learned that gen. p. had capitulated. willoughby newton reports that the enemy are building a number of light boats, to be worked with muffled oars, at point lookout, md., and suggests that they may be designed to pass the obstructions in the james river, in another attempt to capture richmond. it is said lieut.-gen. e. kirby smith, trans-mississippi, has been made a full general, and that major-gen. sterling price relieves lieut.-gen. holmes, who is to report at richmond. if this be so, it is very good policy. gen. lee is still here, but will leave very soon. gen. bragg has taken measures to insure the transportation of meat and grain from the south. much food for lee's army has arrived during the last two days. march th.--bright, clear, and pleasant; frosty in the morning. letters from lieut.-gen. hood to the president, gen bragg, and the secretary of war, give a cheering account of gen. johnston's army at dalton. the men are well fed and well clothed. they are in high spirits, "and eager for the fray." the number is , . gen. h. urges, most eloquently, the junction of polk's and loring's troops with these, making some , ,--grant having , ,--and then uniting with longstreet's army, perhaps , more, and getting in the rear of the enemy. he says this would be _certain_ to drive grant out of tennessee and kentucky, and probably end the war. but if we lie still, grant will eventually accumulate overwhelming numbers, and penetrate farther: and if he beats us, it would be difficult to rally again for another stand, so despondent would become the people. gen. hood deprecates another invasion of pennsylvania, which would be sure to result in defeat. he is decided in his conviction that the best policy is to take the initiative, and drive the enemy out of tennessee and kentucky, which could be accomplished to a _certainty_. march th.--bright and warmer, but windy. letters received at the department to-day, from georgia, show than only one-eighth of the capacity of the railroads have been used for the subsistence of the army. the rogues among the multitude of quartermasters have made fortunes themselves, and almost ruined the country. it appears that there is abundance of grain and meat in the country, if it were only equally distributed among the consumers. it is to be hoped the rogues will now be excluded from the railroads. the belief prevails that gen. lee's army is in motion. it may be a feint, to prevent reinforcements from being sent to grant. my daughter's cat is staggering to-day, for want of animal food. sometimes i fancy i stagger myself. we do not average two ounces of meat daily; and some do not get any for several days together. meal is $ per bushel. i saw adamantine candles sell at auction to-day (box) at $ per pound; tallow, $ . . bacon brought $ . per pound by the pounds. my good friend dr. powell and his family were absent from the farm near the city during the late raid. the enemy carried off several of his finest horses and mules, and consumed much of his supplies of food, etc., but utterly failed to induce any of his negroes to leave the place--and he has many. one of the female servants, when the enemy approached, ran into the house and secured all the silver, concealing it in her own house, and keeping it safely for her mistress. march th.--warmer, calm and cloudy. i saw a large turkey to-day in market (wild), for which $ was demanded. i saw dr. powell to-day. he says the federals asked his servants where the master and mistress had gone? and they were told that they had been called to petersburg to see a sick daughter. they then asked where the spoons were, and were told none were in the house. they asked if there was not a watch, and the servant said her master wore it. they then demanded where the money was kept, and were told it was always kept in bank. they made the servants open drawers, press, etc.; and when they discovered some pans of milk, they took them up and drank out of them with eagerness. they took nothing from the house, destroyed nothing, and the doctor deems himself fortunate. they left him two horses and eight mules. march th.--bright and beautiful weather. there are fires occurring now every night; and several buildings have been burned in the immediate vicinity of the war department. these are attributed to incendiary yankees, and the guard at the public offices has been doubled. mrs. seddon, wife of the secretary of war, resolved not to lose more wine by the visits of the federal raiders, sent to auction last week twelve demijohns, which brought her $ --$ a demijohn. march st.--although cloudy, there was ice this morning, and cold all day. yesterday another thousand prisoners were brought up by the flag of truce boat. a large company of both sexes welcomed them in the capitol square, whither some baskets of food were sent by those who had some patriotism with their abundance. the president made them a comforting speech, alluding to their toils, bravery, and sufferings in captivity; and promised them, after a brief respite, that they should be in the field again. the following conversation took place yesterday between the president and some young ladies of his acquaintance, with whom he promenaded: _miss._--do you think they will like to return to the field? _president._--it may seem hard; but even those boys (pointing to some youths around the monument twelve or fourteen years old) will have their trial. _miss._--but how shall the army be fed? _president._--i don't see why rats, if fat, are not as good as squirrels. our men _did_ eat mule meat at vicksburg; but it would be an expensive luxury now. after this, the president fell into a grave mood, and some remark about recognition caused him to say twice--"we have no friends abroad!" march d.--cloudy morning, with ice; subsequently a snow-storm all day long. no war news. but meat and grain are coming freely from the south. this gives rise to a rumor that lee will fall back, and that the capital will be besieged; all without any foundation. a mrs. ---- from maryland, whose only son is in a federal prison, writes the president (she is in this city) that she desires to go to canada on some secret enterprise. the president favors her purpose in an indorsement. on this the secretary indorses a purpose to facilitate her design, and suggests that she be paid $ in gold from the secret service fund. she is a roman catholic, and intimates that the bishops, priests, and nuns will aid her. march d.--snow fell all night, and was eight or ten inches deep this morning; but it was a bright morning, and glorious sunshine all day,--the anniversary of the birth of shakspeare, years ago,--and the snow is melting rapidly. the secretary of war had a large amount of plate taken from the department to-day to his lodgings at the spottswood hotel. it was captured from the enemy with dahlgren, who had pillaged it from our opulent families in the country. march th.--a bright pleasant day--snow nearly gone. next week the clerks in the departments, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, are to be enrolled, and perhaps the greater number will be detailed to their present employments. gov. vance is here, and the president is about to appoint some of his friends brigadiers, which is conciliatory. gen. longstreet has written a letter to the president, which i have not seen. the president sent it to the secretary to-day, marked "confidential." it must relate either to subsistence or to important movements in meditation. if the latter, we shall soon know it. march th.--raining moderately. yesterday mr. miles, member of congress from south carolina, received a dispatch from charleston, signed by many of the leading citizens, protesting against the removal of companies of cavalry from that department to virginia. they say so few will be left that the railroads, plantations, and even the city of charleston will be exposed to the easy capture of the enemy; and this is "approved" and signed by t. jordan, chief of staff. it was given to the secretary of war, who sent it to gen. bragg, assuring him that the citizens signing it were the most _influential_ in the state, etc. gen. bragg sent it back with an indignant note. he says the president gave the order, and it was a proper one. these companies of cavalry have not shared the hardships of the war, and have done no fighting; more cavalry has been held by gen. beauregard, in proportion to the number of his army, than by any other general; that skeleton regiments, which have gone through fire and blood, ought to be allowed to relieve them; and when recruited, would be ample for the defense of the coast, etc. gen. bragg concluded by saying that the offense of having the military orders of the commander-in-chief, etc. exposed to civilians, to be criticised and protested against--and "approved" by the chief of staff--at such a time as this, and in a matter of such grave importance--ought not to be suffered to pass without a merited rebuke. and i am sure poor beauregard will get the rebuke; for all the military and civil functionaries near the government partake of something of a dislike of him. and yet beauregard was wrong to make any stir about it; and the president himself only acted in accordance with gen. lee's suggestions, noted at the time in this diary. gen. polk writes from dunapolis that he will have communications with jackson restored in a few days, and that the injury to the railroads was not so great as the enemy represented. mr. memminger, the secretary of the treasury, is in a black dutch fury. it appears that his agent, c. c. thayer, with $ , , treasury notes for disbursement in texas, arrived at the mouth of the rio grande in december, when the enemy had possession of brownsville, and when matamoras was in revolution. he then conferred with mr. benjamin's friend (and confederate states secret agent) mr. quintero, and quartermaster russell, who advised him to deposit the treasure with p. milmo & co.--a house with which our agents have had large transactions, and mr. m. being son-in-law to gov. vidurri--to be shipped to eagle pass _via_ monterey to san antonio, etc. but alas! and alas! p. milmo & co., upon being informed that fifteen millions were in their custody, notified our agents that they would seize it all, and hold it all, until certain alleged claims they held against the confederate states government were paid. mr. quintero, who sends this precious intelligence, says he thinks the money will soon be released--and so do i, when it is ascertained that it will be of no value to any of the parties there. mr. memminger, however, wants quartermaster russell cashiered, and court-martialed, and, moreover, decapitated! march th.--bright morning, but a cold, cloudy, windy day. a great crowd of people have been at the treasury building; all day, funding treasury notes. it is to be hoped that as money gets scarcer, food and raiment will get cheaper. mr. benton, the dentist, escaped being conscribed last year by the ingenuity of his attorney, g. w. randolph, formerly secretary of war, who, after keeping his case in suspense (alleging that dentists were physicians or experts) as long as possible, finally contrived to have him appointed _hospital steward_--the present secretary consenting. but now the enrolling officer is after him again, and it will be seen what he is to do next. the act says dentists shall serve as conscripts. and mr. randolph himself was put in the category of conscripts by the late military act, but gov. smith has decreed his exemption as a member of the common council! oh, patriotism, where are thy votaries? some go so far as to say gov. smith is too free with exemptions! march th.--bright morning, but windy; subsequently warmer, and wind lulled. collards coming up. potatoes all rotted in the ground during the recent cold weather. i shall rely on other vegetables, which i am now beginning to sow freely. we have no war news to-day. march th.--april-like day, but no rain; clouds, and sunshine, and warm. about p.m. the secretary received a dispatch stating that the enemy had appeared in force opposite fredericksburg, and attempted, without success, to cross. a copy of this was immediately sent to gen. lee. it is said that gen. longstreet is marching with expedition down the valley of the shenandoah, to flank meade or grant. i doubt it. but the campaign will commence as soon as the weather will permit. a letter from g. b. lamar, savannah, ga., informs the secretary that he (l.) has command of five steamers, and that he can easily make arrangements with the (federal) commandant of fort pulaski to permit them to pass and repass. his proposition to the government is to bring in munitions of war, etc., and take out cotton, charging one-half for freight. mr. memminger having seen this, advises the secretary to require the delivery of a cargo before supplying any cotton. mr. m. has a sort of _jealousy_ of mr. lamar. march th.--a furious gale, eastern, and rain. no news, except the appearance of a few gun-boats down the river; which no one regards as an important matter. great crowds are funding their treasury notes to-day; but prices of provisions are not diminished. white beans, such as i paid $ a bushel for early in this month, are now held at $ . what _shall_ we do to subsist until the next harvest? march th.--it rained all night, the wind blowing a gale from the east. this morning the wind was from the west, blowing moderately; and although cloudy, no rain. the enemy's gun-boats down the river shelled the shore where it was suspected we had troops in ambush; and when some of their barges approached the shore, it was ascertained they were not mistaken, for a volley from our men (signal corps) killed and wounded half the crew. the remainder put back to the gun-boats. there is great tribulation among the departmental clerks, who are to be enrolled as conscripts, and probably sent to the army. the young relatives of some of the secretaries are being appointed commissaries, quartermasters, surgeons, etc. they keep out of danger. many ladies have been appointed clerks. there is a roomful of them just over the secretary's office, and he says they distract him with their noise of moving of chairs and running about, etc. the papers publish an account of a battle of snow-balls in our army, which indicates the spirit of the troops, when, perhaps, they are upon the eve of passing through such awful scenes of carnage as will make the world tremble at the appalling spectacle. march st.--cloudy and cold. no war news, though it is generally believed that longstreet is really in the valley. a speech delivered by the hon. j. w. wall, in new jersey, is copied in all the southern papers, and read with interest by our people. chapter xxxvii. return of mr. ould and capt. hatch from fortress monroe.--quarrel between mr. memminger and mr. seddon.--famine.--a victory in louisiana.-- vice-president stephens's speech.--victory of gen. forrest.--capture of plymouth, n. c.--gen. lee's bill of fare. april st.--cloudy all day, with occasional light showers. no war news; but the papers have an account of the shooting of an infant by some yankees on account of its _name_. this shows that the war is degenerating more and more into savage barbarism. april d.--it rained furiously all night; wind northwest, and snowed to-day until m. to a depth of several inches. it is still blowing a gale from the northwest. to-day the clerks were paid in the new currency; but i see no abatement of prices from the scarcity of money, caused by funding. shad are selling at $ each, paper; or cents, silver. gold and silver are circulating--a little. a letter from liberty, va., states that government bacon (tithe) is spoiling, in bulk, for want of attention. from washington county there are complaints that gen. longstreet's impressing officers are taking all, except five bushels of grain and fifty pounds of bacon for each adult--a plenty, one would think, under the circumstances. senator hunter has asked and obtained a detail for mr. daudridge (under eighteen) as quartermaster's clerk. and mr. secretary seddon has ordered the commissary to let mrs. michie have sugar and flour for her family, white and black. mr. secretary benjamin sent over, to-day, for passports to the mississippi river for two "secret agents." what for? gen. lee has made regulations to prevent cotton, tobacco, etc. passing his lines into the enemy's country, unless allowed by the government. but, then, several in authority _will_ "allow" it without limit. i set out sixty-eight early cabbage-plants yesterday. they are now under the snow! april d.--the snow has disappeared; but it is cloudy, with a cold northwest wind. the james river is very high, and all the streams are so much swollen that no military operations in the field are looked for immediately. it is generally believed that grant, the federal lieutenant-general, will concentrate an immense army for the capture of richmond, and our authorities are invoked to make the necessary dispositions to resist the attempt. the papers contain a supplemental proclamation of president lincoln, and understand it to be merely an electioneering card to secure the abolition vote in the convention to nominate a candidate for the presidency. if it does not mean that, its object must be to induce us to send an army north to burn and pillage, so that the federal authorities may have a pretext to raise new armies, and prosecute the war, not for the union, but for conquest and power. custis and i received yesterday $ in the _new_ treasury notes, but we had to pay $ for two pounds of bacon. so no diminution of prices is yet experienced. _it is now a famine_, although i believe we are starving in the midst of plenty, if it were only equally distributed. but the government will not, it seems, require the railroads to bring provisions to the exclusion of freight for the speculators. certain non-combating officers of the government have abundance brought them by the _southern_ express co., and the merchants have abundance of goods brought hither by the same company for the purposes of speculation. well, we shall see the result! one is almost ready to believe that the government declines to fill the depots here, harboring the purpose of abandoning the city. that would be abandonment of the cause. nearly all who own no slaves would remain citizens of the united states, if permitted, without further molestation on the part of the federal authorities, and many virginians in the field might abandon the confederate states army. the state would be lost, and north carolina and tennessee would have an inevitable avalanche of invasion precipitated upon them. the only hope would be civil war in the north, a not improbable event. what could they do with four millions of negroes arrogating equality with the whites? april th.--a cold rain all day; wind from northwest. mr. ould and capt. hatch, agents of exchange (of prisoners), have returned from a conference with gen. butler, at fortress monroe, and it is announced that arrangements have been made for an immediate resumption of the exchange of prisoners on the old footing. thus has the government abandoned the ground so proudly assumed--of non-intercourse with butler, and the press is firing away at it for negotiating with the "beast" and outlaw. but our men in captivity are in favor of a speedy exchange, no matter with whom the agreement is made. forrest has destroyed paducah, ky. there is a little quarrel in progress between the secretaries of war and the treasury. some days ago the postmaster-general got from the president an order that his clerks should be detailed for the use of the department until further orders. the secretary of the treasury made an application to the secretary of war for a similar detail, but it was refused. mr. memminger appealed, with some acerbity, to the president, and the president indorsed on the paper that the proper rule would be for the secretary of war to detail as desired by heads of departments. nevertheless, the clerks were detailed but for thirty days, to report at the camp of instruction, if the detail were not renewed. to-day mr. memminger addresses a note to mr. seddon, inquiring if it was his purpose to hold his clerks liable to perform military duty after the expiration of the thirty days, and declaring that the incertitude and inconvenience of constantly applying for renewal of details, deranged and obstructed the business of his department. i know not yet what answer mr. s. made, but doubtless a breach exists through which one or both may pass out of the cabinet. the truth is, that all clerks constitutionally appointed are legally exempt, and it is the boldest tyranny to enroll them as conscripts. but mr. memminger has no scruples on that head. all of them desire to retain in "soft places" their own relatives and friends, feeling but little sympathy for others whose refugee families are dependent on their salaries. on saturday, the cavalry battalion for local defense, accepted last summer by the president, were notified on parade that days would be allowed them to choose their companies in the army, and if the choice were not made, they would be assigned to companies. they protested against this as despotic, but there is no remedy. april th.--cold rain all night and all day; wind northwest. the quartermaster-general _now_ recommends that no furloughs be given, so as to devote the railroads to the transportation of grain to virginia. the commissary-general again informs the secretary of war, to-day, that unless the passenger trains were discontinued, the army could not be subsisted, and richmond and all virginia might have to be abandoned, and the country might be pillaged by our own soldiers. not a word against the southern (yankee) express company. our prospects are brighter than they have been for many a day, and the enemy are doomed, i think, to a speedy humiliation. i saw a note to-day from mr. memminger stating his fears that the amount of treasury notes funded will not exceed $ , , , leaving $ , , still in circulation! it is true, some $ , , might be collected in taxes, if due vigilance were observed,--but _will_ it be observed? he says he can make between $ , , and $ , , of the new currency per day. if this be done, the redundancy will soon be as great as ever. nothing but success in the field will prevent an explosion and repudiation of the currency, sooner or later. april th.--at mid-day it cleared off; wind still northwest, and cool. beans (white) were held to-day at $ per quart! and other articles of food in proportion. how we are to live is the anxious question. at auction old sheets brought $ a piece, and there seemed to be an advance on everything, instead of a decline as was expected. the speculators and extortioners seem to act in concert, and the government appears to be no match for them. it is not the scarcity of food which causes the high prices, for wood and coal sell as high as other things, and they are no scarcer than at any former period. but it is an insatiable thirst for gain, which i fear the almighty justicer will rebuke in some signal manner, perhaps in the emancipation of the slaves, and then the loss will be greater than all the gains reaped from the heart's blood of our brave soldiers and the tears of the widow and orphan! and government still neglects the wives and children of the soldiers,--a fearful risk! but, alas! how are our brave men faring in the hands of the demon fanatics in the united states? it is said _they_ are dying like sheep. april th.--a bright spring day. we look for startling news from the rappahannock in a few days. longstreet will be there. gen. lee writes that the fortifications around richmond ought to be pushed to completion: negroes are still at work on them. april th.--bright and warm--really a fine spring day. it is the day of _fasting_, humiliation, and prayer, and all the offices are closed. may god put it into the hearts of the extortioners to relent, and abolish, for a season, the insatiable greed for gain! i paid $ for a half cord of wood to-day, new currency. i fear a nation of extortioners are unworthy of independence, and that we must be chastened and purified before success will be vouchsafed us. what enormous appetites we have now, and how little illness, since food has become so high in price! i cannot afford to have more than an ounce of meat daily for each member of my family of six; and to-day custis's parrot, which has accompanied the family in all their flights, and, it seems, will _never_ die, stole the cook's ounce of fat meat and gobbled it up before it could be taken from him. he is permitted to set at one corner of the table, and has lately acquired a fondness for meat. the old cat goes staggering about from debility, although fannie often gives him her share. we see neither rats nor mice about the premises now. this is famine. even the pigeons watch the crusts in the hands of the children, and follow them in the yard. _and, still, there are no beggars._ the plum-tree in my neighbor's garden is in blossom to-day, and i see a few blossoms on our cherry-trees. i have set out some early york cabbage-plants--very small; and to-day planted lima and snap beans. i hope we shall have no more cold weather, for garden seed, if those planted failed to come up, would cost more than the crops in ordinary times. april th.--rained all day. lieut. tyler, grandson of president tyler, is here on furlough, which expires to-morrow. his father (the major), whom he has not seen for two years, he learns, will be in the city day after to-morrow; and to-day he sought admittance to mr. secretary seddon to obtain a prolongation of his furlough, so as to enable him to remain two days and see his parent. but mr. kean refused him admittance, and referred him to the adjutant-general, who was sick and absent; and thus "red tape" exhibits its insensibility to the dictates of humanity, even when no advantage is gained by it. robert tyler subsequently addressed a note to mr. k., the purport of which i did not inquire. we have no war news--indeed, no newspapers to-day. the wet weather, however, may be in our favor, as it will give us time to concentrate in virginia. better give up all the cities south, than lose richmond. as long as we hold richmond and virginia, the "head and heart" of the "rebellion," we shall not only be between the enemy (south of us) and their own country, but within reach of it. april th.--rained all night. cloudy to-day; wind southwest. the secretary of war must feel his subordination to gen. bragg. gen. fitz lee recommended strongly a prussian officer for appointment in the cavalry, and mr. seddon referred it to gen. b., suggesting that he might be appointed in the cavalry corps to be stationed near this city. gen. b. returns the paper, saying the president intends to have an organized brigade of cavalry from the army of northern virginia on duty here, and there will be no vacancy in it. from this it seems that the secretary is not only not to be gratified by the appointment, but is really kept in ignorance of army movements in contemplation! major griswold has resigned, at last. he did not find his position a bed of roses. i believe he abandons the confederate states service altogether, and will attend to the collection of claims, and the defense of prisoners, probably arrested by major carrington, his successor in office. to-day i saw two conscripts from western virginia conducted to the cars (going to lee's army) _in chains_. it made a chill shoot through my breast. i doubt its policy, though they may be peculiar offenders. the benevolent capt. warner, being persecuted by the commissary-general for telling the _truth_ in regard to the rations, etc., is settling his accounts as rapidly as possible, and will resign his office. he says he will resume his old business, publishing books, etc. april th.--rained all night, but clear most of the day. there are rumors of burnside landing troops on the peninsula; also of preparations for movements on the rappahannock--by which side is uncertain. it is said troops are coming from mississippi, lieut.-gen. (bishop) polk's command. the famine is still advancing, and his gaunt proportions loom up daily, as he approaches with gigantic strides. the rich speculators, however, and the officers of influence stationed here, who have secured the favor of the express company, get enough to eat. potatoes sell at $ per quart; chickens, $ per pair; turnip greens, $ per peck! an ounce of meat, daily, is the allowance to each member of my family, the cat and parrot included. the pigeons of my neighbor have disappeared. every day we have accounts of robberies, the preceding night, of cows, pigs, bacon, flour--and even the setting hens are taken from their nests! april th.--cloudy--rained in the afternoon. this is the anniversary of the first gun of the war, fired at fort sumter. it is still said and believed that gen. lee will take the initiative, and attack grant. the following shows that we have had another success: "mobile, april th, . "to gen. s. cooper, a. & i. general. "the following report was received at baton rouge, on the d inst., from the surgeon-general of banks's army: we met the enemy near shreveport. union force repulsed with great loss. how many can you accommodate in hospitals at baton rouge? steamer essex, or benton, destroyed by torpedoes in red river, and a transport captured by confederates. "farragut reported preparing to attack mobile. six monitors coming to him. the garrisons of new orleans and baton rouge were very much reduced for the purpose of increasing banks's forces. "d. h. maury, _major-general commanding_." april th.--a clear, but cool day. again planted corn, the other having rotted. there is an unofficial report that one of our torpedo boats struck the federal war steamer minnesota yesterday, near newport news, and damaged her badly. i learn (from an official source) to-day that gen. longstreet's corps is at charlottesville, to co-operate with lee's army, which will soon move, no doubt. gen. bragg received a dispatch yesterday, requesting that commissary stores for longstreet be sent to charlottesville, and he ordered his military secretary to direct the commissary-general accordingly. to this col. northrop, c. g. s., took exceptions, and returned the paper, calling the attention of gen. b.'s secretary to the rules and regulations, involving a matter of red tape etiquette. the c. g. s. can only be _ordered_ or _directed_ by the secretary of war. gen. b. sent the paper to the secretary, with the remark that if he is to be restricted, etc., his usefulness must be necessarily diminished. the secretary sent for col. n., and i suppose pacified him. april th.--bright morning--cloudy and cold the rest of the day. no reliable war news to-day; but we are on the tip-toe of expectation of exciting news from the rapidan. longstreet is certainly in communication with lee; and if the enemy be not present with overwhelming numbers, which there is no reason to anticipate, a great battle may be imminent. read vice-president stephens's speech against the suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_ to-day. he said independence without liberty was of no value to him, and if he must have a master, he cared not whether he was northern or southern. if we gain our independence, this speech will _ruin_ mr. s.; if we do not, it may save him and his friends. april th.--cloudy--slight showers. i published an article yesterday in the _enquirer_, addressed to the president, on the subject of supplies for the army and the people (the government to take all the supplies in the country), the annihilation of speculation, and the necessary suppression of the southern (yankee) express company. this elicited the approval of col. northrop, the commissary-general, who spoke to me on the subject. he told me the express company had attempted to _bribe_ him, by offering to bring his family supplies gratis, etc. he said he had carried his point, in causing gen. bragg to address him according to military etiquette. he showed me another order from bragg (through the adjutant-general), to take possession of the toll meal at crenshaw's mills. this he says is contrary to contract, and he was going to the secretary to have it withdrawn. "besides," said he, "and truly, it would do no good. the people must eat, whether they get meal from crenshaw or not. if not, they will get it elsewhere, and what they do get will be so much diverted from the commissariat." there are rumors of the enemy accumulating a heavy force at suffolk. the guard at camp lee are going in the morning to lee's army; their places here to be filled by the reserve forces of boys and old men. this indicates a battle on the rapidan. april th.--rained all night, and in fitful showers all day. we have more accounts (unofficial) of a victory near shreveport, la. one of the enemy's gun-boats has been blown up and sunk in florida. by late northern arrivals we see that a mr. long, member of congress, has spoken in favor of our recognition. a resolution of expulsion was soon after introduced. gen. lee has suggested, and the secretary of war has approved, a project for removing a portion of the population from richmond into the country. its object is to accumulate supplies for the army. if some , could be moved away, it would relieve the rest to some extent. troops are passing northward every night. the carnage and carnival of death will soon begin! april th.--rained until bedtime--then cleared off quite cold. this morning it is cold, with occasional sunshine. gen. beauregard's instructions to major-gen. anderson in florida, who has but men, opposed by , , were referred by the secretary of war to gen. bragg, who returned them with the following snappish indorsement: "the enemy's strength seems greatly exaggerated, and the instructions too much on the defensive." april th.--cleared away in the night--frost. to-day it clouded up again! we have an account from the west, to the effect that forrest _stormed_ fort pillow, putting all the garrison, but one hundred, to the sword; there being in the fort-- negroes. april th.--cloudy and cold. we have no authentic war news, but are on the tip-toe of expectation. the city is in some commotion on a rumor that the non combating population will be required to leave, to avoid transportation of food to the city. corn is selling at $ . per bushel in georgia and alabama; here, at $ --such is the deplorable condition of the railroads, or rather of the management of them. col. northrop, commissary-general, said to-day that gen. lee and the secretary of war were responsible for the precarious state of affairs, in not taking all the means of transportation for the use of the army; and that our fate was suspended by a hair. the president returned the paper to-day, relating to the matter of etiquette between col. northrop and gen. bragg's military secretary. the president says that gen. b. certainly has the right to give orders--being assigned to duty here, and, i presume, representing the president himself; but that any one of his staff, unless directing those of inferior rank, ought to give commands "by order" of gen. bragg. col. n. says that don't satisfy him; and that no general has a right to issue orders to him! the famine is becoming more terrible daily; and soon no salary will suffice to support one's family. the st and d auditors and their clerks (several hundred, male and female) have been ordered to proceed to montgomery, ala. perhaps the government will soon remove thither entirely. this is ill-timed, as the enemy will accept it as an indication of an abandonment of the capital; and many of our people will regard it as a preliminary to the evacuation of richmond. it is more the effect of extortion and high prices, than apprehension of the city being taken by the enemy. april th.--a clear morning, but a cold, cloudy day. the following dispatch from gen. forrest shows that the bloody work has commenced in earnest: "demopolis, ala., april th. "to gen. s. cooper. "the following dispatch has just been received from gen. forrest, dated jackson, tenn., april th. "l. polk, _lieut.-general_. "i attacked fort pillow on the morning of the th inst., with a part of bell's and mcculloch's brigades, numbering ----, under brig.-gen. j. r. chalmers. after a short fight we drove the enemy, seven hundred strong, into the fort, under cover of their gun-boats, and demanded a surrender, which was declined by major l. w. booth, commanding united states forces. i stormed the fort, and after a contest of thirty minutes captured the entire garrison, killing and taking prisoners, and a large amount of quartermaster stores. the officers in the fort were killed, including major booth. i sustained a loss of killed and wounded. the confederate flag now floats over the fort. "(signed) n. b. forrest, _major-general_." there is a rumor that grant's army is falling back toward centreville. it is supposed by many that all the departments will follow the auditor to montgomery soon. april st.--bright sunshine all day, but cool. gen. bragg received a dispatch to-day from gen. hoke, of plymouth, n. c., stating that he had (yesterday) _stormed_ plymouth, taking prisoners, cannon, stores, etc. etc. this put the city in as good spirits as possible. but the excitement from hoke's victory was supplanted by an excitement of another kind. a report was circulated and believed that the president resolved yesterday to remove the government to south carolina or alabama; and the commotion was very great. the president's salary is insufficient to meet his housekeeping expenditures; and mrs. d. has become, very naturally, somewhat indignant at the conduct of the extortioners, and, of course, the president himself partook of the indignation. at p.m. to-day the president's papers came in. among them was one from the commissary-general, stating that the present management of railroad transportation would not suffice to subsist the army. this had been referred to gen. bragg yesterday (who seems to _rank_ the secretary of war), and he made an elaborate indorsement thereon. he recommended that all passenger trains be discontinued, except one daily, and on this that government agents, soldiers, etc. have preference; that arrangements be made at once to hasten on the freight trains (taking military possession of the roads) without breaking bulk; and finally to reduce consumers here as much as possible by a reduction of civil officers, etc. etc. in the departments--that is, sending to other places such as can perform their duties at distant points. on this the president indorsed a reference to the secretary of war, requiring his opinion in writing, etc. since then, the president and cabinet have been in consultation, and we shall probably know the result to-morrow. if the departments are sent south, it will cause a prodigious outburst from the press here, and may have a bad, blundering effect on the army in virginia, composed mostly of virginians; and gen. bragg will have to bear the brunt of it, although the government will be solely responsible. gov. vance recommended the suspension of conscription in the eastern counties of north carolina the other day. this paper was referred by the secretary to the president, by the president to gen. b. (who is a native of north carolina), and, seeing what was desired, gen. b. recommended that the conscription be proceeded with. this may cause gov. v. to be defeated at the election, and gen. b. will be roundly abused. he will be unpopular still. april d.--a bright day and warmer. cherry-trees in blossom. we have the following war news: "plymouth, n. c., april th. "to gen. bragg. "i have stormed and captured this place, capturing brigadier, men, stores, and pieces of artillery. "r. f. hoke, _brig.-general_." the president has changed his mind since the reception of the news from north carolina, and has determined that _all_ the government shall not leave richmond until further orders. all that can be spared will go, however, at once. the war and navy departments will remain for the present. the news is said to have had a wonderful effect on the president's mind; and he hopes we may derive considerable supplies from eastern north carolina. so do i. gov. watts writes to the secretary that commissary agents, who ought to be in the ranks, are making unnecessary impressments, leaving to each negro only four ounces of bacon per day. he says the government has already some , , pounds of bacon in alabama; and that if the other states, east of the mississippi, furnish a proportional amount, there will be , , pounds--enough to feed our armies twelve months. the commissary-general's estimates for the next six months are for , men. april d.--a bright day, with southern breezes. it is rumored and believed that gen. lee's army is in motion. if this be so, we shall soon hear of a "fight, or a foot race." and how can grant run away, when mr. chase, the federal secretary of the treasury, openly proclaims ruin to the finances unless they speedily achieve success in the field? i think he must fight; and i am sure he will be beaten, for lee's strength is probably underestimated. we are also looking to hear more news from north carolina; and newbern will probably be stormed next, since storming is now the order of the day. april th.--cloudy and windy, but warm. we have none of the details yet of the storming of plymouth, except the brief dispatches in the newspapers; nor any reliable accounts of subsequent movements. but a letter from gen. whiting indicates that all his troops had been taken northward, and we may expect something further of interest. it is still believed that lee's and grant's armies are in motion on the rappahannock; but whether going north or coming south, no one seems to know. our people unanimously look for a victory. i bought a black coat at auction yesterday (short swallow-tailed) for $ . it is fine cloth, not much worn--its owner going into the army, probably--but out of _fashion_. if it had been a frock-coat, it would have brought $ . it is no time for _fashion_ now. gen. johnston's chief commissary offers to send some bacon to lee's army. a short time since, it was said, johnston was prevented from _advancing_ for want of rations. april th.--a bright and beautiful day; southern breezes. no reliable war news; but there are rumors that our victory at shreveport was a great one. nothing additional from north carolina, though something further must soon occur there. it is said the enemy's killed and wounded at plymouth amounted to only : ours ; but we got prisoners. president lincoln has made a speech at baltimore, threatening retaliation for the slaughter at fort pillow--which was _stormed_. lieut.-gen. polk telegraphs that our forces have captured and burnt one of the enemy's gun-boats at yazoo city--first taking out her guns, eight rifled -pounders. to-day mr. memminger, in behalf of the ladies in his department, presented a battle-flag to the department battalion for its gallant conduct in the repulse of dahlgren's raid. but the ladies leave early in the morning for south carolina. the president still says that many of the government officers and employees must be sent away, if transportation cannot be had to feed them here as well as the armies. april th.--another truly fine spring day. the ominous silence on the rapidan and rappahannock continues still. the two armies seem to be measuring each other's strength before the awful conflict begins. it is said the enemy are landing large bodies of troops at yorktown. major-gen. ransom has been assigned to the command of this department; and gen. winder's expectations of promotion are blasted. will he resign? i think not. the enemy's accounts of the battle on the red river do not agree with the reports we have. neither do the federal accounts of the storming of fort pillow agree with ours. april th.--another bright and beautiful day; and vegetation is springing with great rapidity. but nearly all my potatoes, corn, egg-plants, and tomatoes seem to have been killed by the frosts of march. i am replanting corn, lima beans, etc. the other vegetables are growing well. one of my fig-bushes was killed--that is, nearly all the branches. the roots live. it is rumored that the armies on the rapidan were drawn up in line. the enemy have again evacuated suffolk. gen. beauregard is at weldon. perhaps burnside may hurl his blows against north carolina. food is still advancing in price; and unless relief comes from some quarter soon, this city will be in a deplorable condition. a good many fish, however, are coming in, and shad have fallen in price to $ per pair. the government ordered the toll of meal here (which the miller, crenshaw, sold to the people) to be taken for the army; but col. northrop, commissary-general, opposes this; and it is to be hoped, as usual, he may have his way, in spite of even the president. these papers pass through the hands of the secretary of war. the french ships have gone down the river, without taking much tobacco; said to have been ordered away by the united states government. col. w. m. browne (the president's english a.d.c.), it is said, goes to georgia as commandant of conscripts for that state. it is probable he offended some one of the president's family, domestic or military. the _people_ had long been offended by his presence and arrogance. the _enquirer_, to-day, has a communication assaulting messrs. toombs and stephens, and impeaching their loyalty. the writer denounced the vice-president severely for his opposition to the suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_. during the day the article was sent to mr. secretary seddon, with the compliments of mr. parker--the author, i suppose. april th.--after a slight shower last night, a cool, clear morning. the ominous silence or pause between the armies continues. lieut.-gen. longstreet, it is said, is "hidden." i suppose he is working his way around the enemy's right flank. if so, we shall soon hear thunder. it is also supposed that lee meditates an incursion into pennsylvania, and that gen. beauregard will protect his rear and cover this city. all is merely conjecture. we are amused at the enemy's accounts of the storming of plymouth. their papers pretend to have not heard the result, and would lead their readers to believe that gen. hoke was repulsed, and that the place is "impregnable." the following appears in the morning papers: "gen. lee's bill of fare.--the richmond correspondent of the mobile _advertiser_ gives the following about gen. lee's mode of living: "in gen. lee's tent meat is eaten but twice a week, the general not allowing it oftener, because he believes indulgence in meat to be criminal in the present straitened condition of the country. his ordinary dinner consists of a head of cabbage, boiled in salt water, and a pone of corn bread. in this connection rather a comic story is told. having invited a number of gentlemen to dine with him, gen. lee, in a fit of extravagance, ordered a sumptuous repast of cabbage and middling. the dinner was served: and, behold, a great pile of cabbage and a bit of middling about four inches long and two inches across! the guests, with commendable politeness, unanimously declined middling, and it remained in the dish untouched. next day gen. lee, remembering the delicate tit-bit which had been so providentially preserved, ordered his servant to bring 'that middling.' the man hesitated, scratched his head, and finally owned up: 'de fac is, masse robert, dat ar middlin' was borrid middlin'; we all did'n had nar spec; and i done paid it back to de man whar i got it from.' gen. lee heaved a sigh of deepest disappointment, and pitched into his cabbage." by a correspondence between the secretaries of the treasury and war, i saw that mr. memminger has about _a million and a quarter in coin_ at macon, ga., seized as the property of the new orleans banks--perhaps belonging to northern men. i believe it was taken when there was an attempt made to smuggle it north. what it is proposed to do with it _i know not_, but i think neither the president nor the secretaries will hesitate to use it--if there be a "military necessity." who knows but that one or more members of mr. lincoln's cabinet, or his generals, might be purchased with gold? fortress monroe would be cheap at that price! april th.--a letter from major-gen. hoke, dated plymouth, april th, and asking the appointment of lieut.-col. dearing to a brigadiership, says his promotion is desired to lead a brigade in the expedition against newbern. the president directs the secretary to appoint him temporarily "for the expedition." soon we shall know the result. by flag of truce boat, it is understood northern papers admit a federal defeat on the red river, the storming of plymouth, etc., and charge the federal authorities at washington with having published falsehoods to deceive the people. gold was $ . . troops are passing through richmond now, day and night, concentrating under lee. the _great_ battle cannot be much longer postponed. last night was clear and cold, and we have fire to-day. the president has decided not to call into service the reserve class unless on extraordinary occasions, but to let them remain at home and cultivate the soil. it is now probable the piedmont railroad will be completed by the st june, as extreme necessity drives the government to some degree of energy. if it had taken up, or allowed to be taken up, the rails on the aquia creek road a year ago, the piedmont connection would have been made ere this; and then this famine would not have been upon us, and there would have been abundance of grain in the army depots of virginia. april th.--federal papers now admit that gen. banks has been disastrously beaten in louisiana. they also admit their calamity at plymouth, n. c. thus in louisiana, florida, west tennessee, and north carolina the enemy have sustained severe defeats: their losses amounting to some , men, guns, half a dozen war steamers, etc. etc. gen. burnside has left annapolis and gone to grant--whatever the plan was originally; and the work of concentration goes on for a _decisive_ clash of arms in virginia. and troops are coming hither from all quarters, like streamlets flowing into the ocean. our men are confident, and eager for the fray. the railroad companies say they can transport , bushels corn, daily, into virginia. that will subsist , men and , horses. and in june the piedmont connection will be completed. the _great_ battle may not occur for weeks yet. it will probably end the war. chapter xxxviii. dispatch from gen. j. e. johnston.--dispatch from gen. lee.--mr. saulsbury's resolution in the u. s. senate.--progress of the enemy.-- rumored preparations for the flight of the president.--wrangling of high officials.--position of the armies. may st.--cloudy and showery, but warm, and fine for vegetation. my lettuce, cabbage, beans, etc. are growing finely. but the yankee corn and lima beans, imported by col. gorgas, chief of ordnance, have rotted in the ground. no war news. yesterday a paper was sent to the president by gen. pickett, recommending gen. roger a. pryor for a cavalry command in north carolina. but the president sent it to the secretary of war with the curt remark that the command had already been disposed of to col. dearing, on gen. hoke's recommendation. thus gen. p. is again whistled down the wind, in spite of the efforts of even mr. hunter, and many other leading politicians. it is possible gen. p. may have on some occasion criticised lee. may d.--a cool day, sunshine and showers. to-day congress assembled, and the president's message was delivered, although he buried his youngest son yesterday, who lost his life by an accidental fall from the porch on saturday. we have abundance of good news to-day. first, the florida has captured one, and destroyed another of the enemy's vessels of war in the west indies. second, we have authentic intelligence of the evacuation of washington, n. c. by the enemy, pursued by our forces toward newbern. third, four steamers have arrived at wilmington laden with quartermaster and ordnance stores. col. gorgas, chief of ordnance, says we now have arms and ammunition enough. a letter from gen. lee indicates the propriety of gen. imboden retaining his recruits (which the secretary wanted to take from him, because they were liable to conscription) in the shenandoah valley. this does not look like a purpose of an advance on lee's part. he will probably await the attack. the president, in an indorsement, intimates to the secretary of war that gen. pryor might be assigned to a brigade of the reserve class. about o'clock this afternoon we had a tornado from the southwest which i fear has done mischief in the country. it blew off half a dozen planks from my garden fence, and i had difficulty in nailing them on again with such rusty nails as i could find. nails are worth almost their weight in silver. the gardeners sell tomato-plants for $ per dozen, and cabbage-plants for cts. each! but i am independent, having my own little hot-beds. may d.--a cold, windy day, with sunshine and clouds. it is rumored that grant's army is in motion, and the great battle is eagerly looked for. the collision of mighty armies, upon the issue of which the fate of empire depends, is now imminent. the following dispatch was received to-day from gen. johnston: "dalton, may d, . "two scouts, who went by outawah and cleveland, report the enemy sending all southern people and heavy baggage to the rear, stopping rations to the inhabitants, collecting a large supply of trains at graysville, and bringing their cavalry from middle tennessee. an officer just from columbia reports , had been collected there. all scouts report hooker's troops in position here. j. e. johnston, _general_." may th.--bright, beautiful, and warmer; but fire in the morning. the following dispatch from gen. lee was received by gen. bragg to-day and sent to the secretary. "orange c. h., may th, . "reports from our lookouts seem to indicate that the enemy is in motion. the present direction of his column is to our right. "gen. imboden reports the enemy advancing from winchester, up the valley, with wagons, beef cattle, etc. r. e. lee." there is a rumor of fighting at chancellorville, and this is the anniversary, i believe, of the battle there. may we be as successful this time! but the report is not authentic. firing is heard now in the direction of york river. may th.--we have many rumors to-day, and nothing authentic, except that some of the enemy's transports are in the james river, and landing some troops, a puerile demonstration, perhaps. the number landed at west point, it seems, was insignificant. it may be the armies of the united states are demoralized, and if so, if grant be beaten, i shall look for a speedy end of the invasion. it is said some of the advanced forces of grant were at spottsylvania c. h. last night, and the great battle may occur any hour. gov. smith is calling for more exemptions (firemen, etc.) than all the governors together. col. preston asks authority to organize a company of conscripts, reserve classes, in each congressional district, the president having assigned a general officer to each state to command these classes. the colonel wants to command something. the commissary-general, col. northrop, being called on, reports that he can feed the army until fall with the means on hand and attainable. so, troops didn't starve in thirty days several months ago! a mr. pond has made a proposition which mr. memminger is in favor of accepting, viz.: the government to give him a bill of sale of , bales of cotton lying in the most exposed places in the west, he to take it away and to take all risks, except destruction by our troops, to ship it from new orleans to antwerp, and he will pay, upon receiving said bill of sale, pence sterling per pound. the whole operation will be consummated by the belgian consul in new orleans, and the danish vice-consul in mobile. it is probable the united states government, or some members of it, are interested in the speculation. but it will be advantageous to us. "a pertinent resolution.--the following was offered recently in the united states senate, by mr. saulsbury, of delaware: "'_resolved_, that the chaplain of the senate be respectfully requested hereafter to pray and supplicate almighty god in our behalf, and not to lecture him, informing him, under pretense of prayer, his, said chaplain's, opinion in reference to his duty as the almighty; and that the said chaplain be further requested, as aforesaid, not, under the form of prayer, to lecture the senate in relation to questions before the body.'" may th.--bright, warm, beautiful. we have a sensation to-day, but really no excitement. a dispatch from gen. lee (dated last night) says the _enemy_ opened the battle yesterday, and the conflict continued until night put an end to the carnage. he says we have many prisoners, captured four guns, etc., losing two generals killed, one, gen. j. m. jones. but our position was maintained, and the enemy repulsed. doubtless the battle was renewed this morning. some _fifty-nine_ transports and several iron-clad gun-boats, monitors, etc., came up the james river yesterday and last night. a heavy force was landed at bermuda hundred, within a few miles of the railroad between richmond and petersburg. and the enemy likewise came up the peninsula, and there was fighting this morning on the chickahominy. thus the plan of the enemy is distinctly pronounced, and the assaults were designed to be made simultaneously. yet there is no undue excitement. a dispatch from gen. pickett at petersburg, this morning, to gen. bragg, asked if he (bragg) intended to defend the railroad between richmond and petersburg. he said, "the enemy will attack the road to-day, marching from bermuda hundred, i think." at p.m. we are waiting with anxiety for news from all quarters. both my sons marched out in the department battalion. two tennessee regiments marched down to drewry's bluff yesterday, and hunton's brigade, that left there yesterday, were ordered back again last night. it is said troops were passing south through the city all night. and i know heavy forces are on the way from north carolina. gen. pickett likewise has the greater part of his division in supporting distance. so, if the enemy have not cut the road by this time, it is probably safe, and the expedition will be a failure. if lee defeats grant, the city will certainly be saved. all the local troops are out. gen. beauregard is expected to-day, but it is reported he is sick at weldon. on the d inst. the following dispatch was received from him: "kinston, n. c. "gen. cooper. "orders should be given for the immediate re-establishment of fisheries at plymouth and washington, also to get large supplies of pork in hyde county and vicinity. "g. t. beauregard, _general_." on this the commissary-general indorsed that the matter had been attended to--had, indeed, been anticipated. the best indication of the day (to me) was the smiling face of mr. hunter as he came from the secretary's office. he said to me, "the ball is opening well." the president and his aids rode over the river to-day: what direction they took i know not; but this i know, he has no idea of being taken by the enemy. and he cannot think the city will be taken, for in that event it would be difficult for him to escape. may th.--bright and warm. the following is gen. lee's dispatch, received yesterday morning--the _italics_ not his. "headquarters army northern virginia, "may th, . "hon. secretary of war. "the enemy crossed the rapidan at ely's and germania fords. two corps of this army moved to oppose him--ewell by the old turnpike, and hill by the plank-road. "they arrived this morning in close proximity to the enemy's line of march. "a strong attack was made upon ewell, who repulsed it, _capturing many prisoners and four pieces of artillery_. "the enemy subsequently concentrated upon gen. hill, who, with heth's and wilcox's divisions, _successfully resisted repeated and desperate assaults_. "a large force of cavalry and artillery on our right was _driven back_ by rosser's brigade. "by the blessing of god, we maintained our position _against every effort_ until night, when the contest closed. "we have to mourn the loss of many brave officers and men. the gallant brig.-gen. j. m. jones was killed, and brig.-gen. stafford, i fear, mortally wounded, while leading his command with conspicuous valor. "(signed) r. e. lee." a dispatch from gen. lee this morning says hill's corps was thrown into confusion yesterday by an attack of the enemy when some of the divisions were being relieved. but afterward we recovered the ground, strewn with the dead and wounded of the enemy. then we attacked their whole line, driving them behind their breastworks. he concludes by thanks for our ability still to withstand all assaults. no doubt grant has overwhelming numbers, and lee is under the necessity of sparing his men as much as possible, while his adversary leads into action a succession of fresh troops. gen. longstreet is wounded. gen. beauregard is at petersburg, charged with the defense of this city and the railroad. troops have been marching toward drewry's bluff during the day. if the attack be delayed hours more, we shall be strong enough to repel even the then greatly superior numbers of the invader. but there is more anxiety manifested to-day. senator hunter and mr. ould, the agent of exchange, have been in the office next to mine once or twice, to drink some of the good whisky kept by mr. chapman, the disbursing clerk of the department. mr. h.'s face is quite red. p.m. the tocsin is sounding, for the militia, i suppose, all others being in the field. it is reported that the attack on drewry's bluff, or rather on our forces posted there for its defense, has begun. barton's brigade marched thither to-day. it is said the enemy have , men on the south side of james river--we, , . there is now some excitement and trepidation among the shopkeepers and extortioners, who are compelled by state law to shoulder the musket for the defense of the city, and there is some running to and fro preliminary to the _rendezvous_ in front of the city hall. the alarm, however, i learnt at the department, is caused by reports brought in by countrymen, that the enemy is approaching the city from the _northeast_, as if from gloucester point. it _may_ be so--a small body; but gen. ransom, gen. elzey's successor here, doubts it, for his scouts give no intelligence of the enemy in that quarter. but the th militia regiment and the foreign battalion will have the pleasure of sleeping in the open air to-night, and of dreaming of their past gains, etc. may th.--bright and hot. the tocsin sounded again this morning. i learned upon inquiry that it was merely for the militia again (they were dismissed yesterday after being called together), perhaps to relieve the local battalions near the city. the secretary of war received a dispatch to-day from gen. lee, stating that there was no fighting yesterday, only slight skirmishing. grant remained where he had been driven, in the "wilderness," behind his breastworks, completely checked in his "on to richmond." he may be badly hurt, and perhaps his men object to being led to the slaughter again. there has been no fighting below, between this and petersburg, and we breathe freer, for beauregard, we know, has made the best use of time. it is said another of the enemy's gun-boats has been destroyed by boarding and burning. we have three iron-clads and rams here _above_ the obstructions, which will probably be of no use at this trying time. a few days more will tell the story of this combined and most formidable attempt to take richmond; and if it be the old song of failure, we may look for a speedy termination of the war. so mote it be! meantime my vegetables are growing finely, except the corn and lima beans (yankee), col. gorgas's importation, which have not come up. a cow and calf now sells for $ . my friend, dr. powell, has just sold one for a great price, he would not tell me what. but i told him that the greed for gain was the worst feature in our people, and made me sometimes tremble for the cause. i fear a just retribution may entail ruin on the farmers, who seem to think more of their cattle than of their sons in the field. may th.--bright and sultry. a dispatch from gen. lee says the enemy is moving down toward fredericksburg, and yesterday the advance of our army encountered his right wing at spottsylvania court house, and repulsed it "with great slaughter." strong language for lee. a dispatch received this morning said the enemy was advancing on the railroad. subsequently cannon could be heard in the direction of drewry's bluff. the tocsin has been sounding all day, for the militia, which come slowly, after being summoned and dismissed so often. i fear, when they are sent over the river, if all the men at the defenses on the north side are sent over also, that a cavalry raid from the north may dash into the city and burn the bridges on, the james; then our army would be in a "fix." i have expressed this apprehension to the secretary, and asked him to arm the old men, for the defense of the bridges, public buildings, etc. he awaits _events_. mr. hunter and other public characters are looking very grave. the following dispatch was received to-day from weldon, via raleigh and greensborough, n. c: "may th. "the enemy destroyed the wire from stony creek to within three miles of belfield, a distance of about fifteen miles. our men and employees are repairing it, and we hope to have communication reopened to-morrow. w. s. harris." col. preston, superintendent of bureau of conscription, has written another letter to the secretary, urging the promotion of captain c. b. duffield, who threatens to leave him for a position with gen. kumper, at lynchburg, where he can live cheaper. he says he has urged the president, to no avail. the secretary has roused himself. since p.m. he has issued a call "to arms!" all men capable of bearing arms are requested to report to gen. kemper, franklin street, to be armed and organized "temporarily" for the defense of the city. gen. ransom had previously issued a placard, calling on officers and men on furlough to meet in capitol square for temporary organization. this may involve some etiquette, or question of jurisdiction between the generals. gen. winder is utterly ignored. i have just heard that the departmental battalion has been marched across mayo's bridge to the fortifications of manchester, on the south side of the river. the militia regiment will go to the place on the north side heretofore occupied by them. another dispatch from gen. lee, received since p.m. to-day, says grant attacked him again yesterday, after the slaughter by our gen. anderson, and was handsomely repulsed. grant's tactics seem to be to receive his stripes by installments. may th.--bright, but windy and dusty. there is an excitement at last; but it is sullen rather than despairing. no one seems to doubt our final success, although the enemy have now some , in virginia, and we but little over half that number. we have nothing from lee to-day, but it is believed he is busy in battle. a portion of grant's right wing, cut off at spottsylvania court house, endeavored to march across the country to the peninsula. they cut the railroad at beaver dam, and destroyed some of our commissary stores. but it is likely they will be captured. the enemy beat us yesterday at dublin depot, wounding gen. jenkins. on the other hand, gen. mcneal (c. s.) has cut the baltimore and ohio railroad, destroying millions of property. thus the work goes on! there was no general engagement down the river. at o'clock last night a column of infantry passed our house, going down clay street. many thought it was the enemy. i saw a letter to-day from gen. beauregard to gen. bragg, dated weldon, april th, giving the names of the federal generals commanding forces on the southern coast, so that the arrival of any of these officers in virginia would indicate the transfer of their troops thither. he concluded by saying that if it were desired he should operate on the north side of james river, maps ought to be prepared for him, and timbers, etc. for bridges; and that he would serve with pleasure under the immediate command of gen. lee, "aiding him to crush our enemies, and to achieve the independence of our country." gen. bragg, may d, sent this to gen. cooper, who referred it to the secretary of war. gen. bragg indorsed on it that several of the federal generals named had arrived at fortress monroe. the secretary sent it to the president on the th of may. to-day the president sent it back indorsed as follows: "maps of the country, with such additions as may from time to time be made, should be kept on hand in the engineer bureau, and furnished to officers in the field. preparations of material for bridges, etc. will continue to be made as heretofore, and with such additional effort as circumstances require. "i did not doubt the readiness of gen. beauregard to serve under any general who ranks him. the right of gen. lee to command would be derived from his superior rank. "jefferson davis. " th may, ." may th.--bright and pleasant--breezy. this has been a day of excitement. at midnight the departmental battalion were marched from the south side of the river back to the city, and rested the remainder of the night at camp lee. but at a.m. they were marched hurriedly to meadow bridge. they came past our house. custis and his brother thomas ran in--remaining but a moment. custis exclaimed: "let me have some money, mother (i had to go to the office), or we will starve. the government don't feed us, and we are almost famished. cook something, and get captain warner to bring it in his buggy--do, if possible." he got $ . they looked worn, and were black with dust, etc. my daughter said "they looked like negroes." the secretary issued this morning a new edition of his handbills, calling the people "to arms." mr. mallory's usual red face turned purple. he has not yet got out the iron-clad richmond, etc., which might have sunk gen. butler's transports. lieut.-col. lay was exhibiting a map of our defenses, and predicting something,--whether good or evil, i did not stay to learn. but i thought such maps ought not to be shown in the public hall of the department. the armory was open to-day, and all who desired them were furnished with arms. the governor, i hear, issued a notification that the enemy would be here to-day, etc. i did not see it. all classes not in the army were gathered up and marched to the defenses. p.m. respectable men just from the vicinity report a great victory for lee, yesterday, though we have nothing from him. the secretary believes these concurring reports, which state that the battle, beginning near spottsylvania court house, ended at fredericksburg, indicating a waterloo. and a dispatch from gen. ransom from the south side of the river, states that butler's army is _retreating to the transports_. this is regarded as confirmation of lee's victory. several dispatches from gen. stuart state that the raiders have been severely beaten in several combats this morning, and are flying toward dover mills. they may come back, for _they_ have not heard of grant's defeat. mr. memminger is said to have been frightened terribly, and arrangements were made for flight. may th.--thunder, lightning, and rain all day. the report of gen. lee's victory was premature, and butler has not gone, nor the raiders vanished. on the contrary, the latter were engaged in battle with stuart's division late in the afternoon, and recommenced it this morning at o'clock, the enemy remaining on the ground, and still remain, some five miles from where i write. major-gen. j. e. b. stuart was wounded last evening, through the kidney, and now lies in the city, in a dying condition! our best generals thus fall around us. the battle raged furiously; every gun distinctly heard at our house until p.m.--the enemy being intrenched between our middle and outer line of works. meantime our ambulances are arriving every hour with the wounded, coming in by the brooke turnpike. the battalion my sons are in lost none of its men, though shelled by the enemy early in the morning; nor do we know that our battery did any execution. capt. warner delivered the provisions their mother cooked for them yesterday. he saw only custis, who gladly received the bread, and meat, and eggs; but he and tom were both drenched with rain, as they had no shelter yesterday. but a comrade, and one of custis's latin pupils, whom i saw, returned on sick leave, says thomas stands the fatigue and exposure better than custis, who was complaining. about a.m. to-day there was very heavy reports of cannon heard in the direction of drewry's bluff, supposed to be our battery shelling the country below, for some purpose. i understand one or more of our iron-clads will certainly go out this evening, or to-night; we shall know it when it occurs, for the firing will soon follow. worked in my garden; set out corn and (yellow) tomatoes; the former given me by my neighbor, to whom i had given lettuce and beet plants. my wife spent a miserable day, some one having reported that the departmental battalion was cut to pieces in the battle. when i came in, she asked me if custis and thomas were alive, and was exceedingly glad to know not a man in the company had been even wounded. i shall never forget the conformation of the clouds this morning as the storm arose. there were different strata running in various directions. they came in heaviest volume from the southeast in parallel lines, like lines of battle swooping over the city. there were at the same time shorter and fuller lines from the southwest, and others from the north. the meeting of these was followed by tremendous clashes of lightning and thunder; and between the pauses of the artillery of the elements above, the thunder of artillery on earth could be distinctly heard. oh that the strife were ended! but richmond is to be defended at all hazards. it is said, however, that preparations have been made for the flight of the president, cabinet, etc. up the danville road, in the event of the fall of the city. yet no one fears that the present forces environing it could take it. if lee withstands grant another week, all will be safe. my greatest fear is the want of provisions. my wife bought a half bushel of meal; so we have a week's supply on hand, as we were not quite out. i hope beauregard will soon restore communication with the south. may th.--cloudy and showery all day. last night my youngest son thomas came in, furloughed (unsolicited) by his officers, who perceived his exhaustion. the enemy disappeared in the night. we suffered most in the several engagements with him near the city. i suppose some sympathizer had furnished him with a copy of our photograph map of the fortifications and country in the vicinity. but the joy of many, and chagrin of some at his escape so easily, was soon followed by the startling intelligence that a raid from gen. butler's army had cut the _danville_ road! all communication with the country from which provisions are derived is now completely at an end! and if supplies are withheld that long, this community, as well as the army, must be without food in ten, days! col. northrop told me to-day that unless the railroads were retaken and repaired, he could not feed the troops ten days longer. and he blamed gen. lee for the loss of over , pounds of bacon at beaver dam. he says gen. lee ordered it there, instead of keeping it at charlottesville or gordonsville. could lee make such a blunder? most of the members of congress, when not in session, hang about the door and hall of the war department, eager for news, mr. hunter being the most prominent, if not the most anxious among them. but the wires are cut in all directions, and we must rely on couriers. the wildest rumors float through the air. every successive hour gives birth to some new tidings, and one must be near the secretary's table indeed to escape being misled by false reports. for two days no dispatch has been received from gen. lee, although one hears of a dispatch just received from him at every corner of the streets. a courier arrived to-day from the _vicinity_ of our army. he saw a _gentleman_ who saw gen. lee's son _robert_ yesterday, and was informed by him that our army was five miles nearer fredericksburg, having driven the enemy farther down the river. our iron-clads--virginia, richmond, and fredericksburg--i understood from lieut. minor, this morning, will not go out until in readiness to cope successfully with the enemy's fleet of gun-boats and monitors. how long that will be he did not say. it may be _to-day_. and while i write ( - / p.m.) i can distinctly hear the roar of artillery down the river. it may be an engagement by land or by water, or by both; and it may be only the customary shelling of the woods by the enemy's gun-boats. but it is very rapid sometimes. a courier reports the raid on the danville road as not formidable. they are said, however, to have blown up the coal-pits. they cannot _blow_ coal _higher_ than our own extortionate people have done. i directed my wife to lay out all the money about the house in provisions. she got a bushel of meal and five pounds of bacon for about $ . if we must endure another turn of the screw of famine, it is well to provide for it as well as possible. we cannot starve now, in a month; and by that time, gens. lee and beauregard may come to our relief. few others are looked to hopefully. the functionaries here might have had a six-months' supply, by wise and energetic measures. the president has had the secretary of war closeted with him nearly all day. it is too late now for the evacuation of richmond, and a _desperate_ defense will be made. if the city falls, the consequences will be ruinous to the present government. and how could any of its members escape? only in disguise. this is the time to try the nerves of the president and his counselors! gen. bragg is very distasteful to many officers of the army; and the croakers and politicians would almost be willing to see the government go to pieces, to get rid of the president and his cabinet. some of the members of congress are anxious to get _away_, and the _examiner_ twits them for their cowardice. they will stay, probably. may th.--warm, with alternate sunshine and showers. with the dawn recommenced the heavy boom of cannon down the river. it was rumored this morning that our right wing at drewry's bluff had been flanked, but no official information has been received of the progress of the fight. i saw a long line of ambulances going in that direction. to-day it is understood that the battle of petersburg will be fought by beauregard, if he be not withheld from attacking the enemy by orders from richmond. we have been beaten, or rather badly foiled here, by orders from high authority; and it is said gen. ransom finds himself merely an instrument in the hands of those who do not know how to use him skillfully. the enemy is said to have made a bridge across the james river, either to come on the north side, or to enable the raiders to reach them. they are also planting torpedoes, for our iron rams. they are not yet ready. gen. lee is prosecuting the defensive policy effectively. couriers to the press, considered quite reliable, give some details of a most terrific battle in spottsylvania county day before yesterday, th inst. our men (with extra muskets) fought behind their breastworks. the host of assailants came on, stimulated by whisky rations, ten deep, and fearful was the slaughter. their loss is estimated at , ; ours, . the enemy were still in front. grant says he will not recross the rappahannock as long as he has a man left. lee seems determined to kill his last man. a great deal of time is said to have been consumed in cabinet council, making selections for appointments. it is a harvest for hunters after brigadier and major-generalships. the president is very busy in this business, and secretary seddon is sick--neuralgia. last night custis came home on a furlough of twelve hours. he got a clean shirt, and washed himself--not having had his shoes or clothes off for more than a week. he has not taken cold, though sleeping in the water, and not having dry clothes on him for several days. and his appetite is excellent. he departed again for camp, four miles off, at - / a.m., bringing and taking out his gun, his heavy cartridge-box, and well-filled haversack (on his return). half-past four o'clock p.m. a tremendous cannonade is now distinctly heard down the river, the intonations resembling thunder. no doubt the monitors are engaged with the battery at drewry's bluff. it may be a combined attack. gen. pemberton has resigned his commission; but the president has conferred on him a lieutenant-colonelcy of artillery. thus the feelings of all the armies and most of the people are outraged; for, whether justly or not, both pemberton and bragg, to whom the president clings with tenacity, are especially obnoxious both to the people and the army. may heaven shield us! yet the president _may_ be right. may th.--clouds, sunshine, and showers. the tremendous cannonading all day yesterday at drewry's bluff was merely an artillery duel--brought on by the heavy skirmishing of pickets. the batteries filled the air with discordant sounds, and shook the earth with grating vibration. perhaps on each side were killed and wounded--"not worth the ammunition," as a member of the government said. gen. lee's dispatches to the president have been withheld from publication during the last four days. the loss of two trains of commissary stores affords the opportunity to censure lee; but some think his popularity and power both with the people and the army have inspired the motive. i saw to-day some of our slightly wounded men from lee's army, who were in the fight of thursday ( th inst.), and they confirm the reports of the heavy loss of the enemy. they say there is no suffering yet for food, and the men are still in good spirits. both the central and the fredericksburg roads are repaired, and trains of provisions are now daily sent to gen. lee. the danville road was not materially injured; the raiders being repulsed before they could destroy the important bridges. supplies can come to petersburg, and may be forwarded by wagons to the danville road, and thence to lynchburg, etc. fresh troops are arriving from the south for beauregard; but he is still withheld from decisive operations. the departmental battalion is still out; the enemy still menacing us from the chickahominy. during the last four days correspondence has ceased almost entirely, and the heads of bureaus, captains, majors, lieutenant-colonels, adjutants, quartermasters, and commissaries, have nothing to do. they wander about with hanging heads, ashamed to be safely out of the field--i mean all under years of age--and look like sheep-stealing dogs. many sought their positions, and still retain them, to keep out of danger. such cravens are found in all countries, and are perhaps fewer in this than any other. however, most of the population of the city between and are absent from the streets; some few shopkeeping jews and italians are imprisoned for refusing to aid in the defense, and some no doubt are hidden. most of the able-bodied negro men, both free and slave, have been taken away--in the field as teamsters, or digging on the fortifications. yet those that remain may sometimes be seen at the street corners looking, some wistfully, some in dread, in the direction of the enemy. there is but little fear of an insurrection, though no doubt the enemy would be welcomed by many of the negroes, both free and slave. at p.m. to-day a train arrived from guinea's station with of our wounded, in sunday's and thursday's battles. the following prices are now paid in this city: boots, $ ; coats, $ ; pants, $ ; shoes, $ ; flour, $ per barrel; meal, $ to $ per bushel; bacon, $ per pound; no beef in market; chickens, $ per pair; shad, $ ; potatoes, $ per bushel; turnip greens, $ per peck; white beans, $ per quart, or $ per bushel; butter, $ per pound; lard, same; wood, $ per cord. what a change a decisive victory--or defeat--would make! may th.--warm--sunshine and light showers. memorable day--not yet decided at p.m. early this morning gen. beauregard attacked the enemy on the south side of the river, and by a.m. he had sent over to the city gen. heckman and prisoners, the entire th massachusetts regiment. subsequently it is said were sent over. by m. the firing had receded out of hearing from the city, and messengers report that the enemy were being driven back rapidly. hon. geo. davis, attorney-general (from north carolina), told me that gen. whiting was coming up from petersburg, in the enemy's _rear_, with , men. so, at this hour, the prospects are glorious. gen. pickett has been relieved--_indisposition_. brig.-gen. barton has also been relieved, for some cause arising out of the failure to capture the raiders on this side the river. gens. bragg and pemberton made an inspection of the position of the enemy, down the river, yesterday, and made rather a cheerless report to the president. they are both supposed to be inimical to gen. beauregard, who seems to be achieving such brilliant success. the president rode over to beauregard's headquarters this morning. some fear he will embarrass the general; others say he is near the field, prepared to fly, if it be lost. in truth, if we were defeated, it might be difficult for him to return to the city. gen. breckenridge has defeated sigel in the shenandoah valley. gen. lee dispatches that he had no fighting saturday and sunday. to-day grant is retiring his right wing, but advancing his left east of spottsylvania court house, where lee's headquarters are still established. may th.--sunshine and showers. the battle yesterday decided nothing, that i am aware of. we captured prisoners, stormed some of their intrenchments; losing altogether probably as many as the enemy. but we drove them back to bermuda hundred, behind their fortifications, and near their ships. gen. johnston was attacked at dalton by , men last week; accounts, some five days old, say he repulsed the assaults of the enemy. the departmental battalion is out yet; the city being still in danger. the government is almost suspended in its functions. the secretary of the treasury cannot get money from columbia, s. c., whither he foolishly sent the girls that sign the notes. some of the idle military officers, always found about the departments, look grave, and do not hesitate to express some apprehension of the success of grant in forcing lee back, and spreading over all northern and northwestern virginia. the secretary of war is much secluded, and i see by a correspondence between him and the secretary of the treasury, relating to the _million and three-quarters_ in coin, belonging to the new orleans banks, that the secretary of the treasury can make no "valid objection to the proposition of the secretary of war." i do not understand what disposition they propose to make of it. a list is being prepared at the war department (by mr. assistant secretary campbell) for congress to pass, authorizing the seizure of all the railroads in the confederacy. also one establishing and reorganizing the bureau of conscription. if butler remains between richmond and petersburg, and is reinforced, and grant is strong enough (two to lee's one) to push on toward richmond, our perils and trials will be greater than ever. vice-president stephens has not yet arrived. i do not understand that he is ill. may th.--showers and sunshine, the first preponderating. our killed and wounded in beauregard's battle amount to some . the enemy lost prisoners, and perhaps killed and wounded. railroad men report heavy firing this morning near fredericksburg, and it is believed another battle is in progress. from the west we have a report, derived from the enemy at natchez, that gen. banks has surrendered to lieut-gen. smith. it is rumored likewise that president lincoln has called for , militia, _to defend washington_. a fortnight ago, mr. benjamin procured passports for one or two of his agents "to pass the lines at will." they may have procured information, but it did not prevent the enemy from coming. attended a funeral (next door to us) ceremony this afternoon at p.m. over the body of abner stanfield, a nephew of mrs. smith, our next door neighbor, who fell in battle day before yesterday, near drewry's bluff. by the merest accident his relatives here learned of his fall (by the paper we loaned them), and mr. s. had his body brought to his house, and decently prepared for the grave. his bloody garments were replaced by a fine suit of clothes he had kept with mr. s.; his mother, etc. live in northern virginia, and his cousins, the misses s., decorated the coffin beautifully with laurels, flowers, etc. he was a handsome young hero, six feet tall, and died bravely in his country's defense. he was slain by a shell. the ceremony was impressive, and caused many tears to flow. but his glorious death and funeral honor will inspire others with greater resolution to do and to dare, and to die, if necessary, for their country. the minister did him justice, for the hallowed cause in which he fell. may th.--sunshine and showers, the former predominating. gen. lee sends a dispatch saying the enemy's attack yesterday was repulsed easily--our loss very light. it is said, however, that the enemy have guinea's station, miles this side of fredericksburg. gen. beauregard intends shelling butler in his fortifications to-morrow. from the west, in georgia, and beyond the mississippi, all seem bright enough. congress has passed a resolution to adjourn on the st inst., in obedience to the wish of the president. he has a majority in both houses, it seems; and even the bills they pass are generally dictated by the executive, and written in the departments. judge campbell is much used for this purpose. gen. bragg sent in a manuscript, derived from a deserter, stating that of gen. butler's two corps, one, the th, is from the southern coast, no negroes in it, leaving only negroes in the southern garrisons. we learned butler was in command, and dismissed all apprehensions--and one day we had but opposed to his , ! may th.--fog; then sunshine all day, but cool. troops have been marching through the city all day from the south side. i presume others take their places arriving from the south. barton's brigade had but out of that went into battle last monday. our wounded amount to ; perhaps the enemy's loss was not so large. col. northrop is vehement in his condemnation of beauregard; says his blunders are ruining us; that he is a charlatan, and that he never has been of any value to the confederate states; and he censures gen. lee, whom he considers a general, and the only one we have, and the secretary of war, for not providing transportation for supplies, now so fearfully scarce. i read an indorsement to-day, in the president's writing, as follows: "gen. longstreet has seriously offended against good order and military discipline in rearresting an officer (gen. law) who had been released by the war department, without any new offense having been alleged.--j. d." mr. mallory, secretary of the navy, wrote a pungent letter to the secretary of war to-day, on the failure of the latter to have the obstructions removed from the river, so that the iron-clads might go out and fight. he says the enemy has captured our lower battery of torpedoes, etc., and declares the failure to remove the obstructions "prejudicial to the interests of the country, and especially to the naval service, which has thus been prevented from rendering important service." gen. bragg writes a pretty tart letter to the secretary of war to-day, desiring that his reports of the army of tennessee, called for by congress, be furnished for publication, or else that the reasons be given for withholding them. we have no war news to-day. mrs. minor, of cumberland county, with whom my daughter anne resides, is here, in great affliction. her brother, col. rudolph, was killed in the battle with sheridan, near richmond; shot through the head, and buried on the field. now she learns that another brother, a cadet, just years old, was killed in the battle of gen. breckinridge, in the valley, shot through the head; and she resolves to set out for staunton at once, to recover his body. her father and sister died a few months ago, and she has just heard of her aunt's death. a lady living next door to us had two brothers wounded on monday, and they are both here, and will recover. gen. breckinridge is now marching to reinforce lee. it is said butler will set sail to join grant. if so, we can send lee , more men, and beauregard's victory will yield substantial fruits. may st.--sun all day, but a little hazy; perhaps a battle. there was quite a battle yesterday on the south side. the accounts in the morning's paper fall short of the whole of our success. the enemy, it is said to-day, did not regain the works from which they were driven, but are now cooped up at bermuda hundred. nothing is feared from butler. nothing from lee, but troops are constantly going to him. i saw some , rusty rifles, brought down yesterday from lee's battle-field. many bore marks of balls, deeply indenting or perforating the barrels. the ordnance officer says in his report that he has collected many thousands more than were dropped by our killed and wounded. this does not look like a _federal_ victory! may d.--clear and warm, but the atmosphere is charged with the smoke and dust of contending armies. the sun shines but dimly. custis was with us last night, and returned to camp at a.m. to-day. he gets from government only a small loaf of corn bread and a herring a day. we send him something, however, every other morning. his appetite is voracious, and he has not taken cold. he loathes the camp life, and some of the associates he meets in his mess, but is sustained by the vicissitudes and excitements of the hour, and the conviction that the crisis must be over soon. last night there was furious shelling down the river, supposed to be a night attack by butler, which, no doubt, beauregard anticipated. result not heard. the enemy's cavalry were at milford yesterday, but did no mischief, as our stores had been moved back to chesterfield depot, and a raid on hanover c. h. was repulsed. lee was also attacked yesterday evening, and repulsed the enemy. it is said ewell is now engaged in a flank movement, and the great final battle may be looked for immediately. breckinridge is at hanover junction, with other troops. so the war rolls on toward this capital, and yet lee's headquarters remain in spottsylvania. a few days more must tell the story. if he cuts grant's communications, i should not be surprised if that desperate general attempted a bold dash on toward richmond. i don't think he could take the city--and he would be between two fires. i saw some of the enemy's wounded this morning, brought down in the cars, dreadfully mutilated. some had lost a leg and arm--besides sustaining other injuries. but they were cheerful, and uttered not a groan in the removal to the hospital. flour is selling as high as $ per barrel, and meal at $ per bushel. the roads have been cut in so many places, and so frequently, that no provisions have come in, except for the army. but the hoarding speculators have abundance hidden. the piedmont road, from danville, va., to greensborough, is completed, and now that we have two lines of communication with the south, it may be hoped that this famine will be of only short duration. they are cutting wheat in georgia and alabama, and new flour will be ground from the growing grain in virginia in little more than a month. god help us, if relief come not speedily! a great victory would be the speediest way. my garden looks well, but affords nothing yet except salad. may d.--fair and warm, with pleasant breezes. gen. johnston, without a defeat, has fallen back to calhoun, ga. gen. lee, without a defeat, has fallen back to hanover junction, his headquarters at ashland. grant is said to be worming his way eastward to the peninsula, the field occupied by mcclellan in . why, he might have attained that position without the loss of a man at the outset! on saturday night gen. butler made the following exploit: "on saturday night the enemy renewed his assault, assailing that portion of our line held principally by wise's brigade. in some manner our men had become apprised of the intention of the enemy to make a night attack, and were fully prepared for it. the enemy were allowed to advance, our men deliberately reserving their fire until they were within or yards of them, when they poured into their ranks a most terrific volley, driving them back with great slaughter. the repulse is said to have been a most decided success; the enemy were thrown into great confusion and retreated rapidly. "the enemy's loss is said to have been very severe, and is estimated at hardly less than four or five hundred _in killed alone_, while we are said to have lost none in killed, and some thirty or forty wounded." there was an immense mail to-day, and yet with my sore eyes i had no aid from my son, still at the intrenchments. i hinted my desire to have him, but young mr. kean opposed it. may th.--clear and warm. no fighting yesterday besides small collisions near hanover junction. it is said to-day that grant threatens the central railroad, on lee's left. this is regarded as a serious matter. we want _men_. an armed guard is now a fixture before the president's house. peas were in market on the th inst.; price $ a half peck. strawberries are $ per quart. there has been no meat in market for a long time, most of the butchers' stalls being closed during the last three months. unless government feeds the people here, some of us may starve. may th.--sunshine and showers. custis is back again, the battalion of clerks being relieved, after three weeks' service in the field. yesterday there was skirmishing between the armies, near hanover junction-- miles distant from the city. nothing of importance from the south side. but our iron-clads are certainly going down the river--they _say_. to-day it is thought a battle commenced between lee and grant. it will be, perhaps, a decisive engagement, whenever it does take place. and yet there is no trepidation in the community; no apparent fear of defeat. still, there is some degree of feverish anxiety, as lee retires nearer to the capital followed by the enemy. a little delay would make us stronger, as reinforcements, especially of cavalry, are daily arriving. the trains run from the city to lee's headquarters in one hour and a half. a letter from senator henry, of tennessee, to the secretary, suggests that forrest's cavalry be now sent to the rear of sherman's army in georgia, to cut off his supplies, etc., resulting in his destruction. perhaps this is the purpose. and lee may have some such design. a few days will develop important events. may they put an end to this desolating war. may th.--sunshine and showers. senator henry's letter was referred to gen. bragg, who returned it to-day with the indorsement that the suggested movement had not escaped attention, and a good result might soon be looked for. and sure enough, a dispatch was received from atlanta to-day, announcing the capture of some of the enemy's wagons laden with stores! it is to be hoped that gen. lee has some scheme of a similar character, to relieve grant of his supply trains. troops are daily coming hither, infantry and cavalry, whence in one hour and a half the former reach lee's army. the great battle still hangs fire, but to be of greater magnitude when it does occur. gen. bragg did a good thing yesterday, even while senator orr was denouncing him. he relieved gen. winder from duty here, and assigned him to goldsborough, n. c. now if the rogues and cut-throats he persisted in having about him be likewise dismissed, the republic is safe! gen. ransom has now full charge of this department. mr. secretary seddon is sick, and mr. assistant secretary campbell is crabbed--congress not having passed his supreme court bill. and if it were passed, the president would hardly appoint him judge. it is said one of our iron-clads is out--the rest to follow immediately. let butler beware! may th.--clouds and sunshine; cooler. nothing additional from the west. several thousand georgia mounted troops have arrived during the last hours, in readiness to march to lee. one georgia regiment has , and a south carolina regiment that went up this morning men. lee's army is at ashland-- miles distant. the enemy are marching down the pamunky, north side. they will doubtless cross it, and march through new kent and charles city counties to the james river, opposite butler's army. grant probably intends crossing his army to the south side, which, if effected, might lose us richmond, for the city cannot subsist a week with its southern communications cut. we should starve. but beauregard means to make another effort to dislodge butler, immediately. it will probably be a combined movement, the iron clads co-operating. it is a necessity, and it must be done without delay, no matter what the cost may be. if butler remains, the railroads will be cut. if the city be taken, not only will the iron-clads be lost, but a large proportion of the army may be cut off from escape. immense munitions would certainly fall into the hands of the enemy. the _whig_ and _enquirer_ both denounced gen. bragg to-day. senator orr's assault in the senate on gen. bragg was followed by another from wigfall, who declared there was a want of confidence in the president. mr. orr said his appointment was discourtesy to the secretary of war, whereupon the secretary fell ill yesterday, but to-day he is well again. nevertheless, the senate voted gen. b. the salary, etc. allowed a general in the field. and gen. winder has been treated as cavalierly as he treated me. retribution is sure. the city is excited with rumors. one is that beauregard, when about to engage the enemy last week, was ordered by bragg to evacuate petersburg--certainly an insane measure. gen. beauregard (so the story runs) telegraphed the president (who was with him, as i heard) to know if such an order had his sanction. the president replied that gen. bragg's orders were authorized by him. beauregard _disregarded_ the order and fought the battle, saving petersburg. then beauregard tendered his resignation, which was not accepted. it is also said that the order was directed to the commandant of the garrison; but the courier was stopped by generals wise and martin, who gave the paper to beauregard. there is another rumor that bragg's orders caused lee to fall back; and, of course, the credulous people here are despondent; some in despair. there may be some design against the president in all this. may th.--showers and sunshine. grant has crossed the pamunky, and lee is at the yellow tavern--not more than _six miles_ from the city. the hostile armies are only a few miles apart, and the great battle may occur at any time, at any hour; and we shall hear both the artillery and musketry from my dwelling. all is quiet on the south side of the river. nothing from georgia, except a short address from gen. johnston to the army, stating that, having the enemy now where he wants him, he will lead the soldiers to battle. war and famine develop some of the worst instincts of our nature. for five days the government has been selling meal, by the peck, for $ : and yet those who have been purchasing have endeavored to keep it a secret! and the government turns extortioner, making $ profit per bushel out of the necessities of the people! i saw a dispatch, to-day, from gen. johnston to his chief commissary, at atlanta, ordering him, after reserving ten days' rations, to send the rest of the stores to augusta! it is said mr. memminger and certain members of congress have in readiness the means of sudden flight, in the event of grant's forcing his way into the city. it is thought, to-day, that bragg will resign. if he does, then the president will be humiliated; for the attacks on bragg are meant principally for mr. davis. but i doubt the story; i don't think the president will permit bragg to retire before his enemies, unless affairs become desperate by the defeat of our army in this vicinity. may th.--bright and quite cold. there was skirmishing yesterday evening on the chickahominy. the armies are confronting each other, but grant is moving gradually to the right of us, as if with an intention to reach the james river; but probably it is with the view of enveloping us with his superior numbers, and the great battle may occur at any hour. the train of cars, laden, in broad street, destined a few days ago to transport provisions, etc. to gen. lee's army, are visited hourly by wagons from the army, now in the immediate vicinity. this morning the secretary's time is occupied in giving audience to citizens who have fled from the vicinity of the enemy, but whose exaggerated accounts really furnish no reliable information. of what benefit, in such a crisis as this, is the tale of desolation in the track of grant's army, the destruction of crops, the robbery of children of their silver cups and spoons, etc.? and yet these are the things which occupy much time. may th.--fair and cool; hot at noon. it is rumored that mr. memminger will resign. if he does, it will cause much rejoicing. mr. foote censured him severely in congress; and moved a resolution of censure, which was _not_ laid on the table--though moved, and voted on--but postponed. gen. lee has been a little ill from fatigue, exposure, and change of water; but was better yesterday, and is confident. messrs. cardoza and martin, who sell a peck of meal per day to each applicant for $ , or $ per bushel, flour at $ . per pound, and beans $ per quart, are daily beset with a great crowd, white and black. i do not think they sell for the government, but they probably have facilities from it. the prices are only about half charged in the shops. but messrs. dunlop and moucine are selling meal (on their own account, i believe) at $ per bushel, or cts. per pound, allowing each white member of the family about five ounces per day; and selling them twice per month, or nine pounds per month to each. the rule is to sell to only the indigent, refugees, etc. my friend james g. brooks, clay street, informed me this morning that he got half a bushel there. he is rich! may st.--clear, with hot sun. last evening there was some fighting on lee's right, and prisoners were sent in. this morning cannon and musketry could be distinctly heard east of my dwelling; but at p.m. i have not been able to learn the extent of it or the result. but the great battle is imminent. troops have been coming over from the south side (beauregard's) for twenty hours, and marching down main street toward the williamsburg road. it is doubtless a flank movement of beauregard, and an attack on grant may be expected any hour; and must occur, i think, to-morrow at furthest. i have not learned that butler has retired from his position--and if not, our communications must be in peril. but no matter, so grant be beaten. all the local troops are ordered to be in readiness to march at a moment's warning, this evening or night. chapter xxxix. beauregard's plan.--the battle.--defeat near staunton.--fight at petersburg.--decision about marylanders--beauregard in disgrace.-- dispatch from gen. j. e. johnston. june st.--bright and warm. at - / a.m. cannon and musketry heard northeast of the city, which either ceased or receded out of hearing at m.; or else the hum of the city drowned the sounds of battle. up to p.m. we have no particulars. beauregard is on the right of our line; lee's headquarters was at yellow tavern. he is sufficiently recovered to direct the battle. butler has mostly if not entirely evacuated bermuda hundred; doubtless gone to grant. the president rode out this morning toward the battle-field. every one is confident of success, since beauregard and lee command. the secretary of war granted a passport to mr. pollard, who wrote a castigating history of the first years of the war, to visit europe. pollard, however, was taken, and is now in the hands of the enemy, at new york. another row with the bureau of conscription. brig.-gen. chilton, inspector-general, has been investigating operations in mississippi, at the instance of gen. polk; and col. preston, superintendent of the bureau, disdains to answer their communications. my landlord, mr. king, _has not_ raised my rent! june d.--very warm and cloudy. there was no general engagement yesterday, but heavy skirmishing, and several assaults at different points; and a dispatch from gen. lee says they resulted favorably to our arms. a dispatch from gen. johnston says his men are in good plight, after combats enough to make a battle, in all of which the enemy suffered most. the local troops (custis's battalion, etc.) were ordered out to-day. i have not understood to what point they were ordered; but it indicates the imminency of a battle. lee has not less than , men--veterans. i saw, to-day, gen. beauregard's plan, dated may th. it was addressed to gen. bragg, "commanding confederate states armies." he suggested the falling back on the defenses of richmond, and detaching , to the south side to crush or drive away butler. he would then not only return the , to the north side, but bring over , additional to crush grant. this scheme was rejected by bragg on the th, after consultation with the president and the secretary: the latter indorsing _his_ concurrence in the rejection, the president not _committing himself in writing_. but beauregard was ordered to attack butler without delay, which was done, and successfully; but he was not crushed, and still threatens our railroads with a portion of his army, while the rest has been sent to reinforce grant. nevertheless, beauregard is here with some , , and lee _did_ fall back to the defenses of richmond. congress has passed a bill increasing the compensation of themselves per cent. perhaps they will not adjourn now, but remain and await events. senator hunter and the secretary of war promenaded the square yesterday afternoon in a long "confabulation," supposed by some to relate to political matters. o'clock p.m.--heavy and quick cannonading heard some eight or ten miles east of the city. it continued until night, when it was raining and cold; and custis had no blanket, not anticipating such a change. june d.--raining gently, and cool. as early as a.m. there was an incessant roar of artillery, the vibrations of which could be felt in the houses. it could be heard distinctly in all parts of the city. and ever and anon could be distinguished great crashes of musketry, as if whole divisions of infantry were firing at the word of command. it continued until o'clock a.m., when it ceased. a dispatch from lee stated that his line (behind breastworks, center and left) had been repeatedly assaulted, and every time the enemy was repulsed. the attack, it was supposed, was made to check a flanking movement made yesterday afternoon, by gen. ewell, on the enemy's left, to cut his communications with the white house, his base of supplies. no doubt the slaughter has been great! the dispatch from beauregard indicates that he may be still on the other side of the river. it may be a _ruse de guerre_, or it may be that the general's enemies here (in the government) are risking everything to keep him from participation in the great battles. mr. hunter, being short and fat, rolls about like a pumpkin. he is everywhere, seeking tidings from the field. it is said the enemy, at last, has visited his great estates in essex county; but he'll escape loss "by hook or by crook." he has made enormously by his crops and his mills: nevertheless, he would sacrifice all for the presidency--and independence. the president, yesterday, forbade details from the department battalion to remain in the city. the _southern_ express company has bribed the quartermasters, and is at its work again, using fine horses and stout details that should be in the army. its wagon was at the department to-day with a box of bacon for judge campbell. about prisoners were marched into the city this afternoon, and it is believed many more are on the way. cannonading was heard again in a northeast direction this evening from till - / o'clock, when it ceased--perhaps the prelude to another scene of carnage to-morrow! june th.--showers and sunshine. it is believed grant has lost , within the last week! to-day there has been more or less cannonading along the line; but it is not known if any infantry were engaged. the battalion to which custis (my son) belongs is at bottom's bridge, some sixteen miles distant on the chickahominy; and i learn that the enemy shelled it yesterday and last night, without injury, shells falling short. it is suspected that sherman will be ordered from georgia to reinforce grant! it seems lincoln would give up his hopes of heaven, and plunge into hell, for the presidency. the commissary general says lee must beat grant before the latter is reinforced, "or we are gone;" for their destruction of the railroads, north and northwest, will ruin us--the southern roads being insufficient to transport stores for the army. my nephew, col. r. h. musser, trans-mississippi, i am told by senator clark, was complimented on the field of victory by gen. taylor. his brigadier-general having fallen, col. m. commanded the brigade. last evening, about p.m., a cloud nearly overhead assumed the shape of a section of our fortifications, the segment of a circle, with the triangle penetrating through from the north. these shapes were distinctly defined. could the operations beneath have produced this phenomenon? was it accidental? or a portent of the future? god knows! june th.--raining. the sudden booming of artillery, shelling our department boys, intrenching at bottom's bridge, was heard until bedtime. i have heard no results of yesterday's operations. all is quiet to-day, up to a.m. received a letter from custis. i have not heard whether he received the food and blanket sent him yesterday; the latter, he says, was wanted badly the night before. he charges fanny, as usual, to be regular in feeding and watering polly, his parrot; and never to leave the door of his cage open, for fear he may fly away. june th.--clear and hot, but with a fine breeze--southwest. all is quiet around the city. saturday night the enemy _again_ penetrated gen. breckinridge's line, and _again_ were repulsed by the floridians. some of his regiments (as mr. mallory, secretary of the navy, who stopped in front of my house yesterday, told me) did not behave well. yesterday, i learn, both sides buried the dead, with the exception of some federals piled up in front of lee's breastworks. a deserter says grant intends _to stink_ lee out of his position, if nothing else will suffice. what a war, and for what? the _presidency_ (united states), perhaps! i learn that the departmental battalion, near bottom's bridge, has been moved back a mile, out of range of the enemy's shells and sharpshooters. we have met with a defeat in the valley, near staunton, which place has probably fallen. a letter from gen. bragg, this morning, in reply to mr. secretary seddon's inquiries, says it is too true, and he indorses copies of dispatches from gen. vaughn and col. lee to gen. r. e. lee, who sent them to the president, and the president to gen. b., who sends them now to the secretary. gen. v. calls loudly for reinforcements to save staunton, and says gen. w. e. jones, who commanded, was killed. col. lee says, "we have been pretty badly whipped." gen. bragg knows of no reinforcements that can be sent, and says gen. r. e. lee has command there as well as here, and was never interfered with. gen. b. says he had tendered gen. lee his services, but they had not been accepted. small heads of early york cabbage sold in market to-day at $ , or $ for two. at that rate, i got about $ worth out of my garden. mine are excellent, and so far abundant, as well as the lettuce, which we have every day. my snap beans and beets will soon come on. the little garden is a little treasure. june th.--rained in the night, clear and cool in the morning. gen. breckinridge's division started toward the valley early this morning. all is quiet near the city; but firing has been heard in the direction of bottom's bridge. a man from new kent county, coming through the lines, reports that gen. grant was quite drunk yesterday, and said he would try lee once more, and if he failed to defeat him, "the confederacy might go to hell." it must have been some other general. june th.--clouds and sunshine--cool. no war news except what appears in the papers. there was a rumor yesterday that several of the companies of the departmental battalion were captured on monday, but it was not confirmed by later accounts. our battery of guns was unmasked, and opened on the enemy, who had been firing over the heads of our young men (clerks). this was replied to by as many guns from the enemy. thus both fires were over the heads of the infantry in the low ground between, and none were hurt, although the shell sometimes burst just over them. a pontoon train passed down the river to-day, on this side, one captured from the united states, and brought from gordonsville. if grant crosses, lee will cross, still holding the "inside track." received a letter from custis. he is at gen. custis lee's headquarters on ordnance duty. a pretty position, if a shell were to explode among the ammunition! he says he has plenty of bread and meat, and so we need not send any more. but he considers it a horrible life, and would rather be without his rations than his daily reading, etc. so i sent him reading enough for a week--all the newspapers i had; a pamphlet on the bible society in the south; report of the judiciary committee on the suspension of the _habeas corpus_; and, finally, the last number of the _surgical magazine_, in which he will find every variety of _gunshot wounds_, _operations_, etc. etc. i had nothing else to send him. june th.--sunshine and clouds--warm. no fighting yesterday. it is reported that the enemy's cavalry and a corps of infantry recrossed the pamunky this morning, either after breckinridge, or to guard communications with the rappahannock. there is a pause also in georgia. yesterday the president vetoed a bill exempting the publishers of periodicals, etc. he said the time had arrived when "every man capable of bearing arms should be found in the ranks." but this does not affect the young and stalwart _chefs du bureaux_, or acting assistant generals, quartermasters, commissaries, etc. etc., who have safe and soft places. my little garden now serves me well, furnishing daily in cabbage, lettuce, beets, etc. what would cost $ . june th.--clear and cool. all quiet round the city; but petersburg was assaulted yesterday and successfully defended. the battalion of clerks still remains at bottom's bridge, on the chickahominy. the pickets hold familiar conversation every day with the pickets of the enemy, the stream being narrow, and crossed by a log. for tobacco and the city papers our boys get sugar, coffee, etc. this intercourse is wrong. some of the clerks were _compelled_ to volunteer to retain their offices, and may desert, giving important information to the enemy. i had snap beans to-day from my garden. i have seen none in market. june th.--sunshine and cloudy--warmer. there is a calm in military matters, but a storm is gathering in the valley of virginia. both sides are concentrating for a battle. if we should be defeated (not likely), then our communications may be cut, and grant be under no necessity of fighting again to get possession of richmond. meantime it is possible grant will retire, and come again on the south side of the james river. congress is debating a measure increasing the president's compensation--he cannot subsist on his present salary. nor can any of us. mr. seddon has a large private income, and could well afford to set the patriotic example of working "for nothing." we have heard to-day that lincoln was nominated for re-election at baltimore on the th inst., and gold rose to $ . fremont is now pledged to run also, thus dividing the republican party, and giving an opportunity for the democrats to elect a president. if we can only _subsist_ till then, we may have peace, and must have independence at all events. but there is discontent, in the army of the west, with gen. johnston, and in the east with bragg, and among the croakers with the president. new potatoes sold to-day for $ per quart, $ per bushel! mr. rhodes, commissioner of patents, told me to-day that gen. forrest, at last accounts, was at tupelo, miss., doing nothing,--gen. wheeler, his junior in years, superior in rank, to whom he is again subordinated by the potency of gen. cooper's red tape, having most of his men. robert tyler has been with the departmental battalion at bottom's bridge, doing service as a private, though the head of a bureau. this evening at o'clock we heard artillery in the direction of lee's army. june th.--cold and cloudy. some firing again this morning, supposed to be merely an artillery duel. heard from custis, in pencil mark on the back of envelope; and he has applied for and obtained a transfer from ordnance duty in the rear, back to his company in the front. it is rumored that sheridan has cut the road between gordonsville and charlottesville, and between that place and lynchburg. if this be true, he will probably strike south for the danville road. then we shall have _confusion here, and the famine intensified_. there seems to be no concert among the military commanders, and no unity of purpose among civil functionaries. they mistrust one another, and the people begin to mistrust them all. meantime the president remains inflexible. all has been quiet to-day. i suppose the enemy is fortifying, with an intention to move half his army to the south side of the river--distracting us by menacing the city and threatening our communications at the same time. it is believed here by the croakers that gen. lee has lost much of his influence, from the moment mr. foote named him as dictator in the event of one being declared. now, it would seem, if the plan of beauregard, rejected by bragg, had been adopted, our condition would have been better. it is the curse of republics to be torn by the dissensions of rival chieftains in moments of public danger! june th.--clear and cool. gen. bragg sent to the secretary of war to-day a copy of a letter from him to the president, yesterday, proposing to send more troops to western virginia, as breckinridge has only and the enemy , . lieut.-gen holmes sends from raleigh, n. c., a letter from hon. t. bragg, revealing the existence of a secret organization in communication with the enemy, styled the "h. o. a.;" and asking authority to arrest certain men supposed to be implicated. a letter was received from g. w. lay, his son-in-law, by the assistant secretary of war, judge campbell, dated near petersburg, stating that the southern express company would bring articles from charleston for him. that company seems to be more potential than ever. cannonading was heard far down the chickahominy this morning. and yet lieut.-gen. ewell marched his corps to-day out the brooke road, just in the opposite direction! it is rumored that he is marching away for washington! if he had transportation, and could march in that direction, no doubt it would be the speediest way of relieving richmond. gen. lee, however, knows best. at the conclave of dignitaries, hunter, wigfall, and secretary seddon, yesterday, it is reported that when mr. seddon explained grant's zigzag fortifications, senator hunter exclaimed he was afraid we could never beat him; when senator wigfall said nothing was easier--the president would put the old folks and children to _praying_ at o'clock a.m. now if any one were to tell these things to the president, he would not believe him. june th.--clear and cool. gen. grant has changed his base--disappearing from the front of lee in the night. he is supposed to be endeavoring to get his army below the city, and in communication with butler on the south side. a dispatch from gen. lee says gen. hampton has defeated sheridan. forrest has gained a victory in the west. lincoln has been nominated--andrew johnson, of tennessee, for vice-president. gen. whiting writes that supplies from abroad are coming in abundantly at wilmington, n. c. if we can only preserve our communications with the south, i regard the campaign, if not the war, pretty nearly at an end, and richmond safe! grant has failed, after doing his utmost to take richmond. he has shattered a great army to no purpose; while lee's army is as strong as ever. this is true generalship in lee. but grant can get more men. june th.--clear and cool; warm late in the day. it is rumored now that the enemy got to westtown yesterday, some ten miles below the point on this side occupied by butler; and to-day he is leaving, either crossing to the south side (probably to cut the railroad), or embarking in his transports for no one knows whither. so, this attempt to take richmond is as bad a failure as any. grant has _used up_ nearly a hundred thousand men--to what purpose? we are not injured, after withstanding this blow of the concentrated power of the enemy. it is true some bridges are burned, some railroads have been cut, and the crops in the line of the enemy's march have been ruined; but our army is intact: lee's losses altogether, in killed and wounded, not exceeding a few thousand. a report of an officer states that the james river is not fordable anywhere above for forty miles. there is a rumor on the street that the head of ewell's corps (commanded by gen. early) crossed the rappahannock, yesterday, at united states ford. if this be so, there must be consternation in washington; and the government there will issue embarrassing orders to grant. the spirits of the people here are buoyant with the western news, as well as with the result of lee's campaign. the death of gen. polk, however, is lamented by a good many. the operations of forrest and morgan are inspiring. june th.--clear and pleasant weather, but dusty. the departmental battalion marched away, last night, from the chickahominy (guarding a ford when no enemy was on the other side!) for chaffin's farm, on the james river. they were halted after marching an hour or so, and permitted to rest (sleep) while the rest of the brigade passed on. when custis awoke he was alone, the battalion having left him; and he was ill, and knew not the road. so he set out for the city, with the intention of going down the river road this morning. but he grew worse after reaching home. still, he resolved to go; and at a.m., having marched all night nearly, he set out again, and met his sergeant--who had likewise diverged as far as the city--who said if he was really too ill to march, he would deliver the captain a surgeon's certificate to that effect, which would be a sufficient explanation of his absence. so, surgeon c. bell gibson, upon an examination, pronounced him _sick_, and certified to the captain that he could not be fit for service for a week or ten days. at p.m. he is in bed with a raging fever. there was a fight at malvern hill yesterday, the enemy being repulsed. there was also another assault on petersburg, repulsed three times; but the fourth time our forces, _two regiments_, were forced back by overwhelming numbers from the outer line of defenses. to-day it is reported that they are fighting again at petersburg, and great masses of troops are in motion. the war will be determined, perhaps, by the operations of a day or two; and much anxiety is felt by all. a letter from hon. g. a. henry, on the danville railroad, saying only men were there to defend it, with but two cannon without appropriate ammunition! soon after a dispatch came from col. withers, at danville, stating it was reported , of the enemy were approaching the road, and only thirty-two miles distant. he called for reinforcements, but stated his belief that the number of the enemy was exaggerated. i delivered these to the secretary myself, finding him engaged writing a long letter to gen. kirby smith, beyond the mississippi! in this moment of _doubt_ and _apprehension_, i saw mr. randolph, formerly secretary of war, and mr. g. a. myers, his law colleague, at the telegraph office eagerly in quest of news. to-day the president decided that marylanders here are "residents," or "alien enemies;" if the former, they must fight--if the latter, be expelled. a righteous judgment. last night, as custis staggered (with debility) upon the pickets at the fortifications of the city, not having a passport, he was refused permission to proceed. he then lay down to rest, when one of the pickets remarked to him that he was not "smart, or he would flank them." custis sprang up and thanked him for the _hint_, and proceeded to put it in practice. the _examiner_ to-day says that col. dahlgren, a month before his death, was in richmond, under an assumed name, with a passport signed by gen. winder, to go whithersoever he would. i think this probable. at p.m. the wires cease to work between here and petersburg, and there are many rumors. but from the direction of the wind, we cannot hear any firing. june th.--clear and pleasant. a dispatch from beauregard states that two assaults of the enemy yesterday, at petersburg, were repulsed with loss; and it is reported that he recovered all lost ground to-day. yet beauregard has an enemy in his rear as well as in his front. when the battles were fought on the south side of the river in may, it appears that one of gen. b.'s brigadiers (colston) stopped some battalions on the way to richmond, in an emergency, and this has certainly given umbrage to the president, as the following indorsement, which i found on a paper to-day, will show: "no officer has a right to stop troops moving under the orders of superior authority. if he assumes such power, he does it at his hazard, and must be justified by subsequent events rather than by good intentions. "gen. beauregard has, in this case, by approving and continuing the order (gen. colston's) assumed the responsibility of the act.--j. d. june th, ." june th.--clear and cool. to-day, heavy firing is heard on the south side of the river. it is believed a general engagement is in progress. it is the anniversary of the battle of waterloo. if we gain the day, it will end the war. it is now said gen. early (with ewell's corps) has reached lynchburg, where a battle must occur. gen. ewell has been assigned to the command of this department, gen. ransom going west. we have advices ( p.m.) of a terrific battle at petersburg last evening, which raged until o'clock at night. the slaughter of the enemy is reported as unprecedented. our troops repulsed the assailants at all points but one, and that, which was carried by the enemy, was soon recovered. at p.m. lee's reinforcements came up, and it is supposed, from the sounds of cannon, that the battle was recommenced at dawn to-day, and continued all day. the result has not transpired. this tremendous conflict _must_ be followed by decisive results. if lee and beauregard gain the day, peace must follow speedily, i think. if they are beaten, richmond's fall can hardly be averted. our shattered army could hardly get back across the appomattox, with butler's army interposed between--if he still has his army at bermuda hundred. june th, sunday.--hazy and cool. we have no details this morning of the fighting yesterday, and some doubt if a battle was fought. i presume assaults were made on our intrenchments in diverse places, and repulsed. beauregard's battle, friday night, is still in smoke, but it is rumored the enemy lost killed and wounded. firing is heard to-day. there may be good policy in keeping back accounts from the field, until it is all over and something decisive accomplished. we have not met with serious disaster at all events, else there would be consternation in the city, for bad news flies fast, and cannot be kept back. there was fighting yesterday at lynchburg,--no result known yet. every sunday i see how shabby my clothes have become, as every one else, almost, has a good suit in reserve. during the week all are shabby, and hence it is not noticeable. the wonder is that we are not naked, after wearing the same garments three or four years. but we have been in houses, engaged in light employments. the rascals who make money by the war fare sumptuously, and "have their good things in this world." the weather is dry and dusty; the hazy atmosphere produced perhaps by the smoke of battle and the movements of mighty armies. eight p.m. the city is still in utter ignorance of the details and result of the battle yesterday--if there was one. if the government is in possession of information, it is, for some purpose, studiously kept from the public, and why, i cannot imagine, unless there has been a disaster, or beauregard has done something not approved. i do not think the people here appreciate the importance of the contest on the south side of the river. if lee's army were broken, i doubt whether it would even attempt to regain the fortifications of richmond, for then it might share the fate of pemberton's army at vicksburg. and the fall of richmond would involve the fall of the state, and virginia would immediately become a free state. june th.--a fog; subsequently dry and dusty, but the sun in a haze, like indian summer. as i feared; there is trouble with beauregard. he drew off his troops from in front of bermuda hundred to reinforce the fewer regiments at petersburg, and _saved_ that city, and gen. lee had to drive the enemy off again from the abandoned line. it is said beauregard acted contrary to orders, and has been suspended from command by order of the president. at all events, lee is at petersburg. sheridan's raiders are near the city again, followed and preceded by wade hampton and fitz lee. their cannon has been heard all the morning. mr. secretary memminger has resigned. june st.--clear and warmer. gen. beauregard has not been removed from his command,--it would be too great a shock to popular sentiment. the iron-clads went out this morning and proceeded down the river, supported by custis lee's brigade of local troops, including the departmental battalion, marching a dozen miles in the sun and dust. more will be on the sick list. june d.--dry and pleasant. the city full of idle rumors--that the whole brigade of local troops were captured yesterday--that gen. fitz lee has again been made prisoner, and that another raiding party is threatening the danville road, the canal, etc. there is no foundation for any of them, so far as i can learn. june d.--clear and warm. the news of the capture of federals, guns, etc., yesterday at petersburg, has put the people here in better humor, which has been bad enough, made so by reported rapes perpetrated by negro soldiers on young ladies in westmoreland county. there has been talk of vengeance, and no doubt such atrocities cause many more to perish than otherwise would die. a mr. sale, in the west, sends on an extract from a letter from col. ----, proposing to the government to sell cotton on the mississippi river for sterling exchange in london, and indicating that in this manner he has large sums to his own credit there, besides $ , worth of cotton in this country. col. ---- is a commissary, against whom grave charges have been made frequently, of speculation, etc., but was defended by the commissary-general. mr. harvey, president danville railroad, telegraphs to gen. bragg to send troops without delay, or the road will be ruined by the raiders. bragg sends the paper to the secretary of war, saying there are no troops but those in the army of gen. lee, and the reserves, the latter now being called out. ten days ago, mr. secretary seddon had fair warning about this road. june th.--hot and hazy; dry. the news (in the papers) of the cutting of our railroad communications with the south creates fresh apprehension among the croakers. but at m. we had news of the recovery of the weldon road last evening, and the capture of more prisoners. we have nothing from the south side raiders since their work of destruction at burkesville, cutting the danville road. mr. hunter sheds tears over his losses in essex, the burning of his mill, etc. but he had been a large gainer by the war. there is a rumor of fighting at petersburg to-day. june th.--hot and dry. twelve hundred federal prisoners passed our door to-day, taken at petersburg--about half the number captured there during the last two days. the news of the cutting of the danville railroad still produces despondency with many. but the people are now harvesting a fair crop of wheat, and the authorities do not apprehend any serious consequences from the interruption of communication with the south--which is, indeed, deemed but temporary, as sufficient precaution is taken by the government to defend the roads and bridges, and there seems to be discussions between the generals as to authority and responsibility. there are _too many_ authorities. gen. lee will remedy all this. the clerks are still kept out, on the north side of the james river, while the enemy is on the south side--the government, meantime, being almost in a state of paralysis. such injustice, and such obtuseness, would seem to be inexcusable. the secretary has sanctioned the organization of a force in the northern neck, to capture and slay without mercy such of the enemy as may be found lurking there, committing outrages, etc. the president still devotes much time to the merits of applicants for appointments on military courts, brigadier-generals, etc. it is reported that grant has announced to his army that the fighting is over, and that the siege of richmond now begins. a fallacy! even if we were unable to repair the railroads, the fine crop of wheat just matured would suffice for the subsistence of the army--an army which has just withstood the military power of the north. it is believed that nearly , men have invaded virginia this year, and yet, so far from striking down the army of lee with superior numbers, we see, at this moment, the enemy intrenching himself at every new position occupied by him. this manifests an apprehension of sudden destruction himself! but the country north and east and west of richmond is now free of yankees, and the railroads will be repaired in a few weeks at furthest. gen. hunter, we learn to-day, has escaped with loss out of the state to the ohio river, blowing up his own ordnance train, and abandoning his cannon and stores. so we shall have ammunition and salt, even if the communication with wilmington should be interrupted. no, the war must end, and is now near its end; and the confederacy will achieve its independence. this of itself would suffice, but there may be a diversion in our favor in the north--a revolution there--a thing highly probable during the excitement of an embittered presidential campaign. besides, there may at any moment be foreign intervention. the united states can hardly escape a quarrel with france or england. it may occur with both. june th.--hot and dry, but breezy. a dispatch from gen. lee, p.m. last evening, says nothing of moment occurred along the lines yesterday. our loss in the unsuccessful attempt of gen. haygood to storm a portion of the enemy's works, on friday, was killed and wounded, and missing. gen. hampton dispatches gen. lee that he attacked the enemy's cavalry in charles city county, friday, and drove them out of their intrenchments, pursuing them eight miles, nearly to charles city court house. the enemy left their killed and wounded on the ground, and strewn along the route. gen. lee says gen. h. deserves much credit. the enemy (a portion of sheridan's force) are still prevented from forming a junction with grant. flour fell yesterday from $ to $ per barrel. an official report shows that we lost no arms or ordnance stores of consequence at staunton. communications will be restored in that direction soon. the valley and western virginia, being clear of the enemy, the fine crop of wheat can be gathered. beauregard _is_ in disgrace, i am informed on pretty good authority; but while his humiliation is so qualified as not to be generally known, for fear of the resentment of his numerous friends, at the same time he is reticent, from patriotic motives, fearing to injure the cause. it is stigmatized as an act of perfidy, that the federal government have brought here and caused to be slaughtered, some out of volunteers from the district of columbia, who were to serve only days in defense of the federal city. at the same time our government is keeping in the service, at hard labor on the fortifications, custis lee's brigade of clerks, who were assured, when volunteering, that they never would be called out except to defend the fortifications of the city, built by negroes! june th.--bright and hot--afterward light showers. by the papers we learn that president lincoln has been on a visit to grant's army. if grant does not accomplish some great wonder in a few days, his campaign will be noted a failure, even in the north. we learn to-day that gold is now at $ . in the north. the raiders are beginning to pay the penalty of their temerity; besides hampton's fight with them, on this side the james river, we learn that w. h. f. lee has struck them a blow on the south side. june th.--bright and cool--a little rain last night. the departmental battalion is still kept out. they have built a line of fortifications four miles long--to deep bottom from near chaffin's farm. the secretary of war intimates that these clerks are kept out by gen. r. b. lee. the superintendent of the central railroad informed the secretary of war to-day that the road would be reopened to staunton on thursday (day after to-morrow), such is the slight damage done by the enemy. he asks that the bridge near hanover junction be defended, that being the only part of the road that can be much injured by a small raiding party. and he don't want the papers to say anything about the reopening of the road. the news from the north, that congress has refused to repeal the $ clause in their military bill--allowing drafted men to buy out at $ each--and the rise of gold to $ . for $ --together with the apparent or real _inertia_ of grant, seem to inspire great confidence in our people to-day. they think the worst is really over, and so do i. my little garden, during the month of june, has saved me $ . a single cabbage head to-day in market was sold for $ . although the joint salaries of custis and myself amount now to $ per annum, we have the greatest difficulty to subsist. i hope we shall speedily have better times, and i think, unless some terrible misfortune happens to our arms, the invader will surely be soon hurled from our soil. what president lincoln came to grant for is merely conjecture--unquestionably _he_ could not suggest any military enterprise more to our detriment than would occur to his generals. june th.--clear and cool--afterward hazy. "marietta, june th. "general braxton bragg. "the enemy advanced on our whole line to-day. they assaulted french, cheatham, cleburn, stevenson, and quarles, by whom they were repulsed. "on the rest of the line the skirmishing was severe. "their loss is supposed to be great. ours is known to be small. j. e. johnston, _general_." the dispatch from gen. johnston gives an encouraging account of the fight in georgia. but a dispatch from the west states that reinforcements ( , ) for sherman's army are marching from la grange. it is reported and believed that gen. early, at the head of , men, marched out of staunton on monday _toward the north_. i hope it may not prove a recruiting measure for lincoln! a good deal of firing (cannon) was heard down the river this morning. judge campbell is again "allowing" many persons to pass into the united states. june th.--clear and cool--afterward warm and cloudy. our people are made wild with joy to-day, upon hearing of the capture of a whole brigade of the raiders on the south side, the same that have been tearing up the danville road. the details, with gen. lee's dispatch, will be in the paper to-morrow. it is said we have the general commanding the raid, etc. judge reagan said to me to-day, when i told him the news, his dark eye flashing, that sooner or later, but inevitably, these raiders must be _killed_, and not captured. and mr. seddon says he was always in favor of fighting under the black flag; but, i believe, he never proposed it. chapter xl. gen. lee's dispatch announcing gen. hampton's victory.--cost of a cup of coffee.--from gens. johnston and s. d. lee.--gen. early in maryland. rumored capture of baltimore.--letter from gen. lee.--dispatch from gen. hood.--status of the local troops. july st.--clear, hot, and dry; my snap beans, corn, etc. burning up. the papers this morning fail to confirm the capture of as many prisoners, near petersburg, as were reported yesterday. but the dispatch (subjoined) of gen. lee renders it certain that the enemy was routed. there is a suspicion that our exasperated men _refused quarter_ to some hundreds of the raiders, on the plea that they ravish, murder, burn, pillage, etc. it may be so. "headquarters army northern virginia, "june th, -- . p.m. "hon. secretary of war. "sir:--gen. hampton reports that he attacked the enemy's cavalry yesterday afternoon, on their return from staunton river bridge, this side of sappony church, and drove them beyond that point. "the fight continued during the night, and at daylight this morning he turned their left and routed them. "when they reached ream's station, they were confronted by a portion of mahone's division, who attacked them in front, while their left flank was turned by gen. fitz lee's cavalry. "the enemy was completely routed, and several pieces of artillery, with a number of prisoners, wagons, ambulances, etc., captured. the cavalry are in pursuit. "r. e. lee, _general_." gen. early, with perhaps , men, is believed to be in winchester to-day. he will probably be soon playing havoc with the enemy's railroads, stores, etc., and perhaps may threaten washington or harrisburg, or both; and so have grant called off from his "siege of richmond." we were paid our salaries yesterday, and custis, after his campaign and his sickness, resolved on a little indulgence. so he had a couple of small saucers of ice-cream--one for his mother, costing $ ; quarter pound of coffee and two pounds of sugar, $ ; and to-day a rice pudding, two pounds of rice, $ ; one pound of sugar, $ ; two quarts of milk, $ ; total, $ ! col. shields, commandant of conscripts, etc., informed me to-day that he received only yesterday the order to proceed to the enrollment of maryland and foreign residents. thus the express orders of the president are delayed in the execution, and in such an exigency as this! i know judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, more than a year ago, attempted to interpose grave constitutional obstacles; but surely he can hardly have had the temerity to thwart the president's wishes, so plainly expressed. nevertheless, the delay has been caused by some one; and col. s. has apprehensions that some wheel within a wheel will even now embarrass or defeat the effective execution of the order. brig.-gen. gardner, successor of brig.-gen. winder, has not yet assumed supervision of the passport business, and it remains in the hands of judge campbell and provost marshal carrington. very many persons are going to the united states via the potomac. july d.--hot and dry. a dispatch from gen. lee (will be published on monday) says gen. beauregard reports the number of prisoners taken from wilson's south side raiding party about , besides the killed and wounded, and several hundred negroes recaptured, guns, many small arms, wagons, etc. it is said the killed and wounded amount to , of whom there are not exceeding of the latter, _leaving_ _killed_. gen. morgan has got back to western virginia with men, having lost but . he did not fight a battle with gen. burbridge at all; hence the federal account of morgan's defeat was without foundation. morgan will probably soon be in maryland and pennsylvania, attending to the enemy's railroads, bridges, mills, etc. the president said (so reported) to dr. garnett, yesterday, he hoped to hear of no more raids, since the last fared so badly. i drank two cups of coffee this morning, which seem to have had an extraordinary effect upon my strength, activity, and spirits; and indeed the belief that the discontinuance of the use of this beverage, about two years ago, may have caused the diminution of all. i am; and have long been, as poor as a church mouse. but the coffee (having in it sugar and cream) cost about a dollar each cup, and cannot be indulged in hereafter more than once a week. we had also boiled beans to-day, followed by fritters, the cherries from our garden, with sugar-sauce. this the family consider a sumptuous dinner--with no meat! july d.--clear and dry; pleasant temperature. i learn that petersburg has not been much injured by the enemy's batteries, and that gen. lee has ordered the casting of mortars for use immediately. to-morrow being the anniversary of the surrender of vicksburg to grant, i should not be surprised if that general let off some fire-works, not only in commemoration of that event, but in pursuance of some desperate enterprise against richmond. i don't see how he can feel any veneration for the day of independence for the "rebels" of , without sympathy for the "rebels" of , struggling also for independence. after the failure of the enemy's next move, i think the tempest of war will rapidly abate. nearly every movement in this (i think final) effort to capture richmond has failed. sheridan failed to destroy the central, hunter the south side, and wilson the danville railroad--each losing about half his men and horses. grant himself, so far, has but "swung round" a wall of steel, losing , men, and only gaining a position on the james river which he might have occupied without any loss. on the other hand, lee wields a larger army than he began with, and better armed, clothed, and fed. this _ought_ to end the vain attempt at subjugation. but if not, the confederate states, under the new policy (defensive), might maintain the contest against a half million of invaders. our crop of wheat is abundant, and the harvest _over_; our communications will be all re-established in a few days, and the people being armed and drilled everywhere, the enemy's raiders will soon be checked in _any_ locality they may select as the scene of operations. all the bridges will be defended with fortifications. besides, lee is gathering rapidly an army on the potomac, and may not only menace the enemy's capital, but _take_ it. early and breckinridge, imboden and morgan, may be at this moment inflicting more serious injury on the enemy's railroads and canals than we have sustained in virginia. and it is certain the stores of the federal army in georgia have been captured or destroyed to a very serious extent. still, in this hour of destitution and suffering among certain classes of the people, we see _no beggars_ in the streets. likewise, notwithstanding the raiding parties penetrate far in the rear of our armies, there has been no instance of an attempt on the part of the slaves to rise in insurrection. july th.--cloudy, but still hot and dry. from the clouds of dust seen rising between petersburg and the james river, it is conjectured that grant's army is in motion. the federal congress has authorized the drafting of , more men, after days' fruitless attempt to raise volunteers. so it will be september before the draft, and january before the men will be soldiers. july th.--cool and dry, everything suffering for rain. all quiet about petersburg, but later in the day a rumor sprung up that fighting had recommenced there. i doubt it, because by _northern_ accounts i see gen. early is destroying railroads beyond the potomac, and will undoubtedly threaten washington itself. if grant fails to send troops there, early may even throw shell into the federal city. peter v. daniel sends the secretary of war a letter from mr. westmoreland, wilmington, complaining that he is not allowed by government agents to transport cotton to that port, where his steamers are, _in redemption of confederate states bonds_, while private persons, for speculative purposes, are, through the favor (probably for a consideration) of government officials, enabled to ship thousands of bales, and he submits a copy of a correspondence with col. sims, assistant quartermaster-general, and lieut. col. bayne, who is charged with the control of the exporting and importing business. mr. daniel thinks there is some "bribery and corruption" even in the south. but mr. seddon is incredulous sometimes. the express company has an arrangement with col. sims, the assistant quartermaster-general, by which much freight is transported. new potatoes are selling at $ per quart in the market. july th.--hot and dry. we have no news to-day, but there are rumors that grant is preparing to abandon his position. he cannot remain where he is, inactive. there is a scarcity of water, and the location is unhealthy. we had corn bread and gravy for dinner, with a tremendous dessert, the suggestion of custis, consisting of whortleberry flitters, with butter and sugar sauce, costing about $ . july th.--hot and dry, but a light shower at p.m., laying the dust. a letter from gen. gilmer states that the danville railroad will not be fully repaired before the last of this month. but there is a good wagon road, and the army can be supplied by wagons when the cars cannot run, some miles. there is an idle rumor that wilmington has been taken by the enemy. this, indeed, would hurt us. but we get neither letters nor dispatches from beyond petersburg. last week, when the local forces were recalled, one of the clerks in the treasury department, upon being dismissed, fell upon his lieutenant, who had insulted him while in the military service, and as a civilian, gave him a beating. to-day the officer, after consulting his lieutenant-colonel commanding, and, it is said, the secretary of war, sent a subaltern to the department to arrest the clerk, who resisted. the subaltern said he acted by authority of the lieutenant-colonel and the secretary of war, and would arrest him and throw him in prison, if he had to come with force enough to pull down the building. to all this the secretary of the treasury demurred, and made a formal complaint to the president, who most indignantly indorsed on the paper that the conduct of the officer was "very reprehensible," that if when the offense was committed, the battalion had been dismissed, the military authority of the officers ceased, and as civil officers, all were on the same footing. he ordered the secretary to make this known to the officers, etc. none believe now that the president ever threatened to turn the clerks out of office, as represented, nor wished them put in the army, as hinted. july th.--clear; hot and dusty. the news of the falling back of gen. johnston on atlanta, ga., causes no uneasiness, for the destruction of sherman's army is deemed the more certain the farther he penetrates. there is nothing of interest from petersburg, but there are rumors of demoralization and disaffection in grant's army. his men suffer for water. still we get no letters from the south, beyond the point on the danville railroad reached by the raiders, who tore up miles of the track. we have nothing definite from early's column yet, but no doubt there is alarm enough in pennsylvania and in washington city by this time. july th.--dry and pleasant. we have a rumor to-day of the success of a desperate expedition from wilmington, n. c, to point lookout, md., to liberate the prisoners of war ( , ) confined there and to arm them. if this be confirmed, the prisoners will probably march upon washington city, and co-operate with gen. early, who has taken martinsburg (with a large supply of stores), and at last accounts had driven sigel back to washington, and on the th inst. was (by northern accounts) at hagerstown, md. much excitement prevails there. lincoln has called for the militia of the surrounding states, etc. we have british accounts of the sinking of the alabama, near cherbourg, by the united states steamer kearsarge, but semmes was not taken, and his treasure, etc. had been deposited in france. july th.--the drought continues; vegetation wilting and drying up. there is no war news, save some shelling by the enemy at petersburg. the raiders have caused many who were hiding and hoarding their meat and grain to bring them to market, for fear of losing them. this has mitigated the famine, and even produced a slight reduction of prices. but the gardens are nearly ruined, and are only kept alive by watering freely. mine has repaid me. the tomatoes are growing apace, and seem to endure the drought pretty well; also the lima beans. we are now eating the last of the cherries. we began to pull them about one month ago. some of the members of the tredegar battalion have been detected endeavoring to pass over to the enemy. it is said (maliciously) jos. r. anderson's works (the tredegar) would not be destroyed if the enemy were to capture the city, nor crenshaw's nor haxall's mills, all having an understanding that the party in _power_ shall enjoy the benefits of them. the fall of richmond would exhibit strange developments among men of wealth. the poor could not get away, and would have no alternative but submission. but richmond will not be _taken_. july th.--hot and dry, and the famine continues. the secretary of war intimated on saturday that if the clerks of the bureaus would raise a fund and send an agent south to buy provisions, he would insure them transportation, etc. to-day he denies that he made the promise, and refuses to aid them. the government now proposes to increase its schedule of prices from to per cent., thus depreciating its own credit. _before_ harvest the impressing agents allowed about $ per barrel for flour; now, that we have a good harvest, about $ will be paid, thus raising the price everywhere. the transportation is the expensive item. a dispatch from gen. johnston, at atlanta, says the enemy having flanked him with his cavalry, he has fallen back across the chattahoochee. dispatches from gen. s. d. lee, tupelo, state that a column of the enemy, , strong, is about marching from new orleans against mobile, and he fears he cannot spare men to resist them. _the reserve class is not ready._ also that , of the enemy are matching from lagrange, and he will have to dismount some of forrest's cavalry. gen. e. k. smith will not cross the mississippi to assist in repelling the foe without orders. orders have been sent from the secretary of war--i fear too late! northern papers of the th inst. indicate a state of high excitement. some there believe we have an army of , pouring into pennsylvania. gold was $ . for one. there is some commotion in grant's army, and it is believed by some that he is about to retire down the river. it is rumored that the prisoners heretofore confined at point lookout have been removed by the federal government. at p.m. we had a gentle shower, lasting more than an hour. july th.--clear and warm--the earth refreshed. gen. johnston telegraphs to gen. bragg to have the united states prisoners at andersonville "distributed immediately." he does not allege a reason for the necessity. it may be danger of an outbreak--or that the yellow fever has broken out among them. i think grant is about to have a race with lee for washington. the news from the northern frontier is interesting. a slight shower in the evening--heavy a few miles distant. july th.--bright and pleasant. the city is in great excitement and joy. gen. early has gained a victory in maryland, near frederick, defeating gen. wallace, capturing gen. tyler and col. seward (son of the secretary), besides many prisoners. the slaughter was great, and the pursuit of the routed army was toward baltimore. grant is certainly sending away troops. gen. lee writes a particular letter to the secretary (dated th inst.), desiring most specially that the papers be requested to say nothing of his movements for some time to come, and that the department will not publish any communication from him, which might indicate from its date his _distance_ from richmond. this is mysterious. he may be going to maryland. gen. johnston telegraphs from near atlanta that the enemy holds several fords above, and a portion of his forces have crossed, and are intrenched. some cannonading is going on--ineffective--aimed at the railroad depot. some think lee is going thither. others that he is going to flank what remains of the federal army in front of petersburg. july th.--the drought continues here; but at some other places there has fallen heavy rain. the excitement on the news of our successes in maryland is intense, and a belief prevails that great results will grow out of this invasion of the country held by the enemy. twice before but little if any benefit resulted from crossing the potomac. it is rumored to-day that longstreet's corps has marched to maryland, and that lee is with it. july th.--clear and cool; subsequently cloudy. the _washington chronicle_ of the th, received yesterday, indicates that washington or baltimore, or both, were in danger of falling into our possession. lieut-col. g. w. lay said, this morning, in my office, that grant would not leave--that he held a most important position--that he would not fail in his campaign; that our operations beyond the potomac were not of sufficient magnitude to produce important results; and, finally, that germany and ireland would replenish the armies of the united states, while our last reserves were now in the field. the colonel had come into my office more than a month ago and said grant had outgeneraled pemberton, and would capture vicksburg. i reminded him of this to-day, and asked his opinion on the present aspect of affairs. he has been recently on gen. beauregard's staff, and is irritated at the supposed hard treatment which that general receives from the president. he is a little bitter against the president, and is no special admirer of lee, who, he thinks, committed a blunder in not fighting grant at hanover junction. and he thinks, if gen. johnston forbears to fight sherman, in pursuance of orders from richmond, disaster will ensue. but neither he nor any one is capable of sounding the profound plans of lee. grant's forces are now far away from washington. - / o'clock p.m. an officer just from petersburg, arrived at the war department with the intelligence that a washington paper of the th inst. had been received at headquarters, announcing the capture of baltimore by our troops! the inhabitants within, or a large proportion of them, co-operated with our army! our people are in ecstasies! this is the realization of the grand conception of a great general, and lee is immortalized--if it only be true. june th.--bright and cool--the canopy assuming a _brassy_ aspect from the drought. alack! all the rejoicings are checked, and the public seems to have been hoaxed by the officer who reported that a washington paper of the th inst. contained an account of the surrender of baltimore to the confederate states forces! the paper of that date, it appears, contains nothing of the kind, or else the account has been suppressed, to subserve some military purpose. but our people bear the disappointment well, not doubting but success will ultimately come. there is a rumor that we sank two of the enemy's transports to-day in james river. an immense mass of letters, etc.-- bags--has just come in; the first mail matter that has arrived from beyond the breaks in the danville railroad, perpetrated by wilson's raiders. july th.--dry--the sky bright and brassy--the gardens almost ruined. last evening definite news came in the _washington chronicle_ of the th. gen. early was recrossing the potomac with an immense amount of stores levied in the enemy's country, including thousands of horses, etc. this, the _chronicle_ thinks, will be beneficial to the united states, as recruiting will be stimulated, to punish us for making prize of provisions, etc. in the enemy's country, after the enemy had despoiled us of everything in their power! troops are still going up toward washington from our army, as well as from the enemy's before petersburg; and early, after bestowing his prizes in a place of safety, may return to maryland and pennsylvania for another supply. that may be the best policy to get the enemy off our soil. his cutting off communications with the south will not signify much, if we can derive supplies from the north. july th.--clear and dry. it is believed that a battery sent down opposite to harrison's bar in the james river sank two of the enemy's transports, saturday, and drove back five others to grant. it is rumored that gen. johnston has been relieved at atlanta, and lieut.-gen. hood placed in command. i doubt. it is said mr. trenholm, firm of fraser, trenholm & co., bankers, charleston, has been appointed secretary of the treasury. mr. seddon holds on to the office he occupies. a letter from gen. lee ("headquarters army northern virginia") says gen. early has recrossed the potomac, and is at leesburg, safe,--i hope with his captured supplies. the following is a synopsis of gen. kirby smith's brilliant campaign of ; official report. enemy's losses. in louisiana, killed and wounded, prisoners, pieces artillery, wagons, gun-boat, transports. in arkansas, killed, wounded, prisoners, pieces of artillery, wagons. confederate losses, killed, wounded, and missing. enemy's losses, , . confederate strength, , . enemy's strength, , . in georgia, , . in arkansas, , . july th.--a steady, gentle rain from a.m. till p.m. a dispatch from gen. hood, who relieves gen. johnston, was received to-day. it was in cipher, and i did not learn the contents. i strove in vain to-day to buy a few cabbage seed! the following is a copy of a letter received from gen. lee, his _locality_ not indicated, but from the date, he must be near the city: "headquarters, army northern virginia, " th july, . "hon. secretary of war, richmond. "sir:--i have received a dispatch from gen. early, dated at leesburg on the th inst. on the th he crossed south mountain, leaving sigel at maryland heights. on the th he reached frederick, and in the afternoon attacked and routed the enemy, ten thousand strong, under wallace, at monocacy junction. the next day he moved on washington, and arrived in front of the fortifications around that city on the th. the defenses were found very strong, and were not attacked. after a reconnoissance on the night of the th, he withdrew, and crossed the potomac at white's ford on the th, bringing off everything safely and in good order. he reports the baltimore and ohio railroad to have been cut in several places, and severely damaged. the bridges over gunpowder river, northern central and philadelphia railroads were burned, and the connection between washington and baltimore cut by johnson's cavalry. the th corps (federal) had arrived at washington, and it was reported that other parts of grant's army had reached there, but of the latter he was not certain. hunter had passed williamsport, and was moving toward frederick. gen. early states that his loss was light. "i am, with great respect, "your obed't servant." (not signed.) custis walked with lieut. bell last evening a mile from hanover junction to the battle-field of last month (just a month ago), and beheld some of the enemy still unburied! they fell very near our breastworks. july th.--cloudy and warm, but no rain up to p.m. there is no news of importance; but a battle is momentarily expected in georgia. the _examiner_ says the president bears malice against johnston, and embraces an occasion to ruin him at the risk of destroying the country. that he was not allowed the aid of detachments necessary to success, and hence he could not fight; but all aids will he give his successor, hood, who will be successful. and that this game was played on johnston in in virginia, and when lee took command, every facility was afforded by the government. in short, gen. johnston cannot be vindicated unless our army be destroyed; and if hood wins a victory, he is ruined. this is an unpleasant predicament for a general. planted some cabbage-seeds given me; no plants are for sale. july st.--clear and warm. bought fifty cabbage-plants and set them out before breakfast. gen. early met gen. hunter at snicker's gap, and whipped him. all quiet at petersburg. grant must be dead, sure enough. gen. bragg left the city some days ago. the following is a verbatim dispatch received from him yesterday: "montgomery, ala., july th, . "col. j. b. sale:--the enemy still hold west point railroad. forces are moving forward to dislodge them. gen. s. d. lee informs me ( th army corps) passed vicksburg on the th, supposed to be going to white river. reported memphis, th army corps, franklin left new orleans on the th for fort monroe, , strong. ought not taylor's forces to cross the mississippi? "i hear nothing from johnston. "telegraph me to columbus, ga. "b. bragg, _general_." july d.--bright and dry again. gen. johnston has been relieved. it would seem that gen. hood has made a successful debut as a fighting general in command of the army, since gen. johnston's removal. a dispatch from gen. bragg, dated yesterday, states that the enemy is withdrawing from arkansas, either to operate in mississippi, or to reinforce sherman. gen. lee is opposed to retaliating on innocent prisoners the cruelties committed by the guilty in executing our men falling into their hands. july d.--clear, but a smoky atmosphere, like indian summer. a dispatch was received to-day at m. from gen. hood, dated last night at o'clock, stating that gen. hardee had made a night march, driving the enemy from his works, and capturing guns and several colors, while gen. cheatham captured guns. we took prisoners. also that gen. wheeler had routed the enemy's cavalry at decatur, capturing his camp. our major-gen. walker was killed and three brigadiers were wounded. whether the battle was resumed to-day is not yet ascertained. all are now anxious to get further news from atlanta. and the local forces here are ordered to be in readiness; perhaps lee meditates, likewise, a night march, and an attack on grant. the danville and the weldon railroads are now in active operation, and i hope supplies will soon come in abundance. our government blundered in sanctioning the schedule of prices fixed by the commissioners on impressments for the next two months. the prices are five times those hitherto paid. the whole country cries shame, and a revision is demanded, else the country will be ruined. july th.--cloudy and cool, but dry. yesterday and last night both grant and lee, or beauregard, were moving pretty heavy forces from the south side to the north side of the river. i am not advised which initiated this manoeuvre, but it indicates renewed activity of the armies in this vicinity. i hope the roads will not be cut again, or we shall starve! july th.--it rained all night! cloudy and windy to-day. gen. hood corrects his dispatch of saturday; we captured only guns; but we captured some stand of colors. "headquarters, atlanta, "july d, . "hon. james a. seddon, secretary of war. "the enemy shifted his position on peach tree creek last night, and gen. stewart's and cheatham's corps formed line of battle around the city. "gen. hardee's corps made a night march, and attacked the enemy's extreme left to-day. about o'clock he drove him from his works, capturing artillery and colors. gen. cheatham attacked the enemy, capturing six pieces of artillery. "during the engagement we captured about prisoners. "gen. wheeler's cavalry routed the enemy in the neighborhood of decatur, to-day, capturing his camp. "our loss is not yet fully ascertained. "major-gen. walker was killed. brig.-gens. smith, gist, and mercer were wounded. "prisoners report that gen. mcpherson was killed. "our troops fought with great gallantry. "j. b. hood, _general_." it is certain that a considerable force of the enemy has crossed to the north side of james river; for what purpose is not yet clear. a detachment of our forces has been defeated near winchester, by superior numbers, losing guns. the _dispatch_ of this morning says: "all accounts received of the engagement at snicker's represent that the yankees were badly whipped on that occasion. it is stated that some fifteen hundred of the enemy fell to rise no more, and only six were made prisoners. it is probable that a considerable number were drowned in their attempt to recross the shenandoah." gen. beauregard wrote to the department a few days ago that the country in the rear of the enemy was filled with their deserters, and suggested that by proclamation or otherwise, desertion should be encouraged. they ought to be welcomed and subsisted, and transported to any point near their own country designated by them. on this the secretary of war indorsed rather a cold negative. but he went too far--the country _must_ be saved--and the president, while agreeing that no proclamation should be issued, indorsed an emphatic approval of any other means to encourage desertion from the enemy. my cabbages and turnips (fall) are coming up already. we had but , men and pieces artillery in the recent march into maryland. the enemy say we had , ! letters are pouring in, denouncing the new schedule of prices, sanctioned by the secretary, and demanding a prompt modification. the president wrote the secretary to-day that immediate action is necessary. july th.--clear and pleasant; later cloudy. yesterday, mr. peck, our agent, started south to buy provisions for the civil officers of the department. he had $ from each, and it is to be hoped he will be back soon with supplies at comparatively low prices. he obtained transportation from the quartermaster-general, with the sanction of the secretary, although that ---- ---- had refused to order it himself. gen. lee advises that all government stores be taken from wilmington, as a london newspaper correspondent has given a glowing account (republished in the _new york herald_) of the commerce of that place, and the vast amount of government property there. gen. lee advises that the stores be deposited along the line of railroad between columbia and danville, and be in readiness to move either way, as the roads are "liable to be cut at any moment." will the government act in time to save them? gen. cooper went to the president to-day in high dudgeon, because papers were referred to him from the quartermaster-general's and ordnance offices signed by subordinates, instead of the heads of the bureaus. the president wrote an elaborate decision in favor of the general, and ordered the secretary to "make a note of it." thus, important affairs wait upon "red tape." i saw secretaries benjamin and mallory, and some lesser lights, riding down the river in an ambulance-wagon, supposed to be going a fishing. they were both excessively fat and red. july th.--cloudy and warm; light shower at p.m. gen. lee's dispatch, giving an account of a victory last sunday, near winchester, has diffused hope and satisfaction anew in the city. the following dispatch was received from gen. bragg: "atlanta, july th, . "leave to-morrow to confer with major-gen. maury at montgomery, and urge matters beyond. lieut.-gen. lee arrived. tone of the army fine, and strength increasing daily, etc. all is quiet to-day. "b. bragg, _general_. "col. j. b. sale, _mil. sec._" nevertheless, the clerks are ordered out this afternoon at five, to march to chaffin's farm. i met mr. benjamin as i was passing to the office of the secretary of war with gen. bragg's dispatch, and showed it him. after reading it carefully, he said, "that's very good." gen. lee may be on the eve of attacking grant, or grant him, or we may be reinforcing early, as the solution of the marching of the clerks. no doubt one of grant's corps is on this side of the river, but i think that is to guard the river against our batteries. during my conversation with mr. benjamin, i hoped that in two months the federal armies would be called to washington for the defense of the capital. he did not express any such belief. he was at the department procuring passports from judge campbell, for a young jew to pass the lines into the united states. july th.--cloudy, but no rain. nothing new from georgia or petersburg. but a dispatch from gen. ewell, received to-day at half past two p.m., orders the local troops (they did not march yesterday) or other disposable forces to occupy the darby town, new bridge, and williamsburg roads, for the enemy's cavalry were working round to our left. this was dated " " when, no doubt, it should be th. the secretary was over at the president's office, whither i sent the dispatch. i suppose the troops were ordered out, provided there was a mistake in the _date_. all dispatches should have the _day_ written out in full as well as the day of the month, for the salvation of a city might depend on it. july th.--clear and warm. the local troops did not march until this morning, and no one supposes richmond is seriously menaced by grant. i believe the object of the demonstration on the part of the enemy is to draw our forces away from the vicinity of washington. the chief of the signal corps reports, on information supposed by him to be reliable, that gen. early's captures in maryland were worth $ , , --consisting of some , horses, , cattle, hogs, sheep, , barrels of flour, and a large amount of bacon, etc. also, that he got between and recruits. all this doubtful. mr. g. w. lamar, augusta, ga., writes the secretary of war that he knows, personally, over one hundred men who have _bought_ exemptions, and that they are bought and sold every day at a certain price. now will the secretary order an investigation? mr. l. has, or had, nine sons in the army, and he says he could have bought exemptions for all, as he is rich. and yet a poor ensigncy is refused one of his sons. july th.--clear and hot. dispatches from bragg, at montgomery, of yesterday, give no accounts of more fighting, although the press dispatches, etc. did mention four of our generals who have been wounded. there is a revival of murmurs against the president. he will _persist_ in keeping bragg in command, that is "of the armies in the field," though he does not lead any of them, and gen. _pemberton_ really has command of all the batteries defending richmond. the raiders are cutting the georgia and alabama road since bragg went south, and we have lost four pieces of artillery near this city a few days ago. ill luck is indefensible! to-day the enemy sprung a mine at petersburg, but were repulsed in the attempt to rush in. this is all we know of it yet. again it is rumored that the major parts of both armies are on _this_ side of the river. this i believe, and i think that unless there be a battle immediately, grant's intention is to abandon the "siege" of richmond at the earliest practicable moment. the local troops are back again. the president _directed_ the secretary of war to inform gen. ewell that he misapprehended the character of these troops. they were only for special and temporary service, having also civil duties to perform, and desired them to be sent back in twenty-four, or at most, forty-eight hours. gen. e. writes that he will employ them exclusively hereafter in the city fortifications, and only in times of extreme peril. and he says there _was_ peril on thursday, the enemy's cavalry being _between our infantry and the city_, and it will not do to rely always on his want of enterprise. july st.--clear, dry, and _hot_. a dispatch from gen. lee (i have not seen it yet) says, in the repulse of the enemy's assault on the breach made by their mine, we captured over prisoners--a general and his staff among them--some stands of colors, and killed some . our loss very light. the enemy has mostly countermarched from this side of the river, followed, of course, by our army at double-quick, and rumor says there are little or no forces of either party on the north side of the james this morning. this was probably grant's grand stratagem for our destruction, and it has failed disastrously for him. what will he do next? no matter what, lee is the master of the situation. my daughter's large pet cat died last night under the cherry-tree, and was buried this morning under a rose-bush. i sympathize with fannie in the grief natural on such an occasion; but really, the death of the cat in such times as these is a great relief to me, as he was maintained at the cost of not less than $ per annum. his death was probably occasioned by a surfeit of meat which his mistress obtained unexpectedly, seeing it fall in the street, and sending a servant for it. this morning a large fat chicken was found in my yard, picked and prepared for cooking, brought hither by a cat which had stolen it from some kitchen. a portion of the breast only had been eaten, and our cook seized upon the remains for her own benefit. to such straits are we reduced by this cruel war! chapter xli. from the northern papers.--letter from j. thompson, canada.--from mr. mcrae, our foreign agent.--dispatch from major-gen. maury.--"general order no. ."--battle of reams's station. august st.--hot and clear; but it rained yesterday three-quarters of an hour in the afternoon. our loss in the affair at petersburg is about , the enemy's . we captured small arms. we have nothing yet from atlanta, but no doubt there has been another battle. i hope no disaster has befallen us there. no doubt the wires have been cut by the raiders, and roads also. it is a critical time in georgia. but if virginia triumphs over the assaults of grant, all will go well. august d.--bright and hot. at p.m. a cloud rising. fear my wife, and daughter fannie, and custis (who has a days' furlough), who went this morning per fredericksburg railroad into hanover county to gather blackberries, will be caught in a rain. nevertheless, the rain is wanted. assistant secretary campbell is again "allowing" doubtful characters to pass out of the confederate states to the united states; among these is dr. mcclure, "the embalmer," who, too, carried others out for bribes. the signal bureau gives information to-day of grant's purpose to spring the mine already sprung, also of a raid, that was abandoned, north and west of richmond. they say grant has now but , men, there being only a few men left at washington. can the agents paid by the signal bureau be relied on? gen. bragg telegraphs from columbus, ga., that gen. roddy has been ordered to reassemble his forces in north alabama, to cut sherman's communications. the news from georgia is more cheering. the commissioners (of prices) have reduced the schedule: it was denounced universally. it is said by the _examiner_ that the extravagant rates, $ per bushel for wheat, and $ for bacon, were suggested by a farmer in office. gen. lee writes that he had directed morgan to co-operate with early, but he was sick. the enemy's account of our loss in the battle before atlanta is exaggerated greatly. sherman's army is _doomed_, i think. seven p.m. no rain here, but my family were drenched in a hard shower at hanover junction, and what was worse, they got no blackberries, the hot sun having dried the sap in the bushes. august d.--cloudy, but no rain. the press dispatches last night assert that still another raiding party, besides stoneman's, was dispersed or captured. it is rumored to-day that beauregard has sprung a mine under grant's fortifications. this may be so. _later._ it was _not_ so. august th.--clear and hot. all quiet at petersburg. president lincoln was at fortress monroe on sunday last, after the explosion and its failure. the northern papers acknowledge that grant sustained a terrible disaster at petersburg, losing in killed, wounded, and missing . they say the negro troops caused the failure, by running back and breaking the lines of the whites. the blacks were pushed forward in front, and suffered most. from the same source we learn that our troops have penetrated pennsylvania, and laid the city of chambersburg in ashes. this may be so, as they have burned some half dozen of our towns, and are now daily throwing shell into charleston, atlanta, and petersburg. a letter to the secretary from j. thompson, in canada (per capt. hines), was received to-day. he says the _work_ will not probably begin before the middle of august. i know not what sort of work. but he says _much caution is necessary_. i suppose it to be the destruction of the federal army depots, etc. in the united states. public meetings and the public press continue to denounce in unmeasured terms the high schedule of prices recently sanctioned by the commissary and quartermaster's bureaus. and, although the schedule has been modified, much odium will attach to all concerned in it. a large farmer, at the rates fixed for his products, would realize, perhaps, $ , per annum. august th.--hot and dry. i hope there will be a rain-cloud this evening. no war news, except a letter from gen. lee, indicating that gen. morgan is probably on a raid in northwest virginia and in pennsylvania. morgan proposed going into georgia (rear of sherman), but the secretary indorsed that perhaps the matter had as well be left to gen. lee. the president quietly indorsed that he "concurred in the conclusion that all the movements of troops in virginia had best be left to the discretion of gen lee." gen. hood telegraphs that no important change has occurred in front of atlanta. there was some skirmishing yesterday, and shell thrown into atlanta. my daughter anne, after ten months' residence in the country, returned to-day (with miss randolph, of loudon co.) in perfect health. she brought apples, eggs, a watermelon, cucumbers, etc. mr. davies sold my reel (german silver) to-day for $ , or about $ . in gold--enough to buy a cord of wood. i parted with it reluctantly, as i hope to catch fish yet. august th.--hot and dry. the booming of cannon heard yesterday evening was from one of our batteries below drewry's bluff. the enemy answered from their batteries, the existence of which we had no knowledge of before. no one was hurt. about the same time gen. beauregard sprung a mine _under_ the enemy's mine, and blew it up, no doubt destroying many lives. this was succeeded by heavy, but, perhaps, harmless shelling along the lines. another raiding party has been defeated and dispersed at madison, ga. but we have been unfortunate in a naval engagement in the lower bay, at mobile. we have lost admiral buchanan's ram "tennessee," and several other steamers. one of the enemy's monitors was sunk. they had five vessels to our one. battles are momentarily expected at atlanta and winchester. we have nothing additional from the north. august th.--hot and dry; but heavy rains in other parts of the state. the st army corps moved through the city last night, via the central and fredericksburg railroads, and this morning fitzhugh lee's cavalry corps is passing in the same direction-- a.m. all this indicates a transferrence of the scene of operations nearer the enemy's country--the relief of richmond--the failure of grant's mad bull campaign, prompted by president lincoln, who is no general. honor to lee!--the savior of his country! and the noble band of heroes whom he has led to victory!--but first to god. august th.--hot and dry. there are rumors of battles near winchester and in georgia. mr. benjamin writes the secretary of war for a passport for ----, who is going to new york, "for our service." in the assault on the fortifications near petersburg last week, it is said hancock's (enemy's) corps lost half its men. watermelons have sold at $ each; corn, $ per dozen ears; and everything else in the markets in proportion. my yellow tomatoes are just maturing. the dry weather has ruined nearly everything else in the garden. august th.--very hot; very dry; very dusty. the president has directed the late gen. (now lieut.-col.) pemberton to organize a mortar and cavalry force to dislodge the enemy from deep bottom, on this side of the river, and to select three or four batteries to render the navigation of the james river difficult and dangerous. col. p. says he must have some cavalry, etc. letters from mr. mcrae, our agent abroad, show that our finances and credit are improving wonderfully, and that the government will soon have a great many fine steamers running the blockade. mr. mcr. has contracted for eight _steel_-clad, steamers with a single firm, frazer, trenholm & co.--_the latter now our secretary of the treasury_. the president indorsed a cutting rebuke to both the secretary of war and a mr. (now lieut.-col.) melton, a. a. general's office, to-day. it was on an order for a quartermaster at atlanta to report here and settle his accounts. mr. m. had written on the order that it was issued "by order of the president." the president said he was responsible for all orders issued by the war department, but it was a great presumption of any officer in that department to assume to indorse on any paper that it was by his special order, and that, too, "by command of the secretary of war," the usual form. august th.--hot and dry until p.m. gust, and minutes' rain. good for turnips. forts gaines and powell are lost--the latter blown up. gen. maury telegraphs for infantry, has some men for the defense of mobile, etc. our raiders, under mccausland and bradley johnson, it is said were surprised and defeated last sunday, with loss of men, horses, and pieces of artillery. a rumor prevails that early has gained another victory near winchester. no news yet from our agent sent to north carolina to purchase supplies, but we learn flour and bacon are not held one quarter as high there as here. i do sincerely hope grant's raiders will keep quiet until _i_ can get something to eat! august th.--hot and dry. dispatches from secret agents at washington state that grant and his staff have arrived, that half his army preceded him, and the remainder will soon follow. the campaign is considered a disastrous failure, and it is anticipated that henceforth the scene of operations is to be transferred from richmond to washington. they say president lincoln's face expresses "great terror," and affairs there are in a critical condition. a dispatch from gen. lee states that gen. bradley johnson's brigade of cavalry was surprised and routed on the th inst. by averill. he has directed that gen. j. be relieved. a dispatch from gen. hood (atlanta, ga.) says no important change in affair has occurred since yesterday, except that major-gen. bates is wounded. there are militia in the trenches. august th.--hot and dry. at p.m. rained about three minutes. we are burning up. there is no war news. a rumor in the street says atlanta has fallen. i don't believe it. yesterday gen. hood said no important change had occurred, etc. i saw a soldier to-day from gen. early's army near martinsburg, and the indications were that it was on the eve of crossing the potomac. he left it day before yesterday, th inst. he says kershaw's division was at culpepper c. h., miles from early. detachments of troops are daily passing through the city, northward. all is quiet below on the james river. grant's campaign against richmond is confessedly a failure. august th.--hot and dry. large green worms have attacked my tomatoes, and from the leaves are proceeding to the fruit. but not many of them will escape! i am warring on them. no war news, except the continuation of the movement of troops _northward_. hampton's division of cavalry, at least three brigades, passed this morning. from mobile and atlanta we have nothing of interest. flour is falling: it is now $ per barrel--$ a few weeks ago; and bacon is falling in price also, from $ to $ per pound. a commission merchant said to me, yesterday, that there was at least eighteen months' supply (for the people) of breadstuffs and meats in the city; and pointing to the upper windows at the corner of thirteenth and cary streets, he revealed the ends of many barrels piled above the windows. he said that flour had been there two years, held for "still higher prices." such is the avarice of man. such is war. and such the greed of extortioners, even in the midst of famine--and famine in the midst of plenty! august th.--hot and dry. rumors of a fight down the river yesterday, driving the enemy from deep bottom, and grounding of the richmond. guns were heard, and i suppose we made a demonstration both by land and water. cavalry (hampton's) still pass northward. they ride as if they grew to the horses. as they trot past, they can be seen cutting and dividing large round watermelons, and none are permitted to fall. occasionally a staring negro in the street is astonished by the crushing of a rind on his head. i never saw melons and other fruit so abundant; but they are held so high i cannot indulge. mr. seddon draws pounds rice per month, his family being fifty; and gets pads cotton yarn from the state distribution. i shall get - / pounds rice, at cents--retail price, $ ; and perhaps pad-- pounds--yarn for $ ; my family being seven. august th.--cloudy, damp, and pleasant. a rain fell last night, wetting the earth to a considerable depth; and the wind being southeast, we look for copious showers--a fine season for turnips, etc. cannon was distinctly heard from my garden yesterday evening, and considerable fighting has been going on down the river for several days; the result (if the end is yet) has not been officially stated. it is rumored that pemberton lost more batteries; but it is only rumor, so far. nor have we anything definite from early or hood. bacon has fallen to $ and $ per pound, flour to $ per barrel. i hope we shall get some provisions from the south this week. sowed turnip-seed in every available spot of my garden to-day. my tomatoes are beginning to mature--better late than never. the following official dispatch was received on saturday: "mobile, august th.--nothing later from fort morgan. the wires are broken. gen. forrest drove the enemy's advance out of oxford last night. "all the particulars of the fort gaines surrender known, are that the commanding officer communicated with the enemy, and made terms, without authority. his fort was in good condition, the garrison having suffered little. "he made no reply to repeated orders and signals from gen. page to hold his fort, and surrendered upon conditions not known here. d. h. maury, _major-general_." gen. taylor will cross the mississippi with on the th of this month. sherman must get atlanta quickly, or not at all. august th.--warm and cloudy. there are movements of interest of the armies below, from the fact that we have as yet no authentic account of the fighting during the last few days. i fear we have not been so successful as usual. the enemy is reported to be in force on this side (north) of the river, and marching toward this city. the local (clerks) troops have been called out to man the fortifications. but the blow (if one really be meditated) may fall on the other (south) side of the river. col. moseby has taken of the enemy near berryville, burning wagons, and capturing horses and mules. his loss trifling. august th.--cloudy, and slight showers. in the afternoon dark clouds going round. we have nothing from below but vague rumors, except that we repulsed the enemy yesterday, slaughtering the negro troops thrust in front. from atlanta, it is said the enemy have measurably ceased artillery firing, and it is inferred that their ammunition is low, and perhaps their communications cut. the president and secretary of war were in council all the morning, it is said, on _appointments_ and _promotions_ in the army. the president rode out toward the battle-field at - / p.m. there have been no guns heard to-day. august th.--cloudy and pleasant. still we have no authentic account of the details of the fights on the north side of the james river. we know we lost two brigadier-generals, and that we captured some prisoners. of the number killed and wounded on either side is all conjecture, although a semi-official statement makes our loss but "light." nevertheless, i happen to know that the president rode out yesterday, and remained until late in the night: for mr. craddock, his special detective (and formerly his messenger), whom he sent for to accompany him, assures me while on the field there was a flag of truce to bury the dead, and that the slaughter had been large. our cavalry had suffered; but he thinks the enemy's infantry lost many more men than all our slain together. he says, moreover, that only one negro prisoner reached the city. the rest, thrust forward, being killed on the field in action, i suppose. at p.m. a rumor began to be expanded that a terrific and probably a decisive battle was going on at petersburg. one report says the enemy assaulted our lines, the operations on this side of the river having been more a feint to draw our forces away; another that gen. beauregard attacked the enemy, finding their troops in large force had crossed over to this side, and this in the absence of gen. lee, he taking the responsibility. be this as it may, some stir was in the cabinet: and the secretary of war was with the president from a.m. till p.m. this might be on "appointments and promotions," and it might be on beauregard. about p.m. brisk artillery firing was heard in a southeast direction, which increased in rapidity, and apparently became nearer the city, until musketry could be distinctly heard from all parts of the city. my daughter anne and her younger brother, thomas, had walked out to hollywood cemetery, where they could not only hear the firing, but could see the lines of smoke below the city, on the left or north bank. between and p.m. the sound seemed to recede, indicating that the assault had been repulsed; and finally all was silent again. it is probable the battle raged likewise on the south side of the river, and it may be hoped the assault on petersburg was similarly repulsed. we shall know to-morrow. august th.--damp and cloudy. there was no serious battle. the wind was in a quarter which brought the sounds to us, even from the skirmishers, ten miles distant. but our gun-boats shelled the enemy out of their position on signal hill, and there was heavy cannonading along the line on the south side of the river. and, as appears by the papers, there was severe fighting at different points of the line. we have now some further details of the battle of tuesday. our loss was ; the enemy's, it is said, to . it is now, p.m., raining gently, thank heaven! to-day we had a distribution of meats, etc. brought from north carolina by our agent. custis and i invested $ : we have received pounds bacon and smoked herrings--worth here about $ . half the money remains in the agent's hands, for which we expect to get pounds of flour--if the enemy will let the railroads alone. it is believed another raid has crossed the weldon road, and is sweeping in the direction of the lynchburg and danville road. the speculators are on the _qui vive_ already, and no flour can be had. i fear _our_ flour will be intercepted, delayed, and perhaps lost! the meat we got to-day will supply but two ounces for each member of my family daily for two months. this is war, terrible war! but if grant is not rapidly reinforced, at the present rate of his losses his army will be consumed in two months. there is some consolation in that prospect! august th.--rained hard all night, and a good deal to-day. between and p.m. last evening, as we were retiring, a musket was fired somewhere in the rear of the building, and fragments of lime and brick were heard rattling against the window-shutters. this morning i perceived where the ball struck, a few inches below the window-sill of the chamber on the second floor, where custis and tom were lying. some one, i suppose, had heedlessly fired his gun, after returning from the fortifications. well, the papers to-day fall below the official announcement of the work of yesterday afternoon. gen. lee's dispatch says we captured prisoners near petersburg on the weldon road. no other particulars are given, and the affair is still in mystery, for some purpose, perhaps. it is rumored that gen. hampton captured men last night or this morning; but i doubt. without that, the week's work is good--grant losing from , to , men. a few more weeks, at that rate, will consume his army, and then--peace? gen. bragg complains, in a letter to the secretary of war, that the orders of the department, and of the adjutant-general, are not furnished him, which must diminish, if persisted in, his usefulness in the important position to which the president has called him. they, are all inimical to bragg--all but the president, who is bound in honor to sustain him. the price of flour has fallen again; lee's victory frightening the dealers. robert hill, commission merchant, bank street, gave me two pounds of coffee to-day when i told him of lee's dispatch. it was accepted, of course, and is worth some $ per pound. guns are heard down the river again this evening, and all are wondering what lee is doing now. august st.--cloudy and pleasant; no rain last night, but the earth is saturated. no additional news from the army. it is said gen. bragg prevents news, good or bad, from expanding--believing that any intelligence whatever in the newspapers affords information to the enemy; and he is right. all the mysteries will be solved in a few days, and we shall have all the news, good, bad, and indifferent. i heard cannon last evening; also this morning. our casualties could not have been large, else the ambulance train would have been in motion. that is certain. it may be that grant's army is _crumbling_,--i hope so; and it may possibly be that _negotiations_ are in progress. there _must_ be an end of this; for the people of both sections are tired of it. so far grant has unquestionably failed in his enterprises against richmond, and his present reduced strength certainly renders it unlikely that he can prevail against us hereafter. his new levies, if he gets any, will not be fit for the field this year; and all his veterans will soon be gone,--killed, or home,--never to return. thank god, the prospect of peace is "bright and brightening," and a dark cloud is above the horizon in the north. lincoln and his party are now environed with dangers rushing upon them from every direction. no doubt lee's army is weakened by detachments sent to early; but then the local troops have been sent home, which is at least a favorable augury. the following order is published: "general order no. . "it having been represented to the war department that there are numbers of foreigners entrapped by artifice and fraud into the military and naval service of the united states, who would gladly withdraw from further participation in the inhuman warfare waged against a people who have never given them a pretext for hostility; and that there are many inhabitants of the united states now retained in that service against their will, who are averse to aiding in the unjust war now being prosecuted against the confederate states; and it being also known that these men are prevented from abandoning such compulsory service by the difficulty they experience in escaping therefrom, it is ordered that all such persons coming within the lines of the confederate armies shall be received, protected, and supplied with means of subsistence, until such of them as desire it can be forwarded to the most convenient points on the border, where all facilities will be afforded them to return to their homes. "by order, "(signed) s. cooper, "_a. and i. general_." my turnips have not come up yet, and i fear the hot sun has destroyed the vitality of the seed. it is said the enemy still hold the weldon road; if so, then i fear our flour will be delayed, if not lost. what if grant now had the , more--lost in this campaign? or if lincoln should succeed in getting into the field the , men now called for? the next two months will be the most interesting period of the war; everything depends upon the result of the presidential election in the united states. we rely some little upon the success of the peace party. the order from the adjutant-general's office was first suggested by gen. beauregard, discountenanced by mr. secretary seddon, approved by the president, and slightly modified by gen. lee. it remains to be seen what will be its effect. deserters are certainly coming over in large numbers; so much so, that it is proposed to establish a depot for them in georgia. gen. winder writes that it is not his province to be charged with them as well as with the prisoners. he is miserable; his rogues and cut-throats have mostly remained behind, preferring a city residence; and the bureau of conscription _will not_, it seems, conscribe marylanders, most of whom have grown rich here. will the president and the secretary of war yield to assistant secretary campbell, and the "bureau," and judge halliburton,--or will they execute the act of congress, enrolling all "residents" for the common defense! _nous verrons._ one meets no beggars yet, although we have been suffering a famine for more than a year. the state government is now selling a little rice--one and a half pounds per month to each member of a family--at cents per pound, the ordinary price being about $ . and the city council has employed a butcher to sell fresh meat at about $ . per pound. the state will also distribute cotton cloth and yarn, at something less than the usual prices. there would be quite enough of everything necessary, if it were equally distributed. august d.--sunshine and clouds, cool and pleasant. there was heavy fighting on the weldon road yesterday evening, still held by the enemy; but no official account of the result--if it has yet reached a result--has been received. the city is full of extravagant rumors, and i incline to the belief that we gained no advantage yesterday. we took some prisoners, certainly; but i fear haygood's brigade of south carolinians ventured too far, when they were enveloped by greatly superior numbers--and--we shall know all to-morrow. the news from hood, wheeler, forrest, etc. in the southwest promises well. august d.--clear and pleasant. the enemy still occupy the weldon road, beyond petersburg, in great force. our loss in killed, wounded, and captured is estimated (in sunday's fight) at ; under the mark, perhaps. i hear of no raid yet against the danville road; but the flour speculators have put up the price again. gen. kemper told me this morning that he had of the reserves defending the danville road, the number gen. lee asked for. gen. hood is so strong at atlanta, that he has promised to send, in an emergency, a brigade to mobile. interesting events will crowd each other rapidly, now. august th.--clear and pleasant. operations now must be initiated by the enemy. gen. lee writes that he is too weak to attempt to dislodge the yankees from the weldon railroad. he cannot afford the loss of men necessary to accomplish it. he says the enemy, however, was "worsted" in the two conflicts, that of friday and sunday. and if he were to drive him away, the road would still be subject to interruption. he thinks we can still get supplies, by wagons, round the enemy's position, as well as by the danville road. he also suggests that corn be imported at wilmington, and that every effort be made to accumulate supplies here; and he thinks we can hold out until corn matures some six weeks hence, so that the moral effect will be good, when it is apparent the efforts of the enemy to cut off our supplies are thwarted. he thinks the enemy has relinquished the idea of forcing our fortifications. but he says that grant intended to force his way into richmond last week. i wrote a letter to the president to-day, urging the necessity of preventing the transportation of any supplies on the railroads except for distribution at cost, and thus exterminating the speculators. the poor must be fed and protected, if they be relied upon to defend the country. the rich bribe the conscription officers, and keep out of the ranks, invest their confederate money and bonds in real estate, and would be the first to submit to the united states government; and the poor, whom they oppress, are in danger of demoralization from suffering and disgust, and might also embrace reunion rather than a prolongation of such miseries as they have so long experienced. the patriotism of must be revived, or independence cannot be achieved. if a peace democrat be elected, no doubt terms of peace will be tendered, on the basis of _reunion_; and if they be rejected, perhaps the war may be continued. or lincoln may modify his conditions of peace; and the rich, always seeking repose and security, may embrace them. the surest plan is to break up speculation, and put the rich as well as the poor in the army. we must _deserve_ independence, else we shall not get it. there must be no partiality, and especially in favor of the rich. i wrote plainly, intimating the danger of reconstruction, without the greatest care, and a scrupulous performance of duty. august th.--clear and warm. no war news, except reports that gen. wheeler has destroyed much of the railroad in sherman's rear, and that early has forced sheridan back across the potomac. gen. lee writes that he already notices the good effect of the order published by our government, encouraging desertions from the enemy's armies. he suggests that it be translated into the german, and circulated extensively in the enemy's country. my turnips seem to be coming up at last; have sown them everywhere, so that when other crops come off, the ground will still be producing something. bought a bushel of red peas to-day for $ --the last for sale--the rest being taken for _horses_. such is the food that my family is forced to subsist on. mr. haxall, a millionaire, of conscript age, has just been appointed assessor of tax-in-kind. the salary is a pitiful sum, but the rich man is kept out of the army while the poor man is forced to fight in defense of his property. the president is indefatigable in his labors. every day the papers he sends to the department bear evidence of his attention to the minutest subject, even to the small appointments; he frequently rejects the secretary's recommendations. gen. bragg recommends that publication be made here, in the united states, and in europe, encouraging enlistments of foreigners in our army. august th.--clear; but rained copiously last night. a letter from gen. lee indicates that the "bureau of conscription" fails to replenish the army. the rich men and slaveowners are but too successful in getting out, and in keeping out of the service. the governor, who commissions magistrates, is exempting some fifty daily, and these, in many instances, are not only young men, but speculators. and nearly every landed proprietor has given bonds to furnish meal, etc. to obtain exemption. thus _corruption_ is eating to the heart of the cause, and i fear the result of the contest between speculation and patriotism. mr. seddon says he has striven to make the conscription officers do their duty, and was not aware that so many farmers had gotten exemption. he promises to do all in his power to obtain recruits, and will so use the strictly _local_ troops as to render the reserves more active. what that means we shall soon see. a dispatch from mobile says fort morgan is in the possession of the enemy! _per contra_, a dispatch from the same place says memphis is in the possession of forrest. august th.--bright morning, and fine shower last night. the people are smiling to-day from our success of thursday, announced in the following dispatch from gen. lee: "headquarters army northern virginia, "august th, . "hon. j. a. seddon, secretary of war. "general a. p. hill attacked the enemy in his intrenchments at reams's station yesterday evening, and at the second assault carried his entire line. "cook's and mcrae's north carolina brigades, under gen. heth, and lane's north carolina brigade, of wilcox's division, under gen. connor, with pegram's artillery, composed the assaulting party. "one line of breastworks was carried by the cavalry under gen. hampton with great gallantry, who contributed largely to the success of the day. "seven stands of colors, two thousand prisoners, and nine pieces of artillery are in our possession. "the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded is reported to be heavy--ours relatively small. "our profound gratitude is due to the giver of all victory, and our thanks to the brave men and officers engaged. "r. e. lee." it is said to-day that our captures will amount to , and a brigadier-general is among the prisoners. the president intimated to-day to the secretary that when he respites a prisoner condemned to death, he does not desire the case brought to him again to approve the execution. august th.--a bright, pleasant day. no news. walked, as usual, to the department to see if any important letters had come, and then hastened back that the family might go to church in time. oh what a lovely day in such an unlovely time! the recent rains have washed the dust from the still dark-green leaves of the trees and vegetation in my little yard and garden, and they rustle in a genial sunlight that startles a memory of a similar scene, forty or more years ago! it is a holy sabbath day upon the earth,--but how unholy the men who inhabit the earth! even the tall garish sun-flowers, cherished for very memories of childhood's days by my wife, and for amusement by my little daughter, have a gladdening influence on my spirits, until some object of scanty food or tattered garment forces upon the mind a realization of the reign of discord and destruction without. god grant there may be a speedy end of the war! and the words armistice and peace are found in the northern papers and upon every one's tongue here. my tomato vines are looking well and are bearing well, now. my turnips are coming up everywhere. the egg-plants i nurtured so carefully have borne no fruit yet, but are going to blossom. the okras have recovered under the influence of recent showers, and have new blossoms. our agent in north carolina has been delayed by illness, and has bought us no flour yet, but we still have hope. we trust that the enemy will not cut our communications with the south, since he has met with so many heavy mishaps in attempting it. grant has attempted everything in his power to get richmond, and was foiled in all. i hope he will withdraw soon. why stay, with no prospect of success? a few days more may solve his purposes and plans, or lee may have more enterprises against him. it is a cloudless, silent, solemn sabbath day, and i thank god for it! august th.--bright and pleasant morning; another fine shower last night. no important intelligence from the armies. august th.--bright and pleasant. gen. hood telegraphs gen bragg that the enemy has shifted his line somewhat, drawing back his left and extending his right wing. also that dispatches from wheeler (august th) informs him that dalton was captured, as stated, with prisoners, mules, a large amount of stores; several train supplies destroyed, as well as twenty-five miles of railroad in sherman's rear. if that don't disturb the equanimity of sherman, he must be an extraordinary general indeed. gen. lee says the bureau of conscription has ceased to send forward recruits, and suggests that the conscript officers and their tens of thousands of details be now ordered into the ranks themselves. the secretary does not agree to this, and the assistant secretary's son-in-law is one of "the bureau." nine-tenths of the president's time and labor consist of discriminating between applicants for office and for promotion. they are all politicians still! and the secretaries of state, navy, and the postmaster-general are getting to be as fat as bears, while some of the subordinates i wot of are becoming mere shadows from scarcity of food. august st.--bright and pleasant. the only news to-day was a dispatch from gen. hood, stating that the enemy had left holly springs, miss., for the mississippi river, supposed to reinforce sherman, whose communications are certainly cut. it seems to me that sherman must be doomed. forces are gathering from every quarter around him, and it is over miles to mobile, if he has any idea to force his way thitherward. attended an auction to-day. prices of furniture, clothing, etc. still mounting higher. common salt herrings are at $ per dozen; salt shad, $ a piece. our agent was heard from to-day. he has no flour yet, but we still have hopes of getting some. chapter xlii. the federal presidency.--the chicago convention.--fall of atlanta.-- bureau of conscription.--from gen. hood.--vice-president stephens on the situation.--letter from mrs. mendenhall.--dispatch from gen. lee.--defeat of gen. early.--from gov. vance.--from gov. brown, of georgia.--gen. lee's indorsement of col. moseby.--hon. mr. foote.-- attack on fort gilmer.--indiscriminate arrest of civilians. september st.--clear, bright, and cool. the intelligence from the north indicates that gen. mcclellan will be nominated for the presidency. judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, shakes his head, and says he is not the right man. our people take a lively interest in the proceedings of the chicago convention, hoping for a speedy termination of the war. senator johnson, of missouri, has a project of taxation for the extinguishment of the public debt--a sweeping taxation, amounting to one-half the value of the real and personal estate of the confederate states. he got me to commit his ideas to writing, which i did, and they will be published. gen. kemper told me to-day that there were , able-bodied men in virginia now detailed. there is a project on the tapis of introducing lady clerks into this bureau--all of them otherwise able to subsist themselves--while the poor refugees, who have suffered most, are denied places. even the president named one to-day, mrs. ford, who, of course, will be appointed. september d.--bright, and cool, and dry. it is reported that a battle has occurred at atlanta; but i have seen no official confirmation of it. it is rumored that gen. mcclellan has been nominated by the chicago convention for president, and fernando wood for vice-president. there is some interest felt by our people in the proceedings of this convention, and there is a hope that peace candidates may be nominated and elected. senator johnson (missouri) told me to-day that he had seen mrs. vaughan (wife of our gen. v.), just from the united states, where she had been two months; and she declares it as her belief that gen. mcclellan will be elected, if nominated, and that he is decidedly for peace. she says the peace party would take up arms to put an end to lincoln's sanguinary career, but that it is thought peace can be soonest restored by the ballot-box. the president to-day arrested the rush of staff appointments. to-day an old gentleman, after an interview with mr. secretary ----, said he might be a good man, an honest man; but he certainly had a "most villainous face." september d.--slight rain in the morning. there is an ugly rumor on the streets to-day--disaster to gen. hood, and the fall of atlanta. i cannot trace it to an authentic source; and, if true, the telegraph operatives must have divulged it. a dispatch from petersburg states that there is much cheering in grant's army for mcclellan, the nominee of the chicago convention for the presidency. i think the resolutions of the convention amount to a defiance of president lincoln, and that their ratification meetings will inaugurate civil war. the president has called upon the governor of alabama for the entire militia of the state, to be mustered into the service for the defense of the states. it is dated september st, and will include all exempted by the conscription bureau as _farmers_. every farm has its exempted or detailed man under bonds to supply meat, etc. i incline to the belief that hood has met with disaster at atlanta. if so, every able-bodied man in that state will be hunted up for its defense, unless, indeed, the union party should be revived there. there will be a new clamor against the president, for removing johnston, and for _not_ putting beauregard in his place. but we may get aid from the north, from their civil dissensions. if lincoln could precipitate , additional men upon us now, we should be compelled to give back at all points. but this he cannot do. and the convention at chicago did not adjourn _sine die_, and may be called again at any time to exercise _other_ functions than the mere nomination of candidates, etc. september th.--showery. atlanta has fallen, and our army has retreated some thirty miles; such is hood's dispatch, received last night. the cheering in grant's camp yesterday was over that event. we have not had sufficient generalship and enterprise to destroy sherman's communications. some , landowners, and the owners of slaves, are at their comfortable homes, or in comfortable offices, while the poor and ignorant are relied upon to achieve independence! and these, very naturally, disappoint the president's expectations on momentous occasions. september th.--clear and warm. gen. lee has called for negroes (to be impressed) to work on the petersburg fortifications. gen. lee has been here two days, giving his advice, which i hope may be taken. he addresses gen. bragg as "commanding armies c. s." this _ought_ to be an example for others to follow. the loss of atlanta is a stunning blow. i am sick to-day--having been swollen by beans, or rather cow-peas. september th.--raining moderately, and cool. gen. bragg has taken the bureau of conscription in hand, since col. august, "acting superintendent," wrote him a "disrespectful and insubordinate" note. he required a report of the officers in the bureau, from lieut.-col. lay, "acting superintendent,"--there have been three "acting superintendents" during the last three days,--and col. lay furnished it. on this gen. b. remarks that one young and able-bodied colonel (august) was here while his regiment was in the field, and recommended that he be permitted to have an opportunity to see some "service" before the war is ended, and military experience, which will teach him to be more respectful to seniors, etc.; and that the able-bodied lieutenant-colonel (lay), from whom he can get no report of inspections, and who remains here idle most of his time, could render more efficient service in the field. and he thought lieut. goldthwait, relative of the assistant secretary of war, in the bureau, was performing functions that would better pertain to an older and more experienced man. in short, the whole organization required modification. these papers, with this indorsement, being sent to the president, that functionary sends them to the secretary of war, with an indorsement intimating that such remarks from gen. bragg required _action_. here's a row! perhaps the secretary himself may _flare up_, and charge gen. b. with interference, etc.;--but no, he must see that gen. b. is acting with the concurrence of the president. but the assistant secretary, col. august, lieut.-col. lay, etc. will be like so many hornets stirred up with a pole, and no doubt they are rich enough to defy the emoluments of office. september th.--clear and cool; rained in the night. gen. j. h. morgan is dead,--surprised and killed in tennessee,--and his staff captured. gen. hood telegraphs that the enemy is still _retreating_--toward atlanta, i suppose. the cruiser tallahassee having run into wilmington, that port is now pretty effectually closed by an accumulation of blockaders. it is said gen. forrest has blown up tunnel hill; if so, sherman must be embarrassed in getting supplies of ordnance stores. sir wm. armstrong has sent from england one or two splendid guns (a present) to our government, with equipments, etc. and the manufacturers have presented us with a battery of whitworth guns, six in number, but they have not arrived yet. september th.--bright and cool; subsequently cloudy and warm. dispatches from gen. hood (sept. th) state-- st dispatch: that sherman still holds his works one and a half miles from jonesborough. d dispatch, same date: "sherman continues his retreat!" he says, in a d dispatch, that sherman visited the hospitals, and said he would rest awhile at atlanta, and then march away to andersonville, where we keep the federal prisoners. although hood attaches no importance to declarations from such a source, yet he deems it a matter of first importance to remove the prisoners, which suggestion gen. bragg refers to the secretary of war without remark. gen. hood also urges the reinforcing of his army from the trans-mississippi department. he is sending a brigade to opelika, to await a raid. gen. forrest has been ordered, the president approving, to middle tennessee; but, contrary to his desire, he is not allowed to proclaim amnesty to the thousands of deserters expected to join him, so firmly do the president and gen. bragg adhere to gen. lee's advice never to proclaim pardon in advance to deserters, even at this critical epoch in our affairs. all of us have been made sick by eating red peas, or rather _over_eating. our cause is in danger of being lost for want of horses and mules, and yet i discovered to-day that the government has been _lending_ horses to men who have but recently suffered some of the calamities of war! i discovered it in a letter from the hon. _r. m. t. hunter_, of essex county, asking in behalf of himself and neighbors to be permitted to retain the borrowed horses beyond the time specified--oct. st. mr. hunter borrowed two horses and four mules. he is worth millions, and only suffered (having a mill burned) his first loss by the enemy a few weeks ago! better, far better, would it be for the secretary to borrow or impress one hundred thousand horses, and mount our infantry to cut the communications of the enemy, and hover on his flanks like the cossacks in russia. september th.--rained last night; clear to-day. we hear of great rejoicing in the united states over the fall of atlanta, and this may be premature. president lincoln has issued a proclamation for thanksgiving in the churches, etc. mr. benjamin informs the secretary of war that the president has agreed to facilitate the emigration of polish exiles and a few hundred scotchmen, to come through mexico, etc. the former will enter our service. the "hope" has arrived at wilmington with sir wm. armstrong's present of a fine -pounder, all its equipments, ammunition, etc. also (for sale) two -pounder rifled guns, with equipments, etc. september th.--slight showers, and warm. gen. j. h. morgan was betrayed by a woman, a mrs. williamson, who was entertaining him. custis made an estimate of the white male population in seven states this side of the mississippi, leaving out tennessee, between the ages of fifteen and fifty, for gen. kemper, for gen. lee, which is , , subject to deduction of those between fifteen and seventeen, disabled, , , leaving , --enough for defense for several years yet, if the bureau of conscription were abolished and a better system adopted. it is said the draft is postponed or abandoned in the united states. i hope so. two -pounder guns passed down the river to-day on this side. we shall probably hear from them soon, and then, perhaps--lose them. september th.--showery. no war news, though important events are looked for speedily. it is time. if our coat-tails were off, we should, in nine cases out of ten, be voted a nation of _sans cullottes_. we are already meager and emaciated. yet i believe there is abundance of clothing and food, held by the extortioners. the government should wage war upon the speculators--enemies as mischievous as the yankees. september th.--clear, and quite cold. gen. hood has agreed to a short armistice with sherman, ten days, proposed by the latter. our people don't know what to think of this, and the government is acquiescent. but there is a mournful gloom upon the brows of many, since gen. grant holds the weldon road, and is daily receiving reinforcements, while we get but few under the conscription system and the present organization of the bureau. there is a rumor of an intention to abandon petersburg, and that , old men and boys, etc. must be put in the trenches on our side immediately to save richmond and the cause. over , landed proprietors, and most of the slaveowners, are now out of the ranks, and soon, i fear, we shall have an army that will not fight, having nothing to fight for. and this is the result of the pernicious policy of partiality and exclusiveness, disintegrating society in such a crisis, and recognizing distinction of ranks,--the _higher_ class staying home and making money, the _lower_ class thrust into the trenches. and then the infamous schedule, to make the fortunes of the farmers of certain counties. i bought yards of brown cotton to-day, at $ . per yard, from a man who had just returned from north carolina. the price here is $ . i sold my dear old silver reel some time ago (angling) for $ , the sum paid for this cotton. already the _dispatch_ is publishing paragraphs in praise of the "bureau of conscription," never dreaming that it strikes both gen. bragg and the president. these articles are written probably by lieut.-col. lay or col. august. and the _examiner_ is opening all its batteries again on the president and gen. bragg. the conscription men seem to have the odds; but the president, with a single eye, can discern his enemies, and when fully aroused is apt to pounce upon them like a relentless lion. the times are critical, however, and the secretary of war is very reserved, even when under positive orders to act. september th.--a bright, cool morning. dispatches from lieut.-gen. r. taylor indicate that federal troops are passing up the mississippi river, and that the attack on mobile has been delayed or abandoned. gen. lee writes urgently for _more men_, and asks the secretary to direct an inquiry into alleged charges that the bureaus are getting able-bodied details that should be in the army. and he complains that rich young men are elected magistrates, etc., just to avoid service in the field. gen. mcclellan's letter accepting the nomination pledges a restoration of the union "at all hazards." this casts a deeper gloom over our croakers. "everybody" is now abusing the president for removing gen. johnston, and demand his restoration, etc. our agent has returned, without wheat or flour. he says he has bought some wheat, and some molasses, and they will be on soon. i hope gen. grant will remain quiet, and not cut our only remaining railroad (south), until we get a month's supply of provisions! i hear of speculators getting everything they want, to oppress us with extortionate prices, while _we_ can get nothing through on the railroads for our famishing families, even when we have an order of the government for transportation. the companies are bribed by speculators, while the government pays more moderate rates. and the quartermasters on the roads are bribed, and, although the quartermaster-general is apprised of these corruptions, nothing is done to correct them. and mr. seward has promised, for president lincoln, that slavery will not be disturbed in any state that returns to the union; and mcclellan pledges states rights, and all the constitutional guarantees, when the union is re-established. a few more disasters, and many of our croakers would listen to these promises. the rich are looking for security, and their victims, the poor and oppressed, murmur at the confederate states government for its failure to protect them. in this hour of dullness, many are reflecting on the repose and abundance they enjoyed once in the union. but there are more acts in this drama! and the bell may ring any moment for the curtain to rise again. dr. powell brought us some apples to-day, which were fried for dinner--a scanty repast. september th.--bright and cold. gen. lee is in the city, looking after recruits, details, etc. mr. secretary seddon appears to be in very high spirits to-day, and says our affairs are by no means so desperate as they seem on the surface. i hope the good coming will come soon. gen. beauregard has been sent to north carolina on a tour of inspection. no news of our wheat and molasses yet; and we have hardly money enough to live until the next pay-day. we have no coal yet. four o'clock p.m. a brisk cannonade down the river is distinctly heard. it is not supposed to be a serious matter,--perhaps we are shelling gen. butler's observatory, erected within his lines to overlook ours. september th.--bright and pleasant. the firing was from our gun-boats and two batteries, on gen. butler's canal to turn the channel of the river. our fondly-cherished visions of peace have vanished like a mirage of the desert; and there is general despondency among the croakers. mr. burt, of south carolina (late member of congress), writes from abbeville that vice-president a. h stephens crossed the savannah river, when sherman's raiders were galloping through the country, in great alarm. to the people near him he spoke freely on public affairs, and criticised the president's policy severely, and the conduct of the war generally. he said the enemy might now go where he pleased, our strength and resources were exhausted, and that we ought to make _peace_. that we could elect any one we might choose president of the united states, and intimated that this would enable us to secure terms, etc., which was understood to mean reconstruction of the union. a dispatch from gen. hood, dated yesterday, says wheeler has been forced, by superior numbers, south of the tennessee river; and he now proposes that he (w.) shall retreat south along the railroad, which he is to destroy. this is the very route and the very work i and others have been hoping would engage wheeler's attention, for weeks. for one, i am rejoiced that the enemy "forced" him there, else, it seems, sherman's communications never would have been seriously interrupted. and he proposes sending forrest to operate with wheeler. forrest is in mobile! gen. morgan's remains are looked for this evening, and will have a great funeral. and yet i saw a communication to the president to-day, from a friend of his in high position, a kentuckian, saying morgan did not die too soon; and his reputation and character were saved by his timely death! the charges, of course, will be dropped. his command is reduced to men; he was required to raise all his recruits in kentucky. september th.--bright and pleasant--the weather. gen. hood telegraphs that his army is so much mortified at the feeble resistance it made to sherman, that he is certain it will fight better the next time. mr. benjamin asks a passport and transportation for mrs. jane l. brant, who goes to europe in the employment of the government. gen. morgan's funeral took place to-day. none were allowed to see him; for the coffin was not opened. on the way to hollywood cemetery, gen. ewell received a dispatch that our pickets were driven in at chaffin's farm. this demonstration of the enemy compelled him to withdraw the military portion of the procession, and they were hurried off to the battle-field. the local troops (clerks, etc.) are ordered to assemble at p.m. to-day. what does grant mean? he chooses a good time, if he means anything serious; for our people, and many of the troops, are a little despondent. they are censuring the president again, whose popularity ebbs and flows. september th.--bright and dry. the demonstration of the enemy yesterday, on both sides of the river, was merely reconnoissances. our pickets were driven in, but were soon re-established in their former positions. the secretary of war is now reaping plaudits from his friends, who are permitted to bring flour enough from the valley to subsist their families twelve months. the poor men in the army (the rich are not in it) can get nothing for their families, and there is a prospect of their starving. gen. hood is a prophet. i saw a letter from him, to-day, to the president, opposing gen. morgan's last raid into kentucky: predicting that if he returned at all, it would be with a demoralized handful of men--which turned out to be the case. he said if morgan had been with gen. jones in the valley, we might not have been compelled to confess a defeat, and lament the loss of a fine officer. they do not take confederate notes in the valley, but sell flour for $ per barrel in gold, which is equal to $ in paper; and it costs nearly $ to bring it here. chickens are selling in market for $ each, paper, or - / cents, specie. september th.--cool and cloudy; symptoms of the equinoctial gale. we have intelligence of another brilliant feat of gen. wade hampton. day before yesterday he got in the rear of the enemy, and drove off beeves and prisoners. this will furnish fresh meat rations for lee's army during a portion of the fall campaign. i shall get some shanks, perhaps; and the prisoners of war will have meat rations. our people generally regard mcclellan's letter of acceptance as a war speech, and they are indifferent which succeeds, he or lincoln, at the coming election; but they incline to the belief that mcclellan will be beaten, because he did not announce himself in favor of peace, unconditionally, and our independence. my own opinion is that mcclellan did what was best for him to do to secure his election, and that he will be elected. then, if we maintain a strong front in the field, we shall have peace and independence. yet his letter convinces me the peace party in the united states is not so strong as we supposed. if it shall appear that subjugation is not practicable, by future success on our part, the peace party will grow to commanding proportions. our currency was, yesterday, selling $ for $ in gold; and all of us who live on salaries live very badly: for food and everything else is governed by the specie value. our $ per annum really is no more than $ in gold. the rent of our house is the only item of expense not proportionably enlarged. it is $ , or $ in gold. gas is put up to $ per feet. four p.m. we hear the deep booming of cannon again down the river. i hope the enemy will not get back the beeves we captured, and that my barrel of flour from north carolina will not be intercepted! j. j. pollard's contract to bring supplies through the lines, on the mississippi, receiving cotton therefor, has been revoked, it being alleged by many in that region that the benefits reaped are by no means mutual. and mr. de bow's office of cotton loan agent has been taken away from him for alleged irregularities, the nature of which is not clearly stated by the new secretary of the treasury, who announces his removal to the secretary of war. the president has had the porch of his house, from which his son fell, pulled down. a "private" letter from vice-president stephens was received by mr. secretary seddon to-day. the cannonading ceased at sundown. the papers, to-morrow, will inform us what it was all about. sunday is not respected in war, and i know not what is. such terrible wars as this will probably make those who survive appreciate the blessings of peace. september th.--clear and pleasant. we have nothing yet explanatory of the shelling yesterday. to-day we have news of an expedition of the enemy crossing rapidan bridge on the way toward gordonsville, charlottesville, etc. gen. anderson's division, from early's army, is said to be marching after them. we shall learn more of this business very soon. mrs. d. e. mendenhall, quaker, jamestown, n. c., has written a "strictly confidential" letter to mr. j. b. crenshaw, of this city (which has gone on the files of the department), begging him to use his influence with mr. secretary seddon (which is great) to get permission for her to send fourteen negroes, emancipated by her late husband's will, to ohio. she says there is but one able to bear arms, and he is crazy; that since the enemy uses negro soldiers, she will withhold the able-bodied ones; that she has fed our soldiers, absolutely starving some of her stock to death, that she might have food for our poor men and their families, etc. etc. no news from our flour. i saw nat tyler to-day, and told him to call upon the farmers, in the _enquirer_, to send their provisions to the city immediately, or they may lose their crops, and their horses too. he said he would. the only news of interest is contained in the following official dispatch from gen. lee: "headquarters army northern virginia, "september th, . "hon. j. a. seddon, secretary of war. "at daylight yesterday the enemy's skirmish line west of the jerusalem plank road was driven back upon his intrenchments along their whole extent. ninety prisoners were taken by us in the operation. "at the same hour gen. hampton attacked the enemy's position north of the norfolk railroad, near sycamore church, and captured about three hundred prisoners, some arms and wagons, a large number of horses, and twenty-five hundred cattle. "gen. gregg attacked gen. hampton, on his return in the afternoon, at belchess' mill, on the jerusalem plank road, but was repulsed and driven back. everything was brought off safely. "our entire loss does not exceed fifty men. r. e. lee." gen. preston, superintendent bureau of conscription, has made a labored defense (written by colonels lay and august) of the bureau against the allegations of gen. bragg. this was sent to the president by the secretary of war, "for his information." the president sent it back, to-day, indorsed, "the subject is under general consideration." the "bureau," by advertisement, to-day, calls upon everybody between the ages of sixteen and fifty to report at certain places named, and be registered, and state the reasons why they are not now in the army and in the field. what nonsense! how many do they expect to come forward, voluntarily, candidates for gunpowder and exposure in the trenches? september th.--bright and pleasant. an order has been given to impress _all_ the supplies (wheat and meat) in the state, and gen. kemper has been instructed to lend military aid if necessary. this is right, so that speculation may be suppressed. but, then, commissary-general northrop says it is _all_ for the army, and the _people_--non-producers--may starve, for what he cares. if this unfeeling and despotic policy be adopted by the government, it will strangle the confederacy--strangle it with red-tape. i learned, to-day, that gen. preston, superintendent of the bureau of conscription, resigned upon seeing gen. bragg's and the president's indorsements on the bureau papers; but the secretary and the president persuaded him to recall the resignation. he is very rich. a practical railroad man has sent to the secretary a simple plan, by which twenty-five men with crowbars can keep sherman's communications cut. there is a rumor that sherman has invited vice-president stephens, senator h. v. johnson, and gov. brown to a meeting with him, to confer on terms of peace--_i.e._ the return of georgia to the union. the government has called for a list of all the georgians who have sailed from our ports this summer. a letter from hon. r. w. barnwell shows that he is opposed to any conference with the enemy on terms of peace, except unconditional independence. he thinks hood hardly competent to command the army, but approves the removal of johnston. he thinks sherman will go on to augusta, etc. the raid toward gordonsville is now represented as a small affair, and to have returned as it came, after burning some mills, bridges, etc. i saw a letter, to-day, written to the president by l. p. walker, first secretary of war, full of praise. it was dated in august, before the fall of atlanta, and warmly congratulated him upon the removal of gen. johnston. gov. bonham sent a telegram to the secretary of war, to-day, from columbia, asking if the president would not soon pass through that city; if such were his intentions, he would remain there, being very anxious to see him. beauregard is at wilmington, while the whole country is calling for his appointment to the command of the army in georgia. unless some great success crowns our arms before congress reassembles, the president will be assailed with great bitterness, and the consequences may be fatal. september st.--cloudy and somber. we have authentic intelligence of the defeat of our forces under gen. early, near winchester. two generals, rhodes and godwin, were killed. we lost some guns, and heavily in killed and wounded. the enemy have winchester, and early has retreated, bringing off his trains, however. this has caused the croakers to raise a new howl against the president, for they know not what. mr. clapman, our disbursing clerk (appointed under secretary randolph), proposed, to-day, to several in his office--jestingly, they supposed--revolution, and installing gen. lee as dictator. it may be a jest to some, but others mean it in earnest. i look for other and more disastrous defeats, unless the speculators are demolished, and the wealthy class put in the ranks. many of the privates in our armies are fast becoming what is termed machine soldiers, and will ere long cease to fight well--having nothing to fight for. alas, the chivalry have fallen! the lagging land proprietors and slaveowners (as the yankees shrewdly predicted) want to be captains, etc. or speculators. the poor will not long fight for their oppressors, the money-changers, extortioners, etc., whose bribes keep them out of the service. mr. foote openly advocates a convention; and says the other states will have one certainly: and if virginia declines to unite in it, she will be "left out in the cold." this is said of him; i have not heard him say it. but i believe a convention in any state or states, if our disasters continue, will lead to reconstruction, if mcclellan be elected. if emancipation, confiscation, etc. be insisted on, the war will never terminate but in final separation. september d.--cloudy; rained much last night. the following is all we know yet of early's defeat: "headquarters army of northern virginia, "september th, . "hon. james a. seddon. "gen. early reports that, on the morning of the th, the enemy advanced on winchester, near which place he met his attack, which was resisted from early in the day till near night, when he was compelled to retire. after night he fell back to newtown, and this morning to fisher's hill. "our loss reported to be severe. "major-gen. rhodes and brig.-gen. godwin were killed, nobly doing their duty. "three pieces of artillery of king's battalion were lost. "the trains and supplies were brought off safely. "(signed) r. e. lee." the profound chagrin produced by this event is fast becoming a sort of reckless unconcern. many would fight and die in the last ditch, rather than give up richmond; and many others are somewhat indifferent as to the result, disgusted with the management of affairs. the president left the city on monday, ignorant of the defeat of early, for georgia. it is said beauregard is with him; but this is not certain. his private secretary, mr. burton harrison, says he will be absent at least a month, perhaps until christmas. congress meets early in november; and before that day we may have terrible events--events determining the fate of the war. we have heard heavy firing down the river all day; but it may not be a serious matter, though a general battle is looked for soon on the south side. gen. lee will soon be reinforced materially. the president has adopted a suggestion i made to gen. bragg, and a general order is published to-day virtually abolishing the bureau of conscription. the business is mostly turned over to the commanders of the reserves; and conscription is to be executed by reserve men unfit for duty in the field. all the former conscript officers, guards, details, clerks, etc. fit to bear arms, are to go into the ranks. "when the cat's away, the mice will play," is an old saying, and a true one. i saw a note of invitation to-day from secretary mallory to secretary seddon, inviting him to his house at p.m. to partake of "pea-soup" with secretary trenholm. his "pea-soup" will be oysters and champagne, and every other delicacy relished by epicures. mr. mallory's red face, and his plethoric body, indicate the highest living; and his party will enjoy the dinner while so many of our brave men are languishing with wounds, or pining in a cruel captivity. nay, they may feast, possibly, while the very pillars of the government are crumbling under the blows of the enemy. it is said the president has gone to georgia to prevent governor brown, stephens, h. v. johnson, toombs, etc. from making peace (for georgia) with sherman. a splenetic letter from gov. vance indicates trouble in that quarter. he says the confederate states government threw every possible impediment in his way when he bought a steamer and imported machinery to manufacture clothing for the north carolina troops, and now the confederate states quartermaster-general is interfering with these factories, because, he says, he, the governor, is supplying the troops at less expense than the quartermaster-general would do. he demands details for the factories, and says if the confederate states government is determined to come in collision with him, he will meet it. he says he will not submit to any interference. gov. vance was splenetic once before, but became amiable enough about the time of the election. since his election for another term, he shows his teeth again. september d.--raining. our loss, killed, wounded, and taken in the battle near winchester, is estimated by our people at . the enemy say they got prisoners. the enemy's loss in killed and wounded amounted probably to as much as ours. gen. lee writes that, in his opinion, the time has come for the army to have the benefit of a certain per cent of the negroes, free and slave, as teamsters, laborers, etc.; and he suggests that there should be a corps of them permanently attached to the army. he says if we do not make use of them in the war, the enemy will use them against us. he contemplates staying where he is during the winter, and proposes building a railroad from his rear to the oak woods, as the pines do not answer a good purpose. gen. hood telegraphs (dated yesterday) his intention to get in the enemy's rear, and intercept supplies from dalton. sherman must either attempt to drive him from that position (north bank of the chattahoochee), or advance farther south with his supplies cut off and our army assaulting his rear. mr. roy (clerk), cousin of mr. seddon, said to-day that he regarded the confederacy near its end, and that the union would be reconstructed. our good friend dr. powell brought us a gallon of sorghum molasses to-day. september th.--raining alternate hours and warm. had a chill this morning, and afterward several spells of blindness, from rushes of blood to the head. came home and bathed my feet and recovered. another disaster! but no great loss of men. gen. early was compelled to retreat again on thursday, d inst., the enemy flanking him, and getting in his rear. he lost more guns. this intensifies the chagrin and doubts prevalent in a certain class of the community. however, lee commands in virginia, and there may be better luck next time, which will cause everybody's spirits to rise. gen. lee writes a long letter to the secretary of war, deprecating the usage of the port of wilmington by the tallahassee and other cruisers, that go out and ravage the enemy's commerce, such as the destruction of fishing smacks, etc. already the presence of the tallahassee and the edith at wilmington has caused the loss of one of our blockade-runners, worth more than all the vessels destroyed by the tallahassee, and the port is now guarded by such an additional number of blockaders that it is with difficulty our steamers can get in with supplies, gen. l. suggests that charleston or some other port be used by our cruisers; and that wilmington be used exclusively for the importation of supplies--quartermaster's, commissary's ordnance, etc. gen. l. advises that supplies enough for two or three years be brought in, so that we shall not be under apprehension of being destitute hereafter. such were his ideas. lieut. wood, who commands the tallahassee, is the president's nephew, and gains eclat by his chivalric deeds on the ocean; but we cannot afford to lose our chances of independence to glorify the president's nephew. gen. lee but reiterates what has been written on the same subject by gen. whiting at wilmington. september th.--clear and cool. pains in my head, etc. hon. mr. foote told g. fitzhugh early this morning that he had learned gen. early's army was scattered to the winds; that the enemy had the central railroad (where?) and would soon have all the roads. this is not credited, though it may be so. there is a mysterious fascination in scenes of death and carnage. as i crossed franklin street, going down to the department this morning, i heard on my right the cry of "halt!" and saw a large man in citizen's clothes running toward me pursued by a soldier--coming from the direction of gen. ewell's headquarters. the man (perhaps a deserter) ran on, and the soldier took deliberate aim with his rifle, and burst a cap. i stood and watched the man, being riveted to the spot by a strange fascination, although i was nearly in a line with the pursuit. an irresistible curiosity seized me to see the immediate effects of the shot. the man turned up ninth street, the soldier fixing another cap as he ran, and, taking deliberate aim, the cap failed to explode the charge again. i saw several persons crossing the street beyond the flying man, who would have been greatly endangered if the rifle had been discharged. in war the destruction of human life excites no more pity than the slaughter of beeves in peace! september th.--bright and cool. gen. early is still falling back; on saturday he was at port republic, but he will soon be reinforced, and may turn the tide on sheridan. a long letter was received at the department to-day from gov. brown, absolutely _refusing_ to respond to the president's call for the militia of that state. he says he will _not_ encourage the president's ambitious projects by placing in his hands, and under his unconditional control, all that remains to preserve the reserved rights of his state. he bitterly and offensively criticises the president's management of military affairs--sending morgan into kentucky, wheeler into east, and forrest into west tennessee, instead of combining all upon sherman's rear and cutting his communications. he says georgia has fifty regiments in virginia, and if the president won't send reinforcements, then he _demands_ the return of georgia troops, and he will endeavor to defend the state without his aid, etc. september th.--bright and pleasant. we have rumors of heavy fighting yesterday near staunton, but no authentic accounts. a dispatch from gen. r. taylor says gen. forrest had gained a victory at athens, ala., capturing some prisoners, horses, etc. etc. we still hear the thunder of artillery down the river--the two armies shelling each other, i suppose, as yet at a safe distance. a few more days and the curtain will rise again--lee and grant the principal actors in the tragedy! the president is making patriotic speeches in alabama and georgia. mr. hudson, of alabama, proposes to deliver to the government , , pounds of bacon for the same number of pounds cotton, delivered at the same place. our cotton agent in mississippi is authorized by the government here to sell cotton in exposed situations to the enemy's agents for _specie_, and to buy for confederate notes. the funeral expenses of gen. morgan the other day amounted to $ ; the quartermaster-general objects to paying it, and sends the bill to the secretary for instructions. the following is a copy of gen. lee's indorsement on lieut.-col. moseby's report of his operations from the st of march to the th of september, : "headquarters, army northern virginia, "september th, . "respectfully forwarded to the adjutant and inspector-general for the information of the department. attention is invited to the activity and skill of col. moseby, and the intelligence and courage of the officers and men of his command, as displayed in this report. "with the loss of little more than men, he has killed, wounded, and captured, during the period embraced in this report, about of the enemy, and taken more than horses and mules, beef cattle, and wagons and ambulances, without counting many smaller operations. the services rendered by col. moseby and his command in watching and reporting the enemy's movements have also been of great value. his operations have been highly creditable to himself and his command. "(signed) r. e. lee, _general_. "official: john blair hoge, "_major and assistant adjutant-general._" september th.--bright; subsequently cloudy and warm rain. staunton was entered by the enemy's cavalry on monday afternoon. we have no news whatever to-day from any quarter. but the deep booming of cannon is still heard down the river, foreboding an awful conflict soon. i saw three -inch columbiads at the petersburg depot to-day; they are going to move them toward petersburg, i believe. gold is thirty for one to-day, and still rising, forrest's exploit having done nothing to revive confidence in treasury notes here. september th.--bright and beautiful. as i walked down to the department, heavy and brisk cannonading below assailed the ear. it was different from the ordinary daily shelling, and to my familiar senses, it could only be a battle. the sounds continued, and even at my desk in the department the vibrations were very perceptible. about o'clock, when walking down main street (the cannon still heard), i met robert tyler and mr. foote, member of congress, the latter in some excitement, denouncing the management of affairs by the executive. he said if richmond were lost, he should move that the people take matters in their own hands, and proclaim a dictator. mr. tyler, commanding his temper, banteringly told him that he ran some risk of being arrested, tried by drum-head court-martial, and shot--before night. mr. foote whirled away, repeating his desperate purpose; and tyler repeating, more gravely, that he might be arrested for treasonable language--and ought to be. mr. tyler then invited me to join him at breakfast at a neighboring restaurant, where we had each a loaf of bread, a cup of coffee with milk (but brown sugar), and three eggs. the bill was sixteen dollars! when i returned to the department, information came that the enemy had captured fort harrison (signal hill), near chaffin's bluff, and were advancing toward the city. from that moment much excitement sprung up (the greatest i have ever known here), and all the local organizations were immediately ordered out. not only this, but squads of guards were sent into the streets everywhere with orders to arrest every able-bodied man they met, regardless of papers; and this produced a consternation among the civilians. the offices and government shops were closed, and the tocsin sounded for hours, by order of the governor, frightening some of the women. at p.m. the fight was nearer, and it was reported that the enemy were at the intermediate fortifications--three miles distant. from the observatory on the war department we could see the puffs of white smoke from our guns; but these were at the intermediate line, several miles distant, and the enemy were, of course, beyond. we could see our cannon firing from right to left at least a mile in length; and the enemy had evidently made much progress toward the city. the firing then ceased, however, at p.m., indicating that the enemy had withdrawn from that point; but the booming of artillery was still heard farther to the right on or near the river. and this continued until the present writing, p.m. we have no particulars; but it is reported that the enemy were handsomely repulsed. clouds of dust can be seen with the telescope in that direction, which appears to the naked eye to be smoke. it arises no doubt from the march of troops, sent by gen. lee. we must soon have something definite from the scene of action. half-past five p.m. gen. ewell dispatches that the enemy's attack on fort gilmer (five miles below the same we saw) was handsomely repulsed. a dispatch from gen. pemberton, on williamsburg road, says there is no immediate danger there. another dispatch from georgia says forrest has captured more men somewhere in alabama, on the railroad. at night, distant cannon heard. gen. ewell said in his last dispatch that as soon as certain reinforcements came up he would take the offensive, attacking the enemy. the conflict recedes, and i presume he is driving the enemy back. mr. foote intimates that the president will not return to richmond, and did not intend to return. september th.--cloudy, and occasional showers. none of the papers except the _whig_ were published this morning, the printers, etc. being called out to defend the city. every device of the military authorities has been employed to put the people here in the ranks. guards everywhere, on horseback and on foot, in the city and at the suburbs, are arresting pedestrians, who, if they have not passes from gen. kemper, are hurried to some of the depots or to the city square (iron palings), and confined until marched to the field or released. two of the clerks of the war department, who went down to the spottswood hotel to hear the news, although having the secretary's own details, were hustled off to a prison on gary street to report to lieut. bates, who alone could release them. but when they arrived, no lieut. bates was there, and they found themselves incarcerated with some five hundred others of all classes and conditions. here they remained cooped up for an hour, when they espied an officer who knew them, and who had them released. to-day the guards arrested judges reagan and davis, postmaster-general and attorney-general, both members of the cabinet, because neither of them were over fifty years old. judge reagan grew angry and stormed a little; but both were released immediately. gen. lee dispatched gen. bragg, at p.m. last night, that all the assaults of the enemy on fort gilmer had been repulsed, the enemy losing many in killed, and wounded, and prisoners, while our loss was small. and we have driven the yankees from staunton, and have them in full retreat again as far as harrisonburg. to-day at p.m. another battle occurred at or near fort harrison or signal hill, supposed to be an attempt on our part to retake the post. i never heard more furious shelling, and fear our loss was frightful, provided it was our assault on the enemy's lines. we could see the white smoke, from the observatory, floating along the horizon over the woods and down the river. the melee of sounds was terrific: heavy siege guns (from our steam-rams, probably) mingled with the incessant roar of field artillery. at p.m. all was comparatively quiet, and we await intelligence of the result. chapter xliii. attempt to retake fort harrison.--a false alarm.--dispatches from gen. lee.--impressments.--gen. butler's generosity.--matters in and about the city.--beverly tucker's contract with a new york firm for supplies. october st.--raining and cold. horrible for the troops in the trenches! the battle, yesterday (on this side of the river), was an attempt of gen. lee to retake fort harrison, near chaffin's bluff, which _failed_, after two essays. gen. lee deemed its recapture important, and exposed himself very much in the assault: so much so as to cause a thrill of alarm throughout the field. but it all would not do; the enterprise of the enemy had in a few hours rendered the place almost impregnable. judge lyons, who came in to-day (from a visit to the field), estimates our killed and wounded at from to . but we have better news from other quarters. generals hampton and heath attacked the enemy on the south side of the river, yesterday, and captured men. gen. early sends word that the whole force of the enemy (sheridan's army) is in full retreat, and he is in pursuit. gen. echols, west virginia and east tennessee, reports several successes to our arms in that region. this has been a terrible day; a storm of wind and driving rain. heavy guns are heard at intervals down the river. at p.m., while writing the last line, a furious cannonade has sprung up on the southeast of the city, and seemingly very near to it. it may be a raid. the firing increases in rapidity, mingled, i think, with the roar of small arms. we can hear distinctly the whistle of shot and shell, and the detonations shake the windows. it may be that the atmosphere (dampness) and the wind from the east cause some deception as to the distance; but really it would seem that from the apparent proximity of the enemy's guns, some of the shells must reach the eastern parts of the city. after thirty minutes' quick firing, it ceases in a great measure. at p.m. it was resumed, and continued until dark. some think it but a raid, others report , men engaged. if this be so, to-morrow will probably be fought the great battle for richmond. doubtless, grant is eager to hold some position from which he can shell the city. october d.--cloudy and calm. all quiet. it was a false alarm yesterday evening. nothing but some of the enemy's cavalry scouts were seen from the intermediate batteries, and it was merely a waste of ammunition on our part, and destruction of timber where the enemy were partially sheltered. not a gun, so far as i can learn, was fired against our fortifications. gen. pemberton must have known that none of the enemy's infantry and artillery had marched in this direction through the storm, and in the mud, or else our scouts are worthless. but we have news of the capture of more prisoners near petersburg, yesterday. the particulars of the fight have not yet been received. every male between seventeen and fifty-five is now required to have a pass, from gen. kemper or gen. barton, to walk the streets, even to church. the militia are all out, except those hidden in the back rooms of their shops--extortioners; and the city is very quiet. no wonder the women and children were thrown into a panic yesterday. the shelling did some good in the saturday evening market, as most of the people were eager to get home. a boy sold me apples at cents per quart, instead of $ . the physicians have had a meeting, and agree to charge $ per visit. the bombardment is still in progress at charleston, and there has never been any intermission. the enemy's batteries now reach over two-thirds of that devoted city. i see by a northern paper that gen. grant is having his children educated at burlington, n. j.; perhaps at the same institutions where mine were educated; and i perceive that our next door neighbor, mrs. kinsey, has been waving the "glorious stars and stripes" over gen. g.'s head, from her ample porch. well, i would not injure that flag; and i think it would never be assailed by the southern people, if it were only kept at home, away from our soil. we have a flag of our own we prefer. october d.--misty and damp, but warm. guns heard down the river. on friday, it seems, the enemy penetrated and held a portion of our works below petersburg; and although we captured many prisoners, it does not appear that we regained the works or retook the cannon. so far, although the enemy's loss in men may have been greater in the operations of the last few days, it would seem that we have _lost ground_; that our forts, etc. have been captured and _held_, up to this moment; and that both the right and left wings of grant have been _advanced_, and established in the positions taken. all this, too, under the eye of gen. lee. it is enough to make one tremble for richmond. they do not heed his calls for _men_. in the north, the presidential campaign is growing _warm_. mcclellan's friends have been denounced as "traitors" in ohio, and one of their meetings broken up by the soldiers. this fire may spread, and relieve us. it is now said a corps of the enemy's infantry was really peeping from the groves and lanes west of the city, on saturday, when the furious shelling took place. rumors--we have nothing but rumors--of fighting, said to be in progress on the south side of the river. it is said the enemy, that were a few days ago menacing richmond, are recrossing to the petersburg side. october th.--foggy; then bright; then very warm. gen. lee is at chaffin's bluff. a dispatch from him this morning states that the enemy's infantry are near harrisonburg, in the valley, and that his cavalry is retiring. a.m. another dispatch from gen. lee. the raiders' cavalry, only strong, are at brandy station, a body of their infantry at bealton central railroad. - / a.m. gen. lee says gen. breckinridge repulsed the enemy's attack on saltville, on sunday, d inst.; it was a "bloody" repulse, and gen. b. is _pursuing_. gen. beauregard has been appointed to the supervisory command of the army in georgia, etc.; in response to the universal calls of the people. the enemy threw up earthworks yesterday, toward the city, from fort harrison, one mile in length. he is now within five miles of the city, and if his progress is not checked, he will soon be throwing shells at us. but lee is there, digging also. flour rose yesterday to $ per barrel, meal to $ per bushel, and bacon $ per pound. fortunately, i got pounds of flour from north carolina a few days ago at $ . per pound. and thomas, my son, detailed as clerk for gen. kemper, will draw pounds of flour and pounds bacon per month. october th.--bright, and very warm. there is a report that gen. hood's army is at marietta, in sherman's rear, and it may be so. one of the clerks (mr. bechtel) was killed yesterday by one of the enemy's sharpshooters at chaffin's farm. he was standing on the parapet, looking in the direction of the enemy's pickets. he had been warned to no purpose. he leaves a wife and nine children. a subscription is handed round, and several thousand dollars will be raised. gen. r. e. lee was standing near when he fell. all is quiet to-day. but they are impressing the negro men found in the streets to-day to work on the fortifications. it is again rumored that petersburg is to be given up. i don't believe it. october th.--bright, and very warm. the president returned this morning, hastened hither by the perils environing the capital. an order is published this morning revoking all details for the army of persons between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years of age. if this be rigidly enforced, it will add many thousands to the army. it is said there are details in the military bureaus of this state. a dispatch from gen. hood, near lost mountain (in georgia, sherman's rear), dated yesterday, says sherman is marching out of atlanta to attack him. he says gen. stewart's corps struck the railroad at big shanty, capturing prisoner and destroying ten miles of the road. gen. forrest is marching against altoona. we shall soon have stirring news. all is quiet near petersburg and richmond to-day. eight of the local companies (clerks) have been ordered to guard the prisoners to salisbury, n. c. i saw a new york _tribune_ to-day, of the th inst., and find the peterson's are advertising new editions of several of my books. october th.--bright and beautiful. the government, after giving the news from georgia, position of hood, to the press, suppressed it. it is well, perhaps, not to permit grant, who sees our papers daily, to know what we are doing there. there are rumors of fighting to-day near chaffin's bluff, but we hear no cannon, except an occasional shell at long intervals. gen. bragg is now in hot water with the quartermaster-general, for ordering the trial of lieut.-col. cone and major maynard, quartermasters, in the city, for alleged violation of law and orders. gen. preston is away again or sick, and col. august and lieut.-col. lay are again signing papers at "the bureau," as "acting superintendents." bragg may aim another bomb at the refractory concern. october th.--cloudy, windy, and cold. the fighting yesterday was more serious than i supposed. it was supposed the conflict would be resumed to-day, but we have no information of any fighting up to this hour-- p.m. from gen. hood we have a dispatch, saying major-gen. french attacked altoona day before yesterday. he carried all the outworks, but failed at the inner one, and learning a body of the enemy were approaching his rear, gen. f. withdrew to the main body of the army. he says nothing of the loss, etc. on either side. at the tredegar works, and in the government workshops, the detailed soldier, if a _mechanic_, is paid in money and in rations (at the current prices) about $ per day, or nearly $ per annum. a member of congress receives $ , a clerk $ . october th, sunday.--cloudy, windy, and very cold. i hear of no operations yesterday, although, as usual, some cannonnading was audible yesterday evening. it is said gen. pemberton was in great perturbation during the several advances of the enemy last week. like boabdil, the unlucky of grenada, he lost some of his cannon, and every one anticipated disaster under his command. this will furnish fresh material for assaults in congress on the president, if that body should meet again next month, for placing this officer in so responsible a command, whatever may be his skill, when the soldiers and the people have no faith in him. it is characteristic of the president to adhere to what he deems just and proper, regardless of anticipated consequences. this was the habit of cæsar--but he fell. an effort is again being made to replenish lee's army with able-bodied details employed in the various departments, but i fear it will only result, as heretofore, in sending to the ranks the weak and diseased who are poor and friendless. october th.--_a white frost_; first frost of the season. all quiet below. gen. w. m. gardner (in gen. winder's place) reports that of the exempts and citizens taken from the streets to the front, last week, _a majority have deserted_. this proves that even a despotic military act cannot be committed with impunity. gen. beauregard telegraphs from opelika, ala., that he has arranged matters satisfactorily between gov. brown of georgia and gen. cobb, regarding exempts and state militia. the president directs the secretary to ascertain if this has been done in accordance with law and the interests of the service. gen. r. taylor telegraphs that gen. e. k. smith has proclaimed pardon to deserters, from trans-mississippi department, after he had arrested most of them and sent them to their regiments, and now he recommends that no more troops be brought over the river or they will be sure to desert. the president directs the secretary to correspond with gen. smith on the subject. gen. taylor is the president's kinsman--by his first marriage. gen. beauregard left opelika on the th inst. for hood's army, so in a few days we may expect a battle. october th.--bright and pleasant. all is quiet below. from georgia we have many rumors. it is reported that a battle has been fought (second time) at altoona, which we captured, with prisoners; that rome has been taken, with negro prisoners; and, finally, that we have atlanta again. i have seen no such dispatches. but the gentleman who assured me it was all true, has a son a clerk at the president's office, and a relative in the telegraph office. dispatches may have come to the president; and, if so, it may be our policy to forbid their publication for the present, as the enemy would derive the first intelligence of their disaster from our newspapers. well, gen. gardner reports, officially, that of the number of exempts, and of the mixed class of citizens arrested in the streets, and summarily marched to the "front," "a majority have deserted!" men, with exemptions in their pockets, going to or returning from market, have been seized by the adjutant-general's orders, and despotically hurried off without being permitted even to send a message to their families. thousands were entrapped, by being directed to call at gen. barton's headquarters, an immense warehouse, and receive passes; but no gen. barton was there--or if there, not visible; and all the anxious seekers found themselves in prison, only to be liberated as they were incorporated into companies, and marched "to the front." from the age of fifteen to fifty-five, all were seized by that order--no matter what papers they bore, or what the condition of their families--and hurried to the field, where there was no battle. no wonder there are many deserters--no wonder men become indifferent as to which side shall prevail, nor that the administration is falling into disrepute at the capital. october th.--bright and beautiful. all quiet below, save an occasional booming from the fleet. nothing from georgia in the papers, save the conjectures of the northern press. no doubt we have gained advantages there, which it is good policy to conceal as long as possible from the enemy. squads of able-bodied _detailed_ men are arriving _at last_, from the interior. lee's army, in this way, will get efficient reinforcements. the secretary of the treasury sends a note over to the secretary of war to-day, saying the commissary-general, in his estimates, allows but $ , , for tax in kind--whereas the tax collectors show an actual amount, credited to farmers and planters, of $ , , . he says this will no doubt attract the notice of congress. mr. peck, our agent to purchase supplies in north carolina, has delivered no wheat yet. he bought supplies for his family; bushels of wheat for clerks, and for assistant secretary of war, judge campbell, and mr. kean, the young chief of the bureau. this he says he bought with private funds; but he brought it at the government's expense. the clerks are resolved not to submit to his action. i hear of more desertions. mr. seddon and mr. stanton at washington are engaged in a singular game of chance. the harsh orders of both cause mutual abandonments, and now we have the spectacle of men deserting our regiments, and quite as many coming over from the enemy's regiments near the city. meantime gen. bragg is striving to get the able-bodied men out of the bureaus and to place them in the field. the despotic order, arresting every man in the streets, and hurrying them to "the front," without delay, and regardless of the condition of their families--some were taken off when getting medicine for their sick wives--is still the theme of execration, even among men who have been the most ultra and uncompromising secessionists. the terror caused many to hide themselves, and doubtless turned them against the government. they say now such a despotism is quite as bad as a stanton despotism, and there is not a toss-up between the rule of the united states and the confederate states. such are some of the effects of bad measures in such critical times as these. mr. seddon has no physique to sustain him. he has intellect, and has read much; but, nevertheless, such great men are sometimes more likely to imitate some predecessor at a critical moment, or to adopt some bold yet inefficient suggestion from another, than to originate an adequate one themselves. he is a scholar, an invalid, refined and philosophical--but effeminate. october th.--rained all night; clear and cool this morning. the government publishes nothing from georgia yet; but it is supposed there is intelligence of an important character in the city, which it would be impolitic to communicate to the enemy. all still remains quiet below the city. but the curtain is expected to rise on the next act of the tragedy every moment. gen. grant probably furloughed many of his men to vote in pennsylvania and ohio, on tuesday last--elections preliminary to the presidential election--and they have had time to return to their regiments. if this pause should continue a week or two longer, gen. lee would be much strengthened. every day the farmers, whose details have been revoked, are coming in from the counties; and many of these were in the war in ' and ' --being experienced veterans. whereas grant's recruits, though greater in number, are raw and unskilled. the medical boards have been instructed to put in all men that come before them, capable of bearing arms _ten days_. one died in the trenches, on the eleventh day, of consumption! there is a rumor of a fight on our extreme left. it is said field's division (c. s.) repulsed three assaults of the enemy. if the battle be still continued ( p.m.--the wind from the west prevents us from hearing guns), no doubt it is the beginning of a general engagement--decisive, perhaps, of the fate of richmond. we have many accounts of evasions of military service, occasioned by the alleged bad faith of the government, and the despotic orders from the adjutant-general's office. and yet gov. smith's certificates for exemption of rich young justices of the peace, commissioners of the (county) revenue, deputy sheriffs, clerks, constables, officers and clerks of banks, still come in daily; and they are "allowed" by the assistant secretary of war. will the poor and friendless fight their battles, and win their independence for them? it may be so; but let not rulers in future wars follow the example! nothing but the conviction that they are fighting for their families, their sacred altars, and their little property induces thousands of brave southerners to remain in arms against such fearful odds as are now arrayed against them. mr. kean, the young chief of the bureau of war, has come in from "the front," with a boil on his thigh. he missed the sport of the battle to-day. mr. peck, the agent to purchase supplies for his starving fellow-clerks, confesses that he bought barrels of flour and pounds of bacon for himself; barrels of flour for judge campbell, assistant secretary of war; barrels for mr. kean, for mr. cohen, and for mr. shepherd. this has produced great indignation among the clerks who sent him, and who got but - / pounds each, and they got pounds of bacon each; while mr. p. bought for himself pounds. october th.--the following dispatch from gen. lee cheered the city this morning. none of the particulars of the battle have yet transpired, and all are looking hourly for a renewal of the contest. "headquarters army of northern virginia, "october th, . "hon. james a. seddon, secretary of war. "at seven o'clock this morning the enemy endeavored to advance between the darbytown and charles city roads, but was repulsed in every attempt. the most strenuous effort was made about four p.m., after which he withdrew, leaving many dead. our loss very slight. "gen. breckinridge reports that a force of the enemy came to greenville on the th, and was defeated by gen. vaughan. some prisoners, two stands of colors, many horses and arms were captured. the enemy lost many killed and wounded. our loss slight. "r. e. lee, _general_." it is now p.m., and yet we hear no cannon. if grant does not renew the strife immediately, it will be natural to suppose he failed in his purpose yesterday, or that some unforeseen occurrence within his lines has happened. be it either, it is a grateful respite to us. on the th inst., judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, wrote the president a letter in vindication of p. hamilton's loyalty. mr. h. is commissioner under suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_ to look into the loyalty of others, and was appointed on judge c.'s recommendation. some private individual in mobile wrote the president, impeaching the patriotism of mr. h., and also hinted something in relation to the loyalty of judge c. this matter was shown to mr. seddon by the president, and mr. s. spoke to judge c. about it in his own manner, which produced the letter of judge c. to the president. the president sends back the letter to-day, to the "secretary of war," indorsed in substance as follows: "he was surprised to receive such a letter, when he had intimated no purpose to have the matter investigated." judge c. had procured indorsements of mr. h. from alabama, which _let the matter out_; and it would have been _appropriate_--the president uses this word rather than _improper_, as he cannot dispense with either the secretary or his assistant just now--to have consulted him before taking any steps whatever in the business. he seems vexed, even at mr. s. october th.--a bright and glorious day--above. all was quiet yesterday below, indicating that the enemy suffered severely in the last assault on our lines. but we have nothing from georgia. from the valley, our cavalry had the misfortune to lose eleven guns by indiscreetly venturing too far in pursuit. and the news from the united states indicates that pennsylvania, ohio, and indiana have gone for the republican candidates. this foreshadows lincoln's re-election, and admonishes us to prepare for other campaigns, though languishing for peace. the farmers are now pouring in to replenish the armies, under the recent order revoking the details of agriculturists; and these are fine-looking men, and there will soon be successes in the field. lately the indulgence of details to an immoderate extent, and corruption in the business of conscription, had depleted the armies extensively of men of substance and standing, and this may account for our disasters. men, to fight well, must have something to fight for. gen. price, at the head of , men, is in missouri. to expel him, many troops will be required; and this may relieve us a little in the east. my wife lost her purse in market this morning, before making any purchases; it contained $ and her eye-glasses. i don't think there are any pickpockets except the extortioners. october th, sunday.--a pleasant sunny sabbath morn. the quiet below continues. not a gun has been heard for three days; the longest intermission we have had for many months. what can it mean? sheridan has spread desolation in the shenandoah valley, perhaps to prevent early from penetrating pennsylvania, etc., intending to come with all expedition to grant. troops, or rather detailed men, and late exempts, are beginning to arrive from north carolina. i saw this morning. some of them were farmers who had complied with the terms prescribed, and a week ago thought themselves safe from the toils and dangers of war. they murmur, but there is no escape. they say the governor has called out the militia officers, and magistrates also. desertion is the order of the day, on both sides. would that the _men_ would take matters in their own hands, and end the war, establishing our independence. let every man in both armies desert and go home! some one has sent a "circular" of the "bureau of conscription" to the president, dated some few weeks ago, and authorizing enrolling officers everywhere to furlough farmers and others for sixty days, to make out their claims for exemption. this the president says in his indorsement defeats his efforts to put the whole able-bodied male population in the field; and no doubt has been the source of the many abuses charged against the "bureau." the secretary sends the paper to the "bureau" for report, stating that he felt great surprise at the terms of the "circular," and had no recollection of having seen or sanctioned such a document. the superintendent reports that it was issued by the authority of the secretary of war, and was warranted by law--looking to the interests of agriculture, etc. the truth is that the circular was prepared by a subordinate in the bureau of conscription, and signed by col. august, "acting superintendent." it was approved by judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, "by order of the secretary of war" who never saw it. mr. seddon has left all the business of conscription in the hands of judge campbell; and poor gen. preston--indolent and ill--has been compelled to sign, sanction, and defend documents he knew nothing about; and mr. seddon is in a similar predicament. the secretary of war has written a long letter to gen. lee, suggesting that he assemble a council of officers to decide what measure shall be adopted in regard to the treatment of prisoners in the hands of the enemy. it appears that gen. butler has notified gen. lee that he is now retaliating fearfully--making them work in his canal--on certain confederates for some alleged harsh treatment of _negro_ prisoners in our hands--sending slaves back to their masters. mr. seddon, without assuming any responsibility himself, yet intimates the idea that this government is prepared to sanction the most sanguinary remedy; and i understand several members of the cabinet to have always been in favor of fighting--that is, having others fight--under the black flag. if the government had only listened to gen. lee's suggestions, we should have had abundance of men in the field to beat the enemy out of virginia. i hope the present recruiting excitement comes not too late. and i trust he will interpose so far in behalf of the country as to wrest the railroads from the hands of the speculators and the dishonest quartermasters. not a gun has been heard by me to-day, and the mysterious silence defies my powers of penetration. i only hope it may continue _sine die_. october th.--bright and beautiful. still all quiet below, and reinforcements (details revoked) are now arriving-- per day. the northern news makes some doubt as to the result of the election in pennsylvania. from the valley we have rumors of victory, etc. a thrill of horror has been produced by a report that gen. butler has, for some time past, kept a number of his prisoners (confederates) at work in his canal down the river, and supposing they were federals, our batteries and gun-boats have been shelling our own men! october th.--cloudy and cool. quiet below, but it is rumored that the enemy has erected one or two sand batteries, mounted with -pounders, bearing on our fleet of gun-boats. the following dispatch was received from gen. hood to-day: " miles south of lafayette, ga., "oct. th, via selma, oct. th, . "gen. bragg. "this army struck the communications of the enemy about a mile above resaca on the th inst, completely destroying the railroad, including block-houses, from that point to within a short distance of tunnel hill, and about four miles of the cleaveland railroad, capturing dalton and all intermediate garrisons, with their stores, arms, and equipments, and about prisoners. "the main body of sherman's army seems to be moving toward dalton. j. b. hood, _general_." the following was received from gen. lee yesterday: "headquarters army northern virginia, "oct. th, . "hon. james a. seddon, secretary of war. "on the th instant, col. moseby struck the baltimore and ohio railroad at duffield, and destroyed a united states mail train, consisting of a locomotive and ten cars, and securing twenty prisoners and fifteen horses. "among the prisoners are two paymasters, with one hundred and sixty-eight thousand dollars in government funds. "r. e. lee." it is reported also that gen. early has gained some advantage in a battle; not authentic. gen. bragg is going away, probably to wilmington. the combination against him was too strong. but "the bureau of conscription" is pretty nearly demolished under his blows. order directs the generals of reserves to appoint inspecting officers for all the congressional districts, to revise all exemptions, details, etc., with plenary powers, without reference to "the bureau." the passport checks on travel northward are now the merest farce, and valuable information is daily conveyed to the enemy. october th.--bright and beautiful. still all quiet below, the occasional bombarding near petersburg being beyond our hearing. yesterday, gen. preston, a millionaire, who can stalk stiffly anywhere, had an interview with the president, who admitted that he had dictated the general orders--" ," " ," " ,"--rushing almost everybody into the army, but that it was not his meaning to take the whole business of conscription from "the bureau." yet gen. p., the superintendent, thinks the _reading_ of the orders will admit of that construction, and he has written to the president asking another order, defining his position, etc., else his occupation is gone. the president cannot afford to lose gen. p. from gen. early's army we learn that the detailed men and reserves are joining in great numbers, and the general asks muskets. col. gorgas, chief of ordnance, says he has but available, his shops being closed, the workmen in the trenches, etc. all the ordnance, quartermaster, and commissary stores of hood's army were ordered to columbus, ga. we expect stirring news from georgia daily, and the opinion prevails that sherman will "come to grief." the militia, furloughed by gov. brown so inopportunely, are returning to the front, the time having expired. a mr. b. is making lincoln speeches in new york. it seems to me he had a passport from mr. benjamin, secretary of state. gen. lee writes to-day that negroes taken from the enemy, penitentiary convicts, and recaptured deserters ought not to be sent by the secretary to work on the fortifications. october th.--cloudy. there is a street rumor of a battle below, and on the petersburg line. the wind is from the west, and yet we hear no guns. the secretary of the treasury sent to the secretary of war to-day an argument showing that, without a violation of the constitution, clerks appointed to places created by congress cannot be removed. we shall see what the secretary says to that. october st.--bright. fort harrison (federal) opened its batteries on our lines at chaffin's farm yesterday evening, without effect. an officer tells me that heavy and quick firing was also heard on the petersburg lines, indicating, he thought, a battle. we have nothing of this in the papers, or in any dispatch i have seen. assistant secretary campbell is writing a portion of mr. secretary seddon's report for him. mr. c.'s son was promoted to a majority yesterday. at p.m. we have a rumor that gen. early has been defeated, losing all his guns but one. a letter from the secretary of the treasury recommends the detail or exemption of the bank officers of south carolina. the poor country clod-hoppers have no friends, and must do the fighting. the following order, dictated by the president, has been published: "adjutant and inspector-general's office, "richmond, october th, . "general orders no. . "i. the chief of the bureau of ordnance will, without delay, take measures to place in the field one-fifth of all the men employed in his department (including contractors and their employees) of the classes specified in general order no. , a. and i. g. office (current series). to this end he will direct the several officers in charge of arsenals, workshops, depots, etc. to turn over to the nearest enrolling officers, by lists showing their ages, occupations, and residences, such proportion of their employees (including contractors and employees under them) of the classes above referred to as will constitute in the aggregate one-fifth of the whole number in the said classes, according to returns in his office of sept. th, . duplicates of such lists will be sent to the generals of reserves of the states, and triplicates to the chief of ordnance. three days are allowed for the execution of this order after its reception at any post or station of the ordnance department. "ii. the chief of the niter and mining bureau will, in like manner, turn over, on similar lists, one-fifth of all men of the classes specified in general order no. , employed in iron, lead, copper, and coal mines, and all service appertaining thereto, whether directly under officers of his bureau or by contractors. duplicate and triplicate lists to be furnished as above directed in the ordnance bureau, and will in the same manner turn over one-fifth of all such men now employed in the niter service. "the period of three days, under the same conditions as above mentioned, is allowed for the execution of this order. "iii. the list of persons directed in the foregoing sections to be turned over to the enrolling officers will be prepared at once on the reception of this order, and will be furnished to the said officers within three days, as above prescribed, by the various officers of each of the above bureaus, having men under their charge, and every assistance will be rendered by the latter to the enrolling officer to carry out the intention of this order. "iv. so much of general order no. as relates to men employed in the two bureaus named above is hereby suspended, and the foregoing orders will stand in lieu of all requirements under the former. "by order. s. cooper, "_a. and i. general_." october d.--cloudy; rained last night. p.m.--cold, and prospects of snow. the news of early's disaster, and loss of artillery at strasburg, is confirmed, and casts a new vexation over the country. mr. m. byrd, selma, ala., is addressing some bold letters to the president on the blunders of the administration. gen. longstreet has resumed command of the first army corps. g. w. custis lee (son of the general) has been made a major-general. there was no fighting below yesterday, that i have heard of. gold, which was $ for $ in confederate states notes, commands $ for $ to-day, under the news from the valley. yet our sagacious statesmen regard the re-election of lincoln (likely to follow our reverses) as favorable to independence, though it may prolong the war. it is thought there will certainly be revolution or civil war in the north, if the democrats be beaten; and that will relieve us of the vast armies precipitated on our soil. many of the faint-hearted croakers are anxious for peace and reconstruction. gen. butler, called "the beast" by the press, has certainly performed a generous action. messrs. mcrae and henley, two government clerks in the local battalion, wandered into the enemy's lines, and were put to work in the canal by gen. butler, who had been informed that we made some prisoners taken from him work on the fortifications. this was done but a short time, when they were relieved; and mr. mcrae was permitted to return to the city, to learn whether the federal prisoners were really required to perform the labor named. no restrictions were imposed on him, no parole required. he came with gen. b.'s passport, but felt in honor bound to communicate no intelligence, and voluntarily returned to captivity. we _had_ federal prisoners at work, but they were remanded to prison. sunday, october d.--bright and frosty. from the united states papers we learn that a great victory is claimed over gen. early, with the capture of forty-three guns! it is also stated that a party of "copperheads" (democrats), who had taken refuge in canada, have made a raid into vermont, and robbed some of the banks of their specie. the fact that mr. mcrae, who, with mr. henley (local forces), fell into the hands of the enemy a few miles below the city, was permitted to return within our own lines with a passport (without restrictions, etc.) from gen. butler, has not been mentioned by any of the newspapers, gives rise to many conjectures. some say that "somebody" prohibited the publication; others, that the press has long been misrepresenting the conduct of the enemy; there being policy in keeping alive the animosities of the army and the people. the poor clerks in the trenches are in a demoralized condition. it is announced that the secretary of war has resolved to send them all to camp lee, for medical examination: those that have proved their ability to bear arms (in defense of the city) _are to be removed from office_, and put in the army. one-half of them will desert to the enemy, and injure the cause. about one hundred of them were appointed before the enactment of the act of conscription, under the express guarantee of the constitution that they should not be molested during life. if the president removes these, mostly refugees with families dependent upon their salaries, it will be a plain violation of the constitution; and the victims cannot be relied on for their loyalty to the government. if the government wastes precious time in such small matters, while events of magnitude demand attention, the cause is fast reaching a hopeless condition. the able-bodied money-changer, speculator, and extortioner is still seen in the street; and their number is legion. the generals in the field are sending back the poor, sickly recruits ordered out by the medical board: the able-bodied rich men escape by bribery and corruption; and the hearty _officers_--acting adjutant-generals, quartermasters, and commissaries--ride their sleek horses through the city every afternoon. this, while the cause is perishing for want of men and horses! october th.--clouds and sunshine. nothing new of importance from the army. gov. smith has been writing letters to gen. lee, asking that gen. early be superseded in the valley. pity it had not been done! gen. lee replied, expressing confidence in early; and the president (since the disaster!) coincides with lee. the president administers a sharp rebuke to gen. whiting, for irregularly corresponding with generals lee and beauregard on the subject of lieut. taylor wood's naval expedition, fitting out at wilmington. the president and cabinet are still at work on the one hundred clerks in the departments whom they wish to displace. i append the result of my gardening this year. the dry weather in may and june injured the crop, or the amount would have been much larger. total valuation, at market prices, $ . october th.--bright and beautiful morning. all quiet below. mr. mcrae has been permitted by gen. butler to return again to the city to await his exchange, pledged not to bear arms, etc. many more of the government employees, forced into the trenches, would be happy to be in the same predicament. a great many are deserting under a deliberate conviction that their rights have been despotically invaded by the government; and that this government is, and is likely to be, as tyrannous as lincoln's. no doubt many give valuable information to the enemy. the superintendent of the bureau of conscription is at open war with the general of reserves in virginia, and confusion is likely to be worse confounded. gen. cooper, a. and i. general (pennsylvanian), suggests to the president the appointment of gen. lovell to the command of all the prisons containing federal captives. gen. lovell, too, is a northern man. october th.--clear and frosty. quiet below. gen. w. m. gardner (in gen. winder's place here) has just got from judge campbell passports for his cousin, mary e. gardner, and for his brother-in-law f. m. white, to go to memphis, tenn., where they mean to reside. mr. benjamin publishes a copy of a dispatch to mr. mason, in london, for publication there, showing that if the united states continue the war, she will be unable to pay her debts abroad, and therefore foreigners ought not to lend her any more money, or they may be ruined. this from a secretary of state! it may be an electioneering card in the united states, and it may reconcile some of our members of congress to the incumbency of mr. b. in a sinecure position. a friend of mr. seddon, near vicksburg, writes for permission to sell thirty bales of cotton--$ , worth--to the enemy. he says mr. seddon's estate, on the sunflower, has not been destroyed by the enemy. that's fortunate, for other places have been utterly ruined. investigations going on in the courts show that during gen. winder's "reign of terror," passports sold for $ . some outside party negotiated the business and procured the passport. gen. early has issued an address to his army, reproaching it for having victory wrested out of its hands by a criminal indulgence in the plunder found in the camps captured from the enemy. he hopes they will retrieve everything in the next battle. governor smith's exemptions of magistrates, deputy sheriffs, clerks, and constables, to-day, . october th.--slightly hazy and sunshine. quiet, save aimless and bootless shelling and picket firing along the lines on the south side of the river. hon. geo. davis, attorney-general, to whom was referred the question of the constitutionality of the purposed removal from office of clerks appointed to fill places specifically created by act of congress previous to the enactment of the conscript law, without there being alleged against them any misconduct, inefficiency, dishonesty, etc., has reported that as several subsequent acts of congress already indicate an intention to put all capable of bearing arms in the army, it is the duty of the president and the secretary of war _to carry out the intentions of congress_, leaving the constitutional question to the decision of the courts! the constitution they swore upon the holy, etc. to support! thus, a refugee must either starve his wife and children by relinquishing office, or be disgraced by appealing to the courts! it is reported that , of the enemy crossed to this side of the river last night, and that fighting has began at a.m.; but i hear nothing save an occasional report of cannon. it is said brisk skirmishing is now ( m.) going on along the lines. gen. cooper and mr. secretary seddon wants brig.-gen. r. (charleston) relieved, for insulting a lady in one of his fits of drunkenness. the president is reluctant to consent. we have intelligence to-day of gun-boats and transports ascending the rappahannock river. another squall from that quarter! three p.m. the cannonading has grown quick and terrific along the lines, below the city (north side), with occasional discharges nearer, and farther to the left (north), as if the enemy were attempting to flank our army. the sounds are very distinctly heard, the weather being damp and the wind from the southeast. we can distinguish the bursting of the shell quickly after the discharge of the cannon. the firing ceased at dark. it rains hard and steadily, now. what a life! what suffering, in mud and water, without tents (in the trenches), burdened with wet blankets, and perhaps without food! to-morrow, in all probability, a battle will be fought. gen. lee, for several weeks, as if aware of the impending operations in this vicinity, has been on this side of the river, superintending in person the fortifications multiplied everywhere for the defense of the city, while reinforcements have been pouring in by thousands. it must be a fearful struggle, if gen. grant really intends to make another effort to capture richmond by assault! our works, mostly made by the negroes, under the direction of skillful engineers, must be nearly impregnable, and the attempt to take them will involve a prodigious expenditure of blood. october th.--rained all night, but bright this morning. we have no clear account yet of the fighting yesterday; but we know the enemy was repulsed on this side of the river. it is thought that the operations on the south side were of greater magnitude, where we lost a brigadier-general (dearing) of cavalry. we shall know all in a few days. the fighting was not resumed this morning. it is rumored that mr. seddon will resign, and be succeeded by gen. kemper. i am incredulous. the "dog-catchers," as the guards are called, are out again, arresting able-bodied men (and sometimes others) in the streets, and locking them up until they can be sent to the front. there must be extraordinary danger anticipated by the authorities to induce a resort to so extreme a measure. two p.m. no news from the field---no cannon heard to-day. large amounts of cloth from europe for the army have recently arrived at wilmington, n. c.; but the speculators occupy so much space in the cars, that transportation cannot be had for it. the poor soldiers are likely to suffer in consequence of this neglect of duty on the part of the government. october th.--clear and pleasant. we are beginning to get authentic accounts of the operations on thursday; and yet, from the newspaper publications, we see that the government has withheld one of gen. lee's dispatches from publication. altogether, it must be regarded as a decisive failure on the part of the enemy to obtain any lodgment nearer to the objective point; while his loss was perhaps two to our one. a letter from gen. howell cobb, macon, ga., in reply to one from the secretary by the president's direction, states that gen. beauregard, in arranging difficulties with gov. brown, did not compromise the dignity or interests of the confederate states government, or violate any law. it is now said sheridan is retreating toward the potomac, followed by early. some more recruits for early left richmond yesterday. this would indicate that gen. lee has men enough here. the president suggests that confidential inspectors be sent to ascertain whether gen. early's army has lost confidence in him. both gen. lee and the president are satisfied that the charges of drunkenness against gen. e. merit no attention. the secretary had indorsed on a paper (referred by him to the president) that he shared the belief in the "want of confidence," etc.--and no doubt would have him removed. sunday, october th.--bright and beautiful. some firing was heard early this morning on the darbytown road, or in that direction; but it soon ceased, and no fighting of moment is anticipated to-day, for gen. longstreet is in the city. my son thomas drew a month's rations yesterday, being detailed for clerical service with gen. kemper. he got pounds of flour (market value $ ), pounds of beef ($ . ), pounds of rice ($ ), one sixth of a cord of wood ($ . ), salt ($ ), tobacco ($ ), vinegar ($ )--making $ per month; clothing furnished by government,$ per annum; cash, $ per month; $ per day extra, and $ per month for quarters; or $ per annum. custis and i get $ each--making in all $ , ! yet we cannot subsist and clothe the family; for, alas, the paper money is $ for one in specie! the steamers have brought into wilmington immense amounts of quartermaster stores, and perhaps our armies are the best clad in the world. if the spirit of speculation be laid, and all the men and resources of the country be devoted to defense (as seems now to be the intention), the united states could never find men and material sufficient for our subjugation. we could maintain the war for an indefinite period, unless, indeed, fatal dissensions should spring up among ourselves. october st.--bright. tom's rations came in--worth $ --for a month. gen. lee writes that it is necessary for the gun-boats to guard the river as far below chaffin's bluffs as possible, to prevent the enemy from throwing a force to the south bank in the rear of gen. pickett's lines; for then gen. p. must withdraw his forces, and the abandonment of petersburg will follow, "with its railroad connections, throwing the whole army back to the defense of richmond. i should regard this as a great disaster, and as seriously endangering the safety of the city. we should not only lose a large section of country from which our position enables us to draw supplies, but the enemy would be brought nearer to the only remaining railway communication between richmond and the south. it would make the tenure of the city depend upon our ability to hold this long line of communication against the largely superior force of the enemy, and i think would greatly diminish the prospects of successful defense." he suggests that more men and small boats be put in the river to prevent the enemy from placing torpedoes in the rear of the iron-clads, when on duty down the river at night. j. h. reagan, postmaster-general, has written a furious letter to the secretary, complaining of incivility on the part of mr. wilson, commissary agent to issue beef in richmond. judge r. went there to draw the beef ration for col. lubbock, one of the president's aid-de-camps (late governor of texas). he says he is able-bodied and ought to be in the army. mr. wilson sends in certificates of two men who were present, contradicting the judge's statement of the language used by mr. w. the secretary has not yet acted in the case. beverly tucker is in canada, and has made a contract for the confederate states government with ------ & co., of new york, to deliver bacon for cotton, pound for pound. it was made by authority of the secretary of war, certified to by hon. c. c. clay and j. thompson, both in canada. the secretary of the treasury don't like it. it is reported that after the success reported by gen. lee, early was _again_ defeated. chapter xliv. proclamation for a day of public worship.--gov. allen, of louisiana.-- letter from gen. beauregard.--departure for europe.--congress assembles.--quarrel between gens. kemper and preston.--gen. forrest doing wonders.--tennessee.--gen. johnston on his georgia campaign.-- john mitchel and senator foote.--progress of sherman.--from gov. brown, of georgia.--capture of gen. pryor. november st.--bright and frosty morning. all quiet. no confirmation of early's defeat; and the night-feat of mahone puts the people in better hope. one-third of all our lead comes from the mines near wytheville, virginia. i got pounds of flour from the investment in supplies in north carolina, and one-fourth of that amount is still behind. we got pounds of bacon, worth $ ; the flour received, and to be received, pounds, $ ; and we expect to get gallons molasses, $ per gallon, $ : total, $ ; and only $ invested. this shows the profits of the speculators! gov. yates, of illinois, has declared richmond will be in the hands of the federals before the th of november. this is the st. it may be so; but i doubt it. it cannot be so without the effusion of an ocean of blood! i learned to-day that every tree on gov. wise's farm of any size has been felled by the enemy. what harm have the poor trees done the enemy? i love trees, anywhere. the president attends to many little matters, such as solicitations for passports to leave the country, details or exemptions of husbands and sons; and generally the ladies who address him, knowing his religious bias, frame their phraseology accordingly, and often with effect. the following is his last proclamation: _proclamation appointing a day for public worship._ "it is meet that the people of the confederate states should, from time to time, assemble to acknowledge their dependence on almighty god, to render devout thanks for his manifold blessings, to worship his holy name, to bend in prayer at his footstool, and to accept, with reverent submission, the chastening of his all-wise and all-merciful providence. "let us, then, in temples and in fields, unite our voices in recognizing, with adoring gratitude, the manifestations of his protecting care in the many signal victories with which our arms have been crowned; in the fruitfulness with which our land has been blessed, and in the unimpaired energy and fortitude with which he has inspired our hearts and strengthened our arms in resistance to the iniquitous designs of our enemies. "and let us not forget that, while graciously vouchsafing to us his protection, our sins have merited and received grievous chastisement; that many of our best and bravest have fallen in battle; that many others are still held in foreign prisons; that large districts of our country have been devastated with savage ferocity, the peaceful homes destroyed, and helpless women and children driven away in destitution; and that with fiendish malignity the passions of a servile race have been excited by our foes into the commission of atrocities from which death is a welcome escape. "now, therefore, i, jefferson davis, president of the confederate states of america, do issue this my proclamation, setting apart wednesday, the sixteenth day of november next, as a day to be specially devoted to the worship of almighty god; and i do invite and invoke all the people of these confederate states to assemble on the day aforesaid, in their respective places of public worship, there to unite in prayer to our heavenly father, that he bestow his favor upon us; that he extend over us the protection of his almighty arm; that he sanctify his chastisement to our improvement, so that we may turn away from evil paths and walk righteously in his sight; that he restore peace to our beloved country, healing its bleeding wounds, and securing to us the continued enjoyment of our right of self-government and independence; and that he graciously hearken to us, while we ascribe to him the power and glory of our deliverance. "given under my hand and the seal of the confederate states, at richmond, this th day of october, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four. "jefferson davis. "by the president: "j. p. benjamin, _secretary of state_." the president gets but few letters from members of congress. november d.--dark and dismal. the governor continues his exemptions, now amounting to thousands. s. basset french (state agent to buy and sell supplies to the people), with one or more clerks, and such laborers, etc. as may be necessary, i find among his last exemptions. a smart and corrupt agent could make a fortune out of these exemptions. of course, the _governor's_ a. d. c. will do no such thing. no news from below. rev. john clark writes from stafford county that the conscripts there have hid themselves in white oak swamp, because the secretary of war has exempted an able-bodied man to work for mrs. ----, his ---- widow. gen. winder, with the prisoners in the south, is in hot water again. he wants to make cashmyer suttler (like ancient pistol), and major ----, the secretary's agent, opposes it, on the ground that he is a "plug ugly rogue and cut-throat." mr. george davis, attorney-general confederate states, has given it as his opinion that although certain civil officers of the government were exempted from military service by the constitution, yet a recent act of congress, decreeing that all residents between the ages of and are in the military service, must be executed. in other words, the cabinet ministers must "see that the laws be faithfully executed," even should they be clearly and expressly unconstitutional. is not the constitution the law? have they not sworn to support it, etc.? it seems to me that this is a weak opinion. it makes the president absolute. i fear this government in future times will be denounced as a cabal of bandits and outlaws, making and executing the most despotic decrees. this decision will look bad in history, and will do no good at present. how _could_ the president "approve" such a law? the desertions from the tredegar battalion and other workshops--local defense--amount to between one and two hundred since the st of september. november d.--cold rain; rained all night. gen. lee, urging that his regiments from texas, louisiana, mississippi, georgia, etc. etc. be recruited from their respective states, concludes a recent letter thus: "i hope immediate action will be taken upon this subject, as i think our success depends much upon a speedy increase of our armies in every possible way." this dismal weather casts a deeper gloom upon the spirits of the croakers. they fear richmond cannot be long defended. plymouth, n. c., has been retaken by the enemy. during this damp weather the deep and sullen sounds of cannon can be heard at all hours, day and night. the firing is mostly from our iron-clads. the market was well supplied this morning with abundance of good meat, vegetables, fruit, etc.; and i was glad to see but few making purchases. the reason may have been that the extortionate prices repelled the people; or it may have been the rain. i passed on. november th.--rained all night; glimpses of the sun between the running clouds this morning. windy, and likely to be cold. our iron-clad "albemarle" was blown up by a handful of the enemy at plymouth--surprising the water pickets (all asleep). the _manner_ of the loss of the town, and of the counties east of it, is not known yet; but everything was foretold by mr. burgyson to the cabinet then devoting their attention to the problem how to violate the constitution, and put into the trenches some fifty delicate clerks, that their places might be filled by some of their own special favorites. mr. george davis, attorney-general, the instrument selected to rend the constitution, or rather to remove the obstacles out of the way, is from north carolina; and this blow has fallen upon his own state! we learn that gold is rising rapidly in the north, which may be significant of president lincoln's re-election next week. we get no news from our armies except through the northern papers--not reliable just now. gov. allen, of louisiana, writes a furious letter to the secretary of war, who ordered the disbandment of the state battalion. he says the order is a personal offense to him and an insult to his state (he is a native virginian), and he will resent it and resist it to the last extremity. he gives notice that the d battalion has been ordered back from the east side of the mississippi river. the battalion disbanded numbered but men! a little business--like losing one-fourth of north carolina, to put out of office fifty clerks, whose tenure, by the constitution, is for life! november th.--clear and cold. grant has attempted nothing this week, and it is probably too late for any demonstration to affect the election. i infer that the government is convinced president lincoln will be re-elected, else some desperate effort would have been made in his behalf by his generals. will he float on a sea of blood another four years? i doubt it. one side or the other must, i think, give up the contest. _he_ can afford to break with the abolitionists now. we _cannot_ submit without the loss of everything. it is thought grant will continue to "swing to the left," making a winter campaign on the coasts of north and south carolina--mean time leaving butler's army here, always menacing richmond. gen. beauregard writes from gadsden, ala., october th, that his headquarters will be at tuscumbia, ala.; will get supplies from corinth to tuscumbia. forrest has been ordered to report to gen. hood, in middle tennessee. the railroad iron between corinth and memphis will be taken to supply wants elsewhere. gen. dick taylor is to guard communications, etc., has directed gen. cheatham to issue an address to the people of tennessee, saying his and gen. forrest's command have entered the state for its redemption, etc., and calling upon the people to aid in destroying the _enemy's communications_, while the main army is between atlanta and chattanooga, when the purpose is to precipitate the _whole army_ upon it, etc. gen. b. doubts not he will soon be able to announce good tidings, etc. etc. this letter to gen. cooper is "submitted to the secretary of war," by whom it is "submitted for the information of the president," and sent back by him--"read and returned, th nov. ' .--j. d." gen. b. was to leave that day to join gen. hood, in vicinity of guntersville, on tennessee river. sherman's army was between dalton and gadsden, miles from gadsden. sunday, november th.--bright and frosty. all quiet below. another day, and if it remains quiet, we may know that lincoln will be re-elected. it is said news came from the north last night, that gold sold for $ , and that governor seymour had ordered the militia of new york to be in readiness for the protection of the polls on tuesday next. g. w. randolph, late secretary of war, has sailed for europe, taking his family with him. other quondam confederate states functionaries have gone, or are going. many have realized fortunes, who were poor, and this country has ceased to be the one to _enjoy_ them in. a parting letter was written by mr. randolph to his friend, r. g. h. kean, chief of the bureau of war--appointed by mr. r., and from whom i derived the information of the sailing of his patron. such departures, at a crisis like this, spread additional doubts in the community. mr. r. was not liable to conscription, if averse to fighting more in our cause, being exempted by governor smith as a member of the common council. to-morrow is the day fixed for the reassembling of our congress, but doubts are entertained whether there will be a quorum. we shall soon have lively news from beauregard. if i understand his letter of the th ult., he is determined to march the army without delay into middle tennessee, leaving sherman on his right flank and rear. it is a desperate conception, and will probably be a brilliant success--or a sad disaster. napoleon liked such games. if beauregard really has great genius, he has now the field on which to display it. if the tennesseeans and kentuckians rise, momentous events may follow; if not, it is probably the last opportunity they will have. they have their choice--_but blood is the price of independence_. november th.--dark and raining. cannon heard down the river. to-day our congress assembles. senator johnson, of missouri (who relinquished six years in united states senate and $ , for the cause), called to see me. he is hopeful of success in the west. by the northern papers we see that mr. seward has discovered a "conspiracy" to burn all the northern cities on election day. it may be so--by northern incendiaries. our citizens are still asking permits to bring flour and meal to the city (free from liability to impressment) for "family use." the speculators divide and subdivide their lots, and get them in, to sell at extortionate prices. rumors of fighting toward petersburg--nothing reliable. gen. lee writes that he sent in the tredegar battalion to the foundry a few days ago (desertions being frequent from it); and now he learns it is ordered out to report to lieut.-col. pemberton. he requests that it be ordered back to the foundry, where it is absolutely necessary for the supply of munitions, etc. november th.--wet and warm; all quiet below, and much mud there. congress assembled yesterday, and the president's message was read. he recommends the employment of , slaves in the army, not as soldiers, unless in the last extremity; and _after_ the war he proposes their _emancipation_. this is supposed to be the idea of mr. benjamin, for foreign effect. it is denounced by the _examiner_. the message also recommends the abolition of all class exemptions, such as editors, etc. the _examiner_ denounces this as a blow at the freedom of the press. the message is cheerful and full of hope, showing that the operations of the year, in the field, have resulted in no disadvantage to us. by the northern papers we find that a fleet of four or five cruisers is devastating their commerce. they sailed recently from wilmington, in spite of gen. whiting. no attack was made on richmond during the last few days. i have no doubt it was deemed unnecessary by the enemy to secure mr. lincoln's re-election. to-day, no doubt, the election in the united states will result in a new lease of presidential life for mr. lincoln. if this result should really have been his _motive_ in the conduct of the war, perhaps there may soon be some relaxation of its rigors--and possibly peace, for it is obvious that subjugation is not possible. president lincoln may afford to break with the abolition party now, and, as has been often done before, kick down the ladder by which he ascended to power. this is merely speculation, however; he may resolve to wield the whole military strength and resources of the united states with more fury than ever. but there will henceforth be a dangerous party against him in the rear. the defeated democrats will throw every obstruction in his path--and they may _chock_ his wheels--or even give him employment for the bayonet at home. dispatches from beauregard and hood, november th, at tuscumbia, say that sherman is concentrating at huntsville and decatur. part of our army is at florence. gen. b. says his advance has been retarded by bad weather and want of supplies, but that he will march into tennessee immediately. gen. forrest is throwing difficulties in the way of sherman. the armies are equidistant from nashville, and if sherman's supplies fail, his condition becomes desperate. captain manico (acting lieutenant-colonel departmental regiment) informs me that the enemy will certainly open batteries in a day or two on our troops at chaffin's bluff, and will be replied to vigorously, which he thinks will bring on a battle. we shall hear more thunder, as the distance is only seven or eight miles. it seems to be clearing up, and there may be news before night. when election news arrives per telegraph from the north--if favorable--it is supposed the enemy will celebrate it by _shotted_ salutes, and thus recommence the slaughter. november th.--rained last night; clear this morning, and warm. all quiet below, except the occasional bombs thrown at the canal by our iron-clads. the press is mostly opposed to the president's _project_ of employing , slaves in the army, under promise of emancipation. some indicate the belief that the president thinks the alternatives are subjugation or abolition, and is preparing the way for the latter. the _enquirer_ is averse to conscribing editors between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. the editor says it would be a violation of the constitution, etc. we all believe lincoln has been easily re-elected. it is supposed grant will soon receive large accessions from sheridan's army, and make another attempt to take richmond. it will be the most formidable attempt, and will be the most formidably resisted. a row between gen. kemper and gen. preston: latter refers papers directly to col. shields, gen. k.'s subordinate. gen. k. asks to be relieved: secretary seddon agrees to it, taking sides with the bureau of conscription. but the president does not (yet) agree to it, asks investigation of gen. k.'s complaints, etc.; and so it rests at the present. the assistant secretary of war, his son-in-law lieut.-col. lay, etc. etc. are all on the side of the bureau of conscription; but i suspect the president is on the _other_ side. my opinion is that unless the bureau of conscription be abolished or renovated, our cause will fare badly. the president states his suspicions of "malpractice" in his indorsement. much cheering has been heard this morning in the enemy's lines--over election news, probably: whether mcclellan's or lincoln's success, no one here knows; but no doubt the latter. november th.--warm; rain and wind (south) all night. quiet below. one of the enemy's pickets said to one of ours, last night, that warren's corps had voted unanimously for mcclellan, and that new york city has given a majority of , for him. this is hardly reliable. mr. foote offered a resolution, yesterday, condemning the president's suggestion that _editors_ be put in the ranks as well as other classes. now i think the president's suggestion will be adopted, as mr. foote is unfortunate in his resolutions. mr. barksdale (president's friend) had it easily referred to the committee on military affairs. hon. j. a. gilmer, north carolina, is applying for many passports through the lines for people in his district. he applies to judge campbell. coal is selling at $ per load, twenty-five bushels. the vote referring foote's resolution (on the exemption of editors) was passed unanimously, which is regarded as favoring the president's recommendation. mr. foote had denounced the president as a despot. bought two excellent knit undershirts, to-day, of a woman who gets her supplies from passing soldiers. being washed, etc., they bore no evidences of having been worn, _except two small round holes in the body_. such are the straits to which we are reduced. i paid $ each; the price for new ones, of inferior quality, is $ a piece. november th.--clear and pleasant. all quiet. no doubt, from the indications, lincoln has been re-elected. now preparations must be made for the further "conflict of opposing forces." all our physical power must be exerted, else all is lost. mr. sparrow, louisiana, chairman of the committee on military affairs, introduced a measure, yesterday, in the senate, which, if consummated, might put all our able-bodied men in the field. it would equalize prices of the necessaries of life, and produce a panic among the speculators. i append it. but, probably, the press will have to be suppressed, "as a war measure," too, to pass it: _"a bill to extend the assessment of prices for the army to all citizens of the confederate states:_ "_whereas_, the depreciation of our currency is, in a great measure, produced by the extortion of those who sell the necessaries of life; and whereas, such depreciation is ruinous to our confederacy and to the means of prosecuting the war; therefore "_the congress of the confederate states of america do enact, as a necessary war measure_, that the prices assessed for the army by the commissioners of assessment shall be the prices established for all citizens of the confederate states; and that any person who shall charge any price beyond such assessment shall be deemed guilty of a criminal offense, and be subject to a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars and to imprisonment not exceeding one year." we are now tending rapidly, under fearful exigencies, to the absolutism which, in a republic, alone can summon the full forces into the field. power must be concentrated, and wielded with promptitude and precision, else we shall fail to achieve our independence. all obstructions in the way of necessary war measures must be speedily removed, or the finances, and the war itself, will speedily come to an ignominious end. the secretary recommends, and the president orders, that gen. bragg be assigned to the command of north carolina. the president yields; bragg is "given up." the richmond _enquirer_ is out, to-day, in an article advocating the employment of , negroes in our army. november th.--bright and pleasant. the rumor is revived that mr. seddon will resign. if he really does resign, i shall regard it as a _bad_ sign. he must despair of the republic; but, then, his successor may be a man of greater energy and knowledge of war. we are destitute of news, with an awful silence between the armies. we believe this cannot last long, and we know grant has a great superiority of numbers. and he knows our weakness; for the government will persist in keeping "at the front" local defense troops, smarting under a sense of wrong, some of whom are continually deserting. the money-changers and speculators, who have lavished their bribes, are all in their places, preying upon the helpless women and children; while the clerks--the permanence of whose tenure of office was guaranteed by the constitution--are still kept in the trenches, and their families, many of them refugees, are suffering in destitution. but mr. seddon says they _volunteered_. this is not candid. they were told by mr. memminger and others that, unless they _volunteered_, the president had decided their dismissal--when conscription into the army followed, of course! november th.--bright and cold; ice on the porch. all quiet below, save the booming of bombs every night from our iron-clads, thrown at the workmen in the canal. there is a dispatch from the west, relating to gen. forrest's operations in tennessee, understood to be good news. i did not wait to see, knowing the papers will have it to-morrow. mr. hunter was with mr. secretary seddon, as usual, this sunday morning, begging him not to resign. this is flattery to mr. seddon. november th.--clear and cold. lincoln is re-elected, and has called for a _million_ of men! this makes many of our croaking people despondent; others think it only a game of brag. i saw the president to-day in earnest conversation with several members of congress, standing in the street. it is not often he descends from his office to this mode of conference. some one of the family intimating that stains of blood were on my undershirts (second hand), i was amused to see mrs. j. lifting them with the _tongs_. they have been thoroughly washed, and prove to be a first-rate article. i am proud of them, for they are truly comfortable garments. gen. forrest is doing wonders in tennessee, as the appended dispatch from gen. beauregard shows: "tuscumbia, ala., nov. th, . "gen. s. cooper, a. and i. general. "gen. forrest reports on the th instant that he was then engaged fighting the enemy at johnsonville, having already destroyed four gun-boats, of eight guns each, fourteen steamers, and twenty barges, with a large quantity of quartermaster and commissary stores, on the landing and in warehouses, estimated at between seventy-five and one hundred thousand tons. six gun-boats were then approaching, which he hoped to capture or destroy. "g. t. beauregard." november th.--fair and cold; ice. quiet below; rumors of further successes in the southwest, but not official. congress did nothing of interest yesterday in open session, but spent most of its time in secret session. there will probably be stringent martial law, for the strong hand of unlimited power will be required to correct abuses, repress discontent, and bring into the field the whole military strength of the confederacy. the large majorities for lincoln in the united states clearly indicate a purpose to make renewed efforts to accomplish our destruction. it is now contradicted that lincoln has called for , , men. three p.m. cloudy, and threatening snow. an attack upon the city seems to be apprehended. all men must now have passes from mr. carrington, provost marshal, or be liable to arrest in the street. such are the changes, indicating _panic_ on the part of official dignitaries. november th.--bright and frosty. this is the day designated by the president for worship, etc., and the offices and places of business are all closed. it is like sunday, with an occasional report of cannon down the river. i doubt whether the clerks in the trenches will pray for the president. compelled to _volunteer_ under a threat of removal, they were assured that they would only be called out in times of great urgency, and then be returned to their offices in a few days. they have now been in the front trenches several months; while the different secretaries are quietly having their kinsmen and favorites detailed back to their civil positions, the poor and friendless are still "left out in the cold." many of these have refugee families dependent on them, while those brought in are mostly rich, having sought office merely to avoid service in the field. the battalion, numbering , has less than now in the trenches. hundreds of the local forces, under a sense of wrong, have deserted to the enemy. gen. breckinridge has beaten the enemy at bull's gap, tenn., taking several hundred prisoners, guns, etc. mr. hunter was at the department early this morning in quest of news. gave $ for a load of coal. messrs. evans & cogswell, columbia, s. c., have sent me some of their recent publications: "a manual of military surgery, by i. julian chisolm, m.d., d edition;" "digest of the military and naval laws," by lester & bromwell; "duties of a judge advocate, etc." by capt r. c. gilchrist; and "a map of east virginia and north carolina;" all beautifully printed and bound. november th.--dark and dismal--threatening rain or snow. quiet below; but we have no papers to-day, yesterday being holiday. it is rumored that gen. sheridan (federal) is sailing from washington to reinforce grant, and that gen. early is marching hitherward from the valley. there may be renewed operations against richmond, or grant may penetrate north carolina. no one knows what will happen a month or a week hence. mr. hunter was again with mr. seddon this morning. governor smith's exemption mill is yet grinding out exemptions, sometimes fifty per day. constables, department clerks, and sheriffs, commonwealth's attorneys, commissioners of the revenue, etc. etc., who win his favor, get his certificate of exemption, as necessary for the state administration. a dispatch from gen. wheeler, jonesborough, november th, says sherman has three corps at _atlanta_, and is destroying railroads between him and marietta, probably intending to move forward--farther south. another dispatch from gen. w., dated th inst., lovejoy's, georgia, says scouts from enemy's rear report that sherman left atlanta yesterday morning, with th, th, and st corps, in two columns, one on the jonesborough, and one on the mcdonough roads--cavalry on his flanks. many houses have been burned in rome, marietta, and atlanta, and the railroad bridge over chattanooga river (in his rear)! enemy advancing this morning. to gen. bragg. twelve m. still another dispatch from gen. wheeler to gen. bragg, dated jonesborough, p.m., th inst. "enemy advanced early this morning with infantry, cavalry, artillery, and wagons--have driven our cavalry back upon this place--strength not yet ascertained, etc." still another dispatch: "griffin, ga., november th, . "to gen. bragg. "enemy checked this evening near bear creek--enemy evidently marching to macon. "jos. wheeler, _major-general_." the dispatches from gen. wheeler have produced no little commotion in the war office. gen. j. e. johnston's report of his georgia campaign concludes by asserting that he _did_ intend to defend atlanta; that he retreated before overwhelming numbers; that the president did not favor him with any directions; that lee retreated before grant, and everybody praised him for it; that gen. hood professed to be his friend, when seeking his removal, or cognizant of the purpose to remove him; and that the vituperation heaped upon him in certain papers seemed to have executive authorization at richmond. the president indorses this growlingly; that it all differs with his understanding of the facts at the time, etc. november th.--bright, calm, and pleasant. all quiet below, save our bombardment of dutch gap canal. the senate passed a resolution yesterday, calling on the president for a statement of the number of exemptions granted by the governors. this will, perhaps, startle governor smith, of virginia, who has already kept out of the army at least a thousand. perhaps it will hit governor brown, of georgia, also; but sherman will hit him hardest. he must call out all his fighting people now, or see his state ravaged with impunity. both houses of congress sit most of the time in secret session, no doubt concocting strong measures under the influence of the existing crisis. good news only can throw open the doors, and restore the hilarity of the members. when not in session, they usually denounce the president; in session, they are wholly subservient to him. hon. r. l. montague has written to the secretary of war, on behalf of the entire virginia delegation, requesting a suspension of the impressment of slaves until further legislation by congress; what that legislation will be, the president might tell, if he would. a dispatch from gen. wheeler, dated to-day, miles from forsyth, states that sherman advances by the most direct route toward macon, ga. my wife presented me to-day an excellent pocket-handkerchief, my old ones being honey-combed and unfit for another washing. upon inquiry (since the cost of a single handkerchief is now $ ), i ascertained it to be a portion of one of my linen shirts bought in london in . we have now pounds of flour in the house; bushel meal; bushel sweet potatoes; bushel irish potatoes; half pecks white beans; pumpkins; pounds beef; pounds butter, and pounds sugar, with salt, etc. this seems like moderate stores for a family of seven, but it is a larger supply than we ever had before, and will suffice for a month. at the market price, they would cost $ . add to this - / loads coal and a quarter cord of wood--the first at $ , the last at $ --the total is $ . . this sum in ordinary times, and in specie, would subsist my family twelve months. november th.--rained all night, and still rains. all quiet below, save the occasional bomb thrown by our iron-clads. gen. and hon. r. k. wright, of georgia, is said to have gone to washington to negotiate a peace for georgia. a dispatch from gen. wheeler, dated yesterday, miles from forsyth, says: "i think definite orders should be sent to officers in command here, as to the line of policy to be pursued--particularly as to defending macon, augusta, or columbus. if not to be defended, government stores should be removed, on enemy's approach, if possible. an officer should be sent to command everything, who knows the views, wishes, and plans of the government." i think so too! the papers think that grant is about to try again to force his way into richmond, as soon as the weather will permit. we had a delicious treat of persimmons to-night--a quart bought for a dollar. they were delicious, and we enjoyed them hugely. also a quart of apples, for which we paid a dollar. november th, sunday.--rained all night--raining this morning. a dispatch from gen. wheeler, th, at forsyth, ga., says: "the enemy rapidly advancing." it is said gov. brown has called out the men _en masse_. i think sherman is in danger. mr. foote made what is called "a compromise speech" in congress yesterday. but although there is vacillation in the government, no compromise measures will be tolerated yet--if ever. everything still depends upon events in the field. i think the government at washington and the people of the united states are very weary of the war, and that peace of some sort must ensue. we shall be recognized by european powers upon the first symptoms of exhaustion in the united states; and there soon will be such symptoms, if we can only keep up a determined resistance. besides, the seizure of our cruiser florida in a neutral port (brazil) will furnish a pretext for a quarrel with the united states by the maritime powers. i am amused by our fireside conversations at night. they relate mostly to the savory dishes we once enjoyed, and hope to enjoy again. gen. butler's speech in new york, suggesting that the rebels be allowed a last chance for submission, and failing to embrace it, that their lands be divided among the northern soldiers, has a maddening effect upon our people. november st.--wet, dark, and dismal. quiet below. in congress, mr. staples, of virginia, unfortunately exhibited a statement obtained from the bureau of conscription, to the effect that while state officers, etc were exempted in virginia, there were , in north carolina. this produced acrimonious debate, which is not the end of it, i fear. i don't believe the statement. gov. smith, of virginia, is exempting a full share of constables, etc. etc. the bureau of conscription strikes, perhaps, at gen. bragg, a north carolinian. it is not the end. an anonymous letter to gov. bonham states that capt. hugener and all his officers at fort sumter are drunkards or gamblers, and that the place is in great danger. gov. b. sends the letter to the president, who directs the secretary of war to make inquiry, etc. perhaps it will be done in time--since the fall of plymouth. gold, to-day, brings $ for $ . oak wood sells to-day at $ per cord. a large amount of apple-brandy has been made this year. a lady, whose husband is a prisoner in the north, writes to the secretary, asking the release of her apple-brandy (in virginia) from the clutches of the impressing officer. she and her daughters had distilled gallons, upon which they depended to procure other supplies, etc. brandy is selling at $ per gallon--$ , . pretty well for the old woman and her three daughters! apples are worth $ per barrel; but the currency (confederate) is nearly worthless. november d.--rained in torrents last night; cold this morning and cloudy. all quiet below. but there was an alarm, night before last, growing out of a stampede of some of the enemy's beeves. they charged upon our line, regardless of the fire of cannon and musketry, and were all captured after penetrating our works. brave cattle! gov. vance writes that if wilmington be attacked by a large force in the rear of fort fisher, its fall is inevitable, unless two brigades of veteran troops be sent from gen. lee's army. he says the defense of wilmington is as important as that of richmond. the president directs the secretary of war to communicate with gen. lee on the subject. we learn that gen. grant is on a visit to his family at burlington, n. j.; and yet the departmental troops (clerks) are still kept in the trenches. it is said the _president's family_ keep them there by the most imploring appeals to gen. lee, and that the president himself does not feel altogether safe while the federal army is so near him. his house is on the side of the city most exposed, if a sudden attack were made, of which, however, there seems to be no danger at present. several brigades of gen. early's troops have arrived from the valley. gold sells to-day at $ for $ . and it rises in the united states. this produces trepidation in the cabinet. snowed a few minutes to-day, p.m. the clouds are breaking--cold. what appetites we have! shin-soup and bean-soup alternately are relished with shark-like appetites. november d.--snowed last night three inches. clear and cold this morning; ground frozen. had a dream last night--that meeting a few men in my _wood and coal-house_, i nominated r. tyler for the presidency, and it was well received. i must tell this to mr. t. i narrated my dream to mr. t. before i left, he said a clerkship _was at the disposal of my son thomas_; but thomas is clerk in the conscription service, getting rations, etc. etc., better than the $ per annum. but still that dream may be realized. he is the son of president tyler, deceased. john mitchel is now editor of the _examiner_, and challenged _mr. foote yesterday_--the note was borne by mr. swan, of tennessee, mr. foote's colleague. mr. foote would not receive it; and mr. s. took offense and assaulted mr. f. in his own house, when mrs. f. interposed and beat mr. s. away. gen. winder has been appointed, by _gen. cooper_, commander of all prisons east of the mississippi. gen. winder has been made commissary-general of all prisons and prisoners of war. the bureau of conscription is yet sustained in power. all this is done by gen. cooper,--unwise, probably _fatal_ measures! november th.--clear and frosty. ice half an inch thick this morning. all quiet below. col. st. john, niter and mining bureau, required , men to furnish ammunition, etc. col. northrop, commissary-general, reports only days' bread rations in richmond for , men, and that we must rely upon supplies hereafter from the carolinas and virginia alone. the difficulty is want of adequate transportation, of course. the speculators and railroad companies being in partnership, very naturally exclude the government from the track. the only remedy, the only salvation, in my opinion, is for the government to take exclusive control of the railroads, abate speculation, and change most of the quartermasters and commissaries. hon. j. b. clarke proposed a resolution of inquiry in the house of representatives, which was adopted, calling for the number and name of employees in the departments, and the state they were appointed from. virginia has more than half of them. gen. cooper, the adjutant-general, northern by birth, turned out twenty of his eighty clerks yesterday, to replace them with ladies. it is said and believed that sherman's cavalry has reached milledgeville, and destroyed the public buildings, etc. we have nothing from wheeler since the th inst. november th.--bright and frosty. a report from the bureau of conscription shows after all that only some men have been sent to the army during the last two months, under general order , revoking details, etc. i don't wonder, for there has been the natural confusion consequent upon a conflict of authority between gen. kemper and the bureau of conscription. about as many details have been made by the one authority as have been enrolled by the other. november th.--clear and frosty. the following dispatch was received to-day from gen. bragg: "augusta, nov. th, . "arrived late last night, and take command this morning. we learn from gen. wagner, who holds the oconee railroad bridge, that the enemy has not crossed the river in any force. he has concentrated in milledgeville, and seems to be tending south. our cavalry, under wheeler, is in his front, and has been ordered to destroy every vestige of subsistence and forage as it retires; to hang upon his flanks, and retard his progress by every possible means. i am informed the brigades from southwest virginia have joined wheeler. president's dispatch of d just received. "braxton bragg, _general_." when i carried this dispatch to the secretary i found him sitting in close conference with mr. hunter, both with rather lugubrious faces. another dispatch from bragg: "augusta, nov. th, p.m. "the enemy has crossed the oconee; was met this morning, in force, at buffalo creek, near sandersville. his movements from that point will determine whether he designs attacking here or on savannah." hon. i. t. leach from north carolina, yesterday introduced _submission_ resolutions in the house of representatives, which were voted down, of course,--messrs. logan and turner, of north carolina, however, voting _for_ them. a party of that sort is forming, and may necessitate harsh measures. the president orders detail of fifty men for _express company_. _i feared so!_ november th.--cloudy and warmer; slight rain. nothing from bragg this morning. nothing from below the city. when i entered the secretary's room this morning, i found him as grave as usual. l. q. washington, son of peter washington, once a clerk under president tyler (and he still remains in the united states), and grandson of lund washington, who, we learn by one of the published letters of gen. washington, was his overseer, with no traceable relationship to his family, was seated with him. he is chief clerk to mr. benjamin, a sinecure position in the state department. he was placed there by mr. hunter, after writing a series of communications for the _examiner_, as mr. pollard informed me, denunciatory of mr. stephens, vice-president confederate states. mr. kean and mr. shepherd, the clean chief clerk, were also present, enjoying the hon. secretary's confidence. they are all comparatively _young men_, whom the secretary has not assigned to positions in the field, although _men_ are alone wanted to achieve independence. they were discussing a resolution of congress, calling for the names, ages, etc. of the civil and military officers employed by the secretary in richmond, or it might have been the subject of the removal of the government, or the chances of success, etc., or the president's appointment of gen. bragg to command the army in georgia, or mr. hunter's prospects for the presidency. no matter what. it is a dismal day, and a settled vexation is on the faces of many of the officials. but if the time should come for flight, etc., i predict many will have abundance of funds in europe. the quartermasters, commissaries, etc. will take care of themselves by submission. the railroad companies have already taken care of themselves by their partnership with the speculators. the express company bribes all branches of the government, and i fear it has _obliged_ some of the members of the president's military or domestic family. by a report from the niter and mining bureau, it appears that thirteen furnaces of the thirty odd in virginia have ceased operations. several have been destroyed by the enemy; the ore and fuel of others have become exhausted; and those in blast threaten to cease work for want of hands, the men being put in the army. november th.--calm and warm; clouds and sunshine, without wind. all quiet below. it is reported that one of our picket boats in the james river deserted last night. it is said the crew overpowered the officers and put them ashore, and then the boat rowed down to the enemy. i am informed by capt. warner that there are , graves of federal prisoners at andersonville, ga. that climate is fatal to them; but the government cannot feed them here, and the enemy won't exchange. a dispatch from gen. bragg: "augusta, november th, .--we have lost communication with the front. a small cavalry raid cut the savannah railroad and telegraph, this morning, at brier creek, twenty-six miles from here. gen. wheeler was, yesterday, confronting the enemy's infantry at sandersville. an officer, who left macon on the d, states that one corps of the enemy was still confronting us there; our force not exceeding , nearly all militia. the force here, including all available reserves, does not exceed effectives: only one battery. i am not yet advised from charleston and savannah, but know the means are small. neither point could long resist the enemy's whole force; hence my remarks about concentration. gen. hardee has gone to savannah. wheeler will continue to confront and harass the enemy. i have not learned the strength of his command. he estimates the enemy's force at about , ." gen. beauregard has published a short proclamation, saying he will soon arrive to the rescue in georgia. here, then, will be war between the two b's--bragg and beauregard; and the president will be as busy as a bee. meantime, sherman may possess the land at pleasure. a long letter (twenty-five pages) from gov. brown, georgia, came to hand to-day, combating, in replication, one from the secretary relating to calling out all the militia of georgia, etc. _state rights_ and the constitution are discussed _in extenso_, and many a hard blow is aimed at the president. the governor regards the secretary as merely the instrument or head clerk of the president, whom he sneers at occasionally. but he denounces as _vile_ the president himself, _and refuses to obey the call_. what he will do with the militia must soon be known, for sherman is _there_. a great stir among the _officers_ on bureau and department duty in richmond! congress has called on the president for a list of all commissioned officers here, their ages, etc., and how many of them are fit for duty in the field. this will be dodged, of course, if possible. november th.--clear, and warm as summer almost. another dispatch from bragg: "augusta, november th, --on the th instant, the enemy started a heavy cavalry force in this direction, from his main body near sandersville; gen. wheeler promptly following, leaving a portion of his force to confront sherman. kilpatrick reached vicinity of waynesborough yesterday, where wheeler overtook and attacked him. a running fight has continued to this time; the advantage with us. we are driving them toward millen. young's command has just arrived, and will go forward to wheeler, who will, i hope, be able to mount most of them from his captures. devastation marks the enemy's route. hear nothing from the movements of the enemy's infantry, since wheeler left their front. i fear they may cross the savannah, and make for beaufort. it is perfectly practicable." the number of deserters, under general order , received here and sent to abingdon, va., is men. senator waldo p. johnson, missouri, told me he would move, to-day, to allow the civil officers, etc. to buy rations and clothes of government, at schedule prices. this would be better than an increase of salary. no movements below, to-day, that i hear of. gen. jos. e. johnston was at the department to-day, and was warmly greeted by his friends. if sherman's campaign should be a success, johnston will be a hero; if the reverse, he will sink to rise no more. a sad condition, for one's greatness to depend upon calamity to his country! november th.--clear, and warm as summer. no fires. it is reported that gen. hood is still marching north, and is near nashville. the following telegrams were received this morning: "augusta, november th, .--it is reported, _via_ savannah, the enemy, with infantry and artillery, entered millen yesterday. wheeler is rapidly pursuing kilpatrick, who retreats in that direction from waynesborough.--b. b." "augusta, november th, .-- - / p.m.--gen. jones telegraphs from charleston: 'ten ( ) gun-boats with transports landing troops at boykins on broad river. four gun-boats with transports and barges are, by this time, at mackay's point, junction of pocotaligo with broad river. i am sending all assistance from here, and think we must make the struggle near the coast.' as this movement relieves wilmington, might not some of the north carolina reserves be sent to gen. jones?--b. bragg." the following items were in the papers this morning: "negro pickets.--monday morning negro pickets were placed in front of gen. pickett's division. our men, taking it as an insult, yesterday fired upon them, causing a stampede among them. their places have been supplied with white yankees, and the lines have resumed the usual quiet. "two negroes, captured by gen. hunter in the valley last summer, and forced into the yankee army, deserted yesterday and came into gen. pickett's lines, and were brought over to this city." "capture of gen. pryor.--the _express_ gives the following account of the capture of the hon. roger a. pryor, on monday morning: "while riding along the lines on our right, he stopped at one of our vidette posts, and left his horse and private arms with one or two other articles in charge of the pickets, stated that he intended, as was often his custom, to go forward and exchange papers with the enemy's videttes. he advanced in the direction of the yankee lines, flourishing a paper in his hand, in token of his object, and after proceeding some distance was met by a yankee officer. an exchange of papers was effected, and gen. pryor had turned to retrace his steps, when he was suddenly seized by two or three armed men, who were lying in ambush, and hurried away. the whole transaction, we understand, was witnessed by some of our men, but at too great a distance to render any assistance. gen. pryor had frequently exchanged papers with the enemy, and his name and character had, no doubt, been reported to them. they resolved to have him, by fair means or foul, and descended to the basest treachery to accomplish their purpose. "we trust that some notice may be taken of the matter by our military authorities, and every effort used to secure his early return. during the last few months the general has been acting as an independent scout, in which capacity he has rendered valuable service." chapter xlv. desertions.--bragg and kilpatrick.--rents.--gen. winder's management of prisoners.--rumored disasters in tennessee.--prices.--progress of sherman.--around richmond.--capture of fort mcalister.--rumored death of the president.--yankee line of spies.--from wilmington and charleston.--evacuation of savannah. december st.--bright and warm. it is said there is a movement of the enemy menacing our works on the north side of the river. there was shelling down the river yesterday and day before, officially announced by gen. lee--two of the enemy's monitors retired. gen. longstreet says "over of gen. pickett's men are in the guard-house for desertion, and that the cause of it may be attributed to the numerous reprieves, no one being executed for two months." gen. lee indorses on the paper: "desertion is increasing in the army, notwithstanding all my efforts to stop it. i think a rigid execution of the law is mercy in the end. the great want in our army is firm discipline." the secretary of war sent it to the president "for his information." the president sent it back with the following biting indorsement: "when deserters are arrested they should be tried, and if the sentences are reviewed and remitted, that is not a proper subject for the criticism of a military commander.--jeff. davis. november th, ." another dispatch from gen. bragg: "augusta, november th, .--following just received from major-gen. wheeler: _'four miles west buckhead church_, november th, p.m.--we fought gen. kilpatrick all night and all day, charging him at every opportunity. enemy fought stubbornly, and left a considerable number of their killed. he stampeded, and came near capturing kilpatrick twice; but having a fleet horse, he escaped, bareheaded, leaving his hat in our hands. our own loss about , including the gallant gen. robertson, severely wounded. our troops all acted handsomely.' "gen. robertson has arrived here. his left arm is badly broken at the elbow, but he is doing well.--b. b." another dispatch of the same date: "to establish our communications west, i have ordered the immediate repair of the georgia railroad to atlanta. with the exception of bridges, the damage is reported as slight. we should also have a line of telegraph on that route.--b. b." i succeeded to-day in buying of government quartermaster (major ferguson) four yards of dark-gray cloth, at $ per yard, for a full suit. the merchants ask $ per yard--a saving of $ . i hope to have it cut and made by one of the government tailors, for about $ , trimmings included. a citizen tailor asks $ ! the senate passed a bill, yesterday, increasing my salary and custis's $ , which we don't thank them for unless we can buy rations, etc. at schedule prices. the money is worthless when we go into the open market. my landlord, mr. king, has gone into the grocery business; and, although he did not raise the rent for the present year, still asked more upon my offer to pay the amount of the first quarter to-day--$ , six months ago, were really worth more than $ to-day. at that time i acknowledged the house would bring more than $ . to-day it would rent for more than $ . he left it to me to do what was right. i think it right to pay $ or $ , and will do so. this evening our servant stepped into the yard just in time to save some clothes drying on the line. a thief was in the act of stealing them, and made his escape, springing over the fence into the alley. december d.--warm, and raining moderately. my landlord gets $ of the $ increase of my salary. dispatches from gen. bragg: "augusta, december st, .--following received from lieut.-gen. r. taylor, savannah, ga.: 'gen. hardee is at grahamville. no fighting there since yesterday evening, when the enemy was driven five miles, leaving their dead upon the field.--b. b.'" another: "augusta, december st, , m.--the (enemy's) cavalry having been driven in, the enemy's main force was yesterday found near louisville, with strong outposts in this direction. they have secured large supplies in the country; but our cavalry is now all up, and it is hoped they will be prevented to a great extent in the future. the report from savannah, of the enemy's entrance into millen, on the th, was premature. telegraphic communication was reopened to savannah by that route yesterday. the enemy is just now reported as at station , on central railroad, advancing.--b. b." during the last month, passports were given to leave the confederate states by provost marshal carrington and war department. mr. g. b. lamar, savannah, ga., tenders his services to go to new york and purchase supplies for our prisoners in the hands of the enemy, and to negotiate the sale of bales of cotton, etc. twelve m. heavy and pretty rapid shelling is heard down the river. col. chandler, inspecting officer, makes an ugly report of gen. winder's management of the prisons in georgia. brig.-gen. chilton appends a rebuking indorsement on gen. w.'s conduct. the inspector characterizes gen. w.'s treatment of the prisoners as barbarous, and their condition as a "hell on earth." and gen. w. says his statements are "false." december d.--very warm--clouds and sunshine, like april. roger a. pryor, who resigned his brigadiership, and has been acting as a _scout_ (private), fell into the hands of the enemy the other day while exchanging newspapers with their pickets. they have him at washington, and the united states newspapers say he makes revelations of a sad state of affairs in georgia, etc. this is doubtless erroneous. a "peace resolution" has been introduced in the north carolina legislature. hon. mr. foote yesterday introduced a resolution in congress, calling for a convention of the states--or appointment of commissioners from the states. voted down by a large majority. gen. rosser (two brigades) made a descent, a few days ago, on the baltimore and ohio railroad, capturing some nine guns altogether, including four siege, which he spiked. the others he brought off, with prisoners. he destroyed wagons and a large amount of quartermaster and ordnance stores. per contra. grant has pounced upon one of our depots at stony creek, weldon railroad, getting some prisoners, and destroying a few stores. it is said he still holds the position--of some importance. gen. ewell still thinks the aspect here is "threatening." brig.-gen. chilton, inspector-general, has ordered investigations of the fortunes of bonded officers, who have become rich during the war. a strong effort has been made to have gen. ripley removed from charleston. he is a northern man, and said to be dissipated. senator orr opposes the change; the secretary recommends his retention, and the president indorses: "i prefer that gen. ripley should remain.--j. d." sunday, december th.--bright, clear, and warm. a dispatch from gen. bragg. "augusta, december d, p.m.--a strong force of the enemy's cavalry and infantry advanced from louisville and encamped last night six miles from waynesborough. they turned off this morning toward savannah. our cavalry is pressing in the rear, and all available means is being thrown to their front by rail. there is time yet for any assistance which can be spared, to be sent by way of charleston.--b. b." the northern papers say our army under hood in tennessee has met with a great disaster. we are still incredulous--although it may be true. if so, the president will suffer, and johnston and beauregard will escape censure--both being supplanted in the command by a subordinate. brig.-gen. preston is still directing orders to col. shields, who is under the command of major-gen. kemper, and the conflict of conscription authorities goes on, while the country perishes. preston is a south carolina politician--kemper a virginian. mr. secretary seddon leans to the former. the law allowing exemptions to owners of a certain number of slaves is creating an antislavery party. the non-slaveholders will not long fight for the benefit of such a "privileged class." there is madness in our counsels! we are still favored by providence in our family. we have, at the market prices, some $ worth of provisions, fuel, etc., at the beginning of winter, and my son thomas is well clad and has his order for a month's rations of beef, etc., which we get as we want it at the government shop near at hand in broad street. his pay and allowances are worth some $ per annum. major ferguson having got permission of the quartermaster-general to sell me a suit of cloth--there being a piece too dark for the army, i got four yards, enough for coat, pants, and vest, at $ per yard--the price in the stores is $ ; and i have the promise of the government tailor to make it up for some $ or $ , the ordinary price being $ ; the trimmings my family will furnish--if bought, they would cost $ . tom has bought a new black coat, made before the war, for $ , the peace price $ , in specie, equivalent to $ . and my daughter anne has made three fine bonnets (for her mother, sister, and herself), from the debris of old ones; the price of these would be $ . so i fear not but we shall be fed and clad by the providence of god. december th.--bright and beautiful. anne samuels and many other ladies, harrisonburg, virginia, have petitioned the government for authority to organize themselves into a regiment for local defense. great excitement was produced in the house of representatives (congress) this morning by the entrance of a lady who proceeded vigorously to cowhide the hon. mr. v----, from missouri. congress has passed a resolution declaring that it was not meant, in calling for the ages of the clerks in the departments, to include the ladies. vice-president stephens has arrived in the city. our people think, in the federal accounts of a victory over gen. hood, at franklin, tenn., they perceive a confederate victory. it is understood that the enemy fell back upon nashville after the battle, pursued by hood. we are also hopeful of the defeat of sherman--a little delay on his part will render it pretty certain. if it should occur, will it give us peace? the _tribune_ says president lincoln is more determined than ever to restore the union. but disaster will surely dishearten either side--that is, the people. the following dispatch has been received from gen. bragg: "augusta, december th, .--the column is moving on what is known as eastern road, to savannah. there are several ferries from the mouth of ---- creek to charleston and savannah railroad bridge--none below that. gen. hardee reports he is patrolling the river with a gun-boat. i have had all ferry boats destroyed, and ordered all roads to and from the river to be broken up and blockaded by felling heavy timber. the roads are all passed by causeways to the river on both sides over dense swamps. none of enemy's forces remain near macon; and from best information i can obtain, it is thought all of ours have left there for savannah. the georgia militia, who were on central railroad, moved back toward savannah, and at last accounts were at station - / ; our cavalry, however, far in advance of them.--b. b." at night--mended broken china and glassware again with white lead, very successfully. such ware can hardly be bought at all--except by the rich. december th.--bright and beautiful. indian summer apparently. all quiet below--but it is anticipated by some that a battle will occur to-day, or in a day or so. the enemy's negro troops have been brought to this side of the river, and are in full view on picket duty. the signal bureau reports a large number of transports descending the potomac a few days ago; probably sheridan's army, to reinforce grant. and yet our conscription superintendents, under orders, are busily engaged furloughing and detailing the rich slaveowners! it is developing a rapidly growing _emancipation party_, for it is the establishment of a privileged class, and may speedily prove fatal to our cause. our leaders are _mad_, and will be destroyed, if they persist in this policy. december th.--raining, and warm. it is said several hundred of the prisoners taken by rosser in the valley escaped, on the way to richmond. a relaxation of vigilance always follows success. how long can this war last? hon. mr. staples procured four and two months' details yesterday for two rich farmers, messrs. mcgehee and heard, both rosy-faced, robust men, and yet found for "light duty" by a medical board. thus we go. the poor and weakly are kept in the trenches, to desert the first opportunity. it is said a dispatch came from bragg yesterday (i saw it not) stating that wheeler and some infantry had a sharp battle with sherman's advance, near millen, in which the latter suffered greatly. but reinforcements coming up, our forces fell back in order, disputing the way. tea is held at $ per pound! wood still $ per cord. i saw gen. rains to-day. he says he has over shell torpedoes planted along our lines around richmond and petersburg. col. bayne reports the importation of packages salted meats, fish, coffee, preserved vegetables, from nassau, bermuda, and halifax, _since october st, _, in fourteen different steamers. december th.--rained hard in the night; clear and pleasant in the morning. a letter from john t. bourne, st. georges, bermuda, says he has some barrels government gunpowder under his care, of which he desires to be relieved. gen. lee sent to the secretary the following dispatch this morning: " d and th corps, gregg's division of [enemy's] cavalry, are moving south, on jerusalem plank road. cavalry reached sussex court house at p.m. yesterday. hill and hampton [confederate states generals] are following. appearances indicate they are moving against weldon, where i am concentrating all the depot guards i can. "r. e. lee, _general_. "petersburg, dec. th, ." there are rumors of the enemy having effected a lodgment on the south side of the river, between howell and drewry's bluff. this may be serious. i do not learn (yet) that the dutch gap canal is finished; but the enemy landed from barges in the fog. gen. lee, some weeks ago, designated such a movement and lodgment as important and embarrassing, probably involving the holding of petersburg. nothing from bragg. one of gen. early's divisions is passing through the city toward petersburg. december th.--cold and cloudy; surface of the ground frozen. cannon heard below. more of gen. early's corps arriving. the papers contradict the report that howlett's battery has been taken. the opinion prevails that a battle will occur to-day. it appears that but few of the enemy's forces were engaged in the demonstration on the south side, below drewry's bluff, and no uneasiness is felt on account of it. we have nothing so far to-day from the enemy's column marching toward weldon. gov. smith, in his message to the legislature now in session, recommends the employment of negro troops, even if it results in their emancipation. he also suggests an act, putting into the army civil officers of the state under forty-five years of age. at the same time he is exempting officers (state) _under forty-five_, and there is no compulsion on him. a dispatch from gen. lee last night states that from the great number of wagons taken by the enemy on the weldon road, the movement is formidable, and indicates a purpose of prolonged operations. at night--and snowing--a terrible night for the poor soldiers in the field! december th.--snowed two inches last night. cloudy and damp this morning. guns were heard down the river last night at a late hour. perhaps it was nothing more than shelling the enemy's canal. we have nothing yet authentic from georgia; but many rumors of much fighting. it is said gen. hampton has got in front of the enemy's column at the weldon railroad, and is driving them back. gen. hill, it is presumed, is _this_ side of them. it is also reported that gen. longstreet is now ( m.) attacking the enemy on _this_ side of the river, and driving them. distant guns can be heard southeast of us, and it may be true. major cummings, confederate states, georgia, dispatches that the railroad between atlanta and chattanooga should be repaired immediately, to bring off supplies from middle tennessee. gen. bragg concurs. the following was received from gen. bragg to-day, a.m.: "augusta, december th, .--the following dispatch is just received from gen. wheeler, twenty-seven miles from savannah, p.m., th december. enemy are still moving toward savannah, obstructing the road in the rear, and resisting warmly this morning. i cannot learn that any have crossed the savannah river. i hear artillery firing, far in my front; do not know what it means: th corps and kilpatrick's cavalry on the river road; th on middle ground road; and th, and probably th, on central railroad. "i think the force on the right bank of ogeechee must be small." december th, sunday.--cloudy and melting--snow vanishing rapidly. the thousand and one rumors of great achievements of gen. longstreet on the north side of the river seem to have been premature. nothing official of any advantage gained over the enemy near the city has been received so far as i can learn. gen. lee, no doubt, directed longstreet to make demonstrations on the enemy's lines near the city, to ascertain their strength, and to prevent more reinforcements being sent on the south side, where the struggle will occur, if it has not already occurred. there is no doubt that the enemy's column sent toward weldon has been checked, and great things are reported of gen. hampton's cavalry. a battle must certainly occur near savannah, ga. sherman _must_ assail our lines, or perish between two fires. president lincoln's message to the congress of the united states, republished in our papers, produces no marked effect. his adherence to a purpose of emancipation of the slaves, and his employment of them in his armies, will suffice for an indefinite prolongation of the war, and perhaps result in the employment of hundreds of thousands of slaves in our armies. the intimation, however, that all applications for "pardon," etc. have been and are still favorably entertained, will certainly cause many of our croakers who fall into the lines of the united states forces to submit. others, though so disposed, have not an opportunity to signify their submission. but everything depends upon events in the field. december th.--clear and cold. ice half an inch thick. gen. longstreet is again in the old lines on this side of the river. the reconnoissance, however, is said to have been successful. only a few were killed and wounded on either side. and grant's column was turned back from meherrin bridge. results of the movement unimportant, and the supposition is that both armies will now go into winter quarters, after a taste of this rigorous weather. it is rumored and believed (though i have seen no dispatch to that effect) that sherman has beaten and out-manoeuvred our generals, and got into communication with the federal fleet. i read president lincoln's message carefully last night. by its commissions and omissions on mexican affairs, i think he means to menace louis napoleon, who may _speak out_ january st, . lincoln says: "mexico continues to be a theater of civil war. while our political relations with that country have undergone no change, we have at the same time strictly maintained neutrality between the belligerents." and his reference to england is so equivocal, and his grouping of the central and south american _republics_ so prominent, and the boastful allusion to the "inexhaustible" resources of the united states, may be considered as a premeditated threat to great britain. a "confidential" letter came in to-day from mr. benjamin to the secretary of war. dr. powell has sent us a dozen ruta baga turnips, and a couple of quarts of excellent persimmons, which the family enjoys most thankfully. dispatches from lee: "headquarters army northern virginia, "december th, . "hon. james a. seddon, secretary of war. "gen. hampton, after driving the enemy's cavalry upon his infantry, on the afternoon of the th, recrossed the nottoway and reached bellfield at daylight yesterday. "in the afternoon the enemy attacked the position, but were successfully resisted. this morning the enemy is reported retiring and hampton following. "the bridge over the meherrin was saved. our loss, as far as known, was small. the garrison, under garnett, and the reserves, behaved well. r. e. lee." "headquarters army northern virginia, "december th, . "hon. james a. seddon, secretary of war. "about noon yesterday the first division of the second corps of the enemy, supporting their cavalry, forced back our cavalry pickets on the vaughan road, south of the appomattox, and advanced toward dinwiddie court house. "to-day our cavalry, reinforced by infantry, drove them back across hatcher's run, capturing a few prisoners and re-establishing our lines. r. e. lee." december th.--cloudy and cold, but wind southeast. the sullen sound of cannon heard this morning as usual down the river. i hear of no active operations there, although the ground is sufficiently frozen to bear horses and artillery. rumors of successes on the part of sherman near savannah are still in circulation. the rich men are generally indignant at the president and gov. smith for proposing to bring a portion of the negroes into the army. they have not yet awakened to a consciousness that there is danger of losing _all_, and of their being made to fight against us. they do not even remove them beyond the reach of the enemy, and hundreds are daily lost, but still they slumber on. they abuse the government for its impressments, and yet repose in fancied security, holding the president responsible for the defense of the country, without sufficient men and adequate means. the following dispatch from gen. bragg was received to-day at p.m.: "augusta, dec. th. "the telegraph having been cut, we get nothing from savannah. a dispatch from wheeler gives a copy of enemy's order for the line of investment around savannah. it is about eight miles from the city, and was to have been reached on the th. "b. bragg." i have at length succeeded in getting a suit of clothes; it was made at the government shop for $ , the trimmings having been found (in the house) by my wife. the suit, if bought of a merchant and made by the city tailors, would cost some $ . a yankee prisoner (deserter) made the coat at a low price. the government means to employ them, if they desire it, in this manner. i am very thankful for my good fortune. december th.--cloudy, and thawing rapidly. all quiet below. the bill to employ , negroes, as recommended by the president, for army purposes, though not _avowedly_ to fight, has passed one house of congress. so the president is _master_ yet. there ought to be , now in the field. an effort will be made by the government to put into the field the able-bodied staff and other officers on duty in the bureaus here. it will fail, probably, since all efforts have failed to put in their able-bodied clerks. if bragg were here, and allowed his way, he would move them to the front. the following dispatch was received from gen. bragg to-day: "augusta, ga., dec. th, .--i go to charleston to-morrow to see gen. beauregard, at his request. he has assigned me to duty.--b. b." i got to-day from major cross, a. q. m. gen., an order to buy a pair of government shoes (british) for $ . they are most excellent in quality, heavy, with iron heels, etc., and would cost, if made here, $ . this good fortune is worthy of being thankful for. the military officers in the bureaus, responsive to a resolution of the house of representatives, are reporting their ages, and most of them admit they are able-bodied and fit for service in the field. they have no fear of being transferred to the front, supposing themselves indispensable as bureau officers. december th.--cloudy and cool. a dispatch from the west states that the enemy have made a heavy raid from bean's station, ky., cutting the railroad between abingdon and bristol, destroying government stores, engines, etc. breckinridge and vaughan, i suppose, have been ordered away. dr. morris, telegraph superintendent, wants to know of the secretary if this news shall be allowed to go to the press. the president is ill, some say very ill, but i saw indorsements with his own hand on the th (day before yesterday). our affairs seem in a bad train. but many have unlimited confidence in gen. beauregard, who commands in south carolina and georgia, and all repose implicit trust in lee. a writer in the _sentinel_ suggests that if we should be hard pressed, the states ought to repeal the old declaration of independence, and voluntarily revert to their original proprietors--england, france, and spain, and by them be protected from the north, etc. ill-timed and injurious publication! a letter from g. n. sanders, montreal, canada e., asks copies of orders (to be certified by secretary of war) commanding the raid into vermont, the burning, pillaging, etc., _to save lieut. young's life_. i doubt if such written orders are in existence--but no matter. it is said the enemy have captured fort mcalister, savannah harbor. mr. hunter is very solicitous about the president's health--said to be an affection of the head; but the vice-president has taken his seat in the senate. it was rumored yesterday that the president would surely die,--an idle rumor, perhaps. i hope it is not a disease of the brain, and incurable. december th.--clear and pleasant; subsequently cloudy and chilly. all quiet below, save the occasional booming of our guns from the iron-clads. the capture of fort mcalister, savannah, has caused a painful sensation. it is believed we have as many men on the georgia coast as the enemy; but they are not the men of _property_--men of - ; and those _without_ property (many of them) are reluctant to fight for the benefit of the wealthy class, remaining at home. the following dispatch from gen. bragg was received this morning: "charleston, december th, .--my services not being longer needed in this department, i shall leave this evening for wilmington, and resume my command. "sherman has opened communication with his new base, by the ogeechee. the means to meet him do not exceed one-half the estimate in yours of the th instant. braxton bragg." so ends gen. bragg's campaign against sherman! i have not heard about the president's health to-day. but no papers have come in from his office. lieut.-col. ruffin, commissary department, certifies (or col. northrop for him) that he is "not fit for duty in the field." december th.--warm and cloudy. quiet below. the president was reported better, yesterday, to my wife, who called. it is said gen. cooper, r. ould, etc. etc. have never taken their compensation in confederate states treasury notes, hoping at a future day (which may not come) to draw specie or its equivalent! it was reported on the streets, to-day, that the president was dead. he is much better; and will probably be at his office to-day. the following telegram was sent over by the president this morning: "savannah, ga., december th, .--sherman has secured a water base, and foster, who is already nearly on my communications, can be safely and expeditiously reinforced. unless assured that force sufficient to keep open my communications can be sent me, i shall be compelled to evacuate savannah.--w. j. hardee, lieut.-gen." alas for president davis's government! it is now in a painful strait. if reinforcements be sent from here, both savannah and richmond may fall. gen. bragg will be crucified by the enemies of the president, for staying at augusta while sherman made his triumphant march through georgia; and the president's party will make beauregard the scape-goat, for staying at charleston--for sending hood north--which i am inclined to think he did not do, but the government itself. capt. weiniger (government clothing warehouse) employs about females on soldiers' clothes. some people still believe the president is dead, and that it is attempted to conceal his death by saying he is better, etc. i saw his indorsements on papers, to-day, dated the th, day before yesterday, and it was a bold hand. i am inclined almost to believe he has not been sick at all! his death would excite sympathy: and now his enemies are assailing him bitterly, attributing all our misfortunes to his incompetence, etc. etc. sunday, december th.--raining. the old dull sound of bombs down the river. nothing further from savannah. it is now believed that the raiders in western virginia did not attack saltville, and that the works are safe. for two days the speculators have been buying salt, and have put up the price to $ . per pound. i hope they will be losers. the state distributes salt to-morrow: ten pounds to each member of a family, at cents per pound. the president's malady is said to be neuralgia in the head--an evanescent affliction, and by no means considered dangerous. at least such is the experience in my family. it was amusing, however, to observe the change of manner of the secretaries and of heads of bureaus toward vice-president stephens, when it was feared the president was in _extremis_. mr. hunter, fat as he is, flew about right briskly. if savannah falls, our currency will experience another depreciation, and the croaking reconstructionists will be bolder. the members of the virginia assembly propose paying themselves $ per day! congress has not yet passed the act increasing the compensation of members. december th.--the darkest and most dismal day that ever dawned upon the earth, except one. there was no light when the usual hour came round, and later the sun refused to shine. there was fog, and afterward rain. northern papers say hood has been utterly routed, losing all his guns! a letter from mr. ------ to ------, dated richmond, december th, , says: "i have the honor to report my success as most remarkable and satisfactory. i have ascertained the _whole yankee mail line, from the gun-boats to your city, with all the agents_ save one. you will be _surprised_ when informed, from the lowest to the highest class. the agent in your city, and most likely in your department, has yet to be discovered. this is as certain as what we have learned (his arrest, i mean), for the party in whose hands the mail is put coming from your city is known to us; and we have only to learn who gives him the mail, which can be done upon arrest, if _not sooner_, to know everything. what shall be done with the parties (spies, of course) when we are ready to act? if you ever intimate that _trials are tedious_, etc., the enemy seize citizens from some neighborhood as hostages, when their emissaries are disturbed. _i will dispatch_, if it be authorized, and that will end the matter. the lady i spoke to you of is the fountain-head. what to do with females troubles me, for i dislike to be identified with their arrest. "i request that a good boat, with three torpedoes, and a man who understands working them, be sent to milford to report to me at edge hill. let the man be _mum_ on all questions. i would meet him at milford, if i knew the day (distance is twenty-five miles), with a wagon, to take him, torpedoes, and boat to the point required. i must be sure of the day. "have the following advertisement published in monday's papers: "'yankees escaped! $ reward!--a yankee officer and three privates escaped from prison on thursday night, with important matter upon their persons. the above reward will be given for their detection.' "let me hear from you through cawood's line, upon receipt of this. respectfully, etc. ------." we have the spectacle now of three full generals--johnston, beauregard, and bragg--without armies to command; and the armies in the field apparently melting away under the lead of subordinate, if not incompetent leaders. so much for the administration of the adjutant-general's office. governor smith is still exempting deputy sheriffs, constables, etc.--all able-bodied. it is rumored on the street that we intend evacuating savannah. how did that get out--if, indeed, such is the determination? there _are_ traitors in high places--or near them. it is also rumored that the danville railroad has been cut. i don't believe it--yet. there is deep vexation in the city--a general apprehension that our affairs are rapidly approaching a crisis such as has not been experienced before. there is also much denunciation of the president for the removal of gen. johnston from the command of the army of tennessee. hon. mr. foote declared, saturday, that he would resign his seat if the bill to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_, now pending, became a law. there is much consternation--but it is of a sullen character, without excitement. the united states congress has ordered that notice be given great britain of an intention on the part of the federal government to increase the naval force on the lakes; also a proposition has been introduced to terminate the reciprocity treaty. and gen. dix orders his military subordinates to pursue any rebel raiders even _into_ canada and bring them over. so, light may come from _that_ quarter. a war with england would be our peace. at p.m. it was rumored that charleston is taken and beauregard a prisoner. also that gen. jos. e. johnston (in the city) says richmond will be evacuated in ten days. i do not learn what gold sells at to-day! i suspect some _coup d'état_ is meditated. december th.--a brighter morning, cool and clear. the _president_ was at work yesterday. he and the secretary and gen. cooper put their heads together to make up a _regiment_ for col. miller in mississippi, and designate the two field officers to be under him--from two battalions and two unattached companies. if the northern (purporting to be official) accounts be true, gen. hood has sustained an irretrievable disaster, which may involve the loss of tennessee, georgia, etc. hon. mr. foote declared last night his purpose to leave the city in a few days, never to resume his seat in congress, if martial law should be allowed. he said he had information that when charleston _fell_, south carolina would conclude a treaty of peace (submission?) with the united states; and that north carolina was prepared to follow the example! i have observed that these two states do not often incline to go together. the _great_ disaster would be the loss of richmond and retreat of lee's army southward. this would probably be followed by the downfall of slavery in virginia. the secretary of war has sent an agent to the governor of north carolina, to ask for special aid in supplying lee's army with meat--which is deficient here--or else it cannot be maintained in the field in virginia! very bad, and perhaps worse coming. there is a rumor that gen. breckinridge has beaten gen. burbridge in tennessee or western virginia. gen. r. e. lee is in town, looking robust, though weather-worn. he complains that the department is depleting his army by details, often for private and speculative purposes, to the benefit of private individuals--speculators. i drew my (state) salt to-day, pounds, for in family-- cents per pound. it retails at a $ per pound! mr. secretary ---- has sent (per lieut.-col. bayne) some gold to wilmington, to buy (in nassau) loaf sugar for his family, to be brought in government steamers. my son thomas could get no beef ration to-day--too scarce. december st.--raining; rained all night. the following dispatch was received this morning: "wilmington, december th, , a.m.--the head of the enemy's fleet arrived off this port during last night. over thirty steamers are now assembling, and more are following.--braxton bragg." it may be hoped that gen. bragg will do something more than chronicle the successes of the enemy this time. he is nearer to him than when he remained at augusta; and yet the press could be made reticent on arrivals, etc. lieut.-col. sims, assistant quartermaster general, has contracted with the _southern express company_ to transport all the funds of the quartermaster's department--hundreds of millions! mr. hunter was with the secretary this morning, when i laid before the latter bragg's dispatch. i doubt not it failed to contribute to a mollification of their painful forebodings. by northern papers i see president lincoln disapproves gen. dix's order to troops to cross the canada line in pursuit of raiders. gold is $ for one to-day. the army has no meat this day, the commissaries, etc. have it all, and are speculating with it--it is said. so many high officials are _interested_, there is no remedy. we are at the mercy of the quartermasters, commissaries, railroad companies, and the _southern_ express company. the president and secretary either cannot or will not break our shackles. an official account states the number of houses burnt by the enemy in atlanta to be ! there is a rumor of another and a formidable raid on gordonsville. the railroad is now exclusively occupied with the transportation of troops--perhaps for wilmington. the raid may be a ruse to prevent reinforcements being sent thither. the andersonville report belongs to the adjutant-general's office, and therefore has not come back to me. december d.--clear and cold. we have nothing from below. from wilmington, we learn there is much commotion to resist the armada launched against that port. gen. lee is sending troops _via_ the danville road in that direction. the wire has been cut between this and gordonsville, by the scouts of the raiders launched in that direction. we breakfast, dine, and sup on horrors now, and digest them all quite sullenly. i am invited to a turkey dinner to-day (at mr. waterhouse's), and have some hesitation in accepting it at a time like this. ought i to go? he is a skilled artisan and has made money, and no doubt the turkey is destined to be eaten by somebody. at an auction this morning, a jew bid off an old set of tablespoons, weighing twelve ounces and much worn, at $ . he will next _buy_ his way out of the confederacy. mr. benjamin and judge campbell have much to answer for in allowing such men to deplete the south of its specie, plate, etc. there were some commissaries and quartermasters present, who are supposed to have stolen much from the government, and desire to exchange the currency they have ruined for imperishable wealth. they, too, will run away the first opportunity. the sun shines brightly this beautiful cold day; but all is dark in congress. the tennessee members say hood's army is destroyed, that he will not get men out of the state, for the tennesseeans, kentuckians, etc. refuse to retire farther south, but straggle and scatter to their homes, where they will remain. i am told we have but a thin curtain of pickets on the north side of the james river, between us and , negro troops. the president is at work at his residence, not having yet come down to his office; and i learn it is difficult to get his attention to any business just now but _appointments_; had to get him to sign a bill passed by congress to pay the civil officers of the government. no doubt he is anxious and very unhappy. hon. mr. foote's wife has just got a passport to return home to nashville, tennessee! december d.--bright and very cold. a storm has driven off a portion of the enemy's fleet before wilmington. the raid toward gordonsville and charlottesville is not progressing rapidly. we shall have a force to meet it. besides the demonstration against savannah (from which place we have no recent tidings), it appears that an attempt on mobile is in progress. too many attempts--some of them must fail, i hope. from the last accounts, i doubted whether hood's army has been so badly shattered as was apprehended yesterday. gen. price (trans-mississippi) has brought out a large number of recruits from missouri. i dined out yesterday, and sumptuously; the first time for two years. congress has done but little, so far. they are at work on the currency bill! mr. enders, broker, and exempted as one of the ambulance committee, i am informed paid some $ yesterday to mitchell & tyler for a few articles of jewelry for his daughter. and r. hill, who has a provision shop near the president's office, i understand expended some $ , on the wedding of his daughter. he was poor, i believe, before the war. i got an order from lieut. parker, confederate states navy, for a load of coal to-day. good! i hope it will be received before the last on hand is gone. the enemy's raiders camped within seven miles of gordonsville, last night; and it will be ten o'clock to-day before our reinforcements can reach there. i hope our stores (commissary) will not be lost--as usual. mr. s. norris, signal bureau, has just ( p.m.) sent the following: "i am just informed that mr. smithers, telegraph operator at gordonsville, is again in his office. he says fighting is going on in sight--that troops from richmond have arrived, and arriving--and it is expected that gen. lomax will be able to drive the enemy back." just before p.m. to-day a dispatch came from mr. smithers, telegraph operator at gordonsville, dated o'clock, saying the enemy have been repulsed and severely punished, and are retreating the way they came, toward sperryville. he adds that many of the enemy's dead now lie in sight of the town. so much for this gleam of good fortune, for i believe the military authorities here were meditating an evacuation of the city. gen. custis lee was at the department to-day, after the clerks detailed from his command. all, all are to be dragged out in this bitter cold weather for defense, except the speculators, the extortioners, the land and slave owners, who really have something tangible to defend, and these have exemptions or "soft places." december th.--christmas eve! clear and cold. a dispatch from hon. j. l. orr and h. v. johnson (on their way home) informs the secretary that from the delay in the transportation of troops over the piedmont railroad, there must be either criminal neglect or treachery concerned in it. again it is rumored that savannah has been evacuated. there is something in the air that causes agitation in official circles. mr. secretary seddon's room was locked nearly all day yesterday. if troops cannot be transported expeditiously over the piedmont road, fears may be entertained for wilmington, when, the gale subsiding, the enemy's fleet has reappeared. there is a rumor on the street that the government is to be removed to lynchburg. gen. lee has induced the president and secretary of war to call for the clerks (detailed ones) to repair to the trenches again--this weather. the emergency must be great, as these soldiers get, as clerks, $ per annum, and rations, etc. a dispatch from gen. bragg. "wilmington, n. c., december d, .--the fleet, which drew off in the rough weather, is again assembled; seventy vessels now in sight on the coast. the advance of the troops (c. s.) only reached here to-night.--b. b." the clerks are drawing lots; one-half being ordered to the trenches. of two drawn in this bureau (out of five) one is peremptorily ordered by the secretary to remain, being sickly, and the other has an order to go before a medical board "to determine whether he is fit for service in the trenches for a few days." great commotion naturally prevails in the departments, and it is whispered that gen. lee was governed in the matter by the family of the president, fearing a christmas visit from the negro troops on this side the river. the following note was received to-day from the vice-president: "richmond, va., december d, .--hon. jas. a. seddon, secretary of war: will you please send me, through the post-office, a passport to leave the city? i wish to depart in a few days. yours respectfully, "alex. h. stephens." the president is hard at work making majors, etc. sunday, december th. christmas!--clear and pleasant--white frost. all quiet below. but it is believed on the street that savannah has been evacuated, some days ago. i have not yet seen any official admission of the fact. we have quite a merry christmas in the family; and a compact that no unpleasant word shall be uttered, and no _scramble_ for anything. the family were baking cakes and pies until late last night, and to-day we shall have _full_ rations. i have found enough celery in the little garden for dinner. last night and this morning the boys have been firing christmas guns incessantly--no doubt pilfering from their fathers' cartridge-boxes. there is much jollity and some drunkenness in the streets, notwithstanding the enemy's pickets are within an hour's march of the city. a large number of the croaking inhabitants censure the president for our many misfortunes, and openly declare in favor of lee as dictator. another month, and he may be unfortunate or unpopular. his son, gen. custis lee, has mortally offended the clerks by putting them in the trenches yesterday, and some of them may desert. many members of congress have gone home. but it is still said they invested the president with extraordinary powers, in secret session. i am not quite sure this is so. i append the following dispatches: "headquarters army of northern virginia, "december d, . "hon. james a. seddon, secretary of war. "on the th, gen. early reported one division of the enemy's cavalry, under gen. custer, coming up the valley, and two divisions, under gen. torbert, moving through chester gap, with four pieces of artillery and thirty wagons. "on the d, rosser attacked custer's division, nine miles from harrisonburg, and drove it back, capturing forty prisoners. "this morning, torbert attacked lomax near gordonsville, and was repulsed and severely punished. he is retreating, and lomax preparing to follow. r. e. lee." "dublin, december th, . "a dispatch from gen. breckinridge to-day, dated at mount airy, sixteen miles west of wytheville, says he had fought the enemy for two days, successfully, near marion. the enemy had retired from his front; but whether they were retreating to east tennessee or not, he had not ascertained." "charleston, december d, . "to gen. s. cooper. "on the th inst., the enemy, strong, occupied pollard. after burning the government and railroad buildings, they retired in the direction they came. "they were pursued thirty miles, losing a portion of their transportation, baggage, and supplies, and leaving many dead negro troops on the road. "our force, commanded by gen. liddell, acted with spirit and gallantry. g. t. beauregard, _general_." "our indian troops.--gen. stand watie, commanding our indian troops in the trans-mississippi department, has fully clothed and armed all his men, and is in the vicinity of fort smith, attacking and destroying yankee wagon trains." december th.--raining--rained all night. the dark and dismal weather, together with our sad reverses, have made the countenances of croakers in the streets and in the offices more gloomy and somber than ever, foreboding evil in the future. no one doubts the evacuation of savannah, and i suppose it must be so. hardee had but reliable men. the georgians in lee's army are more or less demoralized, and a reward of a sixty days' furlough is given for shooting any deserter from our ranks. an old black chest, containing mostly scraps and odds and ends of housekeeping, yet brought on by my family from burlington, has remained four years unopened, the key being lost. we have felt an irrepressible anxiety to see its contents, for even rubbish is now valuable. i got a locksmith to send a man to pick the lock, last week, but he failed to find the house, and subsequently was sent to the trenches. i borrowed twenty-five keys, and none of them would fit. i got wire, and tried to pick the lock, but failed. yesterday, however, when all were at church, i made another effort, prizing at the same time with the poker, when the screws of the hasp came out and the top flew up, revealing only "odds and ends" so far as i could see. i closed it, replaced the striped cover, and put the cage with the parrot on it, where it usually remains. the day, and the expressed objection of my wife to have the lock broken or injured, have, until to-day, restrained me from revealing to the family what i had done. but now i shall assemble them, and by a sort of christmas story, endeavor to mollify my wife's anticipated displeasure. the examination of the contents will be a delightful diversion for the children, old and young. my impromptu christmas tale of the old black chest interested the family, and my wife was not angry. immediately after its conclusion, the old chest was surrounded and opened, and among an infinite variety of rubbish were some articles of value, viz., of chemises (greatly needed), several pairs of stockings, marseilles petticoat, lace collars, several pretty baskets, pair ladies' slippers (nearly new), and several books--one from my library, an octavo volume on midwifery, pages, placed there to prevent the children from seeing the illustrations, given me by the publisher for a notice in my paper, _the madisonian_, more than twenty years ago. there were also many toys and keepsakes presented mrs. j. when she was an infant, forty years ago, and many given our children when they were infants, besides various articles of infants' clothing, etc. etc., both of intrinsic value, and prized as reminiscences. the available articles, though once considered rubbish, would sell, and could not be bought here for less than $ . this examination occupied the family the remainder of the day and night--all content with this christmas diversion--and oblivious of the calamities which have befallen the country. it was a providential distraction. december th.--a night of rain--morning of fog and gloom. at last we have an account of the evacuation of savannah. also of the beginning of the assault on port fisher and caswell below wilmington, with painful apprehensions of the result; for the enemy have landed troops above the former fort, and found no adequate force to meet them, thanks to the _policy_ of the government in allowing the _property holders_ to escape the toils and dangers of the field, while the poor, who have nothing tangible to fight for, are thrust to the front, where many desert. our condition is also largely attributable to the management of the bureau of conscription--really the bureau of _exemption_. i saw to-day a letter from gen. beauregard to gen. cooper, wherein it was indicated that gen. hood's plan of penetrating tennessee was adopted before he (gen. b.) was ordered to that section. the enemy _did_ occupy saltville last week, and damaged the works. no doubt salt will "go up" now. the enemy, however, have retired from the place, and the works can be repaired. luckily i drew pounds last week, and have six months' supply. i have two months' supply of coal and wood--long enough, perhaps, for our residence in richmond, unless the property owners be required to defend their property. i almost despair of a change of policy. it is reported that sherman is marching south of savannah, on some new enterprise; probably a detachment merely to destroy the railroad. an expedition is attacking, or about to attack, mobile. all our possessions on the coast seem to be the special objects of attack this winter. if wilmington falls, "richmond next," is the prevalent supposition. the brokers are offering $ confederate states notes for $ of gold. men are silent, and some dejected. it is unquestionably the darkest period we have yet experienced. intervention on the part of european powers is the only hope of many. failing that, no doubt a negro army will be organized--and it might be too late! and yet, with such a preponderance of numbers and material against us, the wonder is that we have not lost all the sea-board before this. i long since supposed the country would be penetrated and overrun in most of its ports, during the second or third year of the war. if the government would foster a spirit of patriotism, the country would always rise again, after these invasions, like the water of the sea plowed by ships of war. but the government must not crush the spirit of the people relied upon for defense, and the rich must fight side by side with the poor, or the poor will abandon the rich, and that will be an abandonment of the cause. it is said gen. lee is to be invested with dictatorial powers, so far as our armies are concerned. this will inspire new confidence. he is represented as being in favor of employing negro troops. a dispatch from lieut.-gen. hardee (to the president), december th, , at charleston, s. c., says he may have to take the field any moment (against sherman), and asks a chief quartermaster and chief commissary. the president invokes the special scrupulosity of the secretary in the names of these staff officers. december th.--rained all night; warm. a large stable burned down within sixty yards of our dwelling, last night, and not one of the family heard the uproar attending it. gen. bragg telegraphs the president that the enemy failed to reduce fort fisher, and that the troops landed above the fort have re-embarked. but he says the enemy's designs are not yet developed; and he is such an unlucky general. we found a caricature in the old black chest, of , in which i am engaged in fight with the elder blair. calhoun, buchanan, etc. are in the picture. it is still believed that gen. lee is to be generalissimo, and most people rejoice at it. it is said the president and gen. jos. e. johnston have become friends again. december th.--rained all night; spitting snow this morning. although gen. bragg announces that the enemy's fleet has disappeared off wilmington, still the despondency which has seized the croakers remains. it has probably sailed against charleston, to co-operate with sherman. sherman says officially that he got, with savannah, about prisoners, heavy guns, nearly cars and several locomotives, , bales of cotton, etc. etc. and gen. foster says the inhabitants ( , ) were "quiet, and well disposed." most people believe charleston will fall next, to be followed by a sweep of the entire sea-board; and grave men fear that the impetus thus given the invader cannot be checked or resisted. the great want is _fighting men_, and they are mostly exempted or detailed under that portion of the "war department" which is quietly worked by judge campbell, who is, of course, governed by his own great legal judgment. well, the president has been informed of this, and yet waits for mr. secretary seddon to suggest a remedy. i have often thought, and still think, that either the bureau of conscription must be abolished or the government must fail. the best generals will not avail without sufficient men to fight. gen. beauregard telegraphs from charleston, december th, that there is a conflict of authority at mobile as to which branch of the service, navy or army, shall command the torpedo boat. the two secretaries are referring it to commanders, and i fear that, by the time the question is settled, some calamity will befall the boat, and the city, and the country. grant is said to be moving troops to the north side of the river again, fearing an attack from us, or intending one himself. december th.--a clear night and frosty morning. we have no news except that gleaned from northern papers. gen. hood is unable to cross the tennessee river (now swollen), and would soon be attacked again by superior numbers. congress was in secret session yesterday, probably perfecting the bill for the suspension of the privilege of _habeas corpus_. gen. bragg is credited with the repulse of the enemy at wilmington. during the late raid a close-fisted farmer lost heavily: several hundred barrels of flour and corn, one hundred barrels of apples, a large amount of bacon and sorghum, which he was hoarding, and thus contributing to produce famine in the midst of plenty. his neighbors (those few not following his example) express no sympathy for him. the enemy did not burn liberty mills--once in their possession, in which is stored a large amount of grain--for some unexplained reason. the enemy's papers show that they have regular and expeditious intercourse with parties here, and are kept correctly advised of everything that transpires. this is a continuance of mr. benjamin's policy by mr. seddon. it may be lucrative to those immediately interested; but if not abated, will be the death of the confederate states government--as i have told them all repeatedly. and the "bureau of conscription" still exists, and seems destined to "be in at the death." i paid lieut. parker just $ . for a load of coal; selling at $ . i saw selling at auction, to-day, second-hand shirts at $ each, and blankets at $ . a bedstead, such as i have bought for $ , brought $ . but $ in confederate states paper are really worth only $ in specie. jos. r. anderson & co. writes that unless their hands are sent in from the trenches, they cannot fill orders for ordnance stores; and gen. gorgas (he has been promoted) approves it, saying it is known that a number of these hands intend to desert the first opportunity. the last call for the clerks to return to the trenches was responded to by not a man of capt. manico's company, war department proper. december st.--the last day of the year. snowing and wet. gen. h. cobb writes that the existing conscription bureau is a failure so far as georgia, alabama, etc. are concerned, and can never put the men in the field. wm. johnston, president of the charlotte (n. c.) and south carolina railroad, suggests the construction, immediately, of a railroad from columbia, s. c, to augusta, ga., which might be easily accomplished by april or may. it would take that length of time for the government to "consider of it." it will lose two railroads before it will order the building of one. there is supposed to be a conspiracy on foot to transfer some of the powers of the executive to gen. lee. it can only be done by revolution, and the overthrow of the constitution. nevertheless, it is believed many executive officers, some high in position, favor the scheme. to-morrow gen. lee's army is to be feasted with turkeys, etc. contributed by the country, if the enemy will permit them to dine without molestation. the enemy are kept fully informed of everything transpiring here, thanks to the vigilance of the provost marshal, detectives, etc. etc. gen. cobb writes that he is arresting the men who remained in atlanta during its occupation by sherman, and subjecting themselves to suspicion, etc. better march the men we have against sherman now, who is still in georgia! gen. lee writes that grant is concentrating (probably for an attack on richmond), bringing another corps from the valley; and if the local troops are brought in, he does not know how to replace them. his army diminishes, rather than increases, under the manipulations of the bureau of conscription. it is a dark and dreary hour, when lee is so despondent! senator henry writes that any delay in impressing the railroad from danville to greensborough will be fatal. chapter xlvi. waning confidence in the president.--blockade running.--from the south.-- beauregard on sherman.--the expeditions against wilmington.--return of mr. pollard.--the blairs in richmond.--arrest of hon. h. s. foote.--fall of fort fisher.--views of gen. cobb.--dismal.-- casualties of the war.--peace commissioners for washington. sunday, january st, .--snowed a few inches in depth during the night--clear and cool morning. the new year begins with the new rumor that gen. hood has turned upon gen. thomas and beaten him. this is believed by many. hood's army was _not_ destroyed, and he retreated from before nashville with some , men. doubtless he lost many cannon; but the federal accounts of his disaster were probably much exaggerated. the cabinet still remains. the president is considered really a man of ability, and eminently qualified to preside over the confederate states, if independence were attained and we had peace. but he is probably not equal to the role he is now called upon to play. he has not the broad intellect requisite for the gigantic measures needed in such a crisis, nor the health and physique for the labors devolving on him. besides he is too much of a politician still to discard his old prejudices, and persists in keeping aloof from him, and from commanding positions, all the great statesmen and patriots who contributed most in the work of preparing the minds of the people for resistance to northern domination. and the consequence is that many of these influential men are laboring to break down his administration, or else preparing the people for a return to the old union. the disaffection is intense and wide-spread among the politicians of , and consternation and despair are expanding among the people. nearly all desire to see gen. lee at the head of affairs; and the president is resolved to yield the position to no man during his term of service. nor would gen. lee take it. the proposition to organize an army of negroes gains friends; because the owners of the slaves are no longer willing to fight themselves, at least they are not as "eager for the fray" as they were in ; and the armies _must_ be replenished, or else the slaves will certainly be lost. thus we begin the new year--heaven only knows how we shall end it! i trust we may be in a better condition then. of one thing i am certain, the people are capable of achieving independence, if they only had capable men in all departments of the government. the president was at st. paul's to-day, with a knit woolen cap on his head. dr. minnegerode preached a sermon against the croakers. his son has been appointed a midshipman by the president. january d.--cold, and indications of snow. offered the owner of our servant $ per annum. he wants $ and clothing for her. clothing would cost perhaps $ . it remains in abeyance. saw gen. wise dancing attendance in the secretary's room. he looks seasoned and well, and may be destined to play a leading part "in human affairs" yet, notwithstanding his hands have been so long bound by those who contrive "to get possession." it is this very thing of keeping our great men in the "background" which is often the cause of calamities, and if persisted in, may bring irretrievable ruin upon the cause. the government has forbidden the transportation of freight, etc. (private) from georgia to virginia, and perhaps from the intermediate states. on saturday the government entered the market to sell gold, and brought down the price some per cent. a spasmodic effort, the currency is gone beyond redemption. it is said gen. hood has collected a large amount of supplies of meat, etc. he is in north alabama, and probably gen. thomas will march toward virginia. the secretary had his head between his knees before the fire when i first went in this morning. affairs are gloomy enough--and the question is how richmond and virginia shall be saved. gen. lee is despondent. from the northern papers we learn that gen. butler's expedition against wilmington, n. c, was a failure. gen. bragg is applauded here for this successful defense. the salaries of the clergymen have been raised by their congregations to $ , and $ , . i hear that dr. woodbridge received a christmas gift from his people of upwards of $ , besides seven barrels of flour, etc. _he owns his own house, his own servants_, stocks, etc. most of these fortunate ministers are natives of the north, but true to the southern cause, so far as we know. god knows i am glad to hear of any one, and especially a minister, being made comfortable. january d.--calm and quiet; indications of snow. by a communication sent to congress, by the president, it is ascertained that , pairs shoes, , , pounds bacon, , , pounds saltpeter, cannon, etc. etc., have been imported since october st, . when the enemy's fleet threatened wilmington, the brokers here (who have bribed the conscript officers) bought up all the coffee and sugar in the city. they raised the price of the former from $ to $ per pound, and the latter to $ , from $ . an application has been made to mr. secretary seddon to order the impressment of it all, at schedule prices, which he will be sure not to do. congress paid their respects to the president yesterday, by waiting upon him in a body. there is a rumor of some fighting ( m.) below, but i have not learned on which side of the river. it arises from brisk cannonading, heard in the city, i suppose. i bought an ax (of starke) for $ , mine having been stolen. i was asked from $ to $ for no better. mr. starke has no garden seeds yet. the following article in the _dispatch_ to-day, seemingly well authenticated, would seem to indicate that our armies are in no danger of immediately becoming destitute of supplies; but, alas! the publication itself may cause the immediate fall of wilmington. "blockade-running.--notwithstanding the alleged ceaseless vigilance of the yankee navy in watching blockade-runners on the atlantic and gulf coast of the confederate states, their close attention has amounted to comparatively little. setting aside all that has been imported on state and individual account, the proceeds of the blockade have been very great. the restrictions imposed upon foreign commerce by the act of congress of last session prohibiting, absolutely, during the pending war, the importation of any articles not necessary for the defense of the country--namely: wines, spirits, jewelry, cigars, and all the finer fabrics of cotton, flax, wool, or silk, as well as all other merchandise serving only for the indulgence of luxurious habits,--has not had the effect to reduce the number of vessels engaged in blockade-running; but, on the contrary, the number has steadily increased within the last year, and many are understood to be now on the way to engage in the business. "the president, in a communication to congress on the subject, says that the number of vessels arriving at two ports only from the st of november to the th of december was _forty-three_, and but a very small proportion of those outward bound were captured. out of , bales of cotton shipped since the st of july last, but were lost--not quite per cent. "the special report of the secretary of the treasury in relation to the matter shows that there have been imported into the confederacy at the ports of wilmington and charleston since october th, , , , pounds of meat, , , pounds of lead, , , pounds of saltpeter, , pairs of shoes, , pairs of blankets, , pounds of coffee, , rifles, packages of revolvers, packages of medicine, cannon, with a large quantity of other articles of which we need make no mention. besides these, many valuable stores and supplies are brought, by way of the northern lines, into florida; by the port of galveston and through mexico, across the rio grande. "the shipments of cotton made on government account since march st, , amount to $ , , in specie. of this, cotton, to the value of $ , , , has been shipped since the st of july and up to the st of december. "it is a matter of absolute impossibility for the federals to stop our blockade-running at the port of wilmington. if the wind blows off the coast, the blockading fleet is driven off. if the wind blows landward, they are compelled to haul off to a great distance to escape the terrible sea which dashes on a rocky coast without a harbor within three days' sail. the shoals on the north carolina coast are from five to twenty miles wide; and they are, moreover, composed of the most treacherous and bottomless quicksands. the whole coast is scarcely equaled in the world for danger and fearful appearance, particularly when a strong easterly wind meets the ebb tide. "it is an easy matter for a good pilot to run a vessel directly out to sea or into port; but in the stormy months, from october to april, no blockading vessel can lie at anchor in safety off the carolina coast. therefore supplies will be brought in despite the keenest vigilance." january th.--bright, but several inches of snow fell last night. the president wrote a long letter to the secretary yesterday concerning the _assignment of conscripts in western north carolina_, at most only a few hundred, and the appointment of officers, etc. a small subject. congress has passed a resolution calling on the secretary of war for information concerning certain youths, alleged to have received passports to europe, etc. also one relating to the commissary-general's traffic in eastern north carolina, within the enemy's lines. also one relating to instructions to gen. smith, trans-mississippi department, who assumes control of matters pertaining to the treasury department. general j. s. preston, superintendent bureau of conscription, writes a long letter from south carolina indorsing an act of the legislature authorizing the impressment of one-fifth of the slaves between eighteen and fifty, for work on the fortifications within the state, but also providing for impressment of an additional number by the confederate states government. this, gen. p. considers a treasonable move, indicating that south carolina, north carolina, alabama, mississippi, etc. have a purpose to disintegrate confederate authority, and that they will not contribute another man, black or white, to the confederate service, to be commanded by confederate states authority. and he has several thrusts at gen. bragg and gen. kemper, and, indirectly, at the president, for interfering with _his_ bureau. i see nothing in the act to warrant his interpretations, and i have no faith in his predictions. w. f. d. saussure and others, columbia, s. c., petition the government to send a corps of lee's army to save their state and georgia from devastation, as there are no adequate forces in them for defense. they confess that richmond is important to hold, but insist that georgia and south carolina must be defended to hold it, etc. they are frightened evidently. gen. withers, alabama, denounces the inefficiency of the conscript system. lieut. beverly kermon writes from the rappahannock that "thus far (to jan. st) our movements (in connection with capt. t. n. conrad) are perfectly secret." the next day he was to go to the potomac. what has the secretary sent him _there_ for? j. r. bledsoe presents a design for a "_new flag_," red, white, and blue cross, which gen. lee thinks both original and beautiful. judge campbell has a box of clothing, sent from london by j. b. bloodgood. january th.--clear and cold. it is understood now that gen. hood has crossed to the south side of the tennessee river with the debris of his army. gen. butler has returned to virginia from his fruitless north carolina expedition. it is supposed we shall have active operations again before this city as soon as the weather and roads will permit. but it really does seem that the states respectively mean to take control of all their men not now in the confederate states armies, and i apprehend we shall soon have "confusion worse confounded." the president sends, "for his information," to the secretary of war, a letter from gen. beauregard, dated at augusta, ga., dec. th, , in relation to gen. sherman's movement eastward, and gen. hood's middle tennessee campaign. it appears from gen. b.'s letter to the president that he (gen. b.) had control of everything. he says he did not countermand gen. hood's campaign, because sherman had miles the start, and the roads were impracticable in northern georgia and alabama. but he telegraphed the governors of alabama, georgia, etc., to concentrate troops rapidly in sherman's front, ordered a brigade of cavalry from hood to wheeler, etc., and supposed some , men could be collected to oppose sherman's march, and destroy him. he computed sherman's strength at , of all arms. the result shows how much he was mistaken. he will be held accountable for all the disasters. alas for beauregard! bragg only played the part of chronicler of the sad events from augusta. yet the president cannot publish this letter of beauregard's, and the country will still fix upon him the responsibility and the odium. gen. beauregard is still in front of sherman, with inadequate forces, and may again be responsible for additional calamities. old mr. f. p. blair and his son montgomery blair are on their way here, with authority to confer on peace and submission, etc. mr. lewis, disbursing clerk of the post-office department, on behalf of lady clerks has laid a complaint before the president that mr. peck, a clerk in the department, to whom was intrusted money to buy supplies in north carolina, has failed to make return of provisions or money, retaining the latter for several months, while some of his friends have received returns, besides barrels flour bought for himself, and transported at government expense. some of the clerks think the money has been retained for speculative purposes. it remains to be seen whether the president will do anything in the premises. the grand new year's dinner to the soldiers, as i supposed, has produced discontent in the army, from unequal distribution, etc. no doubt the speculators got control of it, and made money, at least provided for their families, etc. hon. j. r. baylor proposes recruiting in new mexico and lower california. the secretary of war opposes it, saying we shall probably require all the trans-mississippi troops on this side the river. the president differs with the secretary, and writes a long indorsement, showing the importance of baylor's project, etc. of course the secretary will "stint and say ay." the president thinks col. b. can enlist the indian tribes on our side also. there is a rumor that mr. foote, m. c., has gone into the enemy's lines. he considered the difference between davis and lincoln as "between tweedledum and tweedledee." the prisoners of war (foreigners) that took the oath of allegiance and enlisted in the confederate states service, are deserting _back_ to the federal service, under gen. sherman's promise of amnesty. january th.--cloudy and thawing. no war news,--but it is known sherman's army is not quiet, and must soon be heard from in spite of the interdict of the government. it is said mr. trenholm, secretary of the treasury, is in the market buying gold, and that the fall has already been from $ to $ for one. corn-meal has risen from $ up to $ per bushel. flour to $ per barrel. vice-president stephens has not left the city, but presides in the senate. messrs. b. woolley, hart & co., nassau, n. p., write most pressing letters for the liquidation of their claims against the confederate states government. perhaps they are becoming alarmed after making prodigious profits, etc. conner's brigade and other troops are en route for south carolina from lee's army. judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, was _smoked_ out of his room to-day, and came into mine. the judge, however, does but little more just now than grant passports into the enemy's lines; permission to speculators to bring into the city supplies for sale, often under pretense of being intended for their own use; exemptions, details, etc. if he were disposed, he could realize a million of dollars. it is said the hon. a. r. wright went north to get his son paroled, who is in prison there. judge campbell talks of resigning. january th.--rained yesterday and last night. clear and windy to-day. it is said the blairs (who have been looked for on some sort of mission) turned back after arriving in the camp of gen. grant. of course they could not treat with this government, under existing circumstances. the president and his cabinet could not be expected to listen to such proposals as they might be authorized to tender. butler's canal is said to be completed, and probably operations will soon be recommenced in this vicinity. congress seems to be doing little or nothing; but before it adjourns it is supposed it will, as usual, pass the measures dictated by the president. how insignificant a legislative body becomes when it is not independent. the confederate states congress will not live in history, for it never really existed at all, but has always been merely a body of subservient men, registering the decrees of the executive. even mr. miles, of south carolina, before introducing a bill, sends it to this department for approval or rejection. detailed soldiers here are restricted in their rations this month to pounds of meal, pounds of salt beef, etc. the commissary agent, mr. wilson, thinks no more "beef shanks" can be sold. i have been living on them! an order has been issued that all detailed men in the bureaus (able-bodied) must go into gen. lee's army; and the local defense troops will not be called out again except in the last necessity, and then only during the emergency. i have not seen it, but believe gen. lee has some such understanding with the president. mayor arnold, and other rich citizens of savannah, have held a meeting (union), and called upon gov. brown to assemble a state convention, etc. mr. hunter followed judge campbell into his office this morning (a second visit), as if there were "any more news." the judge gravely beckoned him into the office. i was out; so there must be news, when mr. h. (so fat) is on the _qui vive_. gen. beauregard has been ordered to the west to take command of hood's army. the secretary of war has ordered col. bayne to have as much cotton as possible _east_ of branchville, s. c. the farmers down the river report that grant is sending off large bodies of troops--so the secretary says in a letter to _gen. lee_. january th.--bright and cold. snowed yesterday, and windy. gen. whiting writes that he had only men in fort fisher, and it was a miracle that it was not taken. he looked for it, and a determined effort would have carried it. he says there is no reason to suppose the attempt has been abandoned, and it must fall if a sufficient force be not sent thither. if the enemy are apprised of the weak condition of the fort, it is probable grant has been sending another and a stronger expedition there, and it may be apprehended that before many days wilmington will cease to be of value to us as a blockade-running port of entry. i saw the hon. mr. montague to-day, who told me there was a strong party in congress (which he opposed) in favor of making gen. lee generalissimo without the previous concurrence of the president. he says some of the georgia members declare that their state will re-enter the union unless lee be speedily put at the head of military affairs in the field--he being the only man possessing the unlimited confidence of the people. i agreed with him that the president ought to be approached in a proper manner, and freely consulted, before any action such as he indicated; and i told him that a letter from gen. beauregard, dated th of december, to the president, if ever published, would exculpate the latter from all blame for the march (unopposed) of sherman through georgia. col. baylor, whom the president designated the other day as the proper man to raise troops in new mexico, arizona, lower california and in mexico, is the same man who invited the indians to a council in , to receive presents, whisky, etc., and then ordered them, men, women, and children, to be _slaughtered_. even mr. randolph revolted at such conduct. but now the government must employ him. the rotund mr. hunter is rolling about actively to-day, hunting for more news. his cheeks, though fat, are flat and emaciated--for he sees affairs in a desperate condition, and he has much to lose. january th.--bright, clear, and cold. it is said the government depot at charlotte, n. c., has been burned (accidentally), consuming a large amount of corn. we have nothing further of the movement of grant's troops. we have hood's acknowledgment of defeat, and loss of guns before nashville. the papers contain the proceedings of a meeting in savannah, over which the mayor presided, embracing the terms of submission offered in president lincoln's message. they have sent north for provisions--indicating that the city was in a famishing condition. our government is to blame for this! the proceedings will be used as a "form," probably, by other cities--thanks to the press! the _examiner_ is out this morning for a convention of all the (confederate) states, and denouncing the president. i presume the object is to put lee at the head of military affairs. the rumor of the death of gen. price is not confirmed. gen. pemberton has been relieved _here_ and sent _elsewhere_. the piedmont railroad has been impressed. a _secret_ act of congress authorizes it. miers w. fisher writes that if the cabinet indorses the newspaper suggestions of giving up slavery and going under true monarchies, it is an invitation to refugees like himself to return to their homes, and probably some of the states will elect to return to the union for the sake of being under a republican government, etc. he says it is understood that the assistant secretary often answers letters unseen by the secretary; and if so, he can expect no answer from mr. s., but will put the proper construction on his silence, etc. flour is $ per barrel to-day; meal, $ per bushel; coal and wood, $ per load. does the government (alone to blame) mean to allow the rich speculators, the quartermasters, etc. to starve honest men into the union? january th.--rained hard all night. house leaking badly! we have nothing new in the papers this morning. it is said with more confidence, however, that butler's canal is not yet a success. daily and nightly our cannon play upon the works, and the deep sounds in this moist weather are distinctly heard in the city. the amount of requisition for the war department for is $ , , , and a deficiency of $ , , ! mr. hunter had his accustomed interview with judge campbell this morning in quest of news, and relating to his horoscope. his face is not plump and round yet. a mr. lehman, a burly jew, about thirty-five years old, got a passport to-day on the recommendation of the secretary of the treasury, to arrange (as agent, no doubt) for the shipment of several thousand bales of cotton, for which sterling funds are to be paid. no doubt it is important to keep the government cotton out of the hands of the enemy; and this operation seems to indicate that some fear of its loss exists. some , bushels of corn, etc. were consumed at charlotte, n. c., the other day. a heavy loss! both the army and the people will feel it. there seems already to exist the preliminary symptoms of panic and anarchy in the government. all the dignitaries wear gloomy faces; and this is a gloomy day--raining incessantly. a blue day--a miserable day! the city council put up the price of gas yesterday to $ per feet. january th.--clear and pleasant. cannon heard down the river. mr. e. a. pollard, taken by the federals in an attempt to run the blockade last spring, has returned, and reports that gen. butler has been relieved of his command--probably for his failure to capture wilmington. mr. pollard says that during his captivity he was permitted, on parole, to visit the northern cities, and he thinks the northern conscription will ruin the war party. but, alas! the lax policy inaugurated by mr. benjamin, and continued by every succeeding secretary of war, enables the enemy to obtain information of all our troubles and all our vulnerable points. the united states can get recruits under the conviction that there will be little or no more fighting. some $ , worth of provisions, belonging to speculators, but marked for a naval bureau and the mining and niter bureau, have been seized at danville. this is well--if it be not too late. a letter from mr. trenholm, secretary of the treasury, to mr. wagner, charleston, s. c. (sent over for approval), appoints him agent to proceed to augusta, etc., with authority to buy all the cotton for the government, at $ to $ . per pound; and then sell it for sterling bills of exchange to certain parties, giving them permission _to remove it within the enemy's lines_; or "better still," to have it shipped abroad on government account by _reliable_ parties. this indicates a purpose to die "full-handed," if the government _must_ die, and to defeat the plans of the enemy to get the cotton. is the federal _government_ a party to this arrangement? gold was $ for one yesterday. i suppose there is no change to-day. judge campbell, assistant secretary, returned to his room to-day, mine not suiting him. col. sale, gen. bragg's military secretary, told me to-day that the general would probably return from wilmington soon. his plan for filling the ranks by renovating the whole conscription system, will, he fears, slumber until it is too late, when ruin will overtake us! if the president would only put bragg at the head of the conscription business--_and in time_--we might be saved. january th.--bright and frosty. gold at $ for one yesterday, at auction. major r. j. echols, quartermaster, charlotte, n. c., says the fire there destroyed , bushels of grain, a large amount of sugar, molasses, clothing, blankets, etc. he knows not whether it was the result of design or accident. all his papers were consumed. a part of conner's brigade on the way to south carolina, men, under lieut.-col. wallace, refused to aid in saving property, but plundered it! this proves that the soldiers were all poor men, the rich having bought exemptions or details! gen. lee writes on the th instant, that the troops sailing out of james river are, he thinks, destined for another attack on wilmington. but none have left the lines in front of him, etc. gen. lee also writes on the th instant, that the commissary agents have established "a large traffic through our lines, in north carolina, for supplies;" and he desires the press to say nothing on the subject. mr. ould, to whom it appears the secretary has written for his opinion (he was editor once, and fought a duel with jennings wise, mr. seddon being his second), gives a very bad one on the condition of affairs. he says the people have confidence in mr. _seddon_, but not in president _davis_, and a strong reconstruction party will spring up in virginia rather than adopt the president's ideas about the slaves, etc. the chief of the treasury note bureau, at columbia, s. c., asks where he shall fly to if the enemy approaches. it is understood one of our generals, when appealed to by the secretary, exclaimed: "to the devil!" mr. miles introduced a resolution yesterday (in congress) affirming that for any state to negotiate peace is _revolutionary_. _ill timed, because self-evident._ gen. bradley t. johnson writes from salisbury, n. c., that because the travel hither has been suspended by the government, the central railroad company of that state _refuse_ to send the full amount of trains for the transportation of soldiers. it must be impressed too. i am assured by one of the president's special detectives that francis p. blair, sr. is truly in this city. what for? a rumor spreads that richmond is to be evacuated. gen. lee writes for the secretary's sanction to send officers everywhere in virginia and north carolina, to collect provisions and to control railroads, etc. the secretary is sending orders to different commanders, and says _he_ would rather have the odium than that it should fall on lee! the commissary general approves lee's measure. gen. lee's dispatch was dated last night. he says he has not _two days'_ rations for his army! commissary-general northrop writes to the secretary that the hour of emergency is upon us, and that gen. lee's name may "save the cause," if he proclaims the necessity of indiscriminate impressment, etc. january th.--clear and pleasant--but little frost. beef (what little there is in market) sells to-day at $ per pound; meal, $ per bushel; white beans, $ per quart, or $ per bushel. and yet congress is fiddling over stupid abstractions! the government will awake speedily, however; and after congress hurries through its business (when roused), the adjournment of that body will speedily ensue. but will the president dismiss his cabinet in time to save richmond, virginia, and the cause? that is the question. he can easily manage congress, by a few letters from gen. lee. but will the potency of his cabinet feed lee's army? a great panic still prevails in the city, arising from rumors of contemplated evacuation. if it should be evacuated, the greater portion of the inhabitants will remain, besides many of the employees of government and others liable to military service, unless they be forced away. but how can they be fed? the government cannot feed, sufficiently, the men already in the field. everybody is conjecturing what mr. blair has proposed; but no one expects relief from his mission, if indeed he be clothed with diplomatic powers--which i doubt. the president, i believe, is calm, relying upon the loyalty of his cabinet. but he is aware of the crisis; and i think his great reliance is on gen. lee, and herein he agrees with the people. what will be the issue of the present exigency, god only knows! i believe there is a project on foot to borrow flour, etc. from citizens for gen. lee's army. many officers and men from the army are in the city to-day, confirming the reports of suffering for food in the field. there is a rumor that goldsborough has been taken. mr. secretary seddon is appointing men in the various districts of the city to hunt up speculators and flour; appointing such men as w. h. mcfarland and others, who aspire to office by the suffrages of the people. _they_ will not offend the speculators and hoarders by taking much flour from them. no--domiciliary visits with _bayonets_ alone will suffice. of thirty federal deserters sent to work on the fortifications of lynchburg, all but four ran away. it is understood that the president announced to congress to-day the arrest of the hon. h. s. foote, member of that body, near fredericksburg, while attempting to pass into the enemy's lines. this, then, may have been capt. norton's secret mission; and i believe the government had traps set for him at other places of egress. meantime the enemy _came in_ at savannah. this is considered the president's foible--a triumph over a political or personal enemy will occupy his attention and afford more delight than an ordinary victory over the common enemy. most men will say mr. foote should have been permitted to go--if he desired it. january th.--cloudy and cool. the news that goldsborough, n. c., had been taken is not confirmed. nor have we intelligence of the renewal of the assault on fort fisher--but no one doubts it. the government sent pork, butchered and salted a few weeks ago, to the army. an order has been issued to borrow, buy, or impress flour, wherever found; but our _political_ functionaries will see that it be not executed. the rich hoarders may control votes hereafter, when they may be candidates, etc. if domiciliary visits were made, many thousands of barrels of flour would be found. the speculators have not only escaped hitherto, but they have been exempted besides. the assembly of virginia passed a resolution yesterday, calling upon the president to have revoked any orders placing restrictions upon the transportation of provisions to richmond and petersburg. the president sends this to the secretary, asking a copy of any orders _preventing carts from coming to market_. flour is $ per barrel to-day! f. p. blair, sr., has been here several days, the guest of mr. ould, agent of exchange. he left this morning for grant's lines below the city. i saw him in an open carriage with mr. ould, going down main street. he looks no _older_ than he did twenty years ago. many consider ould a fortunate man, though he is represented as a loser in the war. blair seemed struck by the great number of able-bodied men in the streets. major maynard, quartermaster, says he will be able next week to bring cords of wood to the city daily. if richmond be relinquished, it ought to be by convention and capitulation, getting the best possible terms for the citizens; and not by evacuation, leaving them at the mercy of the invaders. will our authorities think of this? doubtful. one of the president's pages told me to-day that mr. blair had several interviews with the president at the latter's residence. nothing relating to _propositions_ has transpired. the clerks are again sending out agents to purchase supplies. the president has decided that such agents have no right to expend any money but that contributed. this hits the assistant secretary of war, and mr. kean, chief of bureau, and our agent, mr. peck, for whom so many barrels of flour were purchased by the latter as agent, leaving the greater part of the contribution unexpended; nay, more, the money has not _yet_ been refunded, although contributed five months ago! some barrels of flour were realized yesterday for the army. january th.--clear and frosty. guns heard down the river. dispatches came last night for ammunition--to wilmington, i believe. we have nothing yet decisive from fort fisher, but i fear it will fall. mr. hunter was in the secretary's office this morning before the secretary came. i could give him no news from wilmington. he is much distressed; but if the enemy prevails, i have no doubt he will stipulate saving terms for virginia. he cannot contemplate the ruin of his fortune; political ruin is quite as much as he can bear. always at the elbow of the secretary, he will have timely notice of any fatal disaster. he is too fat to run, too heavy to swim, and therefore must provide some other means of escape. last night and early this morning the jews and others were busy, with hand-carts and wheelbarrows, removing barrels of flour from the center to the outskirts of the city, fearful of impressment. they need not fear. i have enough flour, meal, and beans (black) to subsist my family two weeks. after that, i look to the kind providence which has hitherto always fed us. it is now rumored that mr. blair came to negotiate terms for the capitulation of richmond, and that none were listened to. better that, if it must fall, than be given up to pillage and the flames. if burning our cities had been the order in , it might have been well; it is too late now! january th.--clear and frosty. we learn vaguely that the attack on the defenses of wilmington has been progressing since friday, and that the enemy's land forces have effected a lodgment between fort fisher and the town. another "peace" visitor has arrived--hon. mr. singleton, of the united states congress. it is _said_ that the president (confederate states) has pledged himself to appoint commissioners to fix terms of peace. this is but a forlorn-hope. no terms of peace are contemplated by any of these visitors but on the basis of reconstruction; and their utmost liberality could reach no further than a permission for the southern states to decide, in convention, the question of emancipation. the president having suggested, however, the propriety of putting the negroes into the service, and emancipating them afterward, has aroused the fears and suspicions of many of the people; and but few have confidence in the integrity of the secretary of state. hence the universal gloom and despondency of the croakers. there may be difficulty in replenishing the federal armies, and they may be depleted by spring; and if so, gen. lee may be able to make another grand campaign with the men and material now at his command. the issue of the next campaign may inaugurate _real_ negotiations. wilmington may be taken, blockade-running may cease; but we have ammunition and other stores for another campaign. at last we have a dispatch from gen. lee, announcing the fall of fort fisher. most of the garrison, supposed to be , were taken. gold was $ for $ on saturday: what will it be to-day or to-morrow? a voluminous correspondence is going on between mr. conrad (secret agent to arrest disloyal men endeavoring to cross the potomac) and mr. secretary seddon. mr. foote, arrested by their great skill, has applied, indignantly, for a writ of _habeas corpus_. thus the time of our _great_ dignitaries is consumed removing molehills, while mountains are looming up everywhere. the following dispatch was received here at a.m. to-day from gen. bragg's a. d. c.: "january th, .--official information from gen. whiting, at fort fisher, up to o'clock this evening, reports enemy's attack on fort unsuccessful. fresh troops are being sent to him." this does not agree with the dispatch from gen. lee. it must have been taken _last_ night, and after the hour indicated. gen. lee certainly says it has fallen. it is gone, and i fear the "reinforcements" also--with gen. whiting "to boot." alas for bragg the unfortunate! he seems to be another boabdil the unlucky. dr. woodbridge announced in the monumental church, yesterday, that only five ladies had responded to the call to knit socks for the soldiers! a _rich_ congregation, too. my daughters (poor) were among the five, and handed him several pairs. they sent one pair to their cousin s. custis, clingman's brigade, hoke's north carolina division. mr. lewis, disbursing clerk of post-office department, has sent in a communication asking an investigation of the conduct of mr. peck, agent to buy supplies for clerks. what will mr. seddon do now? the commissary-general says , bushels corn for lee's army may be got in southwest virginia. january th.--cloudy, and spitting snow. mr. foote's release from custody has been ordered by congress. the news of the fall of wilmington, and the cessation of importations at that port, falls upon the ears of the community with stunning effect. again we have a rumor of the retirement of mr. seddon. there are more rumors of revolution, and even of displacement of the president by congress, and investiture of gen. lee. it is said the president has done something, recently, which congress will not tolerate. idle talk! mr. foote, when arrested, was accompanied by his wife, who had a passport to tennessee. he said to the provost marshal, doggett, fredericksburg, that he intended to accompany his family, passing through washington, and to endeavor to negotiate a peace. he deposited a resignation of his seat in congress with a friend, which he withdrew upon being arrested. he was arrested and detained "until further orders," by command of the secretary of war. lieut.-gen. hood has been relieved, and ordered to report here. the rumor gains belief that gen. breckinridge has been offered the portfolio of the war department by the president. this may be the act alluded to which congress will not agree to, perhaps, on the ground that gen. b. remained in the united states senate long after secession. the general is understood to be staying at g. a. myers's house, which adds strength to the rumor, for myers has a keen scent for the sources of power and patronage. the surgeon-general states that, during the years and , there were , , cases of disease in hospitals and in the field, with only , deaths. there have been , discharges from the armies since the war began. the provost marshal at fredericksburg telegraphs that his scouts report the enemy have arrested mrs. foote, and threaten to rescue mr. foote. the secretary and the president concur in ordering his discharge. the president says that will not be permission for him to pass our lines. he will come here, i suppose. mentioning to r. tyler the fact that many of the clerks, etc. of the war department favored revolution and the overthrow of the president, he replied that it was a known fact, and that some of them would be hung soon. he feared mr. hunter was a submissionist. the northern papers say mr. _g. b. lamar_ has applied to take the oath of allegiance, to save his cotton and other property. the _examiner_ to-day has another article calling for a convention to abolish the constitution and remove president davis. mr. seward, united states secretary of state, escorted mrs. foote to her hotel, upon her arrival in washington. the following official telegram was received at the war department last night: "headquarters, january th, . "hon. j. a. seddon. "gen. early reports that gen. rosser, at the head of three hundred men, surprised and captured the garrison at beverly, randolph county, on the th instant, killing and wounding a considerable number and taking five hundred and eighty prisoners. his loss slight. r. e. lee." january th.--cloudy and cool. cannon heard down the river. no war news. but blockade-running at wilmington has ceased; and common calico, now at $ per yard, will soon be $ . the stupor in official circles continues, and seems likely to continue. a secret detective told the assistant secretary, yesterday, that a certain member of congress was uttering treasonable language; and, for his pains, was told that matters of that sort (pertaining to members of congress) did not fall within his (detective's) jurisdiction. it is the policy now not to _agitate_ the matter of disloyalty, but rather to wink at it, and let it die out--if it will; if it _won't_, i suppose the government must take its chances, whatever they may be. breckinridge, it is now said, will not be secretary of war: the position which mr. seddon is willing to abandon, cannot be desirable. and northrop, commissary-general, is still held by the president, contrary to the wishes of the whole confederacy. flour is $ per barrel, to-day. a detective reports that one of the committee (mr. mc------?) selected by mr. secretary seddon to hunt up flour for gen. lee's army, has a large number of barrels secreted in his own dwelling! but they must not be touched. gen. lee writes that he thinks the crisis (starvation in the army) past. good. in south carolina we hear of public meetings of submission, etc. january th.--clear and frosty. among the rumors, it would appear that the senate in secret session has passed a resolution making lee generalissimo. it is again said mr. seddon will resign, and be followed by messrs. benjamin and mallory, etc. the following dispatch was received by the president yesterday: "tupelo, miss., january th, .--roddy's brigade (cav.) is useless as at present located by the war department. i desire authority to dispose of it to the best advantage, according to circumstances.--g. t. beauregard, _general_." the president sends it to the secretary of war with this indorsement: "on each occasion, when this officer has been sent with his command to distant service, serious calamity to alabama has followed. it is desirable to know what disposition gen. beauregard proposes to make of this force.--j. d." we have nothing further from wilmington. bad enough. sherman is said to be marching on charleston. bad enough, too! our papers have glowing accounts of the good treatment the citizens of savannah received from the enemy. mr. foote has arrived in the city--and it is said he will take his seat in congress to-day. gen. whiting and col. lamb were taken at fort fisher--both wounded, it is said--and of the garrison. mr. peck paid back to the clerks to-day the unexpended balance of their contributions for supplies, etc. the money is not worth half its value some months ago. but mr. p. secured ten barrels of flour for himself and as many more for the assistant secretary, mr. kean, etc. etc. one o'clock p.m. the day has grown dark and cold, indicating snow, and a dismal gloom rests upon the faces of the increasing party of croakers. we have famine, owing to the incapacity of the government, and the rapacity of speculators. wood, however, is coming in, but it is only for _military_ officers, etc. no one can live on wood. gold is $ for $ , and meal about $ per bushel. the house of representatives (in secret session) has passed the senate joint resolution creating the office of commander-in-chief (for gen. lee), and recommending that gen. johnston be reinstated, etc. it passed by a vote of to . what will result from this? is it not a condemnation of the president and the administration that displaced gen. j., etc.? who will resign? _nous verrons!_ january th.--clear and cold. no news--that is bad news. nothing has transpired officially of the events and details near wilmington, but there is a rumor, exaggerated perhaps, of the fall of wilmington itself. no doubt sherman is marching on charleston, and if there be no battle soon, it is feared he will take the city without one. mr. foote made a speech in congress yesterday--a savage one, i am told. going home yesterday at o'clock, i met mr. foote, and told him what i had heard. he said he could have wished me to hear every word of it. i asked if it would not be printed. he held up a roll of manuscript, saying he had written it in full, and that it would certainly be published. the papers say in their brief reports, that he disavowed all ideas of reconstruction. after he left the house, one of the missouri members offered a resolution for his expulsion, on the ground that he had, unlawfully, attempted to pass into the enemy's lines, for the purpose of negotiating a peace, etc. it was referred to the committee on elections. after this a resolution was introduced, that a joint committee be appointed to prepare an address, etc., solemnly declaring that the war shall be waged until independence be achieved, etc. such addresses have been repeatedly made, and at last seem to have a demoralizing effect. people remember how many test votes were taken in the virginia convention, showing that the state never would secede--and at length the convention passed an ordinance of secession! nothing can save this government long but military successes, and these depend upon having the slave and other property owners in the field. this can never be done without a renovation of the machinery used to fill up the ranks. the president is calm. some think him subdued. a few days or weeks will determine. gen. howell cobb writes his views, etc. utterly opposed to arming the slaves--better emancipate them at once, conceding to the "_demands of england and france_," and then enlist them. but he thinks a return to the system of volunteering would answer to fill the ranks with white men; also suggests that the president concede something to popular sentiment--restore gen. j. e. johnston, etc. he says gloom and despair are fast settling on the people. j. p. mclean, greensborough, n. c., in response to the request of mr. secretary seddon, gives information of the existence of many union men in that section, and suggests sudden death to ---- etc. the secretary _is diligent_ in getting such information; but lately it seems he never applies the remedy. mr. secretary seddon thinks mr. peck's explanation of his purchasing satisfactory; the assistant secretary, chief of bureau of war, and mr. seddon's private clerk got an abundance of flour, etc. major harman, staunton, says provisions cannot be had in that section to feed early's army, unless one-fourth of all produce be bought at market prices, and the people go on half rations. the _slaves_ everywhere are on _full_ rations. january st.--a dark, cold, sleety day, with rain. troopers and scouts from the army have icicles hanging from their hats and caps, and their clothes covered with frost, and dripping. the _examiner_ this morning says very positively that mr. secretary seddon has resigned. not a word about messrs. benjamin and mallory--yet. the recent action of congress is certainly a vote of censure, with great unanimity. it is said congress, in secret session, has decreed the purchase of all the cotton and tobacco! the stable locked after the horse is gone! if it had been done in ---- mr. secretary trenholm is making spasmodic efforts to mend the currency--selling cotton and tobacco to foreign (yankee) agents for gold and sterling bills, and buying treasury notes at the market depreciation. for a moment he has reduced the price of gold from $ to $ for $ ; but the flood will soon overwhelm all opposition, sweeping every obstruction away. the federal papers say they got prisoners at fort fisher. it is said the president refuses to accept mr. seddon's resignation. a rumor has sprung up to the effect that judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, has also resigned. if this be so, it will soon produce a great commotion among detailed and exempted men all over the country. rumors fly thick these dark days. it is a good time, however, for some to resign. the president has need even of incompetent men, and may beg them to remain, etc., and thus they are flattered. but if they really feel that the ship is sinking, they will endeavor to jump ashore, notwithstanding the efforts made to retain them. and then, if the ship should _not_ sink, manned by different men! i hear nothing more about gen. breckinridge as mr. seddon's successor, but he is the guest of the old lawyer, g. a. myers; and it is not probable he is bestowing his bread and meat, in such times as these, _for nothing_. he has made a fortune, and knows how to increase it--and even gen. b. would never be the wiser. we have at last a letter from gen. hood, narrating the battle of franklin, tenn. he says he lost about men--enemy's loss not stated. failure of gen. cheatham to execute an order the day before, prevented him from routing the enemy. his account of the battle of nashville i have not yet seen--but know enough about it. both the secretary and his assistant have been pretty constantly engaged, for some time past, in granting passports beyond our lines, and generally into those of the enemy. congress has passed an act allowing reserve forces to be ordered anywhere. upon the heels of this, governor smith notifies the secretary of war that the two regiments of second class militia here, acting with the reserves, shall no longer be under the orders of gen. kemper. he means to run a tilt against the president, whereby richmond may be lost! now "tray, blanche, and sweetheart, bark at him." january d.--another day of sleet and gloom. the pavements are almost impassable from the enamel of ice; large icicles hang from the houses, and the trees are bent down with the weight of frost. the mails have failed, and there is no telegraphic intelligence, the wires being down probably. it rained very fast all day yesterday, and i apprehend the railroad bridges have been destroyed in many places. the young men (able-bodied) near the secretary of war and the assistant secretary, at the war department, say, this morning, that both have resigned. it is said the kentucky congressmen oppose the acceptance of the portfolio of war by gen. breckinridge. whoever accepts it must reform the conscription business and the passport business, else the cause will speedily be lost. most of our calamities may be traced to these two sources. january d.--foggy, and raining. f. p. blair is here again. if enemies are permitted to exist in the political edifice, there is danger of a crash. this weather, bad news, etc. etc. predispose both the people and the army for _peace_--while the papers are filled with accounts of the _leniency_ of sherman at savannah, and his forbearance to interfere with the slaves. the enemy cannot take care of the negroes--and to feed them in idleness would produce a famine north and south. emancipation now is physically impossible. where is the surplus food to come from to feed , , idle non-producers? it is said by the press that mr. seddon resigned because the virginia congressmen expressed in some way a want of confidence in the cabinet. but mr. hunter was in the secretary's office early this morning, and may prevail on him to withdraw his resignation again, or to hold on until ---- all is accomplished. gen. breckinridge, it is said, requires the removal of northrop, before his acceptance. gen. bragg is also named. congress, in creating the office of a commander-in-chief, also aimed a blow at bragg's staff; and this may decide the president to appoint him secretary of war. a long letter came to-day from governor brown, dated macon, ga., jan. th, , in reply to a long one from the secretary of war, filled with criminations and recriminations, and a flat refusal to yield the old men and boys in state service, in obedience to the call of the "usurping" and "despotic" demand of the confederate states executive. georgia trembles, and may topple over any day! mr. blair's return has excited many vague hopes--among the rest, even of recognition by the united states government! yet many, very many croakers, weary of the war, would acquiesce in reconstruction, if they might save their property. vain hopes. it is rumored that a commissioner (a louisianian) sailed to-day for england, to make overtures to that government. the government has ordered the military authorities at augusta, ga. (jan. ), to remove or burn _all_ the cotton in that town if it is likely to be occupied by the enemy. senator hunter sends a letter to mr. seddon which he has just received from randolph dickinson, camp th virginia, stating that it is needful to inaugurate negotiations for the best possible terms without delay, as the army, demoralized and crumbling, cannot be relied upon to do more fighting, etc. mr. hunter indorses: "my dear sir, will you read the inclosed? i fear there is too much truth in it. can't the troops be paid? "yours most truly, r. m. t. hunter." january th.--clear and cool. it is now said mr. seddon's resignation has not yet been accepted, and that his friends are urging the president to persuade him to remain. another rumor says ex-gov. letcher is to be his successor, and that mr. benjamin has sent in his resignation. nothing seems to be definitely settled. i wrote the president yesterday that, in my opinion, there was no ground for hope unless communication with the enemy's country were checked, and an entire change in the conscription business speedily ordered. i was sincere, and wrote plain truths, however they might be relished. it is my _birth-right_. it is said (i doubt it) that mr. blair left the city early yesterday. to add to the confusion and despair of the country, the secretary of the treasury is experimenting on the currency, ceasing to issue treasury notes, with unsettled claims demanding liquidation to the amount of hundreds of millions. even the clerks, almost in a starving condition, it is said will not be paid at the end of the month; and the troops have not been paid for many months; but they are fed and clothed. mr. trenholm will fail to raise our credit in this way; and he may be instrumental in precipitating a _crash_ of the government itself. no doubt large amounts of gold have been shipped every month to europe from wilmington; and the government may be now selling the money intended to go out from that port. but it will be only a drop to the ocean. the northern papers say mr. blair is authorized to offer an amnesty, including all persons, with the "union as it was, the constitution as it is" (my old motto on the "southern monitor," in ); but gradual emancipation. no doubt some of the people here would be glad to accept this; but the president will fight more, and desperately yet, still hoping for foreign assistance. what i fear is _starvation_; and i sincerely wish my family were on the old farm on the eastern shore of virginia until the next campaign is over. it is believed gen. grant meditates an early movement on our left--north side of the river; and many believe we are in no condition to resist him. still, we have faith in lee, and the president remains here. if he and the principal members of the government were captured by a sudden surprise, no doubt there would be a clamor in the north for their trial and execution! guns have been heard to-day, and there are rumors of fighting below; that longstreet has marched to this side of the river; that one of our gun-boats has been sunk; that fort harrison has been retaken; and, finally, that an armistice of ninety days has been agreed to by both governments. january th.--clear, and very cold. we lost gun-boat drewry yesterday in an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the enemy's pontoon bridge down the river. fort harrison was not taken as reported, nor is it likely to be. the rumor of an armistice remains, nevertheless, and mr. blair dined with the president on _sunday_, and has had frequent interviews with him. this is published in the papers, and will cause the president to be severely censured. congress failed to expel mr. foote yesterday (he is off again), not having a two-thirds vote, but censured him by a decided majority. what will it end in? no successors yet announced to seddon and campbell--secretary and assistant secretary of war. perhaps they can be persuaded to remain. after all, it appears that our fleet did not return, but remains down the river; and as the enemy's gun-boats have been mostly sent to north carolina, gen. lee may give grant some trouble. if he destroys the bridges, the federal troops on this side the river will be cut off from their main army. it is said the president has signed the bill creating a commander-in-chief. rev. w. spottswood fontaine writes from greensborough, n. c., that ---- reports that senator hunter is in favor of virginia negotiating a separate peace with the united states, as the other states will probably abandon her to her fate, etc. i saw mr. lyons to-day, who told me mr. hunter dined with him yesterday, and that gen. lee took tea with him last evening, and seemed in good spirits, hope, etc. mr. lyons thinks gen. lee was always a thorough emancipationist. he owns no slaves. he (mr. lyons) thinks that using the negroes in the war will be equivalent to universal emancipation, that not a slave will remain after the president's idea (which he don't seem to condemn) is expanded and reduced to practice. he favors sending out a commissioner to europe for aid, on the basis of emancipation, etc., as a dernier ressort. he thinks our cause has received most injury from congress, of which he is no longer a member. if it be really so, and if it were generally known, that gen. lee is, and always has been opposed to slavery, how soon would his great popularity vanish like the mist of the morning! can it be possible that _he_ has influenced the president's mind on this subject? did he influence the mind of his father-in-law, g. w. park custis, to emancipate his hundreds of slaves? gen. lee would have been heir to all, as his wife was an only child. there's some mistake about it. the secretary of state (still there!) informs the secretary of war (still here!) that the gold he wrote about to the president on the th inst. for gen. hardee and for mr. conrad, is ready and subject to his order. _four_ steamers have run into charleston with a large amount of commissary stores. this is providential. january th.--clear and cold. no further news from the iron-clad fleet that went down the river. beef is selling at $ per pound this morning; wood at $ per cord. major maynard, instead of bringing , gets in but or cords per day. i am out of wood, and must do my little cooking in the parlor with the coal in the grate. this is famine! congress passed a bill a few days ago increasing the number of midshipmen, and allowing _themselves_ to appoint a large proportion of them. yesterday the president vetoed the bill, he alone, by the constitution, being authorized to make all appointments. but the senate immediately repassed it over the veto--only three votes in the negative. thus the war progresses! and mr. hunter was one of the three. the president, in reply to a committee of the state legislature, says gen. lee has always refused to accept the command of all the armies unless he could relinquish the immediate command of the army of northern virginia defending the capital; and that he is and ever has been willing to bestow larger powers on gen. lee; but he would not accept them. this makes me doubt whether the president has signed the bill creating a commander-in-chief. it is _said again_, that commissary-general northrop has resigned. doubtful. still, there are no beggars in the streets, except a few women of foreign or northern birth. what a people! if our affairs were managed properly, subjugation would be utterly impossible. but all the statesmen of the years preceding the war have been, somehow, "ruled out" of positions, and wield no influence, unless it be a vengeful one in private. where are the patriots of the decade between and ? "echo answers where?" who is responsible for their absence? a fearful responsibility! gold is _quoted_ at $ for $ --illusory! perhaps worse. the statistics furnished by my son custis of the military strength of the confederate states, and ordered by the president to be preserved on file in the department, seems to have attracted the attention of mr. assistant secretary campbell, and elicited a long indorsement, saying a calculation of the number of casualties of war was not made--all this _after_ the paper was sent in by the president. but the estimate _was_ made, and included in the reduction from the , , leaving , . judge c thinks , have been killed, , permanently disabled, and , are prisoners; still , availables would be left. custis has drafted, and will send to the president, a bill establishing a corps of honor, with a view to excite emulation and to popularize the service, now sadly needed. january th.--clear, and coldest morning of the winter. none but the rich speculators and quartermaster and commissary peculators have a supply of food and fuel. much suffering exists in the city; and prices are indeed fabulous, notwithstanding the efforts of the secretary of the treasury and the press to bring down the premium on gold. many fear the high members of the government have turned brokers and speculators, and are robbing the country--making friends of the mammon of unrighteousness, against the day of wrath which they see approaching. the idea that confederate states notes are improving in value, when every commodity, even wood and coal, daily increases in price, is very absurd! the iron-clad fleet returned, without accomplishing anything--losing one gun-boat and having some fifteen killed and wounded. the lower house of congress failed yesterday to pass the midshipman bill over the president's veto--though a majority was against the president. it is said, and published in the papers, that mrs. davis threw her arms around mr. blair and embraced him. this, too, is injurious to the president. my wood-house was broken into last night, and two (of the nine) sticks of wood taken. wood is selling at $ a stick this cold morning; mercury at zero. a broker told me that he had an order (from government) to sell gold at $ for $ . but that is not the market price. it is believed (by some credulous people) that gen. j. e. johnston will command the army in virginia, and that lee will reside here and be commander-in-chief. i doubt. the clamor for gen. j. seems to be the result of a _political_ combination. mr. hunter came to the department to-day almost in a run. he is excited. lieut.-gen. hardee, of charleston, th (yesterday), dispatches to the secretary that he has received an order from gen. cooper (adjutant-general) for the return of the th regiment and th battalion north carolina troops to north carolina. he says these are nearly the only regular troops he has to defend the line of the combahee--the rest being reserves, disaffected at being detained out of their states. the withdrawal may cause the loss of the state line, and great disaster, etc. etc. official statement of gen. hood's losses shows guns, , small arms, etc. the report says the army was saved by sacrificing transportation; and but for this the losses would have been nothing. january th.--clear and very cold; can't find a thermometer in the city. the president _did_ sign the bill creating a general-in-chief, and depriving gen. bragg of his staff. major-gen. jno. c. breckinridge _has_ been appointed secretary of war. may our success be greater hereafter! gen. lee has sent a letter from gen. imboden, exposing the wretched management of the piedmont railroad, and showing that salt and corn, in "immense quantity," have been daily left piled in the mud and water, and exposed to rain, etc., while the army has been starving. complaints and representations of this state of things have been made repeatedly. gold sold at $ for one at auction yesterday. mr. hunter was seen early this morning running (almost) toward the president's office, to pick up news. he and breckinridge were old rivals in the united states. the _enquirer_ seems in favor of listening to blair's propositions. judge campbell thinks gen. breckinridge will not make a good secretary of war, as he is not a man of small _details_. i hope he is not going to indulge in so many of them as the judge and mr. seddon have done, else all is lost! the judge's successor will be recommended soon to the new secretary. there will be applicants enough, even if the ship of state were visibly going down. although it is understood that gen. breckinridge has been confirmed by the senate, he has not yet taken his seat in the department. the president has issued a proclamation for the observance of friday, march th, as a day of "fasting, humiliation, and prayer, with thanksgiving," in pursuance of a resolution of congress. it seems that virginia, georgia, alabama, and tennessee will not be represented in the cabinet; this may breed trouble, and we have trouble enough, in all conscience. it is said mr. blair has returned again to richmond--third visit. can there be war brewing between the united states and england or france? we shall know all soon. or have propositions been made _on our part_ for reconstruction? there are many smiling faces in the streets, betokening a profound desire for peace. january th.--clear, and moderating. to-day at a.m. three commissioners start for washington on a mission of peace, which may be possibly attained. they are vice-president stephens, senator r. m. t. hunter, and james a. campbell, assistant secretary of war, and formerly a judge on the bench of the supreme court of the united states, all of them heartily sick of war, and languishing for peace. if _they_ cannot devise a mode of putting an end to the war, none can. of course they have the instructions of the president, with his ultimata, etc., but they will strive earnestly for peace. what terms may be expected? not independence, unless the united states may be on the eve of embarking in a foreign war, and in that event that government will require all the resources it can command, and they would not be ample if the war should continue to be prosecuted against us. hence it would be policy to hasten a peace with us, stipulating for valuable commercial advantages, being the first to recognize us over all other powers, hoping to restore the old trade, and _ultimately_ to reconstruct the union. or it may proceed from intimations of a purpose on the part of france and england to recognize us, which, of itself, would lead inevitably to war. the refusal of the united states to recognize the empire of mexico is an offense to france, and the augmentation of the armament of the lakes, etc. is an offense to england. besides, if it were possible to subjugate us, it would be only killing the goose that lays the golden egg, for the southern trade would be destroyed, and the northern people are a race of manufacturers and merchants. if the war goes on, , men must be immediately detailed in the united states, and their heavy losses heretofore are now sorely felt. we have no alternative but to fight on, they have the option of ceasing hostilities. and we have suffered so much that almost any treaty, granting us independence, will be accepted by the people. all the commissioners must guard against is any appearance of a protectorate on the part of the united states. if the _honor_ of the southern people be saved, they will not haggle about material losses. if negotiations fail, our people will receive a new impulse for the war, and great will be the slaughter. every one will feel and know that these commissioners sincerely desired an end of hostilities. two, perhaps all of them, even look upon eventual reconstruction without much repugnance, so that slavery be preserved. january th.--bright and beautiful, but quite cold; skating in the basin, etc. the departure of the commissioners has produced much speculation. the enemy's fleet has gone, it is supposed to sherman at charleston. no doubt the government of the united states imagines the "rebellion" _in articulo mortis_, and supposes the reconstruction of the union a very practicable thing, and the men selected as our commissioners may confirm the belief. they can do nothing, of course, if independence is the ultimatum given them. among the rumors now current, it is stated that the french minister at washington has demanded his passports. mr. lincoln's message, in december, certainly gave napoleon grounds for a quarrel by ignoring his empire erected in mexico. mr. seddon still awaits his successor. he has removed col. and lieut.-col. ruffin from office. mr. bruce, m. c. from kentucky, and brother-in-law to mr. seddon, is named as commissary-general. the president has vetoed another bill, granting the privilege to soldiers to receive papers free of postage, and the senate has passed it again by a two-thirds vote. thus the breach widens. some of our sensible men have strong hopes of peace immediately, on terms of alliance against european powers, and commercial advantages to the united states. i hope for even this for the sake of repose and independence, if we come off with honor. we owe nothing to any of the european governments. what has blair been running backward and forward so often for between the two presidents? has it not been clearly stated that independence alone will content us? blair _must_ have understood this, and made it known to _his_ president. then what else but independence, on some terms, could be the basis for _further_ conference? i believe our people would, for the sake of independence, agree to an alliance offensive and defensive with the united states, and agree to furnish an army of volunteers in the event of a war with france or england. the president has stigmatized the affected neutrality of those powers in one of his annual messages. still, such a treaty would be unpopular after a term of peace with the united states. if the united states be upon the eve of war with france and england, or either of them, our commissioners abroad will soon have proposals from those governments, which would be accepted, if the united states did not act speedily. january st.--bright and frosty. the "peace commissioners" remained sunday night at petersburg, and proceeded on their way yesterday morning. as they passed our lines, our troops cheered them very heartily, and when they reached the enemy's lines, they were cheered more vociferously than ever. is not this an evidence of a mutual desire for peace? yesterday, mr. de jarnette, of virginia, introduced in congress a resolution intimating a disposition on the part of our government to unite with the united states in vindication of the "monroe doctrine," _i.e._ expulsion of monarchies established on this continent by european powers. this aims at france, and to aid our commissioners in their endeavors to divert the blows of the united states from us to france. the resolution was referred to the committee on foreign relations. if there be complication with france, the united states may accept our overtures of alliance, and our people and government will acquiesce, but it would soon grow an _unpopular_ treaty. at this moment we are hard pressed, pushed to the wall, and prepared to catch at anything affording relief. we pant for a "breathing spell." sherman is advancing, but the conquest of territory and liberation of slaves, while they injure us, only embarrass the enemy, and add to their burdens. now is the time for the united states to avert another year of slaughter and expense. mr. foote has been denouncing mr. secretary seddon for selling his wheat at $ per bushel. it is rumored that a column of the enemy's cavalry is on a raid somewhere, i suppose sent out from grant's army. this does not look like peace and independence. an extract from the new york _tribune_ states that peace must come soon, because it has _reliable information_ of the exhaustion of our resources. this means that we must submit unconditionally, which may be a fatal mistake. the raiders are said to be on the brooke turnpike and westhaven road, northeast of the city, and menacing us in a weak place. perhaps they are from the valley. the militia regiments are ordered out, and the locals will follow of course, as when dahlgren came. hon. mr. haynes of the senate gives information of a raid organizing in east tennessee on salisbury, n. c., to liberate the prisoners, cut the piedmont road, etc. half-past two p.m. nothing definite of the reported raid near the city. false, perhaps. no papers from the president to-day; he is disabled again by neuralgia, in his _hand_, they say. chapter xlvii. gen. lee appointed general-in-chief.--progress of sherman.--the markets.-- letter from gen. butler.--return of the peace commissioners.--the situation.--from gen. lee.--use of negroes as soldiers.--patriotism of the women.--pardon of deserters.--the passport system.--oh for peace!--gen. lee on negro soldiers.--conventions in georgia and mississippi. february st.--clear and pleasant; subsequently thawing and foggy. gen. r. e. lee has been appointed general-in-chief by the president, in response to the recent action of congress and the clamorous demands of the people. it is to be hoped he will, nevertheless, remain in person at the head of the army of virginia, else the change may be fraught with disaster, and then his popularity will vanish! he has not been fortunate when not present with the troops under his command, as evidenced by early's defeat and jones's disaster in the valley last year. a general must continue to reap successes if he retains his popularity. gen. lee has called upon the people everywhere to send in any cavalry arms and equipments in their possession--the importation being stopped. the report of a raid yesterday, grew out of the return to the city of a small body of our own cavalry that had been on detached service. quite an alarm was raised! the president was better yesterday; it is neuralgia in the right shoulder, disabling his arm. our "commissioners" were delayed until yesterday morning at petersburg; during which there was a sort of truce, and the troops of the opposing fortifications ventured out, both sides cheering vociferously. gen. lee writes that his army is suffering for want of soap. the secretary sends the letter to commissary-general northrop (neither of their successors being inducted yet) for "prompt attention." the commissary-general sends it back, saying barrels of soap are now, and have been for _months_, lying at charlotte, n. c., awaiting transportation! the speculators get from charlotte that much freight every week. the commissary-general says barrels of soap ought to last gen. lee's army one month. it must be a large army to consume that amount of soap in a month. yesterday congress passed another bill over the president's veto, to allow soldiers to receive letters, etc. free. thus the war progresses between the executive and the legislative branches of the government. in future revolutions, never let a "permanent government" be established until independence is achieved! february d.--bright and beautiful, and pleasantly frosty. gen. sherman is advancing as usual in such dubiety as to distract gen. hardee, who knows not whether branchville or augusta is his objective point. i suppose sherman will be successful in cutting our communications with the south--and in depreciating confederate states treasury notes still more, in spite of mr. trenholm's spasmodic efforts to _depreciate_ gold. yesterday the senate passed a bill _dropping_ all commissaries and quartermasters not in the field, and not in the bureaus in richmond, and appointing _agents_ instead, over years of age. this will make a great fluttering, but the richmond rascals will probably escape. military men here consider augusta in danger; of course it is! how could it be otherwise? information from the united states shows that an effort to obtain "peace" will certainly be made. president lincoln has appointed ex-presidents fillmore and pierce and hon. s. p. chase, commissioners, to treat with ours. the two first are avowed "peace men;" and may god grant that their endeavors may prove successful! such is the newspaper information. a kind providence watches over my family. the disbursing clerk is paying us "half salaries" to-day, as suggested in a note i wrote the secretary yesterday. and mr. price informs me that the flour (capt. warner's) so long held at greensborough has arrived! i shall get my barrel. it cost originally $ ; but subsequent expenses may make it cost me, perhaps, $ . the market price is from $ to $ . i bought also of mr. price one-half bushel of red or "cow-peas" for $ ; the market price being $ per bushel. and major maynard says i shall have a load of government wood in a few days! february d.--the report that the united states government had appointed commissioners to meet ours is contradicted. on the contrary, it is believed that gen. grant has been reinforced by , men from tennessee; and that we shall soon hear thunder in richmond. gen. lee writes urgently in behalf of major tannahill's traffic for supplies, in northeastern north carolina and southeastern virginia, for the army. large amounts of commissary stores are obtained in exchange for cotton, tobacco, etc; but the traffic is in danger of being broken up by the efforts of bureau officials and civilian speculators to participate in it--among them he mentions major brower (commissary-general's office, and formerly a clerk)--and asks such orders as will be likely to avert the danger. the traffic is with the _enemy_; but if conducted under the exclusive control of gen. lee, it would be of vast benefit to the army. the house of representatives yesterday passed a singular compensation bill, benefiting two disbursing clerks and others already rich enough. i have written a note to senator johnson, of missouri, hoping to head it off there, or to so amend it as to make it equable and just. all the paths of error lead to destruction; and every one seems inclined to be pressing therein. the freezing of the canal has put up the price of wood to about $ per cord--judging from the little one-horse loads for which they ask $ . one o'clock p.m. dark and dismal; more rain or snow looked for. certainly we are in a dark period of the war--encompassed by augmenting armies, almost starving in the midst of plenty (hoarded by the speculators), our men deserting--and others skulking duty, while congress and the executive seem paralyzed or incapable of thought or action. the president was better yesterday; but not out. they say it is neuralgia in the shoulder, disabling his right arm. yet he orders appointments, etc., or forbids others. major noland, commissary-general, has refused to impress the coffee in the hands of speculators; saying there is no law authorizing it. the speculators rule the hour--for all, nearly, are speculators! god save us! we seem incapable of saving ourselves. no news to-day from georgia and south carolina--which means there is no good news. if it be true that gen. thomas has reinforced grant with , men, we shall soon _hear_ news without seeking it! the enemy will not rest content with their recent series of successes; for system of _easy communication_ will enable them to learn all they want to know about our weak points, and our childish dependence on the speculators for subsistence. after leaving thirty days' supplies in charleston for , men--all the rest have been ordered to richmond. february th.--clear, but rained last night. from the south we learn that sherman is marching on branchville, and that beauregard is at augusta. the _great struggle_ will be in virginia, south of richmond, and both sides will gather up their forces for that event. we can probably get men enough, if we can feed them. the city council is having green "old field pine" wood brought in on the fredericksburg railroad, to sell to citizens at $ per cord--a speculation. the quartermaster's department is also bringing in large quantities of wood, costing the government about $ per cord. prior to the st inst., the quartermaster's department _commuted_ officer's (themselves) allowance of wood at $ per cord! the president still suffers, but is said to be "better." yesterday much of the day was consumed by congress in displaying a _new flag_ for the confederacy--before the old one is worn out! idiots! i have just seen on file a characteristic letter from major-gen. butler, of which this is a literal copy: "headquarters dept. va. and n. c., "army of the james in the field, "fortress monroe, oct. th, . "hon. robt. ould--sir: "an attempt was made this morning by private roucher, co. b, th penna. cavalry, to commit a rape upon the persons of mrs. minzer and mrs. anderson, living on the darbytown road. "on the outrage being discovered, he broke through the picket line, and fled for your lines. our soldiers chased him, but were unable to overtake him. "i have therefore the honor to request that you will return him, that i may inflict the punishment which his dastardly offense merits. i cannot be responsible for the good conduct of my soldiers, _if they are to find protection from punishment by entering your lines_. "i have the honor to be, your obt. servt., "(signed) b. f. butler, "_major-gen. comd'g and com. for exchange_." the ladies were virginians. i got my barrel ( bags) flour to-day; bushel meal, / bushel peas, / bushel potatoes ($ per bushel); and feel pretty well. major maynard, quartermaster, has promised a load of wood. _will these last until_----? i believe i would make a good commissary. february th.--clear and cold. our commissioners are back again! it is said lincoln and seward met them at fortress monroe, and they proceeded no further. no basis of negotiation but reconstruction could be listened to by the federal authorities. how could it be otherwise, when their armies are marching without resistance from one triumph to another--while the government "allows" as many emissaries as choose to pass into the enemy's country, with the most solemn assurances that the union cause is spreading throughout the south with great rapidity--while the president is incapacitated both mentally and physically by disease, disaster, and an inflexible defiance of his opponents--and while congress wastes its time in discussions on the adoption of a _flag_ for future generations! this fruitless mission, i apprehend, will be fraught with evil, unless the career of sherman be checked; and in that event the battle for richmond, and virginia, and the confederacy, will occur within a few months--perhaps weeks. the sooner the better for us, as delay will only serve to organize the union party sure to spring up; for many of the people are not only weary of the war, but they have no longer any faith in the president, his cabinet, congress, the commissaries, quartermasters, enrolling officers, and most of the generals. judge campbell was closeted for hours last night with mr. secretary seddon at the department. i have not recently seen mr. hunter. we have news from the eastern shore of virginia. my wife's aunt, miss sally parsons, is dead--over years of age. the slaves are free, but remain with their owners--on wages. the people are prosperous, getting fine prices for abundant crops. only a few hundred federal troops are in the two counties; but these, under the despotic orders of butler, levy heavy "war contributions" from the unoffending farmers. february th.--bright and frosty. as i supposed, the peace commissioners have returned from their fruitless errand. president lincoln and mr. seward, it appears, had nothing to propose, and would listen to nothing but unconditional submission. the congress of the united states has just passed, by a two-thirds vote, an amendment to the constitution _abolishing slavery_. now the south will soon be fired up again, perhaps with a new impulse--and war will rage with greater fury than ever. mr. stephens will go into georgia, and reanimate his people. gen. wise spoke at length for independence at the capitol on saturday night amidst applauding listeners, and governor smith speaks to-night. gen. breckinridge is here and will take his seat to-morrow. every effort will be made to popularize the cause again. hon. mr. foote is at washington, in _prison_. gen. wise's brigade has sent up resolutions consenting to gradual _emancipation_--but never to reunion with the north. there is a more cheerful aspect on the countenances of the people in the streets. all hope of peace with independence is extinct--and valor alone is relied upon now for our salvation. every one thinks the confederacy will at once gather up its military strength and strike such blows as will astonish the world. there will be desperate conflicts! vice-president stephens is in his seat to-day, and seems determined. mr. hunter is rolling about industriously. gen. lee writes that desertions are caused by the bad management of the commissary department, and that there are supplies enough in the country, if the proper means were used to procure them. gen. taylor sends a telegram from meridian, miss., stating that he had ordered stewart's corps to augusta, ga., as sherman's movement rendered a _victory necessary at once_. the dispatch was to the president, and seems to be in response to one from him. so we may expect a battle immediately near augusta, ga. beauregard should have some , men, besides hardee's , --which ought to be enough for victory; and then good-by to sherman! february th.--a snow four inches in depth on the ground, and snowing. last night governor smith, president davis, senator oldham (texas), rev. mr. duncan, methodist preacher, and a yankee baptist preacher, named doggell, or burroughs, i believe, addressed a large meeting in the african church, on the subject of the peace mission, and the ultimatum of the united states authorities. the speakers were very patriotic and much applauded. president davis (whose health is so feeble he should have remained away) denounced president lincoln as "his majesty abraham the first"--in the language of the press--and said before the campaign was over he and seward might find "they had been speaking to their masters," when demanding unconditional submission. he promised the people great successes, after our destined reverses had run out, provided they kept from despondency and speculation, and filled the ranks of the army. he denounced the speculators, and intimated that they might yet be called upon to "disgorge their earnings." a grand assemblage is called for next thursday, to meet in the capitol square. congress will soon be likely to vote a negro army, and their emancipation after the war--as lee favors it. there was some fighting near petersburg yesterday and the day before; but the press is reticent--a bad sign. there is a rumor that charleston has been evacuated! gen. lee again writes that desertions occur to an alarming extent, for want of sufficient food. and he says there is enough subsistence in the country, but that the commissary department is inefficiently administered. gen. breckinridge is in his office to-day. a scramble is going on by the young politicians for the position of assistant secretary of war, and mr. kean is supposed to be ahead in the race. when a ship is thought to be sinking, even the cook may be appointed captain! anything, now, to keep out of the _field_--such is the word among the mere politicians. it is rumored that gen. pegram (since confirmed) was killed in the enemy's attack on our right near petersburg, and that seven brigades were engaged and repulsed the enemy. still, there is no official confirmation--and the silence of gen. lee is interpreted adversely. senator haynes, of tennessee, and senator wigfall, of texas, denounced the president yesterday as mediocre and malicious--and that his blunders had caused all our disasters. our commissioners were not permitted to land at fortress monroe, but lincoln and seward came on board. judge campbell is still acting as assistant secretary; but he looks very despondent. if beauregard gains a victory ----. february th.--rained all day yesterday--slush--bright this morning and cool--ground still covered with snow. it is reported by gen. lee that the losses on both sides on monday were light, but the enemy have established themselves on hatcher's run, and intrenched; still menacing the south side railroad. it is also said fighting was going on yesterday afternoon, when the dreadful snow and sleet were enough to subdue an army! we have nothing from charleston or branchville, but the wires are said to be working to augusta. a deficiency of between $ , , and $ , , has been discovered in the amount of our indebtedness! the present secretary being led into the error by the estimates of his predecessor, memminger. congress is elaborating a bill, increasing taxation per cent! an acquaintance, who has acres near the city, says he will sell, to escape a tax of $ . senator brown, of mississippi, has introduced a resolution for the employment of , negroes, giving them their freedom. gen. kemper is strongly recommended as assistant secretary of war. the wounded are still coming in from the fight beyond petersburg. horrible weather, yesterday, for fighting--and yet it is said much of it was done. vice-president stephens was in the department to-day. he has a ghostly appearance. he is announced to speak in richmond to-morrow; but i believe he starts for georgia _to-day_. he may publish a letter. he had a long interview with judge campbell--with locked doors. twelve m. the sun is melting the snow rapidly. the legislature of virginia has passed resolutions in favor of the restoration of gen. j. e. johnston to a command. what will the president _do_, after _saying_ he should never have another command? intelligence was received to-day of the sudden death of brig.-gen. winder, in georgia; from apoplexy, it is supposed. he was in command of the prisons, with his staff of "plug uglies" around him, and cashmeyer, their sutler. "headquarters army of northern virginia, "february th, . "general s. cooper. "the enemy moved in strong force yesterday to hatcher's run. part of his infantry, with gregg's cavalry, crossed and proceeded on the vaughan road--the infantry to cattail creek, the cavalry to dinwiddie court house, when its advance encountered a portion of our cavalry, and retreated. "in the afternoon, parts of hill's and gordon's troops demonstrated against the enemy on the left of hatcher's run, near armstrong's mill. finding him intrenched, they were withdrawn after dark. during the night, the force that had advanced beyond the creek retired to it, and were reported to be recrossing. "this morning, pegram's division moved down the right bank of the creek to reconnoiter, when it was vigorously attacked. the battle was obstinately contested several hours, but gen. pegram being killed while bravely encouraging his men, and col. hoffman wounded, some confusion occurred, and the division was pressed back to its original position. evans's division, ordered by gen. gordon to support pegram's, charged the enemy and forced him back, but was, in turn, compelled to retire. mahone's division arriving, the enemy was driven rapidly to his defenses on hatcher's run. "our loss is reported to be small; that of the enemy not supposed great. r. e. lee." february th.--bright, frosty, beautiful, after a cold night. we have nothing more specific from the fight of tuesday, when we learn another general was killed. it seems that most of grant's army was in the movement, and they have a lodgment several miles nearer the south side railroad--the objective point. their superior numbers must ultimately prevail in maintaining the _longest line_. there is to be public speaking in the african church to-day, or in the square, to reanimate the people for another carnival of blood. mr. hunter, it is said, has been chosen to preside, and no man living has a greater abhorrence of blood! but, perhaps, he cannot decline. papers from the united states indicate that the peace epidemic prevails in that country also to an _alarming_ extent: for the day ( th instant) of drafting is near at hand; and even the republican papers hope and pray for peace, and reconstruction without slavery. senator brown's resolution to put , slaves in the army was voted down in secret session. now the slave_owners_ must go in themselves, or all is lost. one of the president's pages says the president will make a speech at the meeting to-day. he is a good political speaker, and will leave no stone unturned to disconcert his political enemies in congress and elsewhere--and their name is legion. the president has ordered the nomination of ex-gov. bonham as brigadier-general of a brigade of south carolina cavalry, in opposition to _gen. cooper's_ opinion: a rare occurrence, showing that mr. davis can be flexible when necessity urges. gen. hampton recommended bonham. the day is bright, but the snow is not quite all gone: else the meeting would be very large, and in the capitol square. there will be much cheering; but the rich men will be still resolved to keep out of the army themselves. we have nothing from charleston for several days. no doubt preparations are being made for its evacuation. the stores will be brought here for lee's army. what will be the price of gold then? mr. seddon has published a correspondence with the president, showing why he resigned: which was a declaration on the part of congress of a want of confidence in the cabinet. the president says such a declaration on the part of congress is extra-official, and subversive of the constitutional jurisdiction of the executive; and, in short, he would not accept the resignation, if mr. s. would agree to withdraw it. so, i suppose the other members will hold on, in spite of congress. february th.--bright and cold. it is estimated that the enemy lost men in the fight near petersburg, and we . sherman has got to the railroad near branchville, and cut communications with augusta. at the meeting, yesterday, mr. hunter presided, sure enough; and made a carefully prepared patriotic speech. there was no other alternative. and mr. benjamin, being a member of the cabinet, made a significant and most extraordinary speech. he said the white fighting men were exhausted, and that black men must recruit the army--and it must be done at once; that gen. lee had informed him he must abandon richmond, if not soon reinforced, and that negroes would answer. the _states_ must send them, congress having no authority. virginia must lead, and send , to the trenches in twenty days. let the negroes volunteer, and be emancipated. it was the only way to save the slaves--the women and children. he also said all who had cotton, tobacco, corn, meat, etc. must _give_ them to the government, not sell them. these remarks were not literally reported in the _dispatch_, but they were uttered. he read resolutions, adopted in certain regiments, indorsing the president and his cabinet--of which mr. b. said, playfully, he was one. yesterday, in the house, upon the passage of a bill revising the commissary department, mr. miles said the object was to remove col. northrop. [his removal _has_ been determined.] mr. baldwin said the department had been well conducted. mr. miles said in these times the test of merit must be success. the bill passed. senator hunter is at the department this morning, calling for the statistics, prepared by my son custis, of the fighting men in the southern states. doubtless mr. hunter is averse to using the slaves. the new secretary of war is calling for reports of "means and resources" from all the bureaus. this has been done by no other secretary. the government allowed lee's army to suffer for months with the _itch_, without knowing there were eight hundred barrels of soap within a few hours' run of it. from the ordnance report, i see we shall have plenty of powder--making pounds per day; and , rifles per annum, besides importations. so, if there must be another carnival of blood, the defense can be maintained at least another year, provided the _right men_ have the management. a violent opposition is likely to spring up against mr. benjamin's suggestions. no doubt he is for a desperate stroke for independence, being out of the pale of mercy; but his moral integrity is impugned by the representatives from louisiana, who believe he has taken bribes for passports, etc., to the injury of the cause. he feels strong, however, in the strength of the president, who still adheres to him. there is much excitement among the slaveowners, caused by mr. benjamin's speech. they must either fight themselves or let the slaves fight. many would prefer submission to lincoln; but that would not save their slaves! the proclamation of emancipation in the united states may yet free the south of northern domination. february th.--cloudy and cold; froze hard last night. yesterday a bill was introduced into both houses of congress authorizing the enlistment of , slaves, _with consent of their owners_, which will probably be amended. mr. miles, as a test vote, moved the rejection of the bill; and the vote _not_ to reject it was more than two to one, an indication that it will pass. the failure of the peace conference seems to have been made the occasion of inspiring renewed zeal and enthusiasm for the war in the united states, as well as here. so the carnival of blood will be a "success." the enemy claim an advantage in the late battle on the south side of the james river. sherman's movements are still shrouded in mystery, and our generals seem to be _waiting_ for a development of his intentions. meantime he is getting nearer to charleston, and cutting railroad communications between that city and the interior. the city is doomed, unless hardee or beauregard, or both, successfully take the initiative. here the price of slaves, men, is about $ confederate states notes, or $ in specie. a great depreciation. before the war, they commanded ten times that price. it is rumored that _hundreds_ of the enemy's transports have come into the james river. if it be thomas's army reinforcing grant, richmond is in immediate peril! information of our numbers, condition, etc. has been, doubtless, communicated to the enemy--and our slumbering government could not be awakened! wigfall, of texas, graham, of north carolina, orr and miles, of south carolina, oppose the employment of negro troops, and gen. wickham, of this department, openly proclaims such a measure as the end of the confederacy! we are upon stirring times! senator wigfall demands a new cabinet, etc. two p.m. the sun has come out; warmer. but it does not disperse the prevailing gloom. it is feared richmond must be abandoned, and our forces concentrated farther south, where supplies may be more easily had, and where it will be a greater labor and expense for the enemy to subsist his armies. assistant secretary of war, judge campbell, is still furloughing, detailing, and discharging men from the army; and yet he thinks the country is pretty nearly exhausted of its fighting population! his successor is not yet appointed; the sooner the better, perhaps. february th.--bright, windy, cold, and disagreeable. there was nothing new at the department this morning. nothing from below; nothing from south carolina. perhaps communications are cut between this and charleston. all are anxious to hear the result of the anticipated battle with sherman, for somehow all know that the order to fight him was sent from richmond more than a week ago. people's thoughts very naturally now dwell upon the proximate future, and the alternatives likely to be presented in the event of the abandonment of richmond, and consequently virginia, by lee's army. most of the _male_ population would probably (if permitted) elect to remain at their homes, braving the fate that might await them. but the women are more patriotic, and would brave all in following the fortunes of the confederate states government. is this because they do not participate in the hardships and dangers of the field? but many of our men are weary and worn, and languish for repose. these would probably remain quiescent on parole, submitting to the rule of the conqueror; but hoping still for foreign intervention or confederate victories, and ultimate independence. doubtless lee could protract the war, and, by concentrating farther south, embarrass the enemy by compelling him to maintain a longer line of communication by land and by sea, and at the same time be enabled to fall upon him, as occasion might offer, in heavier force. no doubt many would fall out of the ranks, if virginia were abandoned; but lee could have an army of , effective men for years. still, these dire necessities may not come. the slaveowners, speculators, etc., hitherto contriving to evade the service, may take the alarm at the present aspect of affairs, and both recruit and subsist the army sufficiently for victory over both grant and sherman; and then richmond will be held by us, and virginia and the cotton states remain in our possession; and we shall have peace, for exhaustion will manifest itself in the united states. we have dangerous discussions among our leaders, it is true; and there may be convulsions, and possibly expulsion of the men at the head of civil affairs: but the war will not be affected. such things occurred in france at a time when the armies achieved their greatest triumphs. one of the greatest blunders of the war was the abandonment of norfolk; and the then secretary of war (randolph) is now safely in europe. that blunder brought the enemy to the gates of the capital, and relinquished a fertile source of supplies; however, at this moment lee is deriving some subsistence from that source by connivance with the enemy, who get our cotton and tobacco. another blunder was hood's campaign into tennessee, allowing sherman to raid through georgia. february th.--coldest morning of the winter. my exposure to the cold wind yesterday, when returning from the department, caused an attack of indigestion, and i have suffered much this morning from disordered stomach and bowels. from northern papers we learn that gen. grant's demonstration last week was a very formidable effort to reach the south side railroad, and was, as yet, a decided failure. it seems that his spies informed him that gen. lee was evacuating richmond, and under the supposition of lee's great weakness, and of great consequent demoralization in the army, the federal general was induced to make an attempt to intercept what he supposed might be a retreat of the confederate army. there will be more fighting yet before richmond is abandoned, probably such a carnival of blood as will make the world start in horror. the new york _tribune_ still affects to believe that good results may come from the recent peace conference, on the basis of reunion, other basis being out of the question. the new amnesty which it was said president lincoln intended to proclaim has not appeared, at least our papers make no mention of it. gen. lee has proclaimed a pardon for all soldiers, now absent without leave, who report for duty within days, and he appeals to their patriotism. i copy it. "headquarters armies of the confederate states, "february th, . "general orders no. . "in entering upon the campaign about to open, the general-in-chief feels assured that the soldiers who have so long and so nobly borne the hardships and dangers of the war require no exhortation to respond to the calls of honor and duty. "with the liberty transmitted by their forefathers they have inherited the spirit to defend it. "the choice between war and abject submission is before them. "to such a proposal brave men, with arms in their hands, can have but one answer. "they cannot barter manhood for peace, nor the right of self-government for life or property. "but justice to them requires a sterner admonition to those who have abandoned their comrades in the hour of peril. "a last opportunity is offered them to wipe out the disgrace and escape the punishment of their crimes. "by authority of the president of the confederate states, a pardon is announced to such deserters and men improperly absent as shall return to the commands to which they belong within the shortest possible time, not exceeding twenty days from the publication of this order, at the headquarters of the department in which they may be. "those who may be prevented by interruption of communications, may report within the time specified to the nearest enrolling officer, or other officer on duty, to be forwarded as soon as practicable; and upon presenting a certificate from such officer, showing compliance with this requirement, will receive the pardon hereby offered. "those who have deserted to the service of the enemy, or who have deserted after having been once pardoned for the same offense, and those who shall desert, or absent themselves without authority, after the publication of this order, are excluded from its benefits. nor does the offer of pardon extend to other offenses than desertion and absence without permission. "by the same authority, it is also declared that no general amnesty will again be granted, and those who refuse to accept the pardon now offered, or who shall hereafter desert or absent themselves without leave, shall suffer such punishment as the courts may impose, and no application for clemency will be entertained. "taking new resolution from the fate which our enemies intend for us, let every man devote all his energies to the common defense. "our resources, wisely and vigorously employed, are ample, and with a brave army, sustained by a determined and united people, success, with god's assistance, cannot be doubtful. "the advantages of the enemy will have but little value if we do not permit them to impair our resolution. let us, then, oppose constancy to adversity, fortitude to suffering, and courage to danger, with the firm assurance that he who gave freedom to our fathers will bless the efforts of their children to preserve it. "r. e. lee, _general_." the senate did nothing on saturday but discuss the policy of abolishing the bureau of conscription, the office of provost marshal outside of our military lines. gov. smith's salary is to be increased to $ , , and he is still exempting young justices, deputy sheriffs, deputy clerks, constables, etc. february th.--bright and cold. very cold, and fuel unattainable. the papers speak of heavy raids in process of organization: one from newbern, n. c., against raleigh, and one from east tennessee against salisbury and our communications. the news from south carolina is vague, only that the armies are in active motion. so long as sherman keeps the initiative, of course he will succeed, but if beauregard should attack, it may be different. yesterday some progress was made with the measure of , negroes for the army. something must be done--and _soon_. gen. wise sent me a letter of introduction to gen. breckinridge yesterday. i sent it in to-day. i want the system of passports changed, and speculation annihilated, else the cause is lost. i expect no action, for impediments will be interposed by others. but my duty is done. i have as little to lose as any of them. the generals all say the system of passports in use has inflicted great detriment to the service, a fact none can deny, and if it be continued, it will be indeed "idiotic suicide," as gen. preston says. the weather is moderating, but it is the most wintry th of february i remember to have seen. yet, as soon as the weather will admit of it, the carnival of blood must begin. at washington they demand unconditional submission or extermination, the language once applied to the florida indians, a few hundred of whom maintained a war of seven years. our cities may fall into the hands of the enemy, but then the populations will cease to subsist on the confederacy. there is no prospect of peace on terms of "unconditional submission," and most of the veteran troops of the enemy will return to their homes upon the expiration of their terms of enlistment, leaving mostly raw recruits to prosecute the work of "extermination." meantime the war of the factions proceeds with activity, the cabinet and the majority in both houses of congress. the president remains immovable in his determination not to yield to the demand for new men in the government, and the country seems to have lost confidence in the old. god help us, or we are lost! the feeble health of the president is supposed to have enfeebled his intellect, and if this be so, of course _he_ would not be likely to discover and admit it. mr. speaker bocock signs a communication in behalf of the virginia delegation in congress asking the dismissal of the cabinet. the northern papers mention a gigantic raid in motion from tennessee to selma, montgomery, and mobile, ala., consisting of , cavalry and mounted infantry, _a la sherman_. they are resolved to give us no rest, while we are distracted among ourselves, and the president refuses to change his cabinet, etc. gen. grant telegraphed the secretary of war at washington, when our commissioners were in his camp, that he understood both messrs. stephens and hunter to say that peace might be restored on the basis of reunion. february th.--moderated last night; this morning sleety and dangerous. gen. lee was in the city yesterday, walking about briskly, as if some great event was imminent. his gray locks and beard have become white, but his countenance is cheerful, and his health vigorous. the papers say wheeler has beaten kilpatrick (federal cavalry general) back five miles, somewhere between branchville and augusta. so he did once or twice when sherman was marching on savannah, and he took it while bragg remained at augusta. the news of a victory by beauregard over sherman would change the face of affairs in that quarter, and nothing less will suffice. it is surprising that the federal authorities do not seem to perceive that in the event of a forced reconstruction of the union, and a war with any european power, the south would rise again and join the latter. better recognize a separate nationality, secure commercial advantages, and have guarantees of neutrality, etc. scouts report gen. thomas (federal), with , men, encamped in the vicinity of alexandria, va., awaiting fair weather to march upon richmond from that direction. the number is exaggerated no doubt, but that richmond is to be subjected to renewed perils, while congress is wasting its time in idle debate, is pretty certain. the senate passed a bill yesterday abolishing the bureau of conscription, and i think it will pass the house. the president ought to have abolished it months ago--years ago. it may be too late. col. st. john, chief mining and niter bureau, has been nominated as the new commissary-general. february th.--cloudy; rained yesterday and last night. we have no important news from south carolina, except the falling back toward columbia of our troops; i suppose before superior numbers. branchville is evacuated. the roads will not admit of much movement in the field for some days. but pretty heavy cannonading is heard down the river. congress did nothing yesterday; it is supposed, however, that the bill recruiting negro troops will pass--i fear when it is too late. meantime the president is as busy as a bee making appointments and promotions, and many meritorious men are offended, supposing themselves to be overslaughed or neglected. the published letter taking leave of mr. secretary seddon rasps congress severely, and is full of professions of esteem, etc. for the retiring secretary. the members of congress reply with acrimony. the quartermaster at charlotte, n. c., dispatches the secretary of war that he has there some millions in specie, government funds, besides specie of the banks for safe keeping. he also desires the removal of the "foreign legion" there, paroled prisoners taken from the enemy and enlisting in our service. they are committing robberies, etc. i saw gen. lee at the department again this morning. he seems vigorous, his face quite red, and very cheerful. he was in gray uniform, with a blue cloth cape over his shoulders. exchange of prisoners has been resumed, and many of our men are returning from captivity. gen. grant has the matter under his control. gen. pillow has been appointed commander of prisons in place of gen. winder, deceased. only - / pounds bacon were issued as meat ration to detailed men this month. i learn that some of our men, confined at point lookout, md., as prisoners of war, during the last two months, offered to take the oath of allegiance, which was refused, because it would reduce the number to exchange. by the last flag of truce boat a negro slave returned. his master took the oath, the slave _refused_. he says "massa had no principles." february th.--frosty morning, after a rain last night. we have no authentic war news this morning, from any quarter. congress is at work in both houses on the negro bill. it will pass, of course, without some unforeseen obstacle is interposed. a letter from gen. lee to gen. wise is published, thanking the latter's brigade for resolutions recently adopted, declaring that they would consent to gradual emancipation for the sake of independence and peace. this is a strong indication (confirmatory) that gen. lee is an emancipationist. from all the signs slavery is doomed! but if , negro recruits can be made to fight, and can be enlisted, gen. lee may maintain the war very easily and successfully; and the powers at washington may soon become disposed to abate the hard terms of peace now exacted. how our fancies paint the scenes of peace now which were never appreciated before! sitting by our cheerless fires, we summon up countless blessings that we could enjoy, if this war were only over. we plan and imagine many things that would be bliss to us in comparison with the privations we suffer. oh, what fine _eating_ and comfortable _clothes_ we shall have when we enjoy another season of repose! we will hunt, we will "go fishing," we will cultivate nice gardens, etc. oh for peace once more! will this generation, with their eyes open, and their memories fresh, ever, ever go to war again? there is a _dark_ rumor that columbia, s. c., has been taken possession of by the enemy; but i hardly believe it, for gen. beauregard would fight for it. gen. beauregard telegraphs from columbia, s. c., _yesterday_, that gen. pillow proposes to gather troops west of that point, and gen. b. approves it. the president hesitates, and refers to _gen. cooper_, etc. eleven o'clock a.m. raining again; wind east. mr. hunter looks rather cadaverous to-day; he does not call on the new secretary often. gen. b. is a formidable rival for the _succession_--if there should be such a thing. to-day my son thomas drew his rations. i have also had another load of coal from lieut. parker, c. s. n., out of his contract, at $ , a saving of nearly $ ! that will take us through the winter and spring. we also bought another bushel of black beans at $ . alas! we have news now of the capture of columbia, s. c., the capital of the state. a dark day, truly! and only this morning--not three short hours ago--the president hesitated to second beauregard's desire that gen. pillow--although not a "red tapist"--should rouse the people to the rescue; but _gen. cooper_ must be consulted to throw obstacles in the way! this will be a terrible blow; and its consequences maybe calamitous beyond calculation. poor south carolina! her day of agony has come! february th.--rained last night; but this is as lovely a morning as ever dawned on earth. a gentle southern breeze, a cloudless sky, and a glorious morning sun, whose genial warmth dispels the moisture of the late showers in smoky vapors. but how dark and dismal the aspect of our military affairs! columbia fallen and charleston (of course) evacuated. my wife wept, my daughter prayed, upon hearing the news. south carolina was superior to all the states in the estimation of my wife, and she regarded it as the last stronghold. now she despairs, and seems reckless of whatever else may happen in sherman's career of conquest. a dispatch to gen. bragg states that thomas's army (the ubiquitous) is landing at newbern, n. c.! this is to cut lee's communications and strike at raleigh perhaps. the people are stunned and sullen; sometimes execrating the president for retaining a cabinet in which the country has no confidence, etc. one hundred for one is asked for gold. the president was at work very early this morning making appointments in the army. but that does no good to the cause, i fear. a sufficient number of men must _be_ placed in the ranks, or there will be no military success. the senate has passed a bill abolishing the "bureau of conscription," and it is now before the house. that is one step in the right direction. hon. j. goode yesterday made a speech in favor of its abolition, in which he said , men had been "handled" by the bureau during the last twelve months, and only , had been sent to the army! but it did not pass--no vote was taken; it is to be hoped it will pass to-day. it is rumored that the "money-printing machine" was lost at columbia, including a large amount of "treasure"--if confederate treasury notes be worthy that appellation. february th.--another bright and glorious morning. i hear of no news whatever from the south--although i know that important events are transpiring--and the reticence of the government is construed very unfavorably. hence if beauregard has fought a battle, it is to be apprehended that he did not gain the day; and if this be so, south carolina lies at the conqueror's feet. i thought i heard brisk cannonading in the distance (down the river) this morning, but am not certain. i saw mr. hunter going briskly toward the executive department. he does not come often now to the war office. the new secretary has a large audience of members of congress every morning. the president and three of his aids rode out this afternoon (past our house), seemingly as cheerful as if each day did not have its calamity! no one who beheld them would have seen anything to suppose that the capital itself was in almost immediate danger of falling into the hands of the enemy; much less that the president himself meditated its abandonment at an early day, and the concentration of all the armies in the cotton states! february th.--another morning of blue skies and glorious sunshine. sherman is reported to be marching northward, and to have progressed one-third of the way between columbia and charlotte, n. c.; where we had "millions of specie" a few days ago. some of the lady employees, sent by mr. memminger to columbia last year, have returned to this city, having left and lost their beds, etc. grant's campaign seems developed at last. sherman and thomas will concentrate on his left, massing , men between lee and his supplies, effectually cutting his communications by flanking with superior numbers. it is probable charleston, wilmington, and richmond will fall without a battle; for how can they be held when the enemy stops supplies? and how could the garrisons escape when once cut off from the interior? and yet congress has done nothing, and does nothing, but waste the precious time. i fear it is too late now! it is certainly too late to raise recruits for service in the campaign now in _active operation_, a fact which our politician leaders seem to be unconscious of. even our furloughed troops cannot now rejoin their regiments from their distant homes. then, if lee must evacuate richmond, where can he go? no one knows! my belief is that the only chance for lee--and a desperate one--is to beat grant _immediately_, before the grand junction can be formed. letters are beginning to come in from the south, advocating the abandonment of richmond, and the march of lee's army into east tennessee and northern georgia, and so on down to montgomery, ala., etc. etc.; concentrating in the cotton states. what an ugly programme! how many would then follow the fortunes of this government? how many heads of bureaus, etc. would abandon it? how would it be possible for those with families on their hands to get transportation? a great many other questions might be asked, that few could answer at this time. charleston was evacuated on tuesday last--nearly a week ago--so says the _examiner_, and no one doubts it. mr. hunter seems more depressed to-day than i have ever seen him. he walks with his head down, looking neither to the right nor the left. i shall expect soon to hear of a battle. beauregard must have nearly , men--such as they are, poor fellows! the rich have generally bribed themselves out of the service through the complicated machinery of the "bureau of conscription." senator brown, of mississippi, i am sorry to see, often retards legislation by motions to postpone; and the senate listens to him, not knowing what to do. hours now are worth weeks hereafter. the president has made wm. m. browne--one of his aids, an englishman and a northern newspaper reporter--a brigadier-general. this does not help the cause. mr. b. knows no more about war than a cat; while many a scarred colonel, native-born, and participants in a hundred fights, sue in vain for promotion. governor clarke (mississippi) telegraphs the president that nothing keeps the negroes from going to the enemy but the fear of being put in the federal army; and that if it be attempted to put them in ours, all will run away, etc. february st.--another bright and glorious morning. charleston fell on thursday night last. a large number of heavy guns fell into the hands of the enemy. the _confidential_ telegraph operators remained with the enemy. they were northern men; but it is the policy of those in possession of this government to trust their enemies and neglect their friends. congress passed yesterday a bill abolishing the "bureau of conscription" in name--nothing more, if i understand it. the bill was manipulated by judge campbell, who has really directed the operations of the bureau from the beginning. the negro bill also passed one house, and will pass the other to-day. also a bill (in one house) abolishing provost marshals, except in camps of the army. these measures may come too late. the enemy is inclosing us on all sides with great vigor and rapidity. a victory by beauregard would lift up the hearts of the people, now prone in the dust. mr. d. h. london (on the street) is smiling this morning. he says there is no doubt but that we shall be speedily recognized by france, and that gen. lee has gone south to checkmate sherman. i fear some one has been deceiving mr. london, knowing how eager he is for a few grains of comfort. he is a rich man. a dispatch was sent from the department to gen. lee this morning, at his headquarters, supposed to be near petersburg. gold was selling at $ for $ yesterday. this may be a "dodge" of the brokers, who want to purchase; or it may be the government selling specie. a gentleman from south carolina reports that the georgians (militia and reserves, i suppose) refused to enter south. carolina in obedience to gen. beauregard's orders, and that gen. b. has not exceeding , reliable men. if this be so, sherman may march whither he chooses! this is very bad, if it be true, and more and more endangers the capital. surgeon-general s. p. moore's estimates for the year's expenses of his bureau are $ , , . february d.--bright and frosty. a fine february for fruit. yesterday the senate postponed action on the negro bill. what this means i cannot conjecture, unless there are dispatches from abroad, with assurances of recognition based upon stipulations of emancipation, which cannot be carried into effect without the consent of the states, and a majority of these seem in a fair way of falling into the hands of the federal generals. the house passed the bill to abolish quartermasters and commissaries in a modified form, excepting those collecting tax in kind; and this morning those officers in this city under forty-five years of age advertise the location of their places of business as collectors of tax in kind, capt. wellford, a kinsman of mr. seddon, among the rest, the very men the bill was intended to remove! alas for breckinridge and independence! the following dispatch has just been received from gen. r. e. lee: "headquarters, february d, . "from dispatches of gen. bragg of st, i conclude he has abandoned cape fear river. he says he is embarrassed by prisoners. enemy refuses to receive or entertain propositions. i expect no change will be made by gen. grant. it is his policy to delay. have directed prisoners to be sent to richmond by rail or highway, as may be most practicable; if wrong, correct it. "r. e. lee." this looks like the speedy fall of wilmington, but not of richmond. to-day is the anniversary of the birth of washington, and of the inauguration of davis; but i hear of no holiday. not much is doing, however, in the departments; simply a waiting for calamities, which come with stunning rapidity. the next news, i suppose, will be the evacuation of wilmington! then raleigh may tremble. unless there is a speedy turn in the tide of affairs, confusion will reign supreme and universally. we have here now some or paroled prisoners returned by the federal authorities, without sufficient food for them, and soon there may be , federal prisoners from wilmington, which it seems cannot be exchanged there. is it the policy of their own government to starve them? mr. burgwyn, of north carolina, writes to the president ( th inst.) that some , bales of cotton are locked up in wilmington, belonging to speculators, awaiting the coming of the enemy, when the city will certainly fall into their hands. he says gen. bragg's orders regarding its removal are wholly disregarded; and he implores the president to prevent its falling into the enemy's hands, and disgracing his state as georgia was disgraced by the cotton taken at savannah. he says these speculators have an understanding with the enemy. the president indorses, simply, "for attention--j. d." i bought quarter ounce early york cabbage-seed to-day at $ per ounce. february d.--raining; the most inclement february for years. it is stated that gen. j. e. johnston has been replaced in command of the army in front of sherman; a blunder, for beauregard's friends will raise a clamor. grant's men fired salutes yesterday in honor of the day-- d--and had the richmond papers read to them by order of gen. grant--accounts of the fall of charleston. our government will continue this fatal policy of allowing easy communication between richmond and the enemy, begun by mr. benjamin, and continued by his successors! it will ruin us, and would destroy any cause. next, our papers will announce the fall of wilmington. three preachers--hoge, burroughs, and edwards--have sent in a proposition to the president, to take the stump and obtain subscriptions of rations for the troops. the president marks it "special," and refers it to the secretary "for attention and advice." humbugged to the end! these men might fight, but they won't. they will speak two words for the soldiers, and one for themselves. i believe two of them are _northern_ men. what idiocy! if they meddle at all in the carnival of blood, i would put them in the ranks. gen. bragg says he is greatly outnumbered by the enemy's two corps near wilmington. of course he will evacuate. there is no money (paper) in the treasury. mr. trenholm, seeing mr. memminger abused for issuing too much paper money, seems likely to fall into the opposite error of printing too little, leaving hundreds of millions of indebtedness unpaid. this will soon rouse a hornet's nest about his ears! gold is arriving from charlotte, n. c., and i suppose from other places. its accumulation here, when known to the enemy, as it certainly will be, only endangers the city more and more. mr. harman, of staunton, suggests that every house in virginia be visited, and one third the subsistence for man and beast be bought at market price. he says that would subsist the army. february th.--rained all day yesterday; cloudy and cool this morning. we have no news--only rumors that wilmington has been abandoned, that a. p. hill's corps (lee's army) has marched into north carolina, etc. yesterday the senate voted down the bill to put , negroes in the army. the papers to-day contain a letter from gen. lee, advocating the measure as a _necessity_. mr. hunter's vote defeated it. he has many negroes, and will probably lose them; but the loss of popularity, and fear of forfeiting all chance of the succession, may have operated on him as a politician. what madness! "under which king, benzonian?" the president and gen. breckinridge rode out to camp lee yesterday, and mingled with the returned prisoners, not yet exchanged. they made speeches to them. the president, being chilled, went into a hut and sat down before a fire, looking ill and wan. the bureau of conscription being abolished, the business is to be turned over to the generals of reserves, who will employ the reserves mainly in returning deserters and absentees to the army. the deserters and absentees will be too many for them perhaps, at this late day. the mischief already effected may prove irremediable. a dispatch from gen. lee, this morning, states that lieut. mcneill, with men, entered cumberland, maryland, on the st inst., and brought off gens. crook and kelly, etc. this is a little affair, but will make a great noise. we want , men in the field instead of . however, this may be the beginning of a new species of warfare, by detached parties. our men, of course, have the best knowledge of the country, and small bands may subsist where armies would starve. the war can be prolonged indefinitely, if necessary, and probably will be, unless there should be some relaxation of the stringency of measures on the part of the united states government. the markets are now almost abandoned, both by sellers and purchasers. beef and pork are sold at $ to $ per pound, and everything else in proportion. butter, from $ to $ . the president walked down to his office after o'clock this morning, very erect, having heard of lieut. mcneill's exploit. another dispatch from gen. lee says detachments of gen. vaughan's cavalry a few days ago captured two of the enemy's posts in tennessee beyond knoxville, with prisoners, horses, etc. the following letter from gen. lee, on the subject of putting negroes into the army, clearly defines his views on that important subject: "headquarters confederate states armies, "february th, . "hon. e. barksdale, house of representatives, richmond. "sir:--i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the th inst., with reference to the employment of negroes as soldiers. i think the measure not only expedient, but necessary. the enemy will certainly use them against us if he can get possession of them; and as his present numerical superiority will enable him to penetrate many parts of the country, i cannot see the wisdom of the policy of holding them to await his arrival, when we may, by timely action and judicious management, use them to arrest his progress. i do not think that our white population can supply the necessities of a long war without overtaxing its capacity and imposing great suffering upon our people; and i believe we should provide resources for a protracted struggle--not merely for a battle or a campaign. "in answer to your second question, i can only say that, in my opinion, the negroes, under proper circumstances, will make efficient soldiers. i think we could at least do as well with them as the enemy, and he attaches great importance to their assistance. under good officers, and good instructions, i do not see why they should not become soldiers. they possess all the physical qualifications, and their habits of obedience constitute a good foundation for discipline. they furnish a more promising material than many armies of which we read in history, which owed their efficiency to discipline alone. i think those who are employed should be freed. it would be neither just nor wise, in my opinion, to require them to serve as slaves. the best course to pursue, it seems to me, would be to call for such as are willing to come with the consent of their owners. an impressment or draft would not be likely to bring out the best class, and the use of coercion would make the measure distasteful to them and to their owners. "i have no doubt that if congress would authorize their reception into service, and empower the president to call upon individuals or states for such as they are willing to contribute, with the condition of emancipation to all enrolled, a sufficient number would be forthcoming to enable us to try the experiment. if it proved successful, most of the objections to the measure would disappear, and if individuals still remained unwilling to send their negroes to the army, the force of public opinion in the states would soon bring about such legislation as would remove all obstacles. i think the matter should be left, as far as possible, to the people and to the states, which alone can legislate as the necessities of this particular service may require. as to the mode of organizing them, it should be left as free from restraint as possible. experience will suggest the best course, and it would be inexpedient to trammel the subject with provisions that might, in the end, prevent the adoption of reforms suggested by actual trial. "with great respect, "your obedient servant, "r. e. lee, _general_." february th.--raining. there are more rumors of the evacuation of wilmington and even _petersburg_. no doubt that stores, etc. are leaving petersburg; but i doubt whether it will be evacuated, or richmond, either. grant may, and probably will, get the danville railroad, but i think lee will disappoint him in the item of evacuation, nevertheless; for we have some millions in gold--equal to , , paper--to purchase subsistence; and it is believed virginia alone, for _specie_, can feed the army. then _another_ army may arise in grant's rear. from the published accounts in the enemy's journals, we learn that charleston fell on the th inst. they say one-third of the city was burned by us. i presume they saw the ruins of the old fire; and that most of the citizens, except the destitute, had left the town. all the cotton was destroyed by the inhabitants. they say an explosion killed several hundred of our people. they boast of capturing guns, and a fine lot of ammunition--the latter, it seems to me, might have been destroyed. i hear the deep booming of guns occasionally--but still doubt the policy or purpose of evacuating petersburg. mr. hunter's eyes seem blood-shotten since he voted against lee's plan of organizing negro troops. he also voted against displacing the brood of quartermasters and commissioners. the papers are requested to say nothing relative to military operations in south and north carolina, for they are read by gen. grant every morning of their publication. the garrisons of charleston and wilmington may add , men to our force opposing sherman, and may beat him yet. february th.--cloudy and cool; rained all night. no news from the south, this morning. but there is an ugly rumor that beauregard's men have deserted to a frightful extent, and that the general himself is afflicted with disease of mind, etc. mr. hunter is now reproached by the slaveowners, whom he thought to please, for defeating the negro bill. they say his vote will make virginia a free state, inasmuch as gen. lee must evacuate it for the want of negro troops. there is much alarm on the streets. orders have been given to prepare all the tobacco and cotton, which cannot be removed immediately, for destruction by fire. and it is generally believed that lieut.-gen. a. p. hill's corps has marched away to north carolina. this would leave some , men to defend richmond and petersburg, against, probably, , . if richmond be evacuated, most of the population will remain, not knowing whither to go. the new secretary of war was at work quite early this morning. the "bureau of conscription" and the provost marshal's office are still "operating," notwithstanding congress has abolished them both. february th.--bright and windy. the virginia assembly has passed resolutions _instructing_ the senators to vote for the negro troops bill--so mr. hunter must obey or resign. it is authoritatively announced in the papers that gen. j. e. johnston has taken command of the army in front of sherman (a perilous undertaking), superseding beauregard. grant is said to be massing his troops on our right, to precipitate them upon the south side railroad. has hill marched his corps away to north carolina? if so, richmond is in very great danger. the _examiner_ to-day labors to show that the evacuation of richmond would be fatal to the cause. the _sentinel_ says it has authority for saying that richmond will _not_ be given up. "man proposes--god disposes." it is rumored that fayetteville, n. c., has fallen into the hands of the enemy. i saw col. northrop, late commissary-general, to-day. he looks down, dark, and dissatisfied. lee's army _eats_ without him. i see nothing of lieut.-col. ruffin. he always looks down and darkly. gen. breckinridge seems to have his heart in the cause--not his soul in his pocket, like most of his predecessors. i saw admiral buchanan to-day, limping a little. he says the enemy tried to shoot away his legs to keep him from dancing at his granddaughter's wedding, but won't succeed. robert tyler told me that it was feared governor brown, and probably stephens and toombs, were sowing disaffection among the georgia troops, hoping to get them out of the army; but that if faction can be kept down thirty days, our cause would assume a new phase. he thinks breckinridge will make a successful secretary. the president and gen. lee were out at camp lee to-day, urging the returned soldiers (from captivity) to forego the usual furlough and enter upon the spring campaign now about to begin. the other day, when the president made a speech to them, he was often interrupted by cries of "furlough!" the ladies in the treasury department are ordered to lynchburg, whither the process of manufacturing confederate states notes is to be transferred. a committee of the virginia assembly waited on the president on saturday, who told them it was no part of his intention to evacuate richmond. but some construed his words as equivocal. tobacco, cotton, etc. are leaving the city daily. the city _is_ in danger. february th.--raining; warm. the northern papers announce the capture of wilmington. no doubt the city has fallen, although the sapient dignitaries of this government deem it a matter of policy to withhold such intelligence from the people and the army. and wherefore, since the enemy's papers have a circulation here--at least their items of news are sure to be reproduced immediately. the governor of mississippi has called the legislature of the state together, for the purpose of summoning a convention of the people. governor brown, of georgia, likewise calls for a convention. one more state calling a convention of all the states may be the consequence--if, indeed, rent by faction, the whole country does not fall a prey to the federal armies immediately. governor brown alleges many bitter things in the conduct of affairs at richmond, and stigmatizes the president most vehemently. he denounces the president's generalship, the provost marshals, the passport system, the "bureau of conscription," etc. etc. he says it is attempted to establish a despotism, where the people are sovereigns, and our whole policy should be sanctioned by popular favor. instead of this it must be admitted that the president's inflexible adherence to obnoxious and incompetent men in his cabinet is too well calculated to produce a depressing effect on the spirits of the people and the army. t. n. conrad, one of the government's secret agents, says , of thomas's army passed down the potomac several weeks ago. he says also _that our telegraph operator in augusta, ga., sent all the military dispatches to grant_! chapter xlviii from the north.--rumored defeat of gen. early.--panic among officials.-- moving the archives.--lincoln's inaugural.--victory in north carolina.--rumored treaty with france.--sheridan's movements.--letter from lord john russell.--sherman's progress.--desperate condition of the government.--disagreement between the president and congress.-- development of grant's combination.--assault at hare's hill.-- departure of mrs. president davis. march st.--cloudy, cold, and dismal. we have no news, except from the north, whence we learn lieut. beall, one of our canada raiders, has been hung; that some little cotton and turpentine were burnt at wilmington; and that the enemy's columns are approaching us from all directions. they say the rebellion will be crushed very soon, and really seem to have speedy and accurate information from richmond not only of all movements of our army, but of the intentions of the government. they say lynchburg and east tennessee now occupy the mind of gen. lee; and they know every disposition of our forces from day to day sooner than our own people! what imbecile stolidity! will we thus blunder on to the end? congress has passed an act organizing the artillery force of lee's army--submitted by gen. pendleton (episcopal clergyman), who writes the secretary that col. pemberton (northern man and once lieutenant-general) is making efforts to induce the president to withhold his approval of the bill, which he deprecates and resents, as the bill is sanctioned by the judgment of gen. lee. from this letter i learn we have guns and mortars under lee; enough to make a _great noise_ yet! lieut.-gen. grant has directed col. mulford, agent of exchange, to say that some prisoners escaped from us, when taken to wilmington for exchange, and now in his lines, will be held as paroled, and credited in the general exchange. moreover, all prisoners in transitu for any point of exchange, falling into their hands, will be held as paroled, and exchanged. he states also that all prisoners held by the united states, whether in close confinement, in irons, or under sentence, are to be exchanged. surely gen. grant is trying to please us in this matter. yet lieut. beall was executed! march d.--raining. no well-authenticated news; but by many it is believed staunton is in the hands of the enemy, and lynchburg menaced. nevertheless, the government is sending a portion of the archives and stores to lynchburg! the clergymen are at work begging supplies for the soldiers; and they say the holding of richmond and the success of the cause depend upon the success of their efforts, the government being null! a large per cent. of these preachers is of northern birth--and some of them may possibly betray the cause if they deem it desperate. this is the history of such men in the south so far. but the president trusts them, and we must trust the president. hon. wm. c. rives has resigned his seat in congress. alleged causes, ill health and great age--over . the negro bill still hangs fire in congress. roger a. pryor is to be exchanged. he was the guest of forney in washington, and had interviews with president lincoln. the government is impressing horses in the streets, to collect the tobacco preparatory for its destruction in the event of the city falling into the hands of the enemy. this fact is already known in the north and published in the papers there. a pretty passport and police system, truly! i saw a paper to-day from mr. benjamin, saying it had been determined, in the event of burning the tobacco, to exempt that belonging to other governments--french and austrian; but that belonging to foreign subjects is not to be spared. this he says is with the concurrence of the british government. tobacco is being moved from the city with all possible expedition. march d.--raining and cold. this morning there was another arrival of our prisoners on parole, and not yet exchanged. many thousands have arrived this week, and many more are on the way. how shall we feed them? will _they_ compel the evacuation of the city? i hope not. capt. warner, commissary-general, is here again; and if assigned to duty, has sufficient business qualifications to collect supplies. thank god, i have some pounds of flour and half that amount of meal--bread rations for my family, seven in number, for more than two months! i have but - / pounds of meat; but we can live without it, as we have often done. i have a bushel of peas also, and coal and wood for a month. this is a guarantee against immediate starvation, should the famine become more rigorous, upon which we may felicitate ourselves. our nominal income has been increased; amounting now to some $ , in paper--less than $ in specie. but, for the next six months (if we can stay here), our rent will be only $ per month--a little over one dollar; and servant hire, $ --less than eighty cents. it is rumored that gen. early has been beaten again at waynesborough, and that the enemy have reached _charlottesville_ for the first time. thus it seems our downward career continues. we _must_ have a victory soon, else virginia is irretrievably lost. two p.m. the wind has shifted to the south; warm showers. three p.m. it is said they are fighting at gordonsville; whether or not the enemy have charlottesville is therefore uncertain. i presume it is an advance of sheridan's cavalry whom our troops have engaged at gordonsville. march th.--raining hard, and warm. we have vague reports of early's defeat in the valley by an overwhelming force; and the gloom and despondency among the people are in accordance with the hue of the constantly-occurring disasters. brig.-gen. j. gorgas, chief of ordnance, has been rebuked by gen. lee for constantly striving to get mechanics out of the service. gen. lee says the time has arrived when the necessity of having able-bodied men in the field is paramount to all other considerations. brig.-gen. preston (bureau of conscription) takes issue with gen. lee on the best mode of sending back deserters to the field. he says there are at this time , _deserters_! c. lamar, bath, s. c, writes to the president that ----, a bonded farmer, secretly removed his meat and then burnt his smoke-house, conveying the impression that all his meat was destroyed. the president sends this to the secretary of war with the following indorsement: "for attention--this example shows the vice of class exemption, as well as the practices resorted to to avoid yielding supplies to the government." the legislature of north carolina has passed resolutions exempting millers, blacksmith, etc.--in contravention of the act of congress--and directing gov. vance to correspond with the secretary of war on the subject. this bears an ugly aspect. gen. early's little army is scattered to the winds. charlottesville has been in possession of the enemy, but at last accounts gen. rosser, in sheridan's rear, held it. sheridan advanced to scottsville; and is no doubt still advancing. lynchburg is rendered unsafe; and yet some of the bureaus are packing up and preparing to send the archives thither. they would probably fall into the hands of the enemy. gen. lee is in the city--where there is much confusion of tongues--and impatient, waiting for the next scene of the drama. if there was to be concert of action between grant and sheridan, probably the copious rains have prevented it. two p.m. there is almost a panic among officials here who have their families with them, under the belief that the city may be suddenly evacuated, and the impossibility of getting transportation. i do not share the belief--that is, that the event is likely to occur immediately; but if it should occur, i know my wife and children will remain--for a season. we must "pray that our flight be not in the winter." gen. lee was closeted with the secretary of war several hours to-day. it is reported that gen. l.'s family are preparing to leave the city. march th.--bright and cool; some frost this morning. i saw an officer yesterday from early's command. he said the enemy entered charlottesville on friday at half-past two o'clock p.m., between and strong, cavalry, and had made no advance at the latest accounts. he says gen. early, when last seen, was flying, and pursued by some fifteen well-mounted federals, only fifty paces in his rear. the general being a large heavy man, and badly mounted, was undoubtedly captured. he intimated that early's _army_ consisted of only about men! whether he had more elsewhere, i was unable to learn. i have not heard of any destruction of property by the enemy. there is still an accredited rumor of the defeat of sherman. perhaps he may have been checked, and turned toward his supplies on the coast. i learn by a paper from gen. gorgas, chief of ordnance, that the machinery of the workshops here is being moved to danville, salisbury, and other places in north carolina. he recommends that transportation be given the families of the operatives; and that houses be built for them, with permission to buy subsistence at government prices, for twelve months, that the mechanics may be contented and kept from deserting. this would rid the city of some thousands of its population, and be some measure of relief to those that remain. but how long will we be allowed to remain? all depends upon the operations in the field during the next few weeks--and these may depend upon the wisdom of those in possession of the government, which is now at a discount. the secretary of the treasury is selling gold for confederate states notes for reissue to meet pressing demands; the machinery for manufacturing paper money having just at present no certain abiding place. the government gives $ of gold for sixty of its own paper; but were it to cease selling gold, it would command $ for $ . march th.--a bright frosty morning. this day i am fifty-five years of age. it is now reported that gen. early made his escape, and that most of his men have straggled into this city. one body of sheridan's men are said to have been at gordonsville yesterday, coming hitherward, while another were near scottsville, aiming for the south side railroad. the adjutant-general, having granted furloughs to the returned prisoners two days ago, to-day revokes them. will such vacillating policy conciliate the troops, and incite them to heroic deeds? the president and his wife were at church yesterday; so they have not left the city; but gen. lee's family, it is rumored, are packing up to leave. i bought a quarter of a cord of oak wood this morning to mix with the green pine, and paid $ for it. gen. early's cavalry, being mostly men of property, were two-thirds of them on furlough or detail, when the enemy advanced on charlottesville; and the infantry, being poor, with no means either to bribe the authorities, to fee members of congress, or to aid their suffering families, declined to fight in defense of the property of their rich and _absent_ neighbors! we lost four guns beyond charlottesville, and our forces were completely routed. there are rumors to-day that a column of the enemy's cavalry has reached hanover county. gen. r. e. lee has ordered major-gen. fitz lee's cavalry to march against them. twelve m. they are bringing boxes to the war office, to pack up the archives. this certainly indicates a sudden removal in an emergency. it is not understood whether they go to danville or to lynchburg; that may depend upon _grant's_ movements. it may, however, be lee's purpose to _attack_ grant; meantime preparing to fall back in the event of losing the day. four days hence we have a day of fasting, etc., appointed by the president; and i understand there are but _three_ day's rations for the army--a nice calculation. gen. johnston telegraphs the secretary that his army must suffer, if not allowed to get commissary stores in the north carolina depots. the secretary replies that of course his army must be fed, but hopes he can buy enough, etc., leaving the stores already collected for lee's army, _which is in great straits_. march th.--bright and frosty. yesterday we had no certain accounts of the movements of sheridan. his force was said to be near charlottesville--at keswich. fitz lee's cavalry and pickett's infantry were sent in that direction. not a word has yet appeared in the richmond papers concerning this movement from the valley--the papers being read daily in the enemy's camp below. we hear of no corresponding movement on the part of grant; and perhaps there was none. preparations to evacuate the city are still being made with due diligence. if these indications do not suffice to bring the speculators into the ranks to defend their own property (they have no honor, of course), the city and the state are lost; and the property owners will deserve their fate. the extortioners ought to be hung, besides losing their property. this would be a very popular act on the part of the conquerors. on the th inst., the day of inauguration at washington, the troops (federal) near petersburg got drunk, and proposed an hour's truce to have a friendly talk. it was refused. i met my friend brooks to-day, just from georgia, in a pucker. he says the people there are for reunion. mr. b. rented his house to secretary trenholm for $ , --furnished. it would now bring $ , . but he is now running after teams to save his tobacco--_he_ a speculator! a letter was received yesterday from ----, selma accusing the assistant secretary of war, judge campbell, his brother-in-law, judge goldthwait, and judge parsons, of alabama, with disloyalty, and says judge c. is about to issue passports for delegates to go to the _chicago_ convention, soon to assemble, etc. etc. he says judge c. is the fouche of the south. the letter is dated august d, , and the president _now_ sends it to the secretary "for his information." judge campbell has exercised almost exclusive control of the conscription and the passport business of the government since his appointment. the president and secretary must attach some importance to the communication of mr. ----, the first for sending over the letter at this juncture--the latter, for having just called in lieut.-col. melton, a. a. g., who is assigned a position in his office, and is now superintending the business of _passports_. this arrangement also cuts the earth under the feet of mr. kean, chief of the bureau of war. the raid of sheridan has caused some speculators to send their surplus flour into the city for sale. some sold for $ per barrel to-day, a decline of $ . d. h. london says the enemy captured the tobacco at hamilton's crossing (near fredericksburg) this morning. i doubt it, but would not deplore it, as it belongs to speculators, sent thither for barter with the enemy. no doubt many articles will decline in price--the owners fearing the coming of the enemy. the packing up of the archives goes on, with directions to be as quiet as possible, so as "not to alarm the people." a large per cent. of the population would behold the exodus with pleasure! march th.--damp and foggy. we have no military news yet-- a.m. president lincoln's short inaugural message, or homily, or sermon, has been received. it is filled with texts from the bible. he says both sides pray to the same god for aid--one upholding and the other destroying african slavery. if slavery be an offense,--and woe shall fall upon those by whom offenses come,--perhaps not only all the slaves will be lost, but all the accumulated products of their labor be swept away. in short, he "quotes scripture for the deed" quite as fluently as our president; and since both presidents resort to religious justification, it may be feared the war is about to assume a more sanguinary aspect and a more cruel nature than ever before. god help us! the history of man, even in the bible, is but a series of bloody wars. it must be thus to make us appreciate the blessings of peace, and to bow in humble adoration of the great father of all. the garden of eden could not yield contentment to man, nor heaven satisfy all the angels. it is said the enemy have left fredericksburg--bought all the tobacco, i suppose. to-day the _state_ made distribution in this city of cotton cloth, three yards to each member of a family, at $ . for - and $ . for - width. the state paid about $ per yard for it, and the profits make a portion of its revenue, or, perhaps, the revenue of its _officers_ and _agents_. nevertheless, there was a large crowd, and one man fainted. the shops sell at $ to $ per yard. raining at m. all quiet below. another report of the defeat of sherman is current to-day, and believed by many. march th.--rained all night; clearing away this morning. warm. nothing positive from sherman, grant, or sheridan. the enemy's papers say gen. early and , men were captured--which is nonsense. yesterday the senate passed the negro troops bill--mr. hunter voting for it under instructions. the enemy did capture or destroy the tobacco sent to fredericksburg by the speculators to exchange for bacon--and cars were burned. no one regrets this, so far as the speculators are concerned. letters from north carolina state that the country is swarming with deserters--perhaps many supposed to be deserters are furloughed soldiers just exchanged. it is stated that there are in randolph county, committing depredations on the _rich_ farmers, etc.; and that the quartermaster and commissary stores at greensborough are threatened. meal is selling at $ per pound, or $ per bushel, to-day. bacon, $ per pound. two p.m. cloudy, and prospect of more rain. it is quite warm. a great many officers are here on leave from lee's army--all operations being, probably, interdicted by the mud and swollen streams. sheridan failed to cross to the south side of james river, it being certainly his intention to cross and form a junction with grant, cutting the danville and south side roads on his way. i saw mr. benjamin to-day without his usual smile. he is not at ease. the country demands a change of men in the cabinet, and he is the most obnoxious of all. again, there is a rumor of peace negotiations. all men know that no peace can be negotiated except for reconstruction--and, i suppose, emancipation. march th.--raining and cold. this is the day appointed by the government for prayer, fasting, etc.; and the departments, shops, etc. are closed. the people, notwithstanding the bad weather, pretty generally proceeded to the churches, which will be open morning, noon, and night, for it is a solemn occasion, and thousands will supplicate almighty god to be pleased to look upon us with compassion, and aid us, in this hour of extremity, to resist the endeavors of our enemies to reduce us to bondage. the morning papers contain a dispatch from lee, giving an account of a successful battle in north carolina. i append it, as the first success chronicled for a great length of time. "headquarters, etc., march th, . "hon. j. c. breckinridge, secretary of war. "gen. bragg reports that he attacked the enemy, yesterday, four miles in front of kinston, and drove him from his position. he disputed the ground obstinately, and took up a new line three miles from his first. "we captured pieces of artillery and prisoners. "the number of the enemy's dead and wounded left on the field is large. ours comparatively small. "the troops behaved most handsomely, and major-gens. hill and hoke exhibited their usual zeal and energy. r. e. lee." march th.--bright and frosty. from a published correspondence between gens. hampton and sherman, on the subject of retaliatory executions, it is mentioned by the former that the city of columbia, s. c. was burned by the latter. dispatches this morning inform us of some little successes--hampton over kilpatrick in the south, and rosser over a body of the enemy at harrisonburg, in the north. some prisoners, paroled, arrived this morning--making some , in the last fortnight. i fear there will soon be a great scarcity of arms, when the negroes are drilled, etc. mrs. hobson, of goochland county, a relative of my wife, has offered a home to my eldest daughter anne. mr. h. is wealthy, and his mansion is magnificent. it is lighted with gas, made on the plantation. i am often called upon to lend a copy of the "wild western scenes." my copy is lost. i learn that new editions of my works are published in the united states, where the stereotype plates were deposited. _here_, as in old times in the north, the publishers prefer to issue publications upon which they pay no copyright--and, i believe, most of our publishers are not southern men by birth, and hence have no care but for the profits of the business. congress was to adjourn to-day. but it is said the president has requested them to remain a short time longer, as further legislation will be required _growing out of a treaty with france, about to be consummated_. it is said an alliance has been agreed upon, offensive and defensive, etc. etc. if this should be true! it is but rumor yet--but was first mentioned, gravely, by judge campbell, assistant secretary of war. march th.--bright and frosty. about one o'clock last night, there was an alarm, supposed to be the approach of the enemy from the west--sheridan's cavalry--and the tocsin sounded until daylight. it was a calm moonlight night, without a cloud in the sky. couriers reported that the enemy were at the outer fortifications, and had burned ben green's house. corse's brigade and one or two batteries passed through the city in the direction of the menaced point; and all the local organizations were ordered to march early in the morning. mr. secretary mallory and postmaster-general reagan were in the saddle; and rumor says the president and the remainder of the cabinet had their horses saddled in readiness for flight. about a year ago we had dahlgren's raid, and it was then announced that the purpose was to burn the city and put to death the president, the cabinet, and other prominent leaders of the "rebellion." perhaps our leaders had some apprehension of the fate prepared for them on that occasion, and may have concerted a plan of escape. as well as i can learn from couriers, it appears that only some or of the enemy's cavalry advanced toward the city, and are now ( a.m.) retiring--or driven back by our cavalry. but it is a little extraordinary that gen. lee, with almost unlimited power, has not been able to prevent federals riding from winchester to richmond, over almost impracticable roads, without even a respectable skirmish wherein men were opposed to them. it is true early was routed--but that was more than a week ago, and we have no particulars yet. the enemy's papers will contain them, however. march th.--bright and pleasant. the reports of the army of sheridan (mostly mounted infantry) being within a few miles of the city were at least premature. subsequent reports indicate that none of the enemy's cavalry have been in the vicinity of richmond, but that his force, a pretty strong one, is some miles up the river, with pontoon trains, etc., manifesting a purpose to cross the james and cut the danville road. in this they will be disappointed probably. the president vetoed several bills last week, among them the one legislating out of office most of the able-bodied post-quarter-masters and commissaries. there is much anxiety to learn the nature of the communication he intends laying before congress in a few days, and for the reception of which the session has been prolonged. the prevalent supposition is that it relates to foreign complications. some think the president means to tender his resignation, but this is absurd, for he would be the last man to yield. to-day it is understood the secretary of war is to be absent from his office, closeted with the president. gen. johnston is concentrating on the wilmington and weldon railroad, and perhaps a battle will occur near goldsborough. its issue will decide the fate of raleigh, perhaps of richmond. the president had the secretary of war and mr. benjamin closeted nearly the entire day yesterday, sunday. some important event is in embryo. if lee's army can be fed--as long as it can be fed--richmond is safe. its abandonment will be the loss of virginia, and perhaps the cause. to save it, therefore, is the problem for those in authority to solve. if we had had competent and honest men always directing the affairs of the confederacy, richmond never would have been in danger, and long ere this independence would have been achieved. but passports have been sold, political enemies have been persecuted, conscription has been converted into an engine of vengeance, of cupidity, and has been often made to subserve the ends of the invader, until at last we find ourselves in a deplorable and desperate condition. gen. wise, who has been here a few days on sick furlough, has returned to his command, still coughing distressfully, and distressed at the prospect. miers w. fisher, member of the virginia secession convention, neglected by the government, and racked with disease, is about to return to the eastern shore of virginia. he may submit and die. he might have done good service, but the politicians who controlled the confederate states government ignored him because he had once been a supporter of gov. wise for the presidency. there is a report that sheridan's force has crossed the james river. if this be so, the danville road is in danger, and the president and his cabinet and congress are all in a predicament. no wonder there is some commotion! but the report may not be true. it is also said grant is crossing his army to the north side of the river. this may be a feint, but stirring events are casting their shadows before! march th.--bright and pleasant, but indications of change. the papers contain no news from the armies, near or remote. but there was some alarm in the upper portion of the city about p.m. last night, from a signal seen (appended to a balloon) just over the western horizon. it was stationary for ten minutes, a blood-red light, seen through a hazy atmosphere. i thought it was mars, but my eldest daughter, a better astronomer than i, said it was neither the time nor place for it to be visible. the air was still, and the dismal barking of the ban-dogs conjured up the most direful portents. all my neighbors supposed it to be a signal from sheridan to grant, and that the city would certainly be attacked before morning. it was only a camp signal of one of our own detachments awaiting the approach of sheridan. sheridan's passage of the james river has not been confirmed, and so the belief revives that he will assault the city fortifications on the northwest side, while grant attacks elsewhere. yesterday the president vetoed several bills, and sent back others unsigned, suggesting alterations. among them is the conscript and exemption bills, which he has detained _ten days_, as senators say, on a point of constructive etiquette, insisting that the president and secretary ought to make certain details and exemptions instead of congress, etc. it is precious time lost, but perhaps in view of the great calamities immediately threatening the country, congress may yield. but ten days might be enough time lost to lose the cause. the communication referred to by the president, in detaining congress, has not yet been sent in, unless it be one of his qualified vetoes, and conjecture is still busy, some persons going so far as to hint that it relates to a _capitulation_, yielding up richmond on certain terms. i have not heard of any demands of grant of that nature. a dispatch from gen. r. e. lee, received this morning, says fitz lee's cavalry was at powhatan c. h. last night (so it was not fitz's signal), and had been ordered to cross to the north side of the james, which may not be practicable above richmond. we shall probably see them pass through the city to-day. he says the roads are bad, etc. sheridan, then, has not crossed the river. gen. lee sends to the department this morning a copy of a fierce letter from lord john russell, british secretary of state, to our commissioners abroad, demanding a discontinuance of expeditions fitted out in canada, and the building and equipping of cruisers in british ports. it says such practices must cease, for they are not only in violation of british law, but calculated to foment war between great britain and the united states, which lord john is very much averse to. the communication is sent to _washington, d. c._, and thence forwarded by mr. seward to lieut.-gen. grant, who sends it by flag of truce to gen. lee. great britain gives us a kick while the federal generals are pounding us. the enemy have fayetteville, n. c. hardee and hampton crossed the cape fear on the th inst. sherman's army was then within miles of fayetteville. bragg, after his fight near kinston, had to fall back, his rear and right wing being threatened by heavy forces of the enemy coming up from wilmington. some of sheridan's force did cross the james, but retired to the north side. so telegraphs gen. lee. march th.--warm and cloudy. my cabbages coming up in the garden. the papers contain no war news whatever, yet there is great activity in the army. sheridan's column is said to be at ashland, and grant is reported to be sending swarms of troops to the north side of the river, below, "in countless thousands." the president's message, for the completion of which congress was desired to remain, has been sent in. i will preserve this splendidly exordiumed and most extraordinary document. it is a great legal triumph, achieved by the president over his enemies in congress, and if we are permitted to have more elections, many obnoxious members will be defeated, for the sins of omission and commission. the president strikes them "between wind and water," at a time, too, when no defense would be listened to, for he says the capital was never in such danger before, and shows that without prodigious effort, and perfect co-operation of all branches of the government, the cause is lost, and we shall have negro garrisons to keep us in subjection, commanded by northern officers. he will have the satisfaction, at least, of having to say a portion of the responsibility rested with his political opponents. mr. benjamin, who is supposed to have written a portion of the message, was very jubilant yesterday, and it is said the president himself was almost jocund as he walked through the capitol square, returning home from his office. it is now rumored that a french agent is in the city, and that the president, besides his message, sent to congress a secret communication. i doubt--but it may be so. gen. hood is here, on crutches, attracting no attention, for he was not successful. judge campbell, assistant secretary of war, said to mr. wattles, a clerk, to-day, that we were now arrived at the last days of the confederacy. mr. wattles told me that the judge had been convinced, as far back as , that the cause was nearly hopeless. some of fitz lee's cavalry passed through the city at p.m. gen. longstreet has been ordered by gen. lee to attack sheridan. he telegraphs back from north of the city that he "cannot find them," and this body of cavalry is ordered to reconnoiter their position. i know not how many more men fitz lee has in his division, but fear at least _half_ have passed. march th.--clouds and sunshine; warm. splendid rainbow last evening. we have nothing new in the papers from any quarter. sheridan's position is not known yet, though it must be within a short distance of the city. there was no battle yesterday. sheridan reports the killing of commodore hollins, and says it was done because he attempted to escape at gordonsville. sherman's march through south carolina is reported to have been cruel and devastating. fire and the sword did their worst. congress, the house of representatives rather, yesterday passed a bill suspending the privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_. the senate will concur probably. also the president's suggestion amending the conscript act has been passed. the president has the reins now, and congress will be more obedient; but can they save this city? advertisements for recruiting negro troops are in the papers this morning. it is rumored that sheridan has crossed the chickahominy and got off without hinderance. if this be so, gen. lee will be criticised. one p.m. it is ascertained that sheridan has withdrawn to the york river, and abandoned any attempt on richmond. and it is supposed by high military authority that but for the providential freshet, sheridan would have succeeded in crossing the james river, and cutting the danville railroad, which would have deprived lee's army of supplies. the freshet rendered his pontoon bridge too short, etc. this may be claimed as a direct interposition of providence, at a time when we were fasting, praying, etc., in accordance with the recommendation of the government. march th.--bright and cool. a violent southeast gale prevailed last evening, with rain. of course we have no news in the papers from any quarter. sheridan having retired, all the local troops returned yesterday. after all, the president does not reap a perfect triumph over congress. the bill suspending the writ of _habeas corpus_ passed the house by only four majority; and in the senate it was defeated by nine against six for it! so the president cannot enjoy cromwell's power without the exercise of cromwell's violence. we shall have a negro army. letters are pouring into the department from men of military skill and character, asking authority to raise companies, battalions, and regiments of negro troops. it is the desperate remedy for the very desperate case--and may be successful. if , efficient soldiers can be made of this material, there is no conjecturing where the next campaign may end. possibly "over the border," for a little success will elate our spirits extravagantly; and the blackened ruins of our towns, and the moans of women and children bereft of shelter, will appeal strongly to the army for vengeance. there is a vague rumor of another battle by bragg, in which he did not gain the victory. this is not authentic; and would be very bad, if true, for then sherman's army would soon loom up in our vicinity like a portentous cloud. the commissary-general, in a communication to the secretary urging the necessity of keeping the trade for supplies for lee's army, now going on in eastern north carolina, a profound secret, mentions the "miscarriage of the fredericksburg affair," which proves that the government _did_ send cotton and tobacco thither for barter with the enemy. one reason alleged for the refusal of congress to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_, is the continuance of mr. benjamin in the cabinet. march th.--bright and windy. the following telegram was received this morning from gen. r. e. lee: "gen. johnston reports that on the th gen. hardee was repeatedly attacked by four divisions of the enemy a few miles south of averysborough, but always (cipher). the enemy was reported at night to have crossed black river, to the east of varina point, with the rest of the army. gen. hardee is moving to a point twelve miles from smithfield. scofield's troops reported at kinston, repairing railroad. cheatham's corps not yet up. north carolina railroad, with its enormous amount of rolling stock, only conveys about men a day." there has always been corruption--if not treason--among those having charge of transportation. yesterday the president vetoed another bill--to pay certain arrears to the army and navy; but the house resented this by passing it over his head by more than a two-thirds vote. the senate will probably do the same. we have a spectacle of war among the politicians as well as in the field! gen. whiting, captured at wilmington, died of his wounds. the government would never listen to his plans for saving wilmington, and rebuked him for his pertinacity. it is now said sheridan has crossed the pamunky, and is returning toward the rappahannock, instead of forming a junction with grant. senator hunter's place in essex will probably be visited, and all that region of country ravaged. it is rumored that raleigh has fallen! by consulting the map, i perceive that after the battle of thursday (day before yesterday), hardee fell back and sherman advanced, and was within less than thirty miles of raleigh. the president, it is understood, favors a great and _decisive_ battle. judge campbell said to-day that mr. wigfall had sent him mr. dejarnette's speech (advocating the monroe doctrine and alliance with the united states), with a message that he (mr. w.) intended to read it between his sentence and execution, thinking it would tend to reconcile him to death. the judge said, for his own part, he would postpone reading it until after execution. march th.--as beautiful a spring morning as ever dawned since the sun spread its glorious light over the garden of eden. cannon is heard at intervals down the river; and as we have had a few days of wind and sunshine, the surface of the earth is becoming practicable for military operations. i heard no news at the department; but the belief prevails that raleigh has fallen, or must speedily fall, and that richmond is in danger--a danger increasing daily. thousands of non-combatants and families, falling weekly within the power of sherman's army, have succumbed to circumstances and perforce submitted. i suppose most of those remaining in savannah, charleston, wilmington, etc. have taken the oath of allegiance to the united states; and i hear of no censures upon them for doing so. whether they will be permitted long to enjoy their property--not their slaves, of course--will depend upon the policy adopted at washington. if it be confiscated, the war will certainly continue for years, even under the direction of president davis, who is now quite unpopular. if a contrary course be pursued, the struggle may be more speedily terminated--perhaps after the next great battle. and mrs. davis has become unpopular with the ladies belonging to the old families. her father, mr. howell, it is said was of low origin, and this is quite enough to disgust others of "high birth," but yet occupying less exalted positions. ladies are now offering their jewels and plate at the treasury for the subsistence of the army. it is not a general thing, however. yesterday bacon was selling at $ per pound, and meal at $ per bushel. if sherman cuts the communication with north carolina, no one doubts that this city must be abandoned by lee's army--and yet it may not be so if diligent search be made for food. the soldiers and the people may suffer, but still subsist until harvest; and meantime the god of battles may change the face of affairs, or france may come to our relief. four p.m. it is reported that the enemy have taken weldon. they seem to be closing in on every hand. lee must soon determine to march away--whether northward or to the southwest, a few weeks, perhaps days, will decide. the unworthy men who have been detained in high civil positions begin now to reap their reward! and the president must reproach himself for his inflexible adherence to a _narrow idea_. he _might_ have been successful. march th.--sunny and pleasant, but hazy in the south. cannon heard, quite briskly, south of the city. the papers report that gen. hardee repulsed sherman on the th. but the official dispatch of gen. johnston says hardee retired, and sherman advanced after the fighting was over. congress adjourned _sine die_ on saturday, without passing the measures recommended by the president. on the contrary, a committee of the senate has reported and published an acrimonious reply to certain allegations in the message, and severely resenting the "admonitions" of the executive. when the joint committee waited on the president to inform him that if he had no further communication to make them they would adjourn, he took occasion to fire another broadside, saying that the measures he had just recommended he sincerely deemed essential for the success of the armies, etc., and, since congress differed with him in opinion, and did not adopt them, he could only hope that the result would prove he was mistaken and that congress was right. but if the contrary should appear, _he_ could not be held responsible, etc. this is the mere _squibbing_ of politicians, while the enemy's artillery is thundering at the gates! the secretary of war visited gen. lee's headquarters on saturday afternoon, and has not yet returned. breath is suspended in expectation of some event; and the bickering between the president and the congress has had a bad effect--demoralizing the community. governor vance writes ( th instant) to the secretary of war, that he learns an important secret communication had been sent to congress, concerning probably his state, and asks a copy of it, etc. the secretary sends this to the president, intimating that the communication referred to was one inclosing a view of our military "situation" by gen. lee, in which he concurred. the president returns gov. v.'s letter, stating that he does not know his purpose, or exactly what he refers to; but [red tape!] until congress removes the injunction of secrecy, no one can have copies, etc. yet he suggests that gov. v. be written to. flour is held at $ per barrel. senator hunter publishes a card to-day, denying that he is in favor of reconstruction, which has been rumored, he says, to his injury, and might injure the country if not denied. a correspondence between generals lee and grant is published, showing that gen. longstreet has misunderstood gen. ord (federal) in a late conversation, to the effect that gen. grant would be willing to meet gen. lee to consult on the means of putting an end to the war. the president gave lee full powers; but gen. grant writes gen. lee that gen. ord must have been misunderstood, and that he (grant) had no right to settle such matters, etc. sad delusion! assistant secretary campbell has given one of his clerks (cohen, a jew) a passport to return home--new orleans--_via_ the united states. the government is still sending away the archives. march st.--clear and warm. apricots in blossom. at last we have reliable information that johnston has checked one of sherman's columns, at bentonville, capturing three guns. this success is a great relief--more as an indication of what is to follow, than for what is accomplished. so bragg and johnston have both shown successful fight lately. beauregard next. sherman has three full generals in his front, with accumulating forces. a few days more will decide his fate--for immortality or destruction. there are many red flags displayed this morning in clay street, for sales of furniture and renting of houses to the highest bidders. they have postponed it until the last moment to realize the highest possible prices--and they will get them, in consequence of johnston's success, which revives the conviction that richmond will not be evacuated. but they have overreached themselves in demanding extortionate prices--such prices depreciating the currency--$ being equivalent to one barrel of flour! if it be determined to abandon the city, what will houses rent for then? lord russell's letter, forwarded from washington some days ago, after much consultation here, was sent back to gen. lee by the secretary of state, declining to receive a communication from a neutral power through a hostile one, and expressing doubts of its _authenticity_. gen. lee returns the papers to-day, suggesting that the expression of doubts of the _authenticity_ be omitted--but will, at all events, when returned to him again, have it delivered to gen. grant. mr. benjamin thinks there is some occult diplomatic danger in the papers--at least he is idle, and wants some diplomatic work on his hands, in the regular way. how to avoid doing anything whatever, diplomatically, with this matter before him, is the very quintessence of diplomacy! he can look at it, read it, handle it, and return it to lord john, and then diplomatically prove that this government never had any knowledge of its existence! the following official dispatch, from gen. lee, was received yesterday: "headquarters armies confederate states, "march th, . "hon. john c. breckinridge, secretary of war. "gen. j. e. johnston reports that about p.m. on the th inst. he attacked the enemy near bentonsville, routed him, capturing three guns. a mile in rear, the enemy rallied upon fresh troops, but was forced back slowly until o'clock p.m., when, receiving more troops, he apparently assumed the offensive, which movement was resisted without difficulty until dark. this morning he is intrenched. "our loss is small. the troops behaved admirably well. "dense thickets prevented rapid operations. r. e. lee." march d.--rained last night; clear and cool this morning. the report of another battle, since sunday, in north carolina, is not confirmed. the "bureau of conscription" still lives, notwithstanding the action of congress! the president himself, who favored its abolition, yet being displeased with some of the details of the act, seems to have finally withheld his approval; and so col. g. w. lay, son-in-law of judge campbell, is again acting superintendent. the great weight (wealth) of gen. preston perhaps saved it--and may have lost the cause. however, it is again said judge campbell will soon retire from office. he considers the cause already lost--the work quite accomplished. to-day some of our negro troops will parade in the capitol square. the texas cavalry in virginia--originally --now number ! congress adjourned without adopting any plan to reduce the currency, deeming it hopeless, since the discovery of a deficiency, in mr. memminger's accounts, of $ , , ! so the depreciation will go on, since the collection of taxes is rendered quite impracticable by the operations of the enemy. yet buying and selling, for what they call "dollars," are still extensively indulged; and although the insecurity of slave property is so manifest, yet a negro man will bring $ , at auction. this, however, is only equivalent to about $ . land, when the price is reduced to the gold standard, is similarly diminished in price. march d.--clear, with high wind. nothing further from north carolina. a dispatch from gen. lee states that he has directed gen. cobb to organize an expedition into _tennessee_, to cut the enemy's communications. gen. wafford, of kentucky, is in georgia, with mounted men, etc. beef in market this morning sold at $ to $ per pound; bacon at $ , and butter at $ . the parade of a few companies of negro troops yesterday was rather a ridiculous affair. the owners are opposed to it. gen. rains sends in an indorsement, alleging that owing to the deception of quartermaster rhett (not furnishing transportation), he failed to arrest the approach of the enemy on a narrow causeway; and columbia, s. c., and his shells, etc. fell into the hands of the enemy. a dispatch from lee states that gen. thomas is at knoxville, and that the enemy has commenced his advance from _that_ direction--is repairing railroads, etc. the same dispatch says gen. j. e. johnston is removing his wounded to smithsville from bentonville; that the intrenchments of the enemy and greatly superior numbers of sherman render further offensive operations impracticable. grant's grand combination is now developed. sherman from the southwest, , ; grant himself from the south, , ; thomas, from the west, , ; and sheridan, with , cavalry from the north--some , men converging toward this point. to defend it we shall have , men, without provisions, and, without some speedy successes, no communications with the regions of supply or transportation! now is coming the time for the exercise of great generalship! gen. early has been sent to the west--tennessee. march th.--clear and very windy. the fear of utter famine is now assuming form. those who have the means are laying up stores for the day of siege,--i mean a closer and more rigorous siege,--when all communications with the country shall cease; and this makes the commodities scarcer and the prices higher. there is a project on foot to send away some thousands of useless consumers; but how it is to be effected by the city authorities, and where they will be sent to, are questions i have not heard answered. the population of the city is not less than , , and the markets cannot subsist , . then there is the army in the vicinity, which _must_ be fed. i suppose the poultry and the sheep will be eaten, and something like a pro rata distribution of flour and meal ordered. there is a rumor of a great victory by gen. johnston in north carolina, the taking of prisoners, guns, etc.--merely a rumor, i am sure. on the contrary, i apprehend that we shall soon have news of the capture of raleigh by sherman. should this be our fate, we shall soon have three or four different armies encompassing us! i tried in vain this morning to buy a small fish-hook; but could not find one in the city. none but coarse large ones are in the stores. a friend has promised me one--and i can make _pin-hooks_, that will catch minnows. i am too skillful an angler to starve where water runs; and even minnows can be eaten. besides, there are eels and catfish in the river. the water is always muddy. march th.--clear and cool. it is reported that grant is reinforcing sherman, and that the latter has fallen back upon goldsborough. this is not yet confirmed by any official statement. a single retrograde movement by sherman, or even a delay in advancing, would snatch some of his laurels away, and enable lee to obtain supplies. yet it may be so. he may have been careering the last month on the unexpended momentum of his recent successes, and really operating on a scale something more than commensurate with the forces of his command. should this be the case, the moral effect on our people and the army will be prodigious, and a series of triumphs on our side may be the consequence. the northern papers chronicle the rise in flour here--to $ per barrel--a few days ago, and this affords proof of the fact that every occurrence of military importance in richmond is immediately made known in washington. how can success be possible? but our authorities are confirmed in their madness. there were some movements yesterday. pickett's division was ordered from this side of the river to the petersburg depot, to be transported in haste to that town; but it was countermanded, and the troops now ( a.m.) are marching back, down main street. i have not learned what occasioned all this. the marching and countermarching of troops on this side of the river very much alarmed some of the people, who believed lee was about to evacuate the city. eleven a.m. gen. lee attacked the enemy's fort (battery no. ) near petersburg this morning, the one which has so long been shelling the town, and captured it, with prisoners, and several guns. this may interfere with gen. grant's projects on his left wing, against the railroad. it is rumored that gen. grant is moving heavy bodies of troops toward weldon, to reinforce sherman. march th.--frost last night. cloudy, cold, and windy to-day. suffered much yesterday and last night with disordered bowels--from cold. this, however, may relieve me of the distressing cough i have had for months. after all, i fear lee's attempt on the enemy's lines yesterday was a failure. we were compelled to relinquish the fort or battery we had taken, with all the guns we had captured. our men were exposed to an enfilading fire, not being supported by the divisions intended to co-operate in the movement. the prisoners were completely surprised--their pickets supposing our troops to be merely _deserters_. this indicates an awful state of things, the enemy being convinced that we are beaten, demoralized, etc. there was a communication for the secretary this morning, from "headquarters;" but being marked "confidential," i did not open it, but sent it to gen. breckinridge. pickett's division has been marching for petersburg all the morning. march th.--bright, calm, but cold,--my disorder keeping me at home. the dispatch of gen. lee, i fear, indicates that our late attempt to break the enemy's lines was at least prematurely undertaken. the _dispatch_ newspaper has an article entreating the people not to submit "_too hastily_," as in that event we shall have no benefit of the war between france and the united states--a certain event, the editor thinks. "headquarters army confederate states, "march th, -- . p.m. "hon. j. c. breckinridge, secretary of war. "at daylight this morning, gen. gordon assaulted and carried the enemy's works at hare's hill, capturing pieces of artillery, mortars, and between and prisoners, among them one brigadier-general and a number of officers of lower grade. "the lines were swept for a distance of four or five hundred yards to the right and left, and two efforts made to recover the captured works were handsomely repulsed. but it was found that the inclosed works in rear, commanding the enemy's main line, could only be taken at a great sacrifice, and our troops were withdrawn to their original position. "it being impracticable to bring off the captured guns, owing to the nature of the ground, they were disabled and left. "our loss, as reported, is not heavy. among the wounded are brig. gen. terry, flesh wound, and brig.-gen. phil. cooke, in the arm. "all the troops engaged, including two brigades under brig.-gen. ransom, behaved most handsomely. the conduct of the sharpshooters of gordon's corps, who led the assault, deserves the highest commendation. "this afternoon there was skirmishing on the right, between the picket lines, with varied success. at dark the enemy held a considerable portion of the line farthest in advance of our main work. "[signed] r. e. lee." march th.--cloudy and sunshine; but little wind. too ill to go to the department, and i get nothing new except what i read in the papers. some of the editorials are very equivocal, and have a squint toward reconstruction. the president, and one of his aids, col. lubbock, ex-governor of texas, rode by my house, going toward camp lee. if driven from this side the mississippi, no doubt the president would retire into texas. and lee must gain a victory soon, or his communications will be likely to be interrupted. richmond and virginia are probably in extreme peril at this moment. march th.--slightly overcast, but calm and pleasant. i am better, after the worst attack for twenty years. the only medicine i took was blue mass--ten grains. my wife had a little tea and loaf-sugar, and a solitary smoked herring--and this i relish; and have nothing else. a chicken, i believe, would cost $ . i must be careful now, and recuperate. fine weather, and an indulgence of my old passion for angling, would soon build me up again. the papers give forth an uncertain sound of what is going on in the field, or of what is likely to occur. unless food and men can be had, virginia must be lost. the negro experiment will soon be tested. custis says letters are pouring in at the department from all quarters, asking authority to raise and command negro troops: , recruits from this source might do wonders. i think lee's demonstrations on grant's front have mainly in view the transportation of subsistence from north carolina. mrs. president davis has left the city, with her children, for the south. i believe it is her purpose to go no farther at present than charlotte, n. c.--rear of sherman. some of their furniture has been sent to auction. furniture will soon be _low_ again. it is now believed that the government will be removed with all expedition to columbus, ga. but it is said richmond will still be held by our army. _said!_ alas! would it not be too expensive--"too much for the whistle?" shad are selling at $ per pair. if richmond should be left to strictly military rule, i hope it will rule the prices. it is reported that gen. johnston has fallen back on weldon; some suppose to attack _grant's_ rear, but no doubt it is because he is pressed by sherman with superior numbers. a dispatch from gen. lee, to-day, states the important fact that grant's left wing (cavalry and infantry) passed hatcher's run this morning, marching to dinwiddie c. h. the purpose is to cut the south side and danville roads; and it may be accomplished, for we have "here no adequate force of cavalry to oppose sheridan; and it may be possible, if sheridan turns his head this way, that shell may be thrown into the city. at all events, he may destroy some bridges--costing him dear." but pontoon bridges were sent up the danville road yesterday and to-day, in anticipation, beyond the bridges to be destroyed. march th.--raining rapidly, and warm. again the sudden change of weather may be an interposition of providence to defeat the effort of the enemy to destroy gen. lee's communications with his southern depots of supplies. i hope so, for faith in man is growing weaker. our loss in the affair of the th instant was heavy, and is now admitted to be a disaster; and lee himself was there! it amounted, probably, to men. grant says over prisoners were registered by his provost marshal. it is believed the president advised the desperate undertaking; be that as it may, many such blows cannot follow in quick succession without producing the most deplorable results. the government would soon make its escape--_if it could_. mrs. davis, however, soonest informed of our condition, got away in time. dispatches from generalissimo lee inform the secretary that large expeditions are on foot in alabama, mississippi, etc., and that thomas's army is rapidly advancing upon virginia from east tennessee, while no general has yet been designated to command our troops. the papers say nothing of the flank movement commenced yesterday by grant. this reticence cannot be for the purpose of keeping _the enemy_ in ignorance of it! i am convalescent, but too weak to walk to the department to-day. the deathly "sick man," as the emperor of russia used to designate the sultan of turkey, is our president. his mind has never yet comprehended the magnitude of the crisis. custis says letters still flow in asking authority to raise negro troops. in the north the evacuation of richmond is looked for between the st and th of april. they may be fooled. but if we lose the danville road, it will only be a question of time. yet there will remain too great a breadth of territory for subjugation--if the _people_ choose to hold out, and soldiers can be made of negroes. it is reported (believed) that several determined assaults were made on our lines yesterday evening and last night at petersburg, and repulsed with slaughter; and that the attack has been renewed to-day. very heavy firing has been heard in that direction. gen. lee announces no result yet. we have , , bread rations in the depots in north carolina. march st.--raining; rained all night. my health improving, but prudence requires me to still keep within the house. the reports of terrific fighting near petersburg on wednesday evening have not been confirmed. although gen. lee's dispatch shows they were not quite without foundation, i have no doubt there was a false alarm on both sides, and a large amount of ammunition vainly expended. "headquarters, march th, . "gen. j. c. breckinridge, secretary of war. "gen. gordon reports that the enemy, at a.m. yesterday, advanced against a part of his lines, defended by brig.-gen. lewis, but was repulsed. "the fire of artillery and mortars continued for several hours with considerable activity. "no damage on our lines reported. r. e. lee." we are sinking our gun-boats at chaffin's bluff, to obstruct the passage of the enemy's fleet, expected soon to advance. congress passed two acts, and proper ones, to which the executive has yet paid no attention whatever, viz.: the abolition of the bureau of conscription, and of all provost marshals, their guards, etc. not attached to armies in the field. if the new secretary has consented to be burdened with the responsibility of this contumacy and violation of the constitution, it will break his back, and ruin our already desperate cause. four p.m.--since writing the above, i learn that an order has been published abolishing the "bureau of conscription." gov. vance has written to know why the government wants the track of the north carolina railroad altered to the width of those in virginia, and has been answered: st, to facilitate the transportation of supplies to gen. lee's army from north carolina; and d, in the event of disaster, to enable the government to run all the locomotives, cars, etc. of the virginia roads into north carolina. chapter xlix. rumors of battles.--excitement in the churches.--the south side road captured by the enemy.--evacuation of richmond.--surrender of gen. lee.--occupation of richmond by federal forces.--address to the people of virginia by j. a. campbell and others.--assassination of president lincoln. april st.--clear and pleasant. walked to the department. we have vague and incoherent accounts from excited couriers of fighting, without result, in dinwiddie county, near the south side railroad. it is rumored that a battle will probably occur in that vicinity to-day. i have leave of absence, to improve my health; and propose accompanying my daughter anne, next week, to mr. hobson's mansion in goochland county. the hobsons are opulent, and she will have an excellent asylum there, if the vicissitudes of the war do not spoil her calculations. i shall look for angling streams: and if successful, hope for both sport and better health. the books at the conscript office show a frightful list of deserters or absentees without leave-- , --all virginians. speculation! jno. m. daniel, editor of the _examiner_, is dead. the following dispatch from gen. lee is just ( a.m.) received: "headquarters, april st, . "his excellency president davis. "gen. beauregard has been ordered to make arrangements to defend the railroad in north carolina against stoneman. generals echols and martin are directed to co-operate, and obey his orders. r. e. lee." a rumor (perhaps a st of april rumor) is current that a treaty has been signed between the confederate states government and maximilian. april d.--bright and beautiful. the tocsin was sounded this morning at daybreak, and the militia ordered to the fortifications, to relieve some regiments of longstreet's corps, posted on this side of the river. these latter were hurried off to petersburg, where a battle is impending, i suppose, if not in progress. a street rumor says there was bloody fighting yesterday a little beyond petersburg, near the south side road, in which gen. pickett's division met with fearful loss, being engaged with superior numbers. it is said the enemy's line of intrenchments was carried once or twice, but was retaken, and remained in their hands. i hear nothing of all this at the department; but the absence of dispatches there is now interpreted as bad news! certain it is, the marching of veteran troops from the defenses of richmond, and replacing them hurriedly with militia, can only indicate an emergency of alarming importance. a decisive struggle is probably at hand--and may possibly be in progress while i write. or there may be nothing in it--more than a precautionary concentration to preserve our communications. mrs. davis sold nearly all her movables--including presents--before leaving the city. she sent them to different stores. an intense excitement prevails, at p.m. it pervaded the churches. dr. hoge intermitted his services. gen. cooper and the president left their respective churches, st. james's and st. paul's. dr. minnegerode, before dismissing his congregation, gave notice that gen. ewell desired the local forces to assemble at p.m.--and afternoon services will not be held. the excited women in this neighborhood say they have learned the city is to be evacuated to-night. no doubt our army sustained a serious blow yesterday; and gen. lee may not have troops sufficient to defend both the city and the danville road at the same time. it is true! the enemy have broken through our lines and attained the south side road. gen. lee has dispatched the secretary to have everything in readiness to _evacuate the city to-night_. the president told a lady that lieut.-gen. hardee was only twelve miles distant, and might get up in time to save the day. but then sherman must be in _his_ rear. there is no wild excitement--_yet_. gen. kemper was at the department looking for gen. ewell, and told me he could find no one to apply to for orders. the banks will move to-night. eight trains are provided for the transportation of the archives, etc. no provision for civil employees and their families. at p.m. i saw the hon. james lyons, and asked him what he intended to do. he said many of his friends advised him to leave, while his inclination was to remain with his sick family. he said, being an original secessionist, his friends apprehended that the federals would arrest him the first man, and hang him. i told him i differed with them, and believed his presence here might result in benefit to the population. passing down ninth street to the department, i observed quite a number of men--some in uniform, and some of them officers--hurrying away with their trunks. i believe they are not allowed to put them in the cars. the secretary of war intends to leave at p.m. this evening. the president and the rest of the functionaries, i suppose, will leave at the same time. i met judge campbell in ninth street, talking rapidly to himself, with two books under his arm, which he had been using in his office. he told me that the chiefs of bureaus determined which clerks would have transportation--embracing only a small proportion of them, which i found to be correct. at the department i learned that all who had families were advised to remain. no compulsion is seen anywhere; even the artisans and mechanics of the government shops are left free to choose--to go or to stay. a few squads of local troops and reserves--guards--may be seen marching here and there. perhaps they are to burn the tobacco, cotton, etc., if indeed anything is to be burned. lee must have met with an awful calamity. the president said to several ladies to-day he had hopes of hardee coming up in time to save lee--else richmond must succumb. he said he had done his best, etc. to save it. hardee is distant two or three days' march. the negroes stand about mostly silent, as if wondering what will be their fate. they make no demonstrations of joy. several hundred prisoners were brought into the city this afternoon--captured yesterday. why they were brought here i am at a loss to conjecture. why were they not paroled and sent into the enemy's lines? at night. all is yet quiet. no explosion, no conflagration, no riots, etc. how long will this continue? when will the enemy come? it was after o'clock p.m. before the purpose to evacuate the city was announced; and the government had gone at p.m.! short notice! and small railroad facilities to get away. all horses were impressed. there is a report that lieut.-gen. a. p. hill was killed, and that gen. lee was wounded. doubtless it was a battle of great magnitude, wherein both sides had all their forces engaged. i remain here, broken in health and bankrupt in fortune, awaiting my fate, whatever it may be. i can do no more. if i could, i would. april d.--another clear and bright morning. it was a quiet night, with its million of stars. and yet how few could sleep, in anticipation of the entrance of the enemy! but no enemy came until a.m., when some were posted at the capitol square. they had been waited upon previously by the city council, and the surrender of the city stipulated--to occur this morning. they were asked to post guards for the protection of property from pillage, etc., and promised to do so. at dawn there were two tremendous explosions, seeming to startle the very earth, and crashing the glass throughout the western end of the city. one of these was the blowing up of the magazine, near the new almshouse--the other probably the destruction of an iron-clad ram. but subsequently there were others. i was sleeping soundly when awakened by them. all night long they were burning the papers of the second auditor's office in the street--claims of the survivors of deceased soldiers, accounts of contractors, etc. at a.m. committees appointed by the city government visited the liquor shops and had the spirits (such as they could find) destroyed. the streets ran with liquor; and women and boys, black and white, were seen filling pitchers and buckets from the gutters. a lady sold me a bushel of potatoes in broad street for $ , confederate states money--$ less than the price a few days ago. i bought them at her request. and some of the shops gave clothing to our last retiring guards. goods, etc. at the government depots were distributed to the poor, to a limited extent, there being a limited amount. a dark volume of smoke rises from the southeastern section of the city, and spreads like a pall over the zenith. it proceeds from the tobacco warehouse, ignited, i suppose, hours ago, and now just bursting forth. at - / a.m. the armory, arsenal, and laboratory (seventh and canal streets), which had been previously fired, gave forth terrific sounds from thousands of bursting shells. this continued for more than an hour. some fragments of shell fell within a few hundred yards of my house. the pavements are filled with pulverized glass. some of the great flour mills have taken fire from the burning government warehouses, and the flames are spreading through the lower part of the city. a great conflagration is apprehended. the doors of the government bakery (clay street) were thrown open this morning, and flour and crackers were freely distributed, until the little stock was exhausted. i got a barrel of the latter, paying a negro man $ to wheel it home--a short distance. ten a.m. a battery (united states) passed my house, clay street, and proceeded toward camp lee. soon after the officers returned, when i asked the one in command if guards would be placed in this part of the city to prevent disturbance, etc. he paused, with his suite, and answered that such was the intention, and that every precaution would be used to preserve order. he said the only disturbances were caused by our people. i asked if there was any disturbance. he pointed to the black columns of smoke rising from the eastern part of the city, and referred to the incessant bursting of shell. i remarked that the storehouses had doubtless been ignited hours previously. to this he assented, and assuring me that _they_ did not intend to disturb us, rode on. but immediately meeting two negro women laden with plunder, they wheeled them to the right about, and marched them off, to the manifest chagrin of the newly emancipated citizens. eleven a.m. i walked down brad street to the capitol square. the street was filled with _negro troops_, cavalry and infantry, and were cheered by hundreds of negroes at the corners. i met mr. t. cropper (lawyer from the e. shore) driving a one-horse wagon containing his bedding and other property of his quarters. he said he had just been burnt out--at belom's block--and that st. paul's church (episcopal) was, he thought, on fire. this i found incorrect; but dr. reed's (presbyterian) was in ruins. the leaping and lapping flames were roaring in main street up to ninth; and goddin's building (late general post-office) was on fire, as well as all the houses in governor street up to franklin. the grass of capitol square is covered with parcels of goods snatched from the raging conflagration, and each parcel guarded by a federal soldier. a general officer rode up and asked me what building that was--pointing to the old stone united states custom house--late treasury and state departments, also the president's office. he said, "then it is fire-proof, and the fire will be arrested in this direction." he said he was sorry to behold such destruction; and regretted that there was not an adequate supply of engines and other apparatus. shells are still bursting in the ashes of the armory, etc. all the stores are closed; most of the largest (in main street) have been burned. there are supposed to be , negro troops at camp lee, west of my dwelling. an officer told me, p.m., that a white brigade will picket the city to-night; and he assured the ladies standing near that there would not be a particle of danger of molestation. after p.m., all will be required to remain in their houses. soldiers or citizens, after that hour, will be arrested. he said we had done ourselves great injury by the fire, the lower part of the city being in ashes, and declared that the united states troops had no hand in it. i acquitted them of the deed, and told him that the fire had spread from the tobacco warehouses and military depots, fired by our troops as a military necessity. four p.m. thirty-four guns announced the arrival of president lincoln. he flitted through the mass of human beings in capitol square, his carriage drawn by four horses, preceded by out-riders, motioning the people, etc. out of the way, and followed by a mounted guard of thirty. the cortege passed rapidly, precisely as i had seen royal parties ride in europe. april th.--another bright and beautiful day. i walked around the burnt district this morning. some seven hundred houses, from main street to the canal, comprising the most valuable stores, and the best business establishments, were consumed. all the bridges across the james were destroyed, the work being done effectually. shells were placed in all the warehouses where the tobacco was stored, to prevent the saving of any. the war department was burned after i returned yesterday; and soon after the flames were arrested, mainly by the efforts of the federal troops. gen. weitzel commanded the troops that occupied the city upon its abandonment. the troops do not interfere with the citizens here any more than they do in new york--yet. last night everything was quiet, and perfect order prevails. a few thousand negroes (mostly women) are idle in the streets, or lying in the capitol square, or crowding about headquarters, at the capitol. gen. lee's family remain in the city. i saw a federal guard promenading in front of the door, his breakfast being just sent to him from within. brig.-gen. gorgas's family remain also. they are northern-born. it is rumored that another great battle was fought yesterday, at amelia court house, on the danville road, and that lee, johnston and hardee having come up, defeated grant. it is only rumor, so far. if it be true, richmond was evacuated prematurely; for the local defense troops might have held it against the few white troops brought in by weitzel. the negroes never would have been relied on to take it by assault. i see many of the civil employees left behind. it was the merest accident (being sunday) that any were apprised, in time, of the purpose to evacuate the city. it was a shameful _abandonment_ on the part of the heads of departments and bureaus. confederate money is not taken to-day. however, the shops are still closed. april th.--bright and pleasant. stayed with my next door neighbors at their request last night--all females. it was quiet; and so far the united states pickets and guards have preserved perfect order. the cheers that greeted president lincoln were mostly from the negroes and federals comprising the great mass of humanity. the white citizens felt annoyed that the city should be held mostly by negro troops. if this measure were not unavoidable, it was impolitic if conciliation be the purpose. mr. lincoln, after driving to the mansion lately occupied by mr. davis, confederate states president, where he rested, returned, i believe, to the fleet at rocketts. this morning thousands of negroes and many white females are besieging the public officers for provisions. i do not observe any getting them, and their faces begin to express disappointment. it is said all the negro men, not entering the army, will be put to work, rebuilding bridges, repairing railroads, etc. i have seen a _new york herald_ of the d, with dispatches of the st and d inst. from mr. lincoln, who was at city point during the progress of the battle. he sums up with estimate of , prisoners captured, and guns. the rumor of a success by gen. lee on monday is still credited. _per contra_, it is reported that president davis is not only a captive, but will soon be exhibited in capitol square. the rev. mr. dashiell, who visited us to-day, said it was reported and believed that south carolina troops threw down their arms; and that a large number of mississippians deserted--giving such information to the enemy as betrayed our weak points, etc. three p.m. i feel that this diary is near its end. the burnt district includes all the banks, money-changers, and principal speculators and extortioners. this seems like a decree from above! four p.m. the square is nearly vacated by the negroes. an officer told me they intended to put them in the army in a few days, and that the northern people did not really like negro equality any better than we did. two rumors prevail: that lee gained a victory on monday, and that lee has capitulated, with , men. the policy of the conquerors here, i believe, is still undecided, and occupies the attention of mr. lincoln and his cabinet. april th.--showery morning. i perceive no change, except, perhaps, a diminution of troops, which seems to confirm the reports of recent battles, and the probable success of lee and johnston. but all is doubt and uncertainty. the military authorities are still reticent regarding the fate of those remaining in richmond. we are at their mercy, and prepared for our fate. i except some of our ladies, who are hysterical, and want to set out on foot "for the confederacy." april th.--slight showers. wm. ira smith, tailor, and part owner of the _whig_, has continued the publication as a union paper. i visited the awful crater of the magazine. one current or stream of fire and bricks knocked down the east wall of the cemetery, and swept away many head and foot stones, demolishing trees, plants, etc. it is said president lincoln is still in the city. dr. ellison informed me to-day of the prospect of judge campbell's conference with mr. lincoln. it appears that the judge had prepared statistics of our resources in men and materials, showing them to be utterly inadequate for a prolongation of the contest, and these he exhibited to certain prominent citizens, whom he wished to accompany him. whether they were designed also for the eye of president lincoln, or whether he saw them, i did not learn. but one citizen accompanied him--gustavus a. myers, the little old lawyer, who has certainly cultivated the most friendly relations with all the members of president davis's cabinet, and it is supposed he prosecuted a lucrative business procuring substitutes, obtaining discharges, getting passports, etc. the ultimatum of president lincoln was union, emancipation, disbandment of the confederate states armies. then no oath of allegiance would be required, no confiscation exacted, or other penalty; and the governor and legislature to assemble and readjust the affairs of virginia without molestation of any character. negotiations are in progress by the clergymen, who are directed to open the churches on sunday, and it was intimated to the episcopalians that they should pray for the president of the united states. to this they demur, being ordered by the convention to pray for the president of the confederate states. they are willing to omit the prayer altogether, and await the decision of the military authority on that proposition. april th.--bright and pleasant weather. we are still in uncertainty as to our fate, or whether an oath of allegiance will be demanded. efforts by judge campbell, jos. r. anderson, n. p. tyler, g. a. myers and others, are being made to assemble a convention which shall withdraw virginia from the confederacy. hundreds of civil employees remained, many because they had been required to _volunteer_ in the local defense organization or lose their employment, and the fear of being still further perfidiously dealt with, forced into the army, notwithstanding their legal exemptions. most of them had families whose subsistence depended upon their salaries. it is with governments as with individuals, injustice is sooner or later overtaken by its merited punishment. the people are kinder to each other, sharing provisions, etc. a new york paper says gen. h. a. wise was killed; we hear nothing of this here. roger a. pryor is said to have remained voluntarily in petersburg, and announces his abandonment of the confederate states cause. april th.--bright and beautiful. rev. mr. dashiell called, after services. the prayer for the president was omitted, by a previous understanding. rev. dr. minnegerode, and others, leading clergymen, consider the cause at an end. a letter from gen. lee has been found, and its authenticity vouched for (rev. dr. m. says) by judge campbell, in which he avows his conviction that further resistance will be in vain--but that so long as it is desired, he will do his utmost in the field. and dr. m. has information of the capture of three divisions of longstreet since the battle of sunday last, with some eight generals--among them lieut.-gen. ewell, major-gen. g. w. custis lee, etc. the clergy also seem to favor a convention, and the resumption by virginia of her old position in the union--minus slavery. charlottesville has been named as the place for the assembling of the convention. they also believe that judge campbell remained to treat with the united states at the request of the confederate states government. i doubt. we shall now have no more interference in cæsar's affairs by the clergy--may they attend to god's hereafter! ten o'clock p.m. a salute fired-- guns--from the forts across the river, which was succeeded by music from all the bands. the guard promenading in front of the house says a dispatch has been received from grant announcing the surrender of lee! i hear that gen. pickett was killed in the recent battle! april th.--raining. i was startled in bed by the sound of cannon from the new southside fort again. i suppose another hundred guns were fired; and i learn this morning that the federals declare, and most people believe, that lee has really surrendered his army--if not indeed all the armies. my diary is surely drawing to a close, and i feel as one about to take leave of some old familiar associate. a _habit_ is to be discontinued--and that is no trifling thing to one of my age. but i may find sufficient employment in revising, correcting, etc. what i have written. i never supposed it would end in this way. ten a.m. it is true! yesterday gen. lee surrendered the "army of northern virginia." his son, custis lee, and other generals, had surrendered a few days previously. the men are paroled by regimental commanders, from the muster rolls, and are permitted to return to their homes and remain undisturbed until exchanged. the officers to take their side-arms and baggage to their homes, on the same conditions, etc. there _were_ pieces of artillery belonging to this army a few weeks ago. this army was the pride, the hope, the prop of the confederate cause, and numbered, i believe, on the rolls, , men. all is lost! no head can be made by any other general or army--if indeed any other army remains. if mr. davis had been present, he never would have consented to it; and i doubt if he will ever forgive gen. lee. april th.--cloudy and misty. it is reported that gen. johnston has surrendered his army in north carolina, following the example of gen. lee. but no salutes have been fired in honor of the event. the president (davis) is supposed to be flying toward the mississippi river, but this is merely conjectural. undoubtedly the war is at an end, and the confederate states government will be immediately extinct--its members fugitives. from the tone of leading northern papers, we have reason to believe president lincoln will call congress together, and proclaim an amnesty, etc. judge campbell said to mr. hart (clerk in the confederate states war department) yesterday that there would be no arrests, and no oath would be required. yet ex-captain warner was arrested yesterday, charged with ill treating federal prisoners, with registering a false name, and as a dangerous character. i know the contrary of all this; for he has been persecuted by the confederate states authorities for a year, and forced to resign his commission. my application to gen. shepley for permission to remove my family to the eastern shore, where they have relatives and friends, and may find subsistence, still hangs fire. every day i am told to call the _next_ day, as it has not been acted upon. april th.--warm and cloudy. gen. weitzel publishes an order to-day, requiring all ministers who have prayed for the president of the confederate states to pray hereafter for the president of the united states. he will not allow them to omit the prayer. in answer to my application for permission to take my family to the eastern shore of virginia, where among their relations and friends shelter and food may be had, brevet brig.-gen. ludlow indorsed: "disallowed--as none but loyal people, who have taken the oath, are permitted to reside on the eastern shore of virginia." this paper i left at judge campbell's residence (he was out) for his inspection, being contrary in spirit to the terms he is represented to have said would be imposed on us. at - / p.m. another guns were fired in capitol square, in honor, i suppose, of the surrender of johnston's army. i must go and see. captain warner is still in prison, and no one is allowed to visit him, i learn. three p.m. saw judge campbell, who will lay my paper before the military authorities for reconsideration to-morrow. he thinks they have acted unwisely. i said to him that a gentleman's _word_ was better than an enforced oath--and that if persecution and confiscation are to follow, instead of organized armies we shall have bands of assassins everywhere in the field, and the stiletto and the torch will take the place of the sword and the musket--and there can be no solid reconstruction, etc. he says he told the confederate states authorities months ago that the cause had failed, but they would not listen. he said he had telegraphed something to lieut.-gen. grant to-day. the salute some say was in honor of johnston's surrender--others say it was for lee's--and others of clay's birthday. april th.--raining. long trains of "supply" and "ammunition" wagons have been rolling past our dwelling all the morning, indicating a movement of troops southward. i suppose the purpose is to _occupy_ the conquered territory. alas! we know too well what military occupation is. no intelligent person supposes, after lee's surrender, that there will be found an army anywhere this side of the mississippi of sufficient numbers to make a stand. no doubt, however, many of the dispersed confederates will join the trans-mississippi army under gen. e. kirby smith, if indeed, he too does not yield to the prevalent surrendering epidemic. confederate money is valueless, and we have no federal money. to such extremity are some of the best and wealthiest families reduced, that the ladies are daily engaged making pies and cakes for the yankee soldiers of all colors, that they may obtain enough "greenbacks" to purchase such articles as are daily required in their housekeeping. it is said we will be supplied with rations from the federal commissariat. april th.--bright and cool. gen. weitzel and his corps having been ordered away; major-gen. ord has succeeded to the command at richmond, and his corps has been marching to camp lee ever since dawn. i saw no negro troops among them, but presume there are some. gen. weitzel's rule became more and more despotic daily; but it is said the order dictating prayers to be offered by the episcopal clergy came from mr. stanton, at washington, secretary of war. one of the clergy, being at my house yesterday, said that unless this order were modified there would be no services on sunday. to-day, good friday, the churches are closed. the following circular was published a few days ago: "to the people of virginia. "the undersigned, members of the legislature of the state of virginia, in connection with a number of the citizens of the state, whose names are attached to this paper, in view of the evacuation of the city of richmond by the confederate government, and its occupation by the military authorities of the united states, the surrender of the army of northern virginia, and the suspension of the jurisdiction of the civil power of the state, are of opinion that an immediate meeting of the general assembly of the state is called for by the exigencies of the situation. "the consent of the military authorities of the united states to the session of the legislature in richmond, in connection with the governor and lieutenant-governor, to their free deliberation upon public affairs, and to the ingress and departure of all its members under safe conducts, has been obtained. "the united states authorities will afford transportation from any point under their control to any of the persons before mentioned. "the matters to be submitted to the legislature are the restoration of peace to the state of virginia, and the adjustment of questions involving life, liberty, and property, that have arisen in the state as a consequence of the war. "we therefore earnestly request the governor, lieutenant-governor, and members of the legislature to repair to this city by the th april (instant). "we understand that full protection to persons and property will be afforded in the state, and we recommend to peaceful citizens to remain at their homes and pursue their usual avocations, with confidence that they will not be interrupted. "we earnestly solicit the attendance, in richmond, on or before the th of april (instant), of the following persons, citizens of virginia, to confer with us as to the best means of restoring peace to the state of virginia. we have procured safe conduct from the military authorities of the united states for them to enter the city and depart without molestation: hon. r. m. t. hunter, a. t. caperton, wm. c. rives, john letcher, a. h. h. stuart, r. l. montague, fayette mcmullen, j. p. holcombe, alexander rives, b. johnson barbour, james barbour, wm. l. goggin, j. b. baldwin, thomas s. gholson, waller staples, s. d. miller, thomas j. randolph, wm t. early, r. a. claybrook, john critcher, wm. towns, t. h. eppes, and those other persons for whom passports have been procured and especially forwarded that we consider it to be unnecessary to mention. "a. j. marshall, senator, fauquier; james neeson, senator, marion; james venable, senator elect, petersburg; david i. burr, of house of delegates, richmond city; david j. saunders, of house of delegates, richmond city; l. s. hall, of house of delegates, wetzel county; j. j. english, of house of delegates, henrico county; wm. ambers, of house of delegates, chesterfield county; a. m. keily, of house of delegates, petersburg; h. w. thomas, second auditor of virginia; st. l. l. moncure, chief clerk second auditor's office; joseph mayo, mayor of city of richmond; robert howard, clerk of hustings court, richmond city; thomas u. dudley, sergeant richmond city; littleton tazewell, commonwealth's attorney, richmond city; wm. t. joynes, judge of circuit court, petersburg; john a. meredith, judge of circuit court, richmond; wm. h. lyons, judge of hustings court, richmond; wm. c. wickham, member of congress, richmond district; benj. s. ewell, president of william and mary college; nat. tyler, editor richmond _enquirer_; r. f. walker, publisher of _examiner_; j. r. anderson, richmond; r. r. howison, richmond; w. goddin, richmond; p. g. bayley, richmond; f. j. smith, richmond; franklin stearns, henrico; john lyons, petersburg; thomas b. fisher, fauquier; wm. m. harrison, charles city; cyrus hall, ritchie; thomas w. garnett, king and queen; james a. scott, richmond. "i concur in the preceding recommendation. "j. a. campbell. "approved for publication in the _whig_, and in handbill form. "g. weitzel, major-gen. commanding. "richmond, va., april th, ." to-day the following order is published: "headquarters department of virginia, "richmond, va., april th, . "owing to recent events, the permission for the reassembling of the gentlemen recently acting as the legislature of virginia is rescinded. should any of the gentlemen come to the city under the notice of reassembling, already published, they will be furnished passports to return to their homes. "any of the persons named in the call signed by j. a. campbell and others, who are found in the city twelve hours after the publication of this notice, will be subject to arrest, unless they are residents of the city. "e. o. c. ord, major-gen. commanding." judge campbell informs me that he saw gen. ord yesterday, who promised to grant me permission to take my family to the eastern shore of virginia, and suggesting some omissions and alterations in the application, which i made. judge c. is to see him again to-day, when i hope the matter will be accomplished. judge campbell left my application with gen. ord's youngest adjutant, to whom he said the general had approved it. but the adjutant said it would have to be presented again, as there was no indorsement on it. the judge advised me to follow it up, which i did; and stayed until the adjutant did present it again to gen. ord, who again approved it. then the polite aid accompanied me to gen. patrick's office and introduced me to him, and to lieut.-col. john coughlin, "provost marshal general department of virginia," who indorsed on the paper: "these papers will be granted when called for." april th.--bright and clear. i add a few lines to my diary. it was whispered, yesterday, that president lincoln had been assassinated! i met gen. duff green, in the afternoon, who assured me there could be no doubt of it. still, supposing it might be an april hoax, i inquired at the headquarters of gen. ord, and was told it was true. i cautioned those i met to manifest no _feeling_, as the occurrence might be a calamity for the south; and possibly the federal soldiers, supposing the deed to have been done by a southern man, might become uncontrollable and perpetrate deeds of horror on the unarmed people. after agreeing to meet gen. green this morning at the provost marshal's office, and unite with him in an attempt to procure the liberation of capt. warner, i returned home; and saw, on the way, gen. ord and his staff riding out toward camp lee, with no manifestations of excitement or grief on their countenances. upon going down town this morning, every one was speaking of the death of lincoln, and the _whig_ was in mourning. president lincoln was killed by booth (jno. wilkes), an actor. i suppose his purpose is to live in history as the slayer of a tyrant; thinking to make the leading character in a tragedy, and have his performance acted by others on the stage. i see no grief on the faces of either officers or men of the federal army. r. a. pryor and judge w. t. joynes have called a meeting in petersburg, to lament the calamity entailed by the assassination. i got passports to-day for myself and family to the eastern shore, taking no oath. we know not when we shall leave. i never swore allegiance to the confederate states government, but was true to it. april th.--yesterday windy, to-day bright and calm. it appears that the day of the death of president lincoln was appointed for illuminations and rejoicings on the surrender of lee. there is no intelligence of the death of mr. seward or his son. it was a dastardly deed--surely the act of a madman. the end. footnotes: [ ] virginia undoubtedly contributed more than any other state, but they were not registered. [ ] it is held by the government _now_, january, , and my family are homeless and destitute. _onancock, accomac county, va._--j. b. j. transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _underscore_. the following misprints in volume i have been corrected: "their's" corrected to "theirs" (page ) "increasas" corrected to "increases" (page ) "instrutcted" corrected to "instructed" (page ) "conntry" corrected to "country" (page ) "legisture" corrected to "legislature" (page ) "deparment" corrected to "department" (page ) "ha" corrected to "he" (page ) "a" corrected to "at" (page ) "reappeard" corrected to "reappeared" (page ) "calvary" corrected to "cavalry" (page ) "assults" corrected to "assaults" (page ) "peisoners" corrected to "prisoners" (page ) "degees" corrected to "degrees" (page ) "wendesday" corrected to "wednesday" (page ) the following misprints in volume ii have been corrected: "furnance" corrected to "furnace" (page ) "miraculousl" corrected to "miraculously" (page ) " th" corrected to " th" (page ) "corolina" corrected to "carolina" (page ) "affirmalive" corrected to "affirmative" (page ) "nothwithstanding" corrected to "notwithstanding" (page ) "necestity" corrected to "necessity" (page ) " d" corrected to " d" (page ) "develope" corrected to "develop" (page ) "henly's" corrected to "henley's" (page ) "april" corrected to "may" (page ) "may th" corrected to "may th" (page ) "appropiate" corrected to "appropriate" (page ) "at at" corrected to "at" (page ) "commads" corrected to "commands" (page ) "tallahassie" corrected to "tallahassee" (page ) "opeleka" corrected (twice) to "opelika" (page ) "not" corrected to "now" (page ) "congrees" corrected to "congress" (page ) "weeler" corrected to "wheeler" (page ) "few few" corrected to "few" (page ) "georagia" correctedt to "georgia" (page ) "octoberr" corrected to "october" (page ) "sufferred" corrected to "suffered" (page ) "sufferred" corrected to "suffered" (page ) "parol" corrected to "parole" (page ) "peterburg" corrected to "petersburg" (page ) "lietenant" corrected to "lieutenant" (page ) other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in spelling, punctuation, and hyphenation usage have been retained. the two footnote markers [ ] (vol. i, page ) are intentional to reflect the presentation in the original text. digital material generously made available by internet archive (http://www.archive.org) note: images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see http://www.archive.org/details/diarycivilwar gurouoft transcriber's note: obvious printer's errors have been corrected. hyphenation and accentuation have been standardised. all other inconsistencies are as in the original. the author's spelling has been retained. diary, from march , , to november , . by adam gurowski. boston: lee and shepard, successors to phillips, sampson & co. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by lee and shepard, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. dedicated to the widowed wives, the bereaved mothers, sisters, sweethearts, and orphans in the loyal states. _on doit à son pays sa fortune, sa vie, mais avant tout la vérité._ in this diary i recorded what i heard and saw myself, and what i heard from others, on whose veracity i can implicitly rely. i recorded impressions as immediately as i felt them. a life almost wholly spent in the tempests and among the breakers of our times has taught me that the first impressions are the purest and the best. if they ever peruse these pages, my friends and acquaintances will find therein what, during these horrible national trials, was a subject of our confidential conversations and discussions, what in letters and by mouth was a subject of repeated forebodings and warnings. perhaps these pages may in some way explain a phenomenon almost unexampled in history,--that twenty millions of people, brave, highly intelligent, and mastering all the wealth of modern civilization, were, if not virtually overpowered, at least so long kept at bay by about five millions of rebels. gurowski. washington, november, . contents. march, . inauguration day -- the message -- scott watching at the door of the union -- the cabinet born -- the seward and chase struggle -- the new york radicals triumph -- the treason spreads -- the cabinet pays old party debts -- the diplomats confounded -- poor senators! -- sumner is like a hare tracked by hounds -- chase in favor of recognizing the revolted states -- blunted axes -- blair demands action, brave fellow! -- the slave-drivers -- the month of march closes -- no foresight! no foresight! april, . seward parleying with the rebel commissioners -- corcoran's dinner -- the crime in full blast! -- , men called for -- massachusetts takes the lead -- baltimore -- defence of washington -- blockade discussed -- france our friend, not england -- warning to the president -- virginia secedes -- lincoln warned again -- seward says it will all blow over in sixty to ninety days -- charles f. adams -- the administration undecided; the people alone inspired -- slavery must perish! -- the fabian policy -- the blairs -- strange conduct of scott -- lord lyons -- secret agent to canada. may, . the administration tossed by expedients -- seward to dayton -- spread-eagleism -- one phasis of the american union finished -- the fuss about russell -- pressure on the administration increases -- seward, wickoff, and the herald -- lord lyons menaced with passports -- the splendid northern army -- the administration not up to the occasion -- the new men -- andrew, wadsworth, boutwell, noyes, wade, trumbull, walcott, king, chandler, wilson -- lyon jumps over formulas -- governor banks needed -- butler takes baltimore with two regiments -- news from england -- the "belligerent" question -- butler and scott -- seward and the diplomats -- "what a merlin!" -- "france not bigger than new york!" -- virginia invaded -- murder of ellsworth -- harpies at the white house. june, . butler emancipates slaves -- the army not organized -- promenades -- the blockade -- louis napoleon -- scott all in all -- strategy! -- gun contracts -- the diplomats -- masked batteries -- seward writes for "bunkum" -- big bethel -- the dayton letter -- instructions to mr. adams. july, . the evening post -- the message -- the administration caught napping -- mcdowell -- congress slowly feels its way -- seward's great facility of labor -- not a know-nothing -- prophesies a speedy end -- carried away by his imagination -- says "secession is over" -- hopeful views -- politeness of the state department -- scott carries on the campaign from his sleeping room -- bull run -- rout -- panic -- "malediction! malediction!" -- not a manly word in congress! -- abuse of the soldiers -- mcclellan sent for -- young-blood -- gen. wadsworth -- poor mcdowell! -- scott responsible -- plan of reorganization -- let mcclellan beware of routine. august, . the truth about bull run -- the press staggers -- the blairs alone firm -- scott's military character -- seward -- mr. lincoln reads the herald -- the ubiquitous lobbyist -- intervention -- congress adjourns -- the administration waits for something to turn up -- wade -- lyon is killed -- russell and his shadow -- the yankees take the loan -- bravo, yankees! -- mcclellan works hard -- prince napoleon -- manassas fortifications a humbug -- mr. seward improves -- old whigism -- mcclellan's powers enlarged -- jeff. davis makes history -- fremont emancipates in missouri -- the cabinet. september, . what will mcclellan do? -- fremont disavowed -- the blairs not in fault -- fremont ignorant and a bungler -- conspiracy to destroy him -- seward rather on his side -- mcclellan's staff -- a marcy will not do! -- mcclellan publishes a slave-catching order -- the people move onward -- mr. seward again -- west point -- the washington defences -- what a russian officer thought of them -- oh, for battles! -- fremont wishes to attack memphis; a bold move! -- seward's influence over lincoln -- the people for fremont -- col. romanoff's opinion of the generals -- mcclellan refuses to move -- manoeuvrings -- the people uneasy -- the staff -- the orleans -- brave boys! -- the potomac closed -- oh, poor nation! -- mexico -- mcclellan and scott. october, . experiments on the people's life-blood -- mcclellan's uniform -- the army fit to move -- the rebels treat us like children -- we lose time -- everything is defensive -- the starvation theory -- the anaconda -- first interview with mcclellan -- impressions of him -- his distrust of the volunteers -- not a napoleon nor a garibaldi -- mason and slidell -- seward admonishes adams -- fremont goes overboard -- the pro-slavery party triumph -- the collateral missions to europe -- peace impossible -- every southern gentleman is a pirate -- when will we deal blows? -- inertia! inertia! november, . ball's bluff -- whitewashing -- "victoria! old scott gone overboard!" -- his fatal influence -- his conceit -- cameron -- intervention -- more reviews -- weed, everett, hughes -- gov. andrew -- boutwell -- mason and slidell caught -- lincoln frightened by the south carolina success -- waits unnoticed in mcclellan's library -- gen. thomas -- traitors and pedants -- the virginia campaign -- west point -- mcclellan's speciality -- when will they begin to see through him? december, . the message -- emancipation -- state papers published -- curtis noyes -- greeley not fit for senator -- generalship all on the rebel side -- the south and the north -- the sensationists -- the new idol will cost the people their life-blood! -- the blairs -- poor lincoln! -- the trent affair -- scott home again -- the war investigation committee -- mr. mercier. january, . the year ends badly -- european defenders of slavery -- secession lies -- jeremy diddlers -- sensation-seekers -- despotic tendencies -- atomistic torquemadas -- congress chained by formulas -- burnside's expedition a sign of life -- will this mcclellan ever advance? -- mr. adams unhorsed -- he packs his trunks -- bad blankets -- austria, prussia, and russia -- the west point nursery -- mcclellan a greater mistake than scott -- tracks to the white house -- european stories about mr. lincoln -- the english ignorami -- the slaveholder a scarcely varnished savage -- jeff. davis -- "beauregard frightens us -- mcclellan rocks his baby" -- fancy army equipment -- mcclellan and his chief of staff sick in bed -- "no satirist could invent such things" -- stanton in the cabinet -- "this stanton is the people" -- fremont -- weed -- the english will not be humbugged -- dayton in a fret -- beaufort -- the investigating committee condemn mcclellan -- lincoln in the clutches of seward and blair -- banks begs for guns and cavalry in vain -- the people will awake! -- the question of race -- agassiz. february, . drifting -- the english blue book -- lord john could not act differently -- palmerston the great european fuss-maker -- mr. seward's "two pickled rods" for england -- lord lyons -- his pathway strewn with broken glass -- gen. stone arrested -- sumner's resolutions infuse a new spirit in the constitution -- mr. seward beyond salvation -- he works to save slavery -- weed has ruined him -- the new york press -- "poor tribune" -- the evening post -- the blairs -- illusions dispelled -- "all quiet on the potomac" -- the london papers -- quill-heroes can be bought for a dinner -- french opinion -- superhuman efforts to save slavery -- it is doomed! -- "all you worshippers of darkness cannot save it!" -- the hutchinsons -- corporal adams -- victories in the west -- stanton the man! -- strategy (hear!) march, . the africo-americans -- fremont -- the orleans -- confiscation -- american nepotism -- the merrimac -- wooden guns -- oh shame! -- gen. wadsworth -- the rats have the best of stanton -- mcclellan goes to fortress monroe -- utter imbecility -- the embarkation -- mcclellan a turtle -- he will stick in the marshes -- louis napoleon behaves nobly -- so does mr. mercier -- queen victoria for freedom -- the great strategian -- senator sumner and the french minister -- archbishop hughes -- his diplomatic activity not worth the postage on his correspondence -- alberoni-seward -- love's labor lost. april, . immense power of the president -- mr. seward's egeria -- programme of peace -- the belligerent question -- roebucks and gregories scums -- running the blockade -- weed and seward take clouds for camels -- uncle sam's pockets -- manhood, not money, the sinews of war -- colonization schemes -- senator doolittle -- coal mine speculation -- washington too near the seat of war -- blair demands the return of a fugitive slave woman -- slavery is mr. lincoln's "_mammy_" -- he will not destroy her -- victories in the west -- the brave navy -- mcclellan subsides in mud before yorktown -- telegraphs for more men -- god will be tired out! -- great strength of the people -- emancipation in the district -- wade's speech -- he is a monolith -- chase and seward -- n. y. times -- the rothschilds -- army movements and plans. may, . capture of new orleans -- the second siege of troy -- mr. seward lights his lantern to search for the union-saving party -- subserviency to power -- vitality of the people -- yorktown evacuated -- battle of williamsburg -- great bayonet charge! -- heintzelman and hooker -- mcclellan telegraphs that the enemy outnumber him -- the terrible enemy evacuate williamsburg -- the track of truth begins to be lost -- oh napoleon! -- oh spirit of berthier! -- dayton not in favor -- events are too rapid for lincoln -- his integrity -- too tender of men's feelings -- halleck -- ten thousand men disabled by disease -- the bishop of orleans -- the rebels retreat without the knowledge of mcnapoleon -- hunter's proclamation -- too noble for mr. lincoln -- mcclellan again subsides in mud -- jackson defeats banks, who makes a masterly retreat -- bravo, banks! -- the aulic council frightened -- gov. andrew's letter -- sigel -- english opinion -- mr. mill -- young europa -- young germany -- corinth evacuated -- oh, generalship! -- mcdowell grimly persecuted by bad luck. june, . diplomatic circulars seasoned by stories -- battle before richmond -- casey's division disgraced -- mcclellan afterwards confesses he was misinformed -- fair oaks -- "nobody is hurt, only the bleeding people" -- fremont disobeys orders -- n. y. times, world, and herald, opinion-poisoning sheets -- napoleon never visible before nine o'clock in the morning -- hooker and the other fighters soldered to the mud -- senator sumner shows the practical side of his intellect -- "slavery a big job!" -- mcclellan sends for mortars -- defenders of slavery in congress worse than the rebels -- wooden guns and cotton sentries at corinth -- the navy is glorious -- brave old gideon welles! -- july th to be celebrated in richmond! -- colonization again -- justice to france -- new regiments -- the people sublime! -- congress -- lincoln visits scott -- mcdowell -- pope -- disloyalty in the departments. july, . intervention -- the cursed fields of the chickahominy -- titanic fightings, but no generalship -- mcclellan the first to reach james river -- the orleans leave -- july th, the gloomiest since the birth of the republic -- not reinforcements, but brains, wanted; and brains not transferable! -- the people run to the rescue -- rebel tactics -- lincoln does not sacrifice stanton -- mcclellan not the greatest culprit -- stanton a true statesman -- the president goes to james river -- the union as it was, a throttling nightmare! -- a man needed! -- confiscation bill signed -- congress adjourned -- mr. dicey -- halleck, the american carnot -- lincoln tries to neutralize the confiscation bill -- guerillas spread like locusts. august, . emancipation -- the president's hand falls back -- weed sent for -- gen. wadsworth -- the new levies -- the africo-americans not called for -- let every northern man be shot rather! -- end of the peninsula campaign -- fifty or sixty thousand dead -- who is responsible? -- the army saved -- lincoln and mcclellan -- the president and the africo-americans -- an eden in chiriqui -- greeley -- the old lion begins to awake -- mr. lincoln tells stories -- the rebels take the offensive -- european opinion -- mcclellan's army landed -- roebuck -- halleck -- butler's mistakes -- hunter recalled -- terrible fighting at manassas -- pope cuts his way through -- reinforcements slow incoming -- mcclellan reduced in command. september, . _consummatum est!_ -- will the outraged people avenge itself? -- mcclellan satisfies the president -- after a year! -- the truth will be throttled -- public opinion in europe begins to abandon us -- the country marching to its tomb -- hooker, kearney, heintzelman, sigel, brave and true men -- supremacy of mind over matter -- stanton the last roman -- inauguration of the pretorian regime -- pope accuses three generals -- investigation prevented by mcclellan -- mcdowell sacrificed -- the country inundated with lies -- the demoralized army declares for mcclellan -- the pretorians will soon finish with liberty -- wilkes sent to the west indian waters -- russia -- mediation -- invasion of maryland -- strange story about stanton -- richmond never invested -- mcclellan in search of the enemy -- thirty miles in six days -- the telegrams -- wadsworth -- capitulation of harper's ferry -- five days' fighting -- brave hooker wounded -- no results -- no reports from mcclellan -- tactics of the maryland campaign -- nobody hurt in the staff -- charmed lives -- wadsworth, judge conway, wade, boutwell, andrew -- this most intelligent people become the laughing-stock of the world! -- the proclamation of emancipation -- seward to the paisley association -- future complications -- if hooker had not been wounded! -- the military situation -- sigel persecuted by west point -- three cheers for the carriage and six! -- how the great captain was to catch the rebel army -- interview with the chicago deputation -- winter quarters -- the conspiracy against sigel -- numbers of the rebel army -- letters of marque. october, . costly infatuation -- the do-nothing strategy -- cavalry on lame horses -- bayonet charges -- antietam -- effect of the proclamation -- disasters in the west -- the abolitionists not originally hostile to mcclellan -- helplessness in the war department -- devotedness of the people -- mcclellan and the proclamation -- wilkes -- colonel key -- routine engineers -- rebel raid into pennsylvania -- stanton's sincerity -- oh, unfighting strategians -- the administration a success -- _de gustibus_ -- stuart's raid -- west point -- st. domingo -- the president's letter to mcclellan -- broad church -- the elections -- the republican party gone -- the remedy at the polls -- mcclellan wants to be relieved -- mediation -- compromise -- the rhetors -- the optimists -- the foreigners -- scott and buchanan -- gladstone -- foreign opinion and action -- both the extremes to be put down -- spain -- fremont's campaign against jackson -- seward's circular -- general scott's gift -- "oh, could i go to a camp!" -- mcclellan crosses the potomac -- prays for rain -- fevers decimate the regiments -- martindale and fitz john porter -- the political balance to be preserved -- new regiments -- o poor country! november, . empty rhetoric -- the future dark and terrible -- wadsworth defeated -- the official bunglers blast everything they touch -- great and holy day! mcclellan gone overboard! -- the planters -- burnside -- mcclellan nominated for president -- awful events approaching -- dictatorship dawns on the horizon -- the catastrophe. diary. march, . inauguration day -- the message -- scott watching at the door of the union -- the cabinet born -- the seward and chase struggle -- the new york radicals triumph -- the treason spreads -- the cabinet pays old party debts -- the diplomats confounded -- poor senators! -- sumner is like a hare tracked by hounds -- chase in favor of recognizing the revolted states -- blunted axes -- blair demands action, brave fellow! -- the slave-drivers -- the month of march closes -- no foresight! no foresight! for the first time in my life i assisted at the simplest and grandest spectacle--the inauguration of a president. lincoln's message good, according to circumstances, but not conclusive; it is not positive; it discusses questions, but avoids to assert. may his mind not be altogether of the same kind. events will want and demand more positiveness and action than the message contains assertions. the immense majority around me seems to be satisfied. well, well; i wait, and prefer to judge and to admire when actions will speak. i am sure that a great drama will be played, equal to any one known in history, and that the insurrection of the slave-drivers will not end in smoke. so i now decide to keep a diary in my own way. i scarcely know any of those men who are considered as leaders; the more interesting to observe them, to analyze their mettle, their actions. this insurrection may turn very complicated; if so, it must generate more than one revolutionary manifestation. what will be its march--what stages? curious; perhaps it may turn out more interesting than anything since that great renovation of humanity by the great french revolution. the old, brave warrior, scott, watched at the door of the union; his shadow made the infamous rats tremble and crawl off, and so scott transmitted to lincoln what was and could be saved during the treachery of buchanan. by the most propitious accident, i assisted at the throes among which mr. lincoln's cabinet was born. they were very painful, but of the highest interest for me, and i suppose for others. i participated some little therein. a pledge bound mr. lincoln to make mr. seward his secretary of state. the radical and the puritanic elements in the republican party were terribly scared. his speeches, or rather demeanor and repeated utterances since the opening of the congress, his influence on mr. adams, who, under seward's inspiration, made his speech _de lana caprina_, and voted for compromises and concessions,--all this spread and fortified the general and firm belief that mr. seward was ready to give up many from among the cardinal articles of the republican creed of which he was one of the most ardent apostles. they, the republicans, speak of him in a way to remind me of the dictum, "_omnia serviliter pro dominatione_," as they accuse him now of subserviency to the slave power. the radical and puritan republicans likewise dread him on account of his close intimacy with a thurlow weed, a matteson, and with similar not over-cautious--as they call them--lobbyists. some days previous to the inauguration, mr. seward brought mr. lincoln on the senate floor, of course on the republican side; but soon mr. seward was busily running among democrats, begging them to be introduced to lincoln. it was a saddening, humiliating, and revolting sight for the galleries, where i was. criminal as is mason, for a minute i got reconciled to him for the scowl of horror and contempt with which he shook his head at seward. the whole humiliating proceeding foreshadowed the future policy. only two or three democratic senators were moved by seward's humble entreaties. the criminal mason has shown true manhood. the first attempt of sincere republicans was to persuade lincoln to break his connection with seward. this failed. to neutralize what was considered quickly to become a baneful influence in mr. lincoln's councils, the republicans united on gov. chase. this seward opposed with all his might. mr. lincoln wavered, hesitated, and was bending rather towards mr. seward. the struggle was terrific, lasted several days, when chase was finally and triumphantly forced into the cabinet. it was necessary not to leave him there alone against seward, and perhaps bates, the old cunning whig. again terrible opposition by seward, but it was overcome by the radicals in the house, in the senate, and outside of congress by such men as curtis, noyes, j. s. wadsworth, opdyke, barney, &c., &c., and blair was brought in. cameron was variously opposed, but wished to be in by seward; welles was from the start considered sound and safe in every respect; smith was considered a seward man. from what i witnessed of cabinet-making in europe, above all in france under louis philippe, i do not forebode anything good in the coming-on shocks and eruptions, and i am sure these must come. this cabinet as it stands is not a fusion of various shadowings of a party, but it is a violent mixing or putting together of inimical and repulsive forces, which, if they do not devour, at the best will neutralize each other. senator wilson answered douglass in the senate, that "when the republican party took the power, treason was in the army, in the navy, in the administration," etc. dreadful, but true assertion. it is to be seen how the administration will act to counteract this ramified treason. what a run, a race for offices. this spectacle likewise new to me. the cabinet ministers, or, as they call them here, the secretaries, have old party debts to pay, old sores to avenge or to heal, and all this by distributing offices, or by what they call it here--patronage. through patronage and offices everybody is to serve his friends and his party, and to secure his political position. some of the party leaders seem to me similar to children enjoying a long-expected and ardently wished-for toy. some of the leaders are as generals who abandon the troops in a campaign, and take to travel in foreign parts. most of them act as if they were sure that the battle is over. it begins only, but nobody, or at least very few of the interested, seem to admit that the country is on fire, that a terrible struggle begins. (wrote in this sense an article for the national intelligencer; insertion refused.) they, the leaders, look to create engines for their own political security, but no one seems to look over mason and dixon's line to the terrible and with lightning-like velocity spreading fire of hellish treason. the diplomats utterly upset, confused, and do not know what god to worship. all their associations were with southerners, now traitors. in southern talk, or in that of treacherous northern democrats, the diplomats learned what they know about this country. not one of them is familiar, is acquainted with the genuine people of the north; with its true, noble, grand, and pure character. it is for them a terra incognita, as is the moon. the little they know of the north is the few money or cotton bags of new york, boston, philadelphia,--these would-be betters, these dinner-givers, and whist-players. the diplomats consider seward as the essence of northern feeling. how little the thus-called statesmen know europe. sumner, seward, etc. already have under consideration if europe will recognize the secesh. europe recognizes _faits accomplis_, and a great deal of blood will run before secesh becomes _un fait accompli_. these sewards, sumners, etc. pay too much attention to the silly talk of the european diplomats in washington; and by doing this these would-be statesmen prove how ignorant they are of history in general, and specially ignorant of the policy of european cabinets. before a struggle decides a question a recognition is bosh, and i laugh at it. the race, the race increases with a fearful rapidity. no flood does it so quick. poor senators! some of them must spend nights and days to decide on whom to bestow this or that office. secretaries or ministers wrangle, _fight_ (that is the word used), as if life and death depended upon it. poor (carlylian-meaning) good-natured senator sumner, in his earnest, honest wish to be just and of service to everybody, looks as a hare tracked by hounds; so are at him office-seekers from the whole country. this hunting degrades the hounds, and enervates the patrons. i am told that the president is wholly absorbed in adjusting, harmonizing the amount of various salaries bestowed on various states through its office-holders and office-seekers. it were better if the president would devote his time to calculate the forces and resources needed to quench the fire. over in montgomery the slave-drivers proceed with the terrible, unrelenting, fearless earnestness of the most unflinching criminals. after all, these crowds of office-hunters are far from representing the best element of the genuine, laborious, intelligent people,--of its true healthy stamina. this is consoling for me, who know the american people in the background of office-hunters. of course an alleviating circumstance is, that the method, the system, the routine, oblige, nay force, everybody to ask, to hunt. as in the scriptures, "ask, and you will get; or knock, and it will be opened." of course, many worthy, honorable, deserving men, who would be ornaments to the office, must run the gauntlet together with the hounds. it is reported, and i am sure of the truth of the report, that governor chase is for recognizing, or giving up the revolted cotton states, so as to save by it the border states, and eventually to fight for their remaining in the union. what logic! if the treasonable revolt is conceded to the cotton states, on what ground can it be denied to the thus called border states? i am sorry that chase has such notions. it is positively asserted by those who ought to know, that seward, having secured to himself the secretaryship of state, offered to the southern leaders in congress compromise and concessions, to assure, by such step, his confirmation by the democratic vote. the chiefs refused the bargain, distrusting him. all this was going on for weeks, nay months, previous to the inauguration, so it is asserted. but seward might have been anxious to preserve the union at any price. his enemies assert that if seward's plan had succeeded, virtually the democrats would have had the power. thus the meaning of lincoln's election would have been destroyed, and buchanan's administration would have been continued in its most dirty features, the name only being changed. old scott seems to be worried out by his laurels; he swallows incense, and i do not see that anything whatever is done to meet the military emergency. i see the cloud. were it true that seward and scott go hand in hand, and that both, and even chase, are blunted axes! i hear that mr. blair is the only one who swears, demands, asks for action, for getting at them without losing time. brave fellow! i am glad to have at willard's many times piloted deputations to the doors of lincoln on behalf of blair's admission into the cabinet. i do not know him, but will try to become nearer acquainted. but for the new york radical republicans, already named, neither chase nor blair would have entered the cabinet. but for them seward would have had it totally his own way. members of congress acted less than did the new yorkers. the south, or the rebels, slave-drivers, slave-breeders, constitute the most corrosive social decompositions and impurities; what the human race throughout countless ages successively toiled to purify itself from and throw off. europe continually makes terrible and painful efforts, which at times are marked by bloody destruction. this i asserted in my various writings. this social, putrefied evil, and the accumulated matter in the south, pestilentially and in various ways influenced the north, poisoning its normal healthy condition. this abscess, undermining the national life, has burst now. somebody, something must die, but this apparent death will generate a fresh and better life. the month of march closes, but the administration seems to enjoy the most beatific security. i do not see one single sign of foresight,--this cardinal criterion of statesmanship. chase measures the empty abyss of the treasury. senator wilson spoke of treason everywhere, but the administration seems not to go to work and to reconstruct, to fill up what treason has disorganized and emptied. nothing about reorganizing the army, the navy, refitting the arsenals. no foresight, no foresight! either statesmanlike or administrative. curious to see these men at work. the whole efforts visible to me and to others, and the only signs given by the administration in concert, are the paltry preparations to send provisions to fort sumpter. what is the matter? what are they about? april, . seward parleying with the rebel commissioners -- corcoran's dinner -- the crime in full blast! -- , men called for -- massachusetts takes the lead -- baltimore -- defence of washington -- blockade discussed -- france our friend, not england -- warning to the president -- virginia secedes -- lincoln warned again -- seward says it will all blow over in sixty to ninety days -- charles f. adams -- the administration undecided; the people alone inspired -- slavery must perish! -- the fabian policy -- the blairs -- strange conduct of scott -- lord lyons -- secret agent to canada. commissioners from the rebels; seward parleying with them through some judge campbell. curious way of treating and dealing with rebellion, with rebels and traitors; why not arrest them? corcoran, a rich partisan of secession, invited to a dinner the rebel commissioners and the foreign diplomats. if such a thing were done anywhere else, such a pimp would be arrested. the serious diplomats, lord lyons, mercier, and stoeckl refused the invitation; some smaller accepted, at least so i hear. the infamous traitors fire on the union flag. they treat the garrison of sumpter as enemies on sufferance, and here their commissioners go about free, and glory in treason. what is this administration about? have they no blood; are they fishes? the crime in full blast; _consummatum est._ sumpter bombarded; virginia, under the nose of the administration, secedes, and the leaders did not see or foresee anything: flirted with virginia. now, they, the leaders or the administration, are terribly startled; so is the brave noble north; the people are taken unawares; but no wonder; the people saw the cabinet, the president, and the military in complacent security. these watchmen did nothing to give an early sign of alarm, so the people, confiding in them, went about its daily occupation. but it will rise as one man and in terrible wrath. _vous le verrez mess. les diplomates._ the president calls on the country for , men; telegram has spoken, and they rise, they arm, they come. i am not deceived in my faith in the north; the excitement, the wrath, is terrible. party lines burn, dissolved by the excitement. now the people is in fusion as bronze; if lincoln and the leaders have mettle in themselves, then they can cast such arms, moral, material, and legislative, as will destroy at once this rebellion. but will they have the energy? they do not look like demiourgi. massachusetts takes the lead; always so, this first people in the world; first for peace by its civilization and intellectual development, and first to run to the rescue. the most infamous treachery and murder, by baltimoreans, of the massachusetts men. will the cowardly murderers be exemplarily punished? the president, under the advice of scott, seems to take coolly the treasonable murders of baltimore; instead of action, again parleying with these baltimorean traitors. the rumor says that seward is for leniency, and goes hand in hand with scott. now, if they will handle such murderers in silk gloves as they do, the fire must spread. the secessionists in washington--and they are a legion, of all hues and positions--are defiant, arrogant, sure that washington will be taken. one risks to be murdered here. i entered the thus called cassius clay company, organized for the defence of washington until troops came. for several days patrolled, drilled, and lay several nights on the hard floor. had compensation, that the drill often reproduced that of falstaff's heroes. but my campaigners would have fought well in case of emergency. most of them office-seekers. when the alarm was over, the company dissolved, but each got a kind of certificate beautifully written and signed by lincoln and cameron. i refused to take such a certificate, we having had no occasion to fight. the president issued a proclamation for the blockade of the southern revolted ports. do they not know better? how can the minister of foreign affairs advise the president to resort to such a measure? is the minister of foreign affairs so willing to call in foreign nations by this blockade, thus transforming a purely domestic and municipal question into an international, public one? the president is to quench the rebellion, a domestic fire, and to do it he takes a weapon, an engine the most difficult to handle, and in using of which he depends on foreign nations. do they not know better here in the ministry and in the councils? russia dealt differently with the revolted circassians and with england in the so celebrated case of the vixen. the administration ought to know its rights of sovereignty and to close the ports of entry. then no chance would be left to england to meddle. yesterday n---- dined with lord lyons, and during the dinner an anonymous note announced to the lord that the proclamation of the blockade is to be issued on to-morrow. n----, who has a romantic turn, or rather who seeks for _midi à - / heures_, speculated what lady would have thus violated a _secret d'État_. i rather think it comes from the ministry, or, as they call it here, from the department. about two years ago, when the central americans were so teased and maltreated by the filibusters and democratic administration, a minister of one of these central american states told me in new york that in a chief of the departments, or something the like, the central americans have a valuable friend, who, every time that trouble is brewing against them in the department, gives them a secret and anonymous notice of it. this friend may have transferred his kindness to england. how will foreign nations behave? i wish i may be misguided by my political anglophobia, but england, envious, rapacious, and the palmerstons and others, filled with hatred towards the genuine democracy and the american people, will play some bad tricks. they will seize the occasion to avenge many humiliations. charles sumner, howe, and a great many others, rely on england,--on her anti-slavery feeling. i do not. i know english policy. we shall see. france, frenchmen, and louis napoleon are by far more reliable. the principles and the interest of france, broadly conceived, make the existence of a powerful union a statesmanlike european and world necessity. the cold, taciturn louis napoleon is full of broad and clear conceptions. i am for relying, almost explicitly, on france and on him. the administration calls in all the men-of-war scattered in all waters. as the commercial interests of the union will remain unprotected, the administration ought to put them under the protection of france. it is often done so between friendly powers. louis napoleon could not refuse; and accepting, would become pledged to our side. germany, great and small, governments and people, will be for the union. germans are honest; they love the union, hate slavery, and understand, to be sure, the question. russia, safe, very safe, few blackguards excepted; so italy. spain may play double. i do not expect that the spaniards, goaded to the quick by the former fillibustering administrations, will have judgment enough to find out that the republicans have been and will be anti-fillibusters, and do not crave cuba. wrote a respectful warning to the president concerning the unavoidable results of his proclamation in regard to the blockade; explained to him that this, his international demonstration, will, and forcibly must evoke a counter proclamation from foreign powers in the interest of their own respective subjects and of their commercial relations. warned, foretelling that the foreign powers will recognize the rebels as belligerents, he, the president, having done it already in some way, thus applying an international mode of coercion. warned, that the condition of belligerents, once recognized, the rebel piratical crafts will be recognized as privateers by foreign powers, and as such will be admitted to all ports under the secesh flag, which will thus enjoy a partial recognition. foreign powers may grumble, or oppose the closing of the ports of entry as a domestic, administrative decision, because they may not wish to commit themselves to submit to a paper blockade. but if the president will declare that he will enforce the closing of the ports with the whole navy, so as to strictly guard and close the maritime league, then the foreign powers will see that the administration does not intend to humbug them, but that he, the president, will only preserve intact the fullest exercise of sovereignty, and, as said the roman legist, he, the president, "_nil sibi postulat quod non aliis tribuit_." and so he, the president, will only execute the laws of his country, and not any arbitrary measure, to say with the roman emperor, "_leges etiam in ipsa arma imperium habere volumus._" warned the president that in all matters relating to this country louis napoleon has abandoned the initiative to england; and to throw a small wedge in this alliance, i finally respectfully suggested to the president what is said above about putting the american interests in the mediterranean under the protection of louis napoleon. few days thereafter learned that mr. seward does not believe that france will follow england. before long seward will find it out. all the coquetting with virginia, all the presumed influence of general scott, ended in virginia's secession, and in the seizure of norfolk. has ever any administration, cabinet, ministry--call it what name you will--given positive, indubitable signs of want and absence of foresight, as did ours in these virginia, norfolk, and harper's ferry affairs? not this or that minister or secretary, but all of them ought to go to the constitutional guillotine. blindness--no mere short-sightedness--permeates the whole administration, blair excepted. and scott, the politico-military adviser of the president! what is the matter with scott, or were the halo and incense surrounding him based on bosh? will it be one more illusion to be dispelled? the administration understood not how to save or defend norfolk, nor how to destroy it. no name to be found for such concrete incapacity. the rebels are masters, taking our leaders by the nose. norfolk gives to them thousands of guns, &c., and nobody cries for shame. they ought to go in sackcloth, those narrow-sighted, blind rulers. how will the people stand this masterly administrative demonstration? in england the people and the parliament would impeach the whole cabinet. charles sumner told me that the president and his minister of foreign affairs are to propose to the foreign powers the accession of the union to the celebrated convention of paris of . all three considered it a master stroke of policy. they will not catch a fly by it. again wrote respectfully to mr. lincoln, warning him against a too hasty accession to the paris convention. based my warning,-- st. not to give up the great principles contained in marcy's amendment. d. not to believe or suppose for a minute that the accession to the paris convention at this time can act in a retroactive sense; explained that it will not and cannot prevent the rebel pirates from being recognized by foreign powers as legal privateers, or being treated as such. d. for all these reasons the union will not win anything by such a step, but it will give up principles and chain its own hands in case of any war with england. supplicated the president not to risk a step which logically must turn wrong. baltimore still unpunished, and the president parleying with various deputations, all this under the guidance of scott. i begin to be confused; cannot find out what is the character of lincoln, and above all of scott. governors from whole or half-rebel states refuse the president's call for troops. the original call of , , too small in itself, will be reduced by that refusal. why does not the administration call for more on the north, and on the free states? in the temper of this noble people it will be as easy to have , as , , and then rush on them; submerge virginia, north carolina, etc.; it can be now so easily done. the virginians are neither armed nor organized. courage and youth seemingly would do good in the councils. the free states undoubtedly will vindicate self-government. whatever may be said by foreign and domestic croakers, i do not doubt it for a single minute. the free people will show to the world that the apparently loose governmental ribbons are the strongest when everybody carries them in him, and holds them. the people will show that the intellectual magnetism of convictions permeating the million is by far stronger than the commonly called governmental action from above, and it is at the same time elastic and expansive, even if the official leaders may turn out to be altogether mediocrities. the self-governing free north will show more vitality and activity than any among the governed european countries would be able to show in similar emergencies. this is my creed, and i have faith in the people. the infamous slavers of the south would even be honored if named barbary states of north america. before the inauguration, seward was telling the diplomats that no disruption will take place; now he tells them that it will blow over in from sixty to ninety days. does seward believe it? or does his imagination or his patriotism carry him away or astray? or, perhaps, he prefers not to look the danger in the face, and tries to avert the bitter cup. at any rate, he is incomprehensible, and the more so when seen at a distance. something, nay, even considerable efforts ought to be made to enlighten the public opinion in europe, as on the outside, insurrections, nationalities, etc., are favored in europe. how far the diplomats sent by the administration are prepared for this task? adams has shown in the last congress his scholarly, classical narrow-mindedness. sanford cannot favorably impress anybody in europe, neither in cabinets, nor in saloons, nor the public at large. he looks and acts as a _commis voyageur_, will be considered as such at first sight by everybody, and his features and manners may not impress others as being distinguished and high-toned. every historical, that is, human event, has its moral and material character and sides. to ignore, and still worse to blot out, to reject the moral incentives and the moral verdict, is a crime to the public at large, is a crime towards human reason. such action blunts sound feelings and comprehension, increases the arrogance of the evil-doers. the moral criterion is absolute and unconditional, and ought as such unconditionally to be applied to the events here. things and actions must be called by their true names. what is true, noble, pure, and lofty, is on the side of the north, and permeates the unnamed millions of the free people; it ought to be separated from what is sham, egotism, lie or assumption. truth must be told, never mind the outcry. history has not to produce pieces for the stage, or to amuse a tea-party. regiments pour in; the massachusetts men, of course, leading the van, as in the times of the tea-party. my admiration for the yankees is justified on every step, as is my scorn, my contempt, etc., etc., of the southern _chivalrous_ slaver. wrote to charles sumner expressing my wonder at the undecided conduct of the administration; at its want of foresight; its eternal parleying with baltimoreans, virginians, missourians, etc., and no step to tread down the head of the young snake. no one among them seems to have the seer's eye. the people alone, who arm, who pour in every day and in large numbers, who transform washington into a camp, and who crave for fighting,--the people alone have the prophetic inspiration, and are the genuine statesmen for the emergency. how will the congress act? the congress will come here emerging from the innermost of the popular volcano; but the congress will be manacled by formulas; it will move not in the spirit of the constitution, but in the dry constitutionalism, and the congress will move with difficulty. still i have faith, although the congress never will seize upon parliamentary omnipotence. up to to-day, the administration, instead of boldly crushing, or, at least, attempting to do it; instead of striking at the traitors, the administration is continually on the lookout where the blows come from, scarcely having courage to ward them off. the deputations pouring from the north urge prompt, decided, crushing action. this thunder-voice of the twenty millions of freemen ought to nerve this senile administration. the southern leaders do not lose one minute's time; they spread the fire, arm, and attack with all the fury of traitors and criminals. the northern merchants roar for the offensive; the administration is undecided. some individuals, politicians, already speak out that the slaveocratic privileges are only to be curtailed, and slavery preserved as a domestic institution. not a bit of it. the current and the development of events will run over the heads of the pusillanimous and contemptible conservatives. slavery must perish, even if the whole north, lincoln and seward at its head, should attempt to save it. already they speak of the great results of fabian policy; seward, i am told, prides in it. do those fabiuses know what they talk about? fabius's tactics--not policy--had in view not to expose young, disheartened levies against hannibal's unconquered veterans, but further to give time to rome to restore her exhausted means, to recover political influences with other italian independent communities, to re-conclude broken alliances with the cities, etc. but is this the condition of the union? your fabian policy will cost lives, time, and money; the people feels it, and roars for action. events are great, the people is great, but the official leaders may turn out inadequate to both. what a magnificent chance--scarcely equal in history--to become a great historical personality, to tower over future generations. but i do not see any one pointing out the way. better so; the principle of self-government as the self-acting, self-preserving force will be asserted by the total eclipse of great or even eminent men. the administration, under the influence of drill men, tries to form twenty regiments of regulars, and calls for , three years' volunteers. what a curious appreciation of necessity and of numbers must prevail in the brains of the administration. twenty regiments of regulars will be a drop in water; will not help anything, but will be sufficient to poison the public spirit. citizens and people, but not regulars, not hirelings, are to fight the battle of principle. regulars and their spirit, with few exceptions, is worse here than were the yanitschars. when the principle will be saved and victorious, it will be by the devotion, the spontaneity of the people, and not by lincoln, scott, seward, or any of the like. it is said that seward rules both lincoln and scott. the people, the masses, do not doubt their ability to crush by one blow the traitors, but the administration does. what i hear concerning the blairs confirms my high opinion of both. blair alone in the cabinet represents the spirit of the people. something seems not right with scott. is he too old, or too much of a virginian, or a hero on a small scale? if, as they say, the president is guided by scott's advice, such advice, to judge from facts, is not politic, not heroic, not thorough, not comprehensive, and not at all military, that is, not broad and deep, in the military sense. it will be a pity to be disappointed in this national idol. scott is against entering virginia, against taking baltimore, against punishing traitors. strange, strange! diplomats altogether out of their senses; they are bewildered by the uprising, by the unanimity, by the warlike, earnest, unflinching attitude of the masses of the freemen, of my dear yankees. the diplomats have lost the compass. they, duty bound, were diplomatically obsequious to the power held so long by the pro-slavery party. they got accustomed to the arrogant assumption and impertinence of the slavers, and, forgetting their european origin, the diplomats tacitly--but for their common sense and honor i hope reluctantly--admitted the assumptions of the southern banditti to be in america the nearest assimilation to the chivalry and nobility of old europe. without taking the cudgel in defence of european nobility, chivalry, and aristocracy, it is sacrilegious to compare those infamous slavers with the old or even with the modern european higher classes. in the midst of this slave-driving, slave-worshipping, and slave-breeding society of washington, the diplomats swallowed, gulped all the southern lies about the constitution, state-rights, the necessity of slavery, and other like infamies. the question is, how far the diplomats in their respective official reports transferred these pro-slavery common-places to their governments. but, after all, the governments of europe will not be thoroughly influenced by the chat of their diplomats. among all diplomats the english (lord lyons) is the most sphinx; he is taciturn, reserved, listens more than he speaks; the others are more communicative. what an idea have those americans of sending a secret agent to canada, and what for? england will find it out, and must be offended. i would not have committed such an absurdity, even in my palmy days, when i conspired with louis napoleon, sat in the councils with godefroi cavaignac, or wrote instructions for mazzini, then only a beginner with his _giovina italia_, and his miscarried romarino attempt in savoy. of what earthly use can be such _politique provocatrice_ towards england? or is it only to give some money to a hungry, noisy, and not over-principled office-seeker? may, . the administration tossed by expedients -- seward to dayton -- spread-eagleism -- one phasis of the american union finished -- the fuss about russell -- pressure on the administration increases -- seward, wickoff, and the herald -- lord lyons menaced with passports -- the splendid northern army -- the administration not up to the occasion -- the new men -- andrew, wadsworth, boutwell, noyes, wade, trumbull, walcott, king, chandler, wilson -- lyon jumps over formulas -- governor banks needed -- butler takes baltimore with two regiments -- news from england -- the "belligerent" question -- butler and scott -- seward and the diplomats -- "what a merlin!" -- "france not bigger than new york!" -- virginia invaded -- murder of ellsworth -- harpies at the white house. rumors that the president, the administration, or whoever has it in his hands, is to take the offensive, make a demonstration on virginia and on baltimore. but these ups and downs, these vacillations, are daily occurrences, and nothing points to a firm purpose, to a decided policy, or any policy whatever of the administration. a great principle and a great cause cannot be served and cannot be saved by half measures, and still less by tricks and by paltry expedients. but the administration is tossed by expedients. nothing is hitherto done, and this denotes a want of any firm decision. mr. seward's letter to dayton, a first manifesto to foreign nations, and the first document of the new minister of foreign affairs. it is bold, high-toned, and american, but it has dark shadows; shows an inexperienced hand in diplomacy and in dealing with events. the passages about the frequent changes in europe are unnecessary, and unprovoked by anything whatever. it is especially offensive to france, to the french people, and to louis napoleon. it is bosh, but in europe they will consider it as _une politique provocatrice_. for the present complications, diplomatic relations ought to be conducted with firmness, with dignity, but not with an arrogant, offensive assumption, not in the spirit of spread-eagleism; no brass, but reason and decision. americans will find out how absolute are the laws of history, as stern and as positive as all the other laws of nature. to me it is clear that one phasis of american political growth, development, &c., is gone, is finished. it is the phasis of the union as created by the constitution. this war--war it will be, and a terrible one, notwithstanding all the prophecies of mr. seward to the contrary--this war will generate new social and constitutional necessities and new formulas. new conceptions and new passions will spring up; in one word, it will bring forth new social, physical, and moral creations: so we are in the period of gestation. democracy, the true, the noble, that which constitutes the signification of america in the progress of our race--democracy will not be destroyed. all the inveterate enemies here and in europe, all who already joyously sing the funeral songs of democracy, all of them will become disgraced. democracy will emerge more pure, more powerful, more rational; destroyed will be the most infamous oligarchy ever known in history; oligarchy issued neither from the sword, nor the gown, nor the shop, but wombed, generated, cemented, and sustained by traffic in man. the famous russell, of the london times, is what i always thought him to be--a graphic, imaginative writer, with power of description of all he sees, but not the slightest insight in events, in men, in institutions. russell is not able to find out the epidermis under a shirt. and they make so much fuss about him; seward brings him to the first cabinet dinner given by the president; mrs. lincoln sends him bouquets; and this man, russell, will heap blunders upon blunders. the pressure on the administration for decided, energetic action increases from all sides. seldom, anywhere, an administration receives so many moral kicks as does this one; but it seems to stand them with serenity. oh, for a clear, firm, well-defined purpose! the country, the people demands an attack on virginia, on richmond, and baltimore; the country, better than the military authorities, understands the political and military necessities; the people has the consciousness that if fighting is done instantly, it will be done cheaply and thoroughly by a move of its finger. the administration can double the number of men under arms, but hesitates. what slow coaches, and what ignorance of human nature and of human events. the knowing ones, the wiseacres, will be the ruin of this country. they poison the sound reason of the people. what the d---- is seward with his politicians' policy? what can signify his close alliance with such outlaws as wikoff and the herald, and pushing that sheet to abuse england and lord lyons? wikoff is, so to speak, an inmate of seward's house and office, and wikoff declared publicly that the telegram contained in the herald, and so violent against england and lord lyons, was written under seward's dictation. wikoff, i am told, showed the ms. corrected in seward's handwriting. lord lyons is menaced with passports. is this man mad? can seward for a moment believe that wikoff knows europe, or has any influence? he may know the low resorts there. can seward be fool enough to irritate england, and entangle this country? even my anglophobia cannot stand it. wrote about it warning letters to new york, to barney, to opdyke, to wadsworth, &c. the whole district a great camp; the best population from the north in rank and file. more intelligence, industry, and all good national and intellectual qualities represented in those militia and volunteer regiments, than in any--not only army, but society--in europe. artisans, mechanics of all industries, of trade, merchants, bankers, lawyers; all pursuits and professions. glorious, heart-elevating sight! these regiments want only a small touch of military organization. weeks run, troops increase, and not the first step made to organize them into an army, to form brigades, not to say divisions; not yet two regiments manoeuvring together. what a strange idea the military chief or chiefs, or department, or somebody, must have of what it is to organize an army. not the first letter made. can it be ignorance of this elementary knowledge with which is familiar every corporal in europe? when will they start, when begin to mould an army? the administration was not composed for this emergency, and is not up to it. the government hesitates, is inexperienced, and will unavoidably make heaps of mistakes, which may endanger the cause, and for which, at any rate, the people is terribly to pay. the loss in men and material will be very considerable before the administration will get on the right track. it is painful to think, nay, to be sure of it. then the european anti-union politicians and diplomats will credit the disasters to the inefficiency of self-government. the diplomats, accustomed to the rapid, energetic action of a supreme or of a centralized power, laugh at the trepidation of ours. but the fault is not in the principle of self-government, but in the accident which brought to the helm such an amount of inexperience. monarchy with a feeble head is even in a worse predicament. louis xv., the spanish and neapolitan bourbons, gustavus iv., &c., are thereof the historical evidences. may the shock of events bring out new lights from the people! one day the administration is to take the initiative, that is, the offensive, then it recedes from it. no one understands the organization and handling of such large bodies. they are to make their apprenticeship, if only it may not to be too dearly paid. but they cannot escape the action of that so positive law in nature, in history, and, above all, absolute in war. wrote to charles sumner, suggesting that the ice magnates send here from boston ice for hospitals. the war now waged against the free states is one made by the most hideous _sauvagerie_ against a most perfectioned and progressive civilization. history records not a similar event. it is a hideous phenomenon, disgracing our race, and it is so, look on it from whatever side you will. a new man from the people, like governor andrew, of massachusetts, acts promptly, decisively; feels and speaks ardently, and not as the rhetors. andrew is the incarnation of the massachusetts, nay, of the genuine american people. i must become acquainted with andrew. thousands of others like andrew exist in all the states. can anybody be a more noble incarnation of the american people than j. s. wadsworth? i become acquainted with numerous men whom i honor as the true american men. so boutwell, of massachusetts, curtis noyes, senator wade, trumbull, walcott, from ohio, senator king, chandler, and many, many true patriots. senator wilson, my old friend, is up to the mark; a man of the people, but too mercurial. captain or major lyon in st. louis, the first initiator or revelator of what is the absolute law of necessity in questions of national death or life. lyon jumped over formulas, over routine, over clumsy discipline and martinetism, and saved st. louis and missouri. it is positively asserted that general scott's first impression was to court-martial lyon for this breach of discipline, for having acted on his own patriotic responsibility. can scott be such a dried-up, narrow-minded disciplinarian, and he the egeria of lincoln! oh! oh! diplomats tell me that seward uses the dictatorial i, speaking of the government. three cheers for the new louis xiv.! governor banks would be excellent for the _intendant général de l'armée_: they call it here _general quartermaster_. awful disorder and slowness prevail in this cardinal branch of the army. wrote to sumner concerning banks. gen. butler took baltimore; did what ought to have been done a long time ago. butler did it on his own responsibility, without orders. butler acted upon the same principle as lyon, and, _horrabile dictu_, astonished, terrified the parleying administration. scott wishes to put butler under arrest; happily lincoln resisted his boss (so mr. lincoln called scott before a deputation from baltimore). scott, patterson, and mansfield made a beautiful _strategical_ horror! they began to speak of strategy; plan to approach baltimore on three different roads, and with about , men. butler did it one morning with two regiments, and kicked over the senile strategians in council. the administration speaks with pride of its forbearing, that is, parleying, policy. the people, the country, requires action. _congressus impar achilli_: achilles, the people, and _congressus_ the forbearing administration. music, parades, serenades, receptions, &c., &c., only no genuine military organization. they do it differently on the other side of the potomac. there the leaders are in earnest. met gov. sprague and asked him when he would have a brigade; his answer was, soon; but this soon comes very slow. news from england. lord john russell declared in parliament that the queen, or the english government, will recognize the rebels in the condition of "belligerents." o england, england! the declaration is too hasty. lord john cannot have had news of the proclamation of the blockade when he made that declaration. the blockade could have served him as an excuse for the haste. english aristocracy and government show thus their enmity to the north, and their partiality to slavers. what will the anglophiles of boston say to this? neither england or france, or anybody in europe, recognized the condition of "belligerents" to poles, when we fought in russia in . were the magyars recognized as such in -' ? lord palmerston called the german flag hard names in the war with denmark for schleswig-holstein; and now he bows to the flag of slavers and pirates. if the english statesmen have not some very particular reason for this hasty, uncalled-for condescension to the enemies of humanity, then curse upon the english government. i recollect that european powers recognized the greeks "belligerents" (austria opposed) in their glorious struggle against the slavers, the turks. but then this stretching of positive, international comity,--this stretching was done in the interest of freedom, of right, and of humanity, against savages and slaughterers. on the present occasion england did the reverse. o england, england, thou judas iscariot of nations! seward said to john jacob astor, and to a new york deputation, that this english declaration concerning "belligerents" is a mere formality, having no bearing at all. i told the contrary to astor and to others, assuring them that mr. seward will soon find, to the cost of the people and to his own, how much complication and trouble this _mere formality_ will occasion, and occasion it before long. is seward so ignorant of international laws, of general or special history, or was it only said to throw dust? wrote about the "belligerents" a warning letter to the president. butler, in command of fortress monroe, proposes to land in virginia and to take norfolk; scott, the highest military authority in the land, opposes. has scott used up his energy, his sense, and even his military judgment in defending washington before the inauguration? he is too old; his brains, _cerebellum_, must be dried up. imbecility in a leader is often, nay always, more dangerous than treason; the people can find out--easily, too--treason, but is disarmed against imbecility. what a thoughtlessness to press on russia the convention of paris? russia has already a treaty with america, but in case of a war with england, the russian ports on the pacific, and the only one accessible to americans, will be closed to them by the convention of paris. the governors of the states of ohio, illinois, pennsylvania assure the protection of their respective states to the union men of the border states. what a bitter criticism on the slow, forbearing policy of the administration. mr. lincoln seems to be a rather slow intellect, with slow powers of perception. however, patience; perhaps the shock of events will arouse and bring in action now latent, but good and energetic qualities. as it stands now, the administration, being the focus of activity, is tepid, if not cold and slow; the circumference, that is, the people, the states, are full of fire and of activity. this condition is altogether the reverse of the physiological and all other natural laws, and this may turn out badly, as nature's laws never can be with impunity reversed or violated. the diplomats complain that seward treats them with a certain rudeness; that he never gives them time to explain and speak, but interrupts by saying, "i know it all," etc. if he had knowledge of things, and of the diplomatic world, he would be aware that the more firmness he has to use, the more politeness, even fastidiousness, he is to display. scott does not wish for any bold demonstration, for any offensive movement. the reason may be, that he is too old, too crippled, to be able to take the field in person, and too inflated by conceit to give the glory of the active command to any other man. wrote to charles sumner in boston to stir up some inventive yankee to construct a wheelbarrow in which scott could take the field in person. in a conversation with seward, i called his attention to the fact that the government is surrounded by the finest, most complicated, intense, and well-spread web of treason that ever was spun; that almost all that constitutes society and is in a daily, nay hourly, contact with the various branches of the executive, all this, with soul, mind, and heart is devoted to the rebels. i observed to him that _si licet exemplis in parvo grandibus uti_. napoleon suffered more from the bitter hostility of the _faubourg st. germain_, than from the armies of the enemy; and here it is still worse, as this hostility runs out into actual, unrelenting treason. to this mr. seward answered with the utmost serenity, "that before long all this will change; that when he became governor of new york, a similar hostility prevailed between the two sections of that state, but soon he pacified everything." what a merlin! what a sorcerer! some simple-minded persons from the interior of the state of new york questioned mr. seward, in my presence, about europe, and "what they will do there?" to this, with a voice of the delphic oracle, he responded, "that after all france is not bigger than the state of new york." is it possible to say such trash even as a joke? finally, the hesitations of general scott are overcome. "virginia's sacred soil is invaded;" potomac crossed; looks like a beginning of activity; scott consented to move on arlington heights, but during two or three days opposed the seizure of alexandria. is that all that he knows of that hateful watchword--strategy--nausea repeated by every ignoramus and imbecile? alexandria being a port of entry, and having a railroad, is more a strategic point for the invasion of virginia than are arlington heights. the brave ellsworth murdered in alexandria, and scott insisted that alexandria be invaded and occupied by night. in all probability, ellsworth would not have been murdered if this villanous nest had been entered by broad daylight. as if the troops were committing a crime, or a shameful act! o general scott! but for you ellsworth would not have been murdered. general mcdowell made a plan to seize upon manassas as the centre of railroads, the true defence of washington, and the firm foothold in virginia. nobody, or only few enemies, were in manassas. mcdowell shows his genuine military insight. scott, and, as i am told, the whole senile military council, opposed mcdowell's plan as being too bold. do these mummies intend to conduct a war without boldness? thick clouds of patriotic, well-intentioned harpies surround all the issues of the executive doors, windows, crevasses, all of them ready to turn an honest, or rather dishonest, penny out of the fatherland. behind the harpies advance the busy-bodies, the would-be well-informed, and a promiscuous crowd of well-intentioned do-nothings. june, . butler emancipates slaves -- the army not organized -- promenades -- the blockade -- louis napoleon -- scott all in all -- strategy! -- gun contracts -- the diplomats -- masked batteries -- seward writes for "bunkum" -- big bethel -- the dayton letter -- instructions to mr. adams. the emancipation of slaves is virtually inaugurated. gen. butler, once a hard pro-slavery democrat, takes the lead. _tempora mutantur et nos_, &c. butler originated the name of _contrabands of war_ for slaves faithful to the union, who abandon their rebel masters. a logical yankee mind operates as an _accoucheur_ to bring that to daylight with which the events are pregnant. the enemies of self-government at home and abroad are untiring in vaticinations that a dictatorship now, and after the war a strong centralized government, will be inaugurated. i do not believe it. perhaps the riddle to be solved will be, to make a strong administration without modifying the principle of self-government. the most glorious difference between americans and europeans is, that in cases of national emergencies, every european nation, the swiss excepted, is called, stimulated to action, to sacrifices, either by a chief, or by certain families, or by some high-standing individual, or by the government; here the people forces upon the administration more of all kinds of sacrifices than the thus called rulers can grasp, and the people is in every way ahead of the administration. notwithstanding that a part of the army crossed the potomac, very little genuine organization is done. they begin only to organize brigades, but slowly, very slowly. gen. scott unyielding in his opposition to organizing any artillery, of which the army has very, very little. this man is incomprehensible. he cannot be a clear-headed general or organizer, or he cannot be a patriot. as for the past, single regiments are parading in honor of the president, of members of the cabinet, of married and unmarried _ladies_, but no military preparatory exercise of men, regiments, or brigades. it sickens to witness such _incurie_. mr. seward promenading the president from regiment to regiment, from camp to camp, or rather showing up the president and himself. do they believe they can awake enthusiasm for their persons? the troops could be better occupied than to serve for the aim of a promenade for these two distinguished personalities. gen. scott refuses the formation of volunteer artillery and of new cavalry regiments, and the active army, more than , men, has a very insufficient number of batteries, and between and cavalry. lincoln blindly follows his boss. seward, of course, sustains scott, and confuses lincoln. lincoln, scott, seward and cameron oppose offers pouring from the country. to a mr. m----, from the state of new york, who demanded permission to form a regiment of cavalry, mr. lincoln angrily answered, that (patriotic) offers give more "trouble to him and the administration than do the rebels." the debates of the english parliament raise the ire of the people, nay, exasperate even old fogyish anglo-manes. persons very familiar with the domestic relations of gen. scott assure me that the vacillations of the old man, and his dread of a serious warfare, result from the all-powerful influence on him of one of his daughters, a rabid secessionist. the old man ought to be among relics in the patent office, or sent into a nursery. the published correspondence between lord lyons and lord russell concerning the blockade furnishes curious revelations. when the blockade was to be declared, mr. seward seems to have been a thorough novice in the whole matter, and in an official interview with lord lyons, mr. seward was assisted by his chief clerk, who was therefore the quintessence of the wisdom of the foreign affairs, a man not even mastering the red-tape traditions of the department, without any genuine instruction, without ideas. for this chief clerk, all that he knew of a blockade was that it was in use during the mexican war, that it almost yearly occurred in south american waters, and every tyro knows there exists such a thing as a blockade. but that was all that this chief clerk knew. lord lyons asked for some special precedents or former acts of the american government. the chief, and his support, the chief clerk, ignored the existence of any. lord lyons went home and sent to the department american precedents and authorities. no minister of foreign affairs in europe, together with his chief clerk, could ever be caught in such a _flagrante delicto_ of ignorance. this chief clerk made mr. seward make _un pas de clerc_, and this at the start. as lord lyons took a great interest in the solution of the question of blockade, and as the chief clerk was the _oraculum_ in this question, these combined facts may give some clue to the anonymous advice sent to lord lyons, and mentioned in the month of april. suggested to mr. seward to at once elevate the american question to a higher region, to represent it to europe in its true, holy character, as a question of right, freedom, and humanity. then it will be impossible for england to quibble about technicalities of the international laws; then we can beat england with her own arms and words, as england in , &c., recognized the greeks as belligerents, on the plea of aiding freedom and humanity. the southern insurrection is a movement similar to that of the neapolitan brigands, similar to what partisans of the grand dukes of tuscany or modena may attempt, similar to any--for argument's sake--supposed insurrection of any russian bojàrs against the emancipating czar. not in one from among the above enumerated cases would england concede to the insurgents the condition of belligerents. if the deys of tunis and tripoli should attempt to throw off their allegiance to the sultan on the plea that the porte prohibits the slave traffic, would england hurry to recognize the deys as belligerents? suggested to mr. seward, what two months ago i suggested to the president, to put the commercial interests in the mediterranean, for a time, under the protection of louis napoleon. i maintain the right of closing the ports, against the partisans of blockade. _qui jure suo utitur neminem lædit_, says the roman jurisconsult. the condition of lincoln has some similarity with that of pio ix. in - . plenty of good-will, but the eagle is not yet breaking out of the egg. and as pio ix. was surrounded by this or that cardinal, so is mr. lincoln by seward and scott. perhaps it may turn out that lincoln is honest, but of not transcendent powers. the war may last long, and the military spirit generated by the war may in its turn generate despotic aspirations. under lincoln in the white house, the final victory will be due to the people alone, and he, lincoln, will preserve intact the principle which lifted him to such a height. the people is in a state of the healthiest and most generous fermentation, but it may become soured and musty by the admixture of scott-seward vacillatory powders. scott is all in all--minister or secretary of war and commander-in-chief. how absurd to unite those functions, as they are virtually united here, scott deciding all the various military questions; he the incarnation of the dusty, obsolete, everywhere thrown overboard and rotten routine. they ought to have for secretary of war, if not a carnot, at least a man of great energy, honesty, of strong will, and of a thorough devotion to the cause. senator wade would be suitable for this duty. cameron is devoted, but i doubt his other capacities for the emergency, and he has on his shoulders general scott as a dead weight. charles sumner, mr. motley, dr. howe, and many others, consider it as a triumph that the english cabinet asked mr. gregory to postpone his motion for the recognition of the southern confederacy. those gentlemen here are not deep, and are satisfied with a few small crumbs thrown them by the english aristocracy. generally, the thus-called better americans eagerly snap at such crumbs. it is clear that the english cabinet wished this postponement for its own sake. a postponement spares the necessity to russells, palmerstons, gladstones, and _hoc genus omne_, to show their hands. mr. adams likewise is taken in. _military organization_ and _strategic points_ are the watchwords. _strategic points_, strategy, are natural excrescences of brains which thus shamefully conceive and carry out what the abused people believe to be _the_ military organization. strategy--strategy repeats now every imbecile, and military fuss covers its ignorance by that sacramental word. scott cannot have in view the destruction of the rebels. not even the austrian aulic council imagined a strategy combined and stretching through several thousands of miles. the people's strategy is best: to rush in masses on richmond; to take it now, when the enemy is there in comparatively small numbers. richmond taken, norfolk and the lost guns at once will be recovered. so speaks the people, and they are right; here among the wiseacres not one understands the superiority of the people over his own little brains. warned mr. seward against making contracts for arms with all kinds of german agents from new york and from abroad. they will furnish and bring, at the best, what the german governments throw out as being of no use at the present moment. all the german governments are at work to renovate their fire-arms. the diplomats more and more confused,--some of them ludicrously so. here, as always and everywhere, diplomacy, by its essence, is virtually _statu quo_; if not altogether retrograde, is conservative, and often ultra conservative. it is rare to witness diplomacy _in toto_, or even single diplomats, side with progressive efforts and ideas. english diplomacy and diplomats do it at times; but then mostly for the sake of political intrigue. even the great events of italy are not the child of diplomacy. it went to work _clopin, clopan_, after solferino. not one of the diplomats here is intrinsically hostile to the union. not one really wishes its disruption. some brag so, but that is for small effect. all of them are for peace, for _statu quo_, for the grandeur of the country (as the greatest consumer of european imports); but most of them would wish slavery to be preserved, and for this reason they would have been glad to greet breckinridge or jeff. davis in the white house. some among the diplomats are not virtually enemies of freedom and of the north; but they know the north from the lies spread by the southerners, and by this putrescent heap of refuse, the washington society. i am the only northerner on a footing of intimacy with the diplomats. they consider me an _exalté_. it must be likewise taken into account,--and they say so themselves,--that mr. seward's oracular vaticinations about the end of the rebellion from sixty to ninety days confuse the judgment of diplomats. mr. seward's conversation and words have an official meaning for the diplomats, are the subject of their dispatches, and they continually find that when mr. seward says yes the events say no. some of the diplomats are union men out of obedience to a lawful government, whatever it be; others by principle. the few from central and south american republics are thoroughly sound. the diplomats of the great powers, representing various complicated interests, are the more confused, they have so many things to consider. the diplomatic tail, the smallest, insignificant, fawn to all, and turn as whirlwinds around the great ones. scott continually refused the formation of new batteries, and now he roars for them, and hurries the governors to send them. governor andrew, of massachusetts, weeks ago offered one or two rifled batteries, was refused, and now scott in all hurry asks for them. the unhappy affair of big bethel gave a shock to the nation, and stirred up old scott, or rather the president. aside of strategy, there is a new bugbear to frighten the soldiers; this bugbear is the masked batteries. the inexperience of commanders at big bethel makes already _masked batteries_ a terror of the country. the stupid press resounds the absurdity. now everybody begins to believe that the whole of virginia is covered with masked batteries, constituting, so to speak, a subterranean artillery, which is to explode on every step, under the feet of our army. it seems that this error and humbug is rather welcome to scott, otherwise he would explain to the nation and to the army that the existence of numerous masked batteries is an absolute material and military impossibility. the terror prevailing now may do great mischief. mr. seward was obliged to explain, exonerate, expostulate, and neutralize before the french cabinet his famous dayton letter. i was sure it was to come to this; mr. thouvenel politely protested, and mr. seward confessed that it was written for the american market (alias, for _bunkum_). all this will make a very unfavorable impression upon european diplomats concerning mr. seward's diplomacy and statesmanship, as undoubtedly mr. thouvenel will semi-officially confidentially communicate mr. seward's _faux pas_ to his colleagues. mr. seward emphatically instructs mr. adams to exclude the question of slavery from all his sayings and doings as minister to england. just to england! that mr. adams, once the leader of the constitutional anti-slavery party, submits to this obeisance of a corporal, i am not astonished, as everything can be expected from the man who, in support of the compromise, made a speech _de lana caprina_; but senator sumner, chairman of the committee of foreign affairs, meekly swallowed it. july, . the evening post -- the message -- the administration caught napping -- mcdowell -- congress slowly feels its way -- seward's great facility of labor -- not a know-nothing -- prophesies a speedy end -- carried away by his imagination -- says "secession is over" -- hopeful views -- politeness of the state department -- scott carries on the campaign from his sleeping room -- bull run -- rout -- panic -- "malediction! malediction!" -- not a manly word in congress! -- abuse of the soldiers -- mcclellan sent for -- young blood -- gen. wadsworth -- poor mcdowell! -- scott responsible -- plan of reorganization -- let mcclellan beware of routine. it seems to me that the destinies of this admirable people are in strange hands. mr. lincoln, honest man of nature, perhaps an empiric, doctoring with innocent juices from herbs; but some others around him seem to be quacks of the first order. i wish i may be mistaken. the press, the thus called good one, is vacillating. best of all, and almost not vacillating, is the new york evening post. i do not speak of principles; but the papers vacillate, speaking of the measures and the slowness of the administration. the president's message; plenty of good, honest intentions; simple, unaffected wording, but a confession that by the attack on sumpter, and the uprising of virginia, the administration was, so to speak, caught napping. further, up to that day the administration did not take any, the slightest, measure of any kind for any emergency; in a word, that it expected no attacks, no war, saw no fire, and did not prepare to meet and quench one. it were, perhaps, better for lincoln if he could muster courage and act by himself according to his nature, rather than follow so many, or even any single adviser. less and less i understand mr. lincoln, but as his private secretary assures me that lincoln has great judgment and great energy, i suggested to the secretary to say to lincoln he should be more himself. being _tête-à-tête_ with mcdowell, i saw him do things of details which in any, even half-way organized army, belong to the speciality of a chief of the staff. i, of course, wondered at it. mcdowell, who commands what in europe would be called a large corps, told me that general scott allowed him not to form a complete staff, such a one as he, mcdowell, wished. and all this, so to speak, on the eve of a battle, when the army faces the enemy. it seems that genuine staff duties are something altogether unknown to the military senility of the army. mcdowell received this corps in the most chaotic state. almost with his own hands he organized, or rather put together, the artillery. brigades are scarcely formed; the commanders of brigades do not know their commands, and the soldiers do not know their generals--and still they consider scott to be a great general! the congress, well-intentioned, but entangled in formulas, slowly feels its way. the congress is composed of better elements than is the administration, and it is ludicrous to see how the administration takes airs of hauteur with the congress. this congress is in an abnormal condition _for the task of directing a revolution_; _a formula can be thrown in its face_ almost at every bold step. the administration is virtually irresponsible, more so than the government of any constitutional nation whatever. what great things this administration could carry out! congress will consecrate, legalize, sanction everything. perhaps no harm would have resulted if the senate and the house had contained some new, fresher elements directly from the boiling, popular cauldron. such men would take a _position_ at once. many of the leaders in both houses were accustomed for many years to make only opposition. but a long opposition influences and disorganizes the judgment, forms not those genuine statesmen able to grasp great events. for such emergencies as are now here, terrible energy is needed, and only a very perfect mind resists the enervating influence of a protracted opposition. suggested to mr. seward that the best diplomacy was to take possession of virginia. doing this, we will find all the cabinets smooth and friendly. i seldom saw a man with greater facility of labor than seward. when once he is at work, it runs torrent-like from his pen. his mind is elastic. his principal forte is argument on _any_ given case. but the question is how far he masters the variegated information so necessary in a statesman, and the more now, when the country earnestly has such dangerous questions with european cabinets. he is still cheerful, hopeful, and prophesies a speedy end. seward has no know-nothingism about him. he is easy, and may have many genuine generous traits in his character, were they not compressed by the habits of the, not lofty, politician. at present, seward is a moral dictator; he has lincoln in his hand, and is all in all. very likely he flatters him and imposes upon his simple mind by his over-bold, dogmatic, but not over-correct and logical, generalizations. seward's finger is in all the other departments, but above all in the army. the opposition made to seward is not courageous, not open, not dignified. such an opposition betrays the weakness of the opposers, and does not inspire respect. it is darkly surreptitious. these opponents call seward hard names, but do this in a corner, although most of them have their parliamentary chair wherefrom they can speak. if he is bad and mischievous, then unite your forces and overthrow him; if he is not bad, or if you are not strong enough against him, do not cover yourself with ridicule, making a show of impotent malice. when the senate confirmed him, every one throughout the land knew his vacillating policy; knew him to be for compromise, for concessions; knew that he disbelieved in the terrible earnestness of the struggle, and always prophesied its very speedy end. the senate confirmed seward with open eyes. perhaps at the start his imagination and his patriotism made him doubt and disbelieve in the enormity of treason--he could not realize that the traitors would go to the bitter end. seemingly, seward still hopes that one day or another they may return as forlorn sheep. under the like impressions, he always believed, and perhaps still believes, he shall be able to patch up the quarrel, and be the savior of the union. very probably his imagination, his ardent wishes, carry him away, and confuse that clear insight into events which alone constitutes the statesman. suggested to sumner to demand the reduction of the tariff on certain merchandises, on the plea of fraternity of the working american people with their brethren the operatives all over europe; by it principally i wished to alleviate the condition of french industry, as i have full confidence in louis napoleon, and in the unsophisticated judgment of the genuine french people. the suggestion did not take with the senate. when the july telegraph brought the news of the victory at romney (western virginia), it was about midnight. mr. seward warmly congratulated the president that "_the secession was over_." what a far-reaching policy! when the struggle will be over, england, at least her tories, aristocrats, and politicians, will find themselves baffled in their ardent wishes for the breaking of the union. the free states will look tidy and nice, as in the past. but more than one generation will pass before ceases to bleed the wound inflicted by the lies, the taunts, the vituperations, poured in england upon this noble, generous, and high-minded people; upon the sacred cause defended by the freemen. these freemen of america, up to the present time, incarnate the loftiest principle in the successive, progressive, and historical development of man. nations, communities, societies, institutions, stand and fall with that principle, whatever it be, whereof they are the incarnation; so teaches us history. woe to these freemen if they will recede from the principle; if they abandon human rights; if they do not crush human bondage, this sum of all infamies. certainly the question paramount to all is, to save and preserve pure self-government in principle and in its direct application. but although the question of slavery seems to be incidental and subordinate to the former, virtually the question of slavery is twin to the former. slavery serves as a basis, as a nurse, for the most infamous and abject aristocracy or oligarchy that was ever built up in history, and any, even the best, the mildest, and the most honest oligarchy or aristocracy kills and destroys man and self-government. from the purely administrative point of view, the principle whose incarnation is the american people, the principle begins to be perverted. the embodiment of self-government fills dungeons, suppresses personal liberty, opens letters, and in the reckless saturnalias of despotism it rivals many from among the european despots. europe, which does not see well the causes, shudders at this _delirium tremens_ of despotism in america. certainly, treason being in ebullition, the holders of power could not stand by and look. but instead of an energetic action, instead of exercising in full the existing laws, they hesitated, and treason, emboldened, grew over their heads. the law inflicted the severest capital punishment on the chiefs of the revolt in baltimore, but all went off unharmed. the administration one day willingly allows the law to slide from its lap, and the next moment grasps at an unnecessary arbitrary power. had the traitors of baltimore been tried by court-martial, as the law allowed, and punished, few, if any, traitors would then have raised their heads in the north. englishmen forget that even after a secession, the north, to-day twenty millions, as large as the whole union eight years ago, will in ten years be thirty millions; a population rich, industrious, and hating england with fury. seward, having complete hold of the president, weakens lincoln's mind by using it up in hunting after comparatively paltry expedients. seward-scott's influence neutralizes the energetic cry of the country, of the congressmen, and in the cabinet that of blair, who is still a trump. the emancipation of slaves is spoken of as an expedient, but not as a sacred duty, even for the maintenance of the union. to emancipate through the war power is an offence to reason, logic, and humanity; but better even so than not at all. war power is in its nature violent, transient, established for a day; emancipation is the highest social and economical solution to be given by law and reason, and ought to result from a thorough and mature deliberation. when the constitution was framed, slavery was ashamed of itself, stood in the corner, had no paws. now-a-days, slavery has become a traitor, is arrogant, blood-thirsty, worse than a jackal and a hyena; deliberately slavery is a matricide. and they still talk of slavery as sheltered by the constitution; and many once anti-slavery men like seward, etc., are ready to preserve it, to compromise with the crime. the existence of nations oscillates between epochs when the substance and when the form prevails. the formation of america was the epoch when substance prevailed. afterward, for more than half a century, the form was paramount; the term of substance again begins. the constitution is substance and form. the substance in it is perennial; but every form is transient, and must be expanded, changed, re-cast. few, if any, americans are aware of the identity of laws ruling the universe with laws ruling and prevailing in the historical development of man. rarely has an american patience enough to ascend the long chain from effect to cause, until he reaches the first cause, the womb wherein was first generated the subsequent distant effect. so, likewise, they cannot realize that at the start the imperceptible deviation from the aim by and by widens to a bottomless gap until the aim is missed. then the greatest and the most devoted sacrifices are useless. the legal conductors of the nation, since march th, ignore this law. the foreign ministers here in washington were astonished at the _politeness_, when some time ago the department sent to the foreign ministers a circular announcing to them that armed vessels of the neutrals will be allowed to enter at pleasure the rebel blockaded ports. this favor was not asked, not hoped for, and was not necessary. it was too late when i called the attention of the department to the fact that such favors were very seldom granted; that they are dangerous, and can occasion complications. i observed that during the war between mexico and france, in , count mole, minister of foreign affairs, and the premier of louis philippe, instructed the admiral commanding the french navy in the mexican waters, to oppose, even by force, any attempt made by a neutral man-of-war to enter a blockaded port. and it was not so dangerous then as it may be in this civil war. but the chief clerk adviser of the department found out that president polk's administration during the mexican war granted a similar permission, and, glad to have a precedent, his powerful brains could not find out the difference between _then_ and _now_. the internal routine of the ministry, and the manner in which our ministers are treated abroad by the chief at home, is very strange, humiliating to our agents in the eyes of foreign cabinets. cassius clay was instructed to propose to russia our accession to the convention of paris, but was not informed from washington that our ministers at paris, london, etc., were to make the same propositions. when prince gortschakoff asked cassius clay if similar propositions were made to the other cosigners of the paris convention, our minister was obliged to confess his utter ignorance about the whole proceeding. prince gortschakoff good-naturedly inquired about it from his ministers at paris and london, and enlightened cassius clay. no ministry of foreign affairs in europe would treat its agents in such a trifling manner, and, if done, a minister would resent it. this mistake, or recklessness, is to be credited principally to the internal chief, or director of the department, and not to the minister himself. by and by, the chief clerks, these routinists in the former coarse traditions of the democratic administrations, will learn and acquire better diplomatic and bureaucratic habits. if one calls the attention of influential americans to the mismanagement in the organization of the army; to the extraordinary way in which everything, as organization of brigades, and the inner service, the quartermaster's duty, is done, the general and inevitable answer is, "we are not military; we are young people; we have to learn." granted; but instead of learning from the best, the latest, and most correct authorities, why stick to an obsolete, senile, musty, rotten, mean, and now-a-days impracticable routine, which is all-powerful in all relating to the army and to the war? the americans may pay dear for thus reversing the rules of common sense. general scott directs from his sleeping room the movements of the two armies on the potomac and in the shenandoah valley. general scott has given the order to advance. at least a strange way, to have the command of battle at a distance of thirty and one hundred miles, and stretched on his fauteuil. marshal de saxe, although deadly sick, was on the field at fontenoy. what will be the result of this experimentalization, so contrary to sound reason? fighting at bull run. one o'clock, p. m. good news. gen. scott says that although we were - in disadvantage, nevertheless his plans are successful--all goes as he arranged it--all as he foresaw it. bravo! old man! if so, i make _amende honorable_ of all that i said up to this minute. two o'clock, p. m. general scott, satisfied with the justness and success of his strategy and tactics--takes a nap. _evening._--battle lost; rout, panic. the army almost disbanded, in full run. so say the forerunners of the accursed news. malediction! malediction! what a horrible night and day! rain and cold; stragglers and disbanded soldiers in every direction, and no order, nobody to gather the soldiers, or to take care of them. as if there existed not any military or administrative authority in washington! under the eyes of the two commanders-in-chief! oh, senility, imbecility, ignominy! in europe, a commander of a city, or any other military authority whatever, who should behave in such a way, would be dismissed, nay, expelled, from military service. what i can gather is, that the enemy was in full retreat in the centre and on one flank, when he was reinforced by fresh troops, who outflanked and turned ours. if so, the panic can be explained. even old veteran troops generally run when they are outflanked. johnston, whom patterson permitted to slip, came to the rescue of beauregard. so they say. it is _en petit_ waterloo, with blucher-johnston, and grouchy-patterson. but had napoleon's power survived after waterloo, grouchy, his chief of the staff, and even ney,[ ] for the fault at quatre-bras, would have been court-martialed and shot. here these blind americans will thank scott and patterson. [footnote : that such would have been the presumed fate of ney at the hands of napoleon, i was afterwards assured by the old duke of bassano, and by the duchess abrantes.] others say that a bold charge of cavalry arrived on our rear, and threw in disorder the wagons and the baggage gang. that is nothing new; at the battle of borodino some cossacks, pouncing upon the french baggage, created a panic, which for a moment staggered napoleon, and prevented him in time from reinforcing ney and davoust. but mcdowell committed a fault in putting his baggage train, the ambulances excepted, on a road between the army and its reserves, which, in such a manner, came not in action. by and by i shall learn more about it. the congress has made a worse bull run than the soldiers. not a single manly, heroic word to the nation and the army. as if unsuccess always was dishonor. this body groped its way, and was morally stunned by the blow; the would-be leaders more than the mass. suggested to sumner to make, as the romans did, a few stirring words on account of the defeat. some mean fellows in congress, who never smelt powder, abused the soldiers. those fellows would have been the first to run. others, still worse, to show their abject flunkeyism to scott, and to humbug the public at large about their intimacy with this fetish, make speeches in his defence. scott broadly prepared the defeat, and now, through the mouths of flunkeys and spit-lickers,[ ] he attempts to throw the fault on the thus called politicians. [footnote : foremost among them was the editor of the new york times, publishing a long article wherein he proved that he had been admitted to general scott's table, and that the general unfolded to him, the editor, the great anaconda strategy. exactly the thing to be admired and gulped by a man of such _variegated_ information as that individual. that little villianish "article" had a second object: it was to filch subscribers from the tribune, which broke down, not over courageously.] the president telegraphed for mcclellan, who in the west, showed _rapidity of movement_, the first and most necessary capacity for a commander. young blood will be infused, and perhaps senility will be thrown overboard, or sent to the museum of the smithsonian institute. at bull run the foreign regiments ran not, but covered the retreat. and scott, and worse than he, thomas, this black spot in the war department, both are averse to, and when they can they humiliate, the foreigners. a member of congress, in search of a friend, went for several miles up the stream of the fugitive army; great was his astonishment to hear spoken by the fugitives only the unmixed, pure anglo-saxon. my friend, j. wadsworth, behaved cool, brave, on the field, and was devoted to the wounded. now, as always, he is the splendid type of a true man of the people. poor, unhappy mcdowell! during the days when he prepared the army, he was well aware that an eventual success would be altogether attributed to scott; but that he, mcdowell, would be the scapegoat for the defeat. already, when on sunday morning the news of the first successes was known, scott swallowed incense, and took the whole credit of it to himself. now he accuses the politicians. once more. scott himself prepared the defeat. subsequent elucidation will justify this assertion. one thing is already certain: one of the reasons of the lost battle is the exhaustion of troops which fought--and the number here in washington is more than , men. only an imbecile would divide the forces in such a way as to throw half of it to attack a superior and entrenched enemy. but scott wished to shape the great events of the country in accordance with his narrow, ossified brains, and with his peculiar patriotism; and he did the same in the conduct of the war. i am sure some day or other it will come out that this immense fortification of manassas is a similar humbug to the masked batteries; and scott was the first to aggrandize these terrible national nightmares. already many soldiers say that they did not see any fortifications. very likely only small earthworks; if so, scott ought to have known what was the position and the works of an enemy encamped about thirty miles from him. if he, scott, was ignorant, then it shows his utter imbecility; if he knew that the fortifications were insignificant, and did not tell it to the troops, then he is worse than an incapable chief. up to the present day, all the military leaders of ancient and modern times told their troops before a battle that the enemy is not much after all, and that the difficulties to overcome are rather insignificant. after the battle was won, everything became aggrandized. here everybody, beginning with scott, ardently rivalled how to scare and frighten the volunteers, by stories of the masked batteries of manassas, with its several tiers of fortifications, the terrible superiority of the southerners, etc., etc. in europe such behavior would be called treason. the administration and the influential men cannot realize that they must give up their old, stupid, musty routine. mcclellan ought to be altogether independent of scott; be untrammelled in his activity; have large powers; have direct action; and not refer to scott. what is this wheel within a wheel? instead of it, scott, as by concession, cuts for mcclellan a military department of six square miles. oh, human stupidity, how difficult thou art to lift! scott will paralyze mcclellan as he did lyon and butler. scott always pushed on his spit-lickers, or favorites, rotten by old age. but scott has pushed aside such men as wool and col. smith; refused the services of many brave as hooker and others, because they never belonged to his flunkeys. send to mcclellan a plan for the reorganization of the army. st. true mastership consists in creating an army with extant elements, and not in clamoring for what is altogether impossible to obtain. d. the idea is preposterous to try to have a large thus-called regular army. a small number, fifteen to twenty thousand men, divided among several hundreds of thousands of volunteers, would be as a drop of water in a lake. besides, this war is to be decided by the great masses of the volunteers, and it is uncivic and unpatriotic to in any way nourish the wickedly-assumed discrimination between regulars and volunteers. d. good non-commissioned officers and corporals constitute the sole, sound, and easy articulations of a regiment. any one who ever was in action is aware of this truth. with good non-commissioned officers, even ignorant lieutenants do very little harm. the volunteer regiments ought to have as many good sergeants and corporals as possible. th. to provide for this want, and for reasons mentioned above, the relics of the regular army ought to be dissolved. let us have one army, as the enemy has. th. all the rank and file of the army ought to be made at once corporals and sergeants, and be distributed as much as possible among the volunteers. th. the non-commissioned regulars ought to be made commissioned officers, and with officers of all grades be distributed and merged in the one great army. for the first time since the armaments, i enjoyed a genuine military view. mcclellan, surrounded as a general ought to be, went to see the army. it looks martial. the city, likewise, has a more martial look than it had all the time under scott. it seems that a young, strong hand holds the ribbons. god grant that mcclellan may preserve his western vigor and activity, and may not become softened and dissolved by these washington evaporations. if he does, if he follows the routine, he will become as impotent as others before him. young man, beware of washington's corrupt but flattering influences. to the camp! to the camp! a tent is better for you than a handsome house. the tent, the fumes of bivouacs, inspired the fredericks, the napoleons, and washingtons. up to this day they make more history in secessia than here. jeff. davis overshadows lincoln. jeff. davis and his gang of malefactors are pushed into the whirlpool of action by the nature of their crime; here, our leaders dread action, and grope. the rebels have a clear, decisive, almost palpable aim; but here * * august, . the truth about bull run -- the press staggers -- the blairs alone firm -- scott's military character -- seward -- mr. lincoln reads the herald -- the ubiquitous lobbyist -- intervention -- congress adjourns -- the administration waits for something to turn up -- wade -- lyon is killed -- russell and his shadow -- the yankees take the loan -- bravo, yankees! -- mcclellan works hard -- prince napoleon -- manassas fortifications a humbug -- mr. seward improves -- old whigism -- mcclellan's powers enlarged -- jeff. davis makes history -- fremont emancipates in missouri -- the cabinet. the truth about bull run will, perhaps, only reach the people when it becomes reduced to an historical use. i gather what i am sure is true. about three weeks ago general mcdowell took upon himself the responsibility to attack the enemy concentrated at manassas. deciding upon this step, mcdowell showed the determination of a true soldier, and a cool, intelligent courage. according to rumors permeating the whole north; rumors originated by secessionists in and around washington, and in various parts of the free states; rumors gulped by a part of the press, and never contradicted, but rather nursed, at headquarters, manassas was a terrible, unknown, mysterious something; a bugbear, between a fortress made by art and a natural fastness, whose approaches were defended for miles by numberless masked batteries, and which was filled by countless thousands of the most ferocious warriors. such was manassas in public opinion when mcdowell undertook to attack this formidable american torres vedras, and this with the scanty and almost unorganized means in men and artillery allotted to him by the senile wisdom of general scott. general mcdowell obtained the promise that beauregard alone was to be before him. to fulfil this promise, general scott was to order patterson to keep johnston, and a movement was to be made on the james river, so as to prevent troops coming from richmond to manassas. as it was already said, patterson, a special favorite of general scott, kindly allowed johnston to save beauregard, and jeff. davis with troops from richmond likewise was on the spot. mcdowell planned his plan very skilfully; no european general would have done better, and i am sure that such will be the verdict hereafter. some second-rate mistakes in the execution did not virtually endanger its success; but, to say the truth, mcdowell and his army were defeated by the imbecility of the supreme military authority. imbecility stabbed them in the back. one part of the press, stultified and stupefied, staggered under the blow; the other part showed its utter degradation by fawning on scott and attacking the congress, or its best part. the evening post staggered not; its editors are genuine, laborious students, and, above all, students of history. the editors of the other papers are politicians; some of them are little, others are big villains. all, intellectually, belong to the class called in america more or less well-read men; information acquired by reading, but which in itself is not much. the brothers blair, almost alone, receded not, and put the defeat where it belonged--at the feet of general scott. the _rudis indigestaque moles_, torn away from scott's hands, already begins to acquire the shape of an army. thanks to the youth, the vigor, and the activity of mcclellan. general scott throws the whole disaster on politicians, and abuses them. how ungrateful. his too lofty pedestal is almost exclusively the work of politicians. i heard very, very few military men in america consider scott a man of transcendent military capacity. years ago, during the crimean campaign, i spent some time at west point in the society of cols. robert lee, walker, hardee, then in the service of the united states, and now traitors; not one of them classed scott much higher above what would be called a respectable capacity; and of which, as they said, there are many, many in every european army. if one analyzes the mexican campaign, it will be found that general scott had, comparatively, more officers than soldiers; the officers young men, full of vigor, and in the first gush of youth, who therefore mightily facilitated the task of the commander. their names resound to-day in both the camps. further, generals from the campaign in mexico assert that three of the won battles were fought against orders, which signifies that in mexico youth had the best of cautious senility. it was according to the law of nature, and for it it was crowned with success. mr. seward has a very active intellect, an excellent man for current business, easy and clear-headed for solving any second-rate complications; but as for his initiative, that is another question. hitherto his initiative does not tell, but rather confuses. then he sustains scott, some say, for future political capital. if so it is bad; worse still if mr. seward sustains scott on the ground of high military fitness, as it is impossible to admit that mr. seward knows anything about military affairs, or that he ever _studied_ the description _of any battle_. at least, i so judge from his conversation. mr. lincoln has already the fumes of greatness, and looks down on the press, reads no paper, that dirty traitor the new york herald excepted. so, at least, it is generally stated. the enemies of seward maintain that he, seward, drilled lincoln into it, to make himself more necessary. early, even before the inauguration, mcdowell suggested to general scott to concentrate in washington the small army, the depots scattered in texas and new mexico. scott refused, and this is called a general! god preserve any cause, any people who have for a savior a scott, together with his civil and military partisans. if it is not direct, naked treason which prevails among the nurses, and the various advisers of the people, imbecility, narrow-mindedness, do the same work. further, the way in which many leech, phlebotomize, cheat and steal the people's treasury, is even worse than rampant treason. i heard a boston shipbuilder complain to sumner that the ubiquitous lobbyist, thurlow weed, was in his, the builder's, way concerning some contracts to be made in the navy department, etc., etc. will it turn out that the same men who are to-day at the head of affairs will be the men who shall bring to an end this revolt or revolution? it ought not to be, as it is contrary to logic, and to human events. lincoln alone must forcibly remain, he being one of the incarnated formulas of the constitution, endowed with a specific, four years' lasting existence. the americans are nervous about foreign intervention. it is difficult to make them understand that no intervention is to be, and none can be made. therein the press is as silly as the public at large. certainly france does not intend any meddling or intervention; of this i am sure. neither does england seriously. next, if these two powers should even thirst for such an injustice, they have no means to do it. if they break our blockades, we make war, and exclude them from the northern ports, whose commerce is more valuable to them than that of the south. i do not believe the foreign powers to be forgetful of their interest; they know better their interests than the americans. the congress adjourned, abandoning, with a confidence unparalleled in history, the affairs of the country in the hands of the not over far-sighted administration. the majority of the congress are good, and fully and nobly represent the pure, clear and sure aspirations, instincts, nay, the clear-sightedness of the people. in the senate, as in the house, are many, very many true men, and men of pure devotion, and of clear insight into the events; men superior to the administration; such are, above all, those senators and representatives who do not attempt or aim to sit on a pedestal before the public, before the people, but wish the thing to be done for the thing itself. but for _the formula_ which chains their hands, feet, and intellect, the congress contained several men who, if they could act, would finish the secession in a double-quick time. but the whole people move in the treadmill of formulas. it is a pity that they are not inspired by the axiom of the roman legist, _scire leges non est hoc verba earum tenere, sed vim ac potestatem_. congress had positive notions of what ought to be done; the administration, micawber-like, looks for that something which may turn up, and by expedients patches all from day to day. what may turn up nobody can foresee; matter alone without mind cannot carry the day. the people have the mind, but the official legal leaders a very small portion of it. come what will, i shall not break down; i shall not give up the holy principle. if crime, rebellion, _sauvagerie_, triumph, it will be, not because the people failed, but it will be because mediocrities were at the helm. concessions, compromises, any patched-up peace, will for a century degrade the name of america. of course, i cannot prevent it; but events have often broken but not bent me. i may be burned, but i cannot be melted; so if secesh succeeds, i throw in a cesspool my document of naturalization, and shall return to europe, even if working my passage. it is maddening to read all this ignoble clap-trap, written by european wiseacres concerning this country. not one knows the people, not one knows the accidental agencies which neutralize what is grand and devoted in the people. some are praised here as statesmen and leaders. a statesman, a leader of such a people as are the americans, and in such emergencies, must be a _man_ in the fullest and loftiest comprehension. all the noblest criteria of moral and intellectual manhood ought to be vigorously and harmoniously developed in him. he ought to have a deep and lively moral sense, and the moral perception of events and of men around him. he ought to have large brains and a big heart,--an almost all-embracing comprehension of the inside and outside of events,--and when he has those qualities, then only the genius of foresight will dwell on his brow. he ought to forget himself wholly and unconditionally; his reason, his heart, his soul ought to merge in the principles which lifted him to the elevated station. who around me approaches this ideal? so far as i know, perhaps senator wade. i wait and wait for the eagle which may break out from the white house. even the burning fire of the national disaster at bull run left the egg unhatched. _utinam sim falsus_, but it looks as if the slowest brains were to deal with the greatest events of our epoch. mr. lincoln is a pure-souled, well-intentioned patriot, and this nobody doubts or contests. but is that all which is needed in these terrible emergencies? lyon is killed,--the only man of initiative hitherto generated by events. we have bad luck. i shall put on mourning for at least six weeks. they ought to weep all over the land for the loss of such a man; and he would not have been lost if the administration had put him long ago in command of the west. o general scott! lyon's death can be credited to you. lyon was obnoxious to general scott, but the general's influence maintains in the service all the doubtful capacities and characters. the war department, as says potter, bristles with secessionists, and with them the old, rotten, respectable relics, preserved by general scott, depress and nip in the bud all the young, patriotic, and genuine capacities. as the sea corrodes the rocks against which it impinges, so egotism, narrow-mindedness, and immorality corrode the best human institutions. for humanity's sake, americans, beware! always the clouds of harpies around the white house and the departments,--such a generous ferment in the people, and such impurities coming to the surface! patronage is the stumbling stone here to true political action. by patronage the cabinet keeps in check congressmen, senators, etc. i learn from very good authority that when russell, with his shadow, sam. ward, went south, mr. seward told ward that he, seward, intends not to force the union on the southern people, if it should be positively ascertained that that people does not wish to live in the union! i am sorry for seward. such is not the feeling of the northern people, and such notions must necessarily confuse and make vacillating mr. seward's--that is, mr. lincoln's--policy. seward's patriotism and patriotic wishes and expectations prevent him from seeing things as they are. the money men of boston decided the conclusion of the first national loan. bravo, my beloved yankees! in finances as in war, as in all, not the financiering capacity of this or that individual, not any special masterly measures, etc., but the stern will of the people to succeed, provides funds and means, prevents bankruptcy, etc. the men who give money send an agent here to ascertain how many traitors are still kept in offices, and what are the prospects of energetic action by the administration. mcclellan is organizing, working hard. it is a pleasure to see him, so devoted and so young. after all, youth is promise. but already adulation begins, and may spoil him. it would be very, very saddening. prince napoleon's visit stirs up all the stupidity of politicians in europe and here. what a mass of absurdities are written on it in europe, and even by americans residing there. all this is more than equalled by the _solemn_ and _wise_ speculations of the americans at home. bar-room and coffee-house politicians are the same all over the world, the same, i am sure, in china and japan. to suppose prince napoleon has any appetite whatever for any kind of american crown! bah! he is brilliant and intelligent, and to suppose him to have such absurd plans is to offend him. but human and american gullibility are bottomless. the prince is a noble friend of the american cause, and freely speaks out his predilection. his sentiments are those of a true frenchman, and not the sickly free-trade pro-slaveryism of baroche with which he poisoned here the diplomatic atmosphere. prince napoleon's example will purify it. as i was sure of it, the great manassas fortifications are a humbug. it is scarcely a half-way fortified camp. so say the companions of the prince, who, with him, visited beauregard's army. so much for the great gen. scott, whom the companions of the prince call a _magnificent ruin_. the prince spoke with beauregard, and the prince's and his companions' opinion is, that mcdowell planned well his attack, but failed in the execution; and beauregard thought the same. the prince saw mcclellan, and does not prize him so high as we do. these foreign officers say that most probably, on both sides, the officers will make most correct plans, as do pupils in military schools, but the execution will depend upon accident. mr. seward shows every day more and more capacity in dispatching the regular, current, diplomatical business affairs. in all such matters he is now at home, as if he had done it for years and years. he is no more spread-eagle in his diplomatic relations; is easy and prompt in all secondary questions relating to secondary interests, and daily emerging from international complications. hitherto the war policy of the administration, as inspired and directed by scott, was rather to receive blows, and then to try to ward them off. i expect young mcclellan to deal blows, and thus to upturn the micawber policy. perhaps gen. scott believed that his name and example would awe the rebels, and that they would come back after having made a little fuss and done some little mischief. but scott's greatness was principally built up by the whigs, and his hold on democrats was not very great. witness the events of polk's and pierce's administrations. his mississippi-atlantic strategy is a delirium of a softening brain. seward's enemies say that he puts up and sustains scott, because in the case of success scott will not be in seward's way for the future presidency. mr. lincoln, an old whig, has the whig-worship for scott; and as mr. lincoln, in , stumped for scott, the candidate for the presidency, the many eulogies showered by lincoln upon scott still more strengthened the worship which, of course, seward lively entertains in lincoln's bosom. thus the relics of whigism direct now the destinies of the north. mr. lincoln, gen. scott, mr. seward, form a triad, with satellites like bates and smith in the cabinet. but the whigs have not the reputation of governmental vigor, decision, and promptitude. the vitiated impulse and direction given by gen. scott at the start, still prevails, and it will be very difficult to bring it on the right track--to change the general as well as the war policy from the defensive, as it is now, to the offensive, as it ought to have been from the beginning. the north is five to one in men, and one hundred to one in material resources. any one with brains and energy could suppress the rebellion in eight weeks from to-day. mr. lincoln in some way has a slender historical resemblance to louis xvi.--similar goodness, honesty, good intentions; but the size of events seems to be too much for him. and so now mr. lincoln is wholly overshadowed by seward. if by miracle the revolt may end in a short time, mr. seward will have most of the credit for it. in the long run the blame for eventual disasters will be put at mr. lincoln's door. thank heaven! the area for action and the powers of mcclellan are extended and increased. the administration seems to understand the exigencies of the day. i am told that the patriotic and brave senator wade, disgusted with the slowness and inanity of the administration, exclaimed, "i do not wonder that people desert to jeff. davis, as he shows brains; i may desert myself." and truly, jeff. davis and his gang make history. young mcclellan seems to falter before the medusa-_ruin_ scott, who is again at his tricks, and refuses officers to volunteers. to carry through in washington any sensible scheme, more boldness is needed than on the bloodiest battle-field. if gen. scott could have disappeared from the stage of events on the sixth of march, his name would have remained surrounded with that halo to which the people was accustomed; but now, when the smoke will blow over, it may turn differently. i am afraid that at some future time will be applied to scott * * * _quia turpe ducunt parere minoribus, et quæ imberbi didicere, senes perdenda fateri_. not self-government is on trial, and not the genuine principle of democracy. it is not the genuine, virtual democracy which conspired against the republic, and which rebels, but an unprincipled, infamous oligarchy, risen in arms to destroy democracy. from athens down to to-day, true democracies never betrayed any country, never leagued themselves with enemies. from the time of hellas down to to-day, all over the world, and in all epochs, royalties, oligarchies, aristocracies, conspired against, betrayed, and sold their respective father-lands. (i said this years ago in america and europe.) fremont as initiator; he emancipates the slaves of the disloyal missourians. takes the advance, but is justified in it by the slowness, nay, by the stagnancy of the administration. gen. scott opposed to the expedition to hatteras! if it be true that seward and chase already lay the tracks for the presidential succession, then i can only admire their short-sightedness, nay, utter and darkest blindness. the terrible events will be a schooling for the people; the future president will not be a schemer already shuffling the cards; most probably it will be a man who serves the country, forgetting himself. only two members in the cabinet drive together, blair and welles, and both on the right side, both true men, impatient for action, action. every day shows on what false principle this cabinet was constructed, not for the emergency, not in view to suppress the rebellion, but to satisfy various party wranglings. now the people's cause sticks in the mud. september, . what will mcclellan do? -- fremont disavowed -- the blairs not in fault -- fremont ignorant and a bungler -- conspiracy to destroy him -- seward rather on his side -- mcclellan's staff -- a marcy will not do! -- mcclellan publishes a slave-catching order -- the people move onward -- mr. seward again -- west point -- the washington defences -- what a russian officer thought of them -- oh, for battles! -- fremont wishes to attack memphis; a bold move! -- seward's influence over lincoln -- the people for fremont -- col. romanoff's opinion of the generals -- mcclellan refuses to move -- manoeuvrings -- the people uneasy -- the staff -- the orleans -- brave boys! -- the potomac closed -- oh, poor nation! -- mexico -- mcclellan and scott. will mcclellan display unity in conception, and vigor in execution? that is the question. he seems very energetic and active in organizing the army; but he ought to take the field very soon. he ought to leave washington, and have his headquarters in the camp among the soldiers. the life in the tent will inspire him. it alone inspired frederick ii. and napoleon. too much organization may become as mischievous as the no organization under scott. time, time is everything. the levies will fight well; may only mcclellan not be carried away by the notion and the attempt to create what is called a perfect army on european pattern. such an attempt would be ruinous to the cause. it is altogether impossible to create such an army on the european model, and no necessity exists for it. the rebel army is no european one. civil wars have altogether different military exigencies, and the great tactics for a civil war are wholly different from the tactics, etc., needed in a regular war. napoleon differently fought the vendeans, and differently the austrians, and the other coalesced armies. may only mcclellan not become intoxicated before he puts the cup to his lips. fremont disavowed by lincoln and the administration. this looks bad. i have no considerable confidence in fremont's high capacities, and believe that his head is turned a little; but in this question he was right in principle, and right in legality. a commander of an army operating separately has the exercise of full powers of war. the blairs are not to be accused; i read the letter from f. blair to his brother. it is the letter of a patriot, but not of an intriguer. fremont establishes an absurd rule concerning the breach of military discipline, and shows by it his ignorance and narrow-mindedness. so fremont, and other bungling martinets, assert that nobody has the right to criticise the actions of his commander. fremont is ignorant of history, and those around him who put in his head such absurd notions are a pack of mean and servile spit-lickers. an officer ought to obey orders without hesitation, and if he does not he is to be court-martialed and shot. but it is perfectly allowable to criticise them; it is in human nature--it was, is, and will be done in all armies; see in curtius and other historians of alexander of macedon. it was continually done under napoleon. in russia, in , the criticism made by almost all the officers forced alexander i. to leave the army, and to put kutousoff over barclay. in the last italian campaign austrian officers criticised loudly giulay, their commander, etc., etc. conspiracy to destroy fremont on account of his slave proclamation. the conspirators are the missouri slaveholders: senator brodhead, old bates, scott, mcclellan, and their staffs. some jealousy against him in the cabinet, but seward rather on fremont's side. mcclellan makes his father-in-law, a man of _very_ secondary capacity, the chief of the staff of the army. it seems that mcclellan ignores what a highly responsible position it is, and what a special and transcendent capacity must be that of a chief of the staff--the more so when of an army of several hundreds of thousands. i do not look for a berthier, a gneisenau, a diebitsch, or gortschakoff, but a marcy will not do. colonel lebedeef, from the staff of the emperor alexander ii., and professor in the school of the staff at st. petersburg, saw here everything, spoke with our generals, and his conclusion is that in military capacity mcdowell is by far superior to mcclellan. strange, if true, and foreboding no good. mr. lincoln begins to call a demagogue any one who does not admire all the doings of his administration. are we already so far? mcclellan under fatal influences of the rampant pro-slavery men, and of partisans of the south, as is a barlow. all the former associations of mcclellan have been of the worst kind--breckinridgians. but perhaps he will throw them off. he is young, and the elevation of his position, his standing before the civilized world, will inspire and purify him, i hope. nay, i ardently wish he may go to the camp, to the camp. mcclellan published a slave-catching order. oh that he may discard those bad men around him! struggles with evils, above all with domestic, internal evils, absorb a great part of every nation's life. such struggles constitute its development, are the landmarks of its progress and decline. the like struggles deserve more the attention of the observer, the philosopher, than all kinds of external wars. and, besides, most of such external wars result from the internal condition of a nation. at any rate, their success or unsuccess almost wholly depends upon its capacity to overcome internal evils. a nation even under a despotic rule may overcome and repel an invasion, as long as the struggle against the internal evils has not broken the harmony between the ruler and the nation. here the internal evil has torn a part of the constitutional structure; may only the necessary harmony between this high-minded people and the representative of the transient constitutional formula not be destroyed. the people move onward, the formula vacillates, and seems to fear to make any bold step. if the cause of the freemen of the north succumbs, then humanity is humiliated. this high-spirited exclamation belongs to tassara, the minister from spain. not the diplomat, but the nobly inspired _man_ uttered it. but for the authoritative influence of general scott, and the absence of any foresight and energy on the part of the administration, the rebels would be almost wholly without military leaders, without naval officers. the johnsons, magruders, tatnalls, buchanans, ought to have been arrested for treason the moment they announced their intention to resign. mr. seward has many excellent personal qualities, besides his unquestionable eminent capacity for business and argument; but why is he neutralizing so much good in him by the passion to be all in all, to meddle with everything, to play the knowing one in military affairs, he being in all such matters as innocent as a lamb? it is not a field on which seward's hazarded generalizations can be of any earthly use; but they must confuse all. seward is free from that coarse, semi-barbarous know-nothingism which rules paramount, not the genuine people, but the would-be something, the half-civilized _gentlemen_. above all, know-nothingism pervades all around scott, who is himself its grand master, and it nestles there _par excellence_ in more than one way. it is, however, to be seen how far this pure american-scott military wisdom is something real, transcendent. up to this day, the pure americanism, west point schoolboy's conceit, have not produced much. the defences of washington, so much clarioned as being the product of a high conception and of engineering skill,--these defences are very questionable when appreciated by a genuine military eye. a russian officer of the military engineers, one who was in the crimea and at sebastopol, after having surveyed these defences here, told me that the russian soldiers who defended sebastopol, and who learned what ought to be defences, would prefer to fight outside than inside of the washington forts, bastions, defences, etc., etc., etc. doubtless many foreigners coming to this country are not much, but the greatest number are soldiers who saw service and fire, and could be of some use at the side of scott's west point greenness and presumption. if we are worsted, then the fate of the men of faith in principles will be that of sisyphus, and the coming generation for half a century will have uphill work. if not mcclellan himself, some intriguers around him already dream, nay, even attempt to form a pure military, that is, a reckless, unprincipled, unpatriotic party. these men foment the irritation between the arrogance of the thus-called regular army, and the pure abnegation of the volunteers. oh, for battles! oh, for battles! fremont wished at once to attack fort pillow and the city of memphis. it was a bold move, but the concerted civil and military wisdom grouped around the president opposed this truly great military conception. mr. lincoln is pulled in all directions. his intentions are excellent, and he would have made an excellent president for quiet times. but this civil war imperatively demands a man of foresight, of prompt decision, of jacksonian will and energy. these qualities may be latent in lincoln, but do not yet come to daylight. mr. lincoln has no experience of men and events, and no knowledge of the past. seward's influence over lincoln may be explained by the fact that lincoln considers seward as the alpha and omega of every kind of knowledge and information. i still hope, perhaps against hope, that if lincoln is what the masses believe him to be, a strong mind, then all may come out well. strong minds, lifted by events into elevated regions, expand more and more; their "mind's eye" pierces through clouds, and even through rocks; they become inspired, and inspiration compensates the deficiency or want of information acquired by studies. weak minds, when transported into higher regions, become confused and dizzy. which of the two will be mr. lincoln's fate? the administration hesitates to give to the struggle a character of emancipation; but the people hesitate not, and take fremont to their heart. as the concrete humanity, so single nations have epochs of gestation, and epochs of normal activity, of growth, of full life, of manhood. americans are now in the stage of manhood. col. romanoff, of the russian military engineer corps, who was in the crimean war, saw here the men and the army, saw and conversed with the generals. col. r. is of opinion that mcdowell is by far superior to mcclellan, and would make a better commander. it is said that mcclellan refuses to move until he has an army of , men and guns. has he not studied napoleon's wars? napoleon scarcely ever had half such a number in hand; and when at wagram, where he had about , men, himself in the centre, davoust and massena on the flanks, nevertheless the handling of such a mass was too heavy even for his, napoleon's, genius. the country is--to use an americanism--in a pretty fix, if this mcclellan turns out to be a mistake. i hope for the best. guns! but guns in a line cover a mile. what will he do with ? lose them in forests, marshes, and bad roads; whence it is unhappily a fact that mcclellan read only a little of military history, misunderstood what he read, and now attempts to realize hallucinations, as a boy attempts to imitate the exploits of an orlando. it is dreadful to think of it. i prefer to trust his assertion that, once organized, he soon, very soon, will deal heavy and quick blows to the rebels. i saw some manoeuvrings, and am astonished that no artillery is distributed among the regiments of infantry. when the rank and file see the guns on their side, the soldiers consider them as a part of themselves and of the regiment; they fight better in the company of guns; they stand by them and defend them as they defend their colors. such a distribution of guns would strengthen the body of the volunteers. but it seems that mcclellan has no confidence in the volunteers. were this true, it would denote a small, very small mind. let us hope it is not so. one of his generals--a martinet of the first class--told me that mcclellan waits for the organization of _the regulars_, to have them for the defence of the guns. if so, it is sheer nonsense. these narrow-minded west point martinets will become the ruin of mcclellan. mcclellan could now take the field. oh, why has he established his headquarters in the city, among flunkeys, wiseacres, and spit-lickers? were he among the troops, he would be already in manassas. the people are uneasy and fretting about this inaction, and the people see what is right and necessary. gen. banks, a true and devoted patriot, is sacrificed by the stupidity of what they call here the staff of the great army, but which collectively, with its chief, is only a mass of conceit and ignorance--few, as general williams, excepted. banks is in the face of the enemy, and has no cavalry and no artillery; and here are immense reviews to amuse women and fools. mr. mercier, the french minister, visited a considerable part of the free states, and his opinions are now more clear and firm; above all, he is very friendly to our side. he is sagacious and good. missouri is in great confusion--three parts of it lost. fremont is not to be accused of all the mischief, but, from effect to cause, the accusation ascends to general scott. gen. scott insisted to have gen. harney appointed to the command of missouri, and hated lyon. if, even after harney's recall, lyon had been appointed, lyon would be alive and missouri safe. but hatred, anxiety of rank, and stupidity, united their efforts, and prevailed. oh american people! to depend upon such inveterate blunderers! were mcclellan in the camp, he would have no flatterers, no antechambers filled with flunkeys; but the rebels would not so easily get news of his plans as they did in the affair on munson's hill. the orleans are here. i warned the government against admitting the count de paris, saying that it would be a _deliberate_ breach of good comity towards louis napoleon, and towards the bonapartes, who prove to be our friends; i told that no european government would commit itself in such a manner, not even if connected by ties of blood with the orleans. at the start, mr. seward heeded a little my advice, but finally he could not resist the vanity to display untimely spread-eagleism, and the orleans are in our service. brave boys! it is a noble, generous, high-minded, if not an altogether wise, action. if a mind is not nobly inspired and strong, then the exercise of power makes it crotchety and dissimulative in contact with men. to my disgust, i witness this all around me. the american people, its institutions, the union--all have lost their virginity, their political innocence. a revolution in the institutions, in the mode of life, in notions begun--it is going on, will grow and mature, either for good or evil. civil war, this most terrible but most maturing passion, has put an end to the boyhood and to the youth of the american people. whatever may be the end, one thing is sure--that the substance and the form will be modified; nay, perhaps, both wholly changed. a new generation of citizens will grow and come out from this smoke of the civil war. the potomac closed by the rebels! mischief and shame! natural fruits of the dilatory war policy--scott's fault. months ago the navy wished to prevent it, to shell out the rebels, to keep our troops in the principal positions. scott opposed; and still he has almost paramount influence. mcclellan complains against scott, and lincoln and seward flatter mcclellan, but look up to scott as to a supernatural military wisdom. oh, poor nation! in europe clouds gather over mexico. whatever it eventually may come to, i suggested to mr. seward to lay aside the monroe doctrine, not to meddle for or against mexico, but to earnestly protest against any eventual european interference in the internal condition of the political institutions of mexico. continual secondary, international complications, naturally growing out from the maritime question; so with the dutch cheesemongers, with spain, with england--all easily to be settled; they generate fuss and trouble, but will make no fire. gen. scott's partisans complain that mcclellan is very disrespectful in his dealings with gen. scott. i wonder not. mcclellan is probably hampered by the narrow routine notions of scott. mcclellan feels that scott prevents energetic and prompt action; that he, mcclellan, in every step is obliged to fight gen. scott's inertia; and mcclellan grows impatient, and shows it to scott. october, . experiments on the people's life-blood -- mcclellan's uniform -- the army fit to move -- the rebels treat us like children -- we lose time -- everything is defensive -- the starvation theory -- the anaconda -- first interview with mcclellan -- impressions of him -- his distrust of the volunteers -- not a napoleon nor a garibaldi -- mason and slidell -- seward admonishes adams -- fremont goes overboard -- the pro-slavery party triumph -- the collateral missions to europe -- peace impossible -- every southern gentleman is a pirate -- when will we deal blows? -- inertia! inertia! as in the mediæval epoch, and some time thereafter, anatomists and physiologists experimented on the living villeins, that is, on peasantry, serfs, and called this process _experientia in anima vili_, so this naïve administration experiments in civil and in military matters on the people's life-blood. mcclellan, stirred up by the fools and peacocks around him, has sent to the war department a project of a showy uniform for himself and his staff. it would be to laugh at, if it were not insane. mcclellan very likely read not what he signed. the army is in sufficient rig and organization to take the field; but nevertheless mcclellan has not yet made a single movement imperatively prescribed by the simplest tactics, and by the simplest common sense, when the enemy is in front. not a single serious reconnoissance to ascertain the real force of the enemy, to pierce through the curtain behind which the rebels hide their real forces. it must be conceded to the rebel generals that they show great skill in humbugging us. whenever we try to make a step we are met by a seemingly strong force (tenfold increased by rumors spread by the secessionists among us, and gulped by our stupidity), which makes us suppose a deep front, and a still deeper body behind. and there is the humbug, i am sure. if, on such an extensive line as the rebels occupy, the main body should correspond to what they show in front, then the rebel force must muster several hundreds of thousands. such large numbers they have not, and i am sure that four-fifths of their whole force constitutes their vanguard, and behind it the main body is chaff. the rebels treat us as if we were children. mcclellan fortifies washington; fremont, st. louis; anderson asks for engineers to fortify some spots in kentucky. this is all a defensive warfare, and not so will the rebel region be conquered. we lose time, and time serves the rebels, as it increases their moral force. every day of their existence shows their intrinsic vitality. the theory of starving the rebels out is got up by imbeciles, wholly ignorant of such matters; wholly ignorant of human nature; wholly ignorant of the degree of energy, and of abnegation, which criminals can display when firmly decided upon their purpose. this absurdity comes from the celebrated anaconda mississippi-atlantic strategy. oh! when in poland, in , the military chiefs concentrated all the forces in the fortifications of warsaw, all was gone. oh for a dashing general, for a dashing purpose, in the councils of the white house! the constitutional advisers are deaf to the voice of the people, who know more about it than do all the departments and the military wiseacres. the people look up to find as big brains and hearts as are theirs, and hitherto the people have looked up in vain. the radical senators, as a king, a trumbull, a wade, wilson, chandler, hale, etc., the true republicans in the last session of congress--further, men as wadsworth and the like, are the true exponents of the character, of the clear insight, of the soundness of the people. mcclellan, and even the administration, seem not to realize that pure military considerations cannot fulfil the imperative demands of the political situation. _october th._--i met mcclellan; had with him a protracted conversation, and could look well into him. i do not attach any value to physiognomies, and consider phrenology, craniology, and their kindred, to be rather humbugs; but, nevertheless, i was struck with the soft, insignificant inexpressiveness of his eyes and features. my enthusiasm for him, my faith, is wholly extinct. all that he said to me and to others present was altogether unmilitary and inexperienced. it made me sick at heart to hear him, and to think that he is to decide over the destinies and the blood of the people. and he already an idol, incensed, worshipped, before he did anything whatever. mcclellan may have individual courage, so has almost every animal; but he has not the decision and the courage of a military leader and captain. he has no real confidence in the troops; has scarcely any idea how battles are fought; has no confidence in and no notion of the use of the bayonet. i told him that, notwithstanding his opinion, i would take his worst brigade of infantry, and after a fortnight's drill challenge and whip any of the best rebel brigades. some time ago it was reported that mcclellan considered this war had become a duel of artillery. fools wondered and applauded. i then protested against putting such an absurdity in mcclellan's mouth; now i must believe it. to be sure, every battle is in part a duel of artillery, but ends or is decided by charges of infantry or cavalry. cannonading alone never constituted and decided a battle. no position can be taken by cannonading alone, and shells alone do not always force an enemy to abandon a position. napoleon, an artillerist _par excellence_, considered campaigns and battles to be something more than duels of artillery. the great battle of borodino, and all others, were decided when batteries were stormed and taken. eylau was a battle of charges by cavalry and by infantry, besides a terrible cannonading, etc., etc. mcclellan spoke with pride of the fortifications of washington, and pointed to one of the forts as having a greater profile than had the world-renowned malakoff. what a confusion of notions, what a misappreciation of relative conditions! i cannot express my sad, mournful feelings, during this conversation with mcclellan. we spoke about the necessity of dividing his large army into corps. mcclellan took from the table an army almanac, and pointed to the names of generals to whom he intended to give the command of corps. he feels the urgency of the case, and said that gen. scott prevented him from doing it; but as soon as he, mcclellan, shall be free to act, the division will be made. so general scott is everywhere to defend senile routine against progress, and the experience of modern times. the rebels deserve, to the end of time, many curses from outraged humanity. by their treason they forced upon the free institutions of the north the necessity of curtailing personal liberty and other rights; to make use of despotism for the sake of self-defence. the enemy concentrates and shortens his lines, and mcclellan dares not even tread on the enemy's heels. instead of forcing the enemy to do what we want, and upturn his schemes, mcclellan seemingly does the bidding of beauregard. we advance as much as beauregard allows us to do. new tactics, to be sure, but at any rate not napoleonic. the fighting in the west and some small successes here are obtained by rough levies; and those imbecile, regular martinets surrounding mcclellan still nurse his distrust in the volunteers. all the wealth, energy, intellect of the country, is concentrated in the hands of mcclellan, and he uses it to throw up entrenchments. the partisans of mcclellan point to his highly scientific preparations--his science. he may have some little of it, but half-science is worse than thorough ignorance. oh! for one dare-devil in the lyon, or in the old-fashioned yankee style. mcclellan is neither a napoleon, nor a cabrera, nor a garibaldi. mason and slidell escaped to havana on their way to europe, as commissioners of the rebels. according to all international definitions, we have the full right to seize them in any neutral vessel, they being political contrabands of war going on a publicly avowed errand hostile to their true government. mason and slidell are not common passengers, nor are they political refugees invoking the protection of any neutral flag. they are travelling commissioners of war, of bloodshed and rebellion; and it is all the same in whatever seaport they embark. and if the vessel conveying them goes from america to europe, or _vice versa_, mr. seward can let them be seized when they have left havana, provided he finds it expedient. we lose time, and time is all in favor of the rebels. every day consolidates their existence--so to speak, crystallizes them. further--many so-called union men in the south, who, at the start, opposed secession, by and by will get accustomed to it. secession daily takes deeper root, and will so by degrees become _un fait accompli_. mr. adams, in his official relations with the english government, speaks of the rebel pirates as of lawful privateers. mr. seward admonished him for it. bravo! it is so difficult, not to say impossible, to meet an american who concatenates a long series of effects and causes, or who understands that to explain an isolated fact or phenomenon the chain must be ascended and a general law invoked. could they do it, various bunglings would be avoided, and much of the people's sacrifices husbanded, instead of being squandered, as it is done now. fremont going overboard! his fall will be the triumph of the pro-slavery party, headed by the new york herald, and supported by military old fogies, by martinets, and by double and triple political and intellectual know-nothings. pity that fremont had no brilliant military capacity. then his fall could not have taken place. mr. seward is too much ruled by his imagination, and too hastily discounts the future. but imagination ruins a statesman. mr. seward must lose credit at home and abroad for having prophesied, and having his prophecies end in smoke. when hatteras was taken (gen. scott protested against the expedition), mr. s. assured me that it was the beginning of the end. a diplomat here made the observation that no minister of a european parliamentary government could remain in power after having been continually contradicted by facts. now, mr. seward devised these collateral missions to europe. he very little knows the habit and temper of european cabinets if he believes that such collateral confidential agents can do any good. the european cabinets distrust such irresponsible agents, who, in their turn, weaken the influence and the standing of the genuine diplomatic agents. mr. s., early in the year, boasted to abolish, even in europe, the system of passports, and soon afterwards introduced it at home. so his imagination carries him to overhaul the world. he proposes to european powers a united expedition to japan, and we cannot prevent at home the running of the blockade, and are ourselves blockaded on the potomac. all such schemes are offsprings of an ambitious imagination. but the worst is, that every such outburst of his imagination mr. seward at once transforms into a dogma, and spreads it with all his might. i pity him when i look towards the end of his political career. he writes well, and has put down the insolent english dispatch concerning the _habeas corpus_ and the arrests of dubious, if not treacherous, englishmen. perhaps seward imagines himself to be a cardinal richelieu, with lincoln for louis xiii. (provided he knows as much history), or may be he has the ambition to be considered a talleyrand or metternich of diplomacy. but if any, he has some very, very faint similarity with alberoni. he easily outwits here men around him; most are politicians as he; but he never can outwit the statesmen of europe. besides, diplomacy, above all that of great powers, is conceived largely and carried on a grand scale; the present diplomacy has outgrown what is commonly called (but fallaciously) talleyrandism and metternichism. mcclellan and the party which fears to make a bold advance on the enemy make so much fuss about the country being cut up and wooded; it proves only that they have no brains and no fertility of expedients. this country is not more cut up than is the caucasus, and the woods are no great, endless, primitive forests. they are rather groves. in the caucasus the russians continually attack great and dense forests; they fire in them several round shots, then grape, and then storm them with the bayonet; and the circassians are no worse soldiers than are the southrons. european papers talk much of mediation, of a peaceful arrangement, of compromise. by intuition of the future the northern people know very well the utter impossibility of such an arrangement. a peace could not stand; any such peace will establish the military superiority of the arrogant, reckless, piratical south. the south would teem with hundreds of thousands of men ready for any piratical, fillibustering raid, enterprise, or excursion, of which the free states north and west would become the principal theatres. such a marauding community as the south would become, in case of success, will be unexampled in history. the cylician pirates, the barbary robbers, nay, the tartars of the th, th, and th centuries, were virtuous and civilized in comparison with what would be an independent, man-stealing, and man-whipping southern agglomeration of lawless men. the free states could have no security, even if _all_ the thus _called_ gentlemen and men of honor were to sign a treaty or a compromise. the southern pestilential influence would poison not only the north, but this whole hemisphere. the history of the past has nothing to be compared with organized, legal piracy, as would become the thus-called southern chivalry on land and on sea; and soon european maritime powers would be obliged to make costly expeditions for the sake of extirpating, crushing, uprooting the nest of pirates, which then will embrace about twelve millions,--_every_ southern gentleman being a pirate at heart. this is what the northern people know by experience and by intuition, and what makes the people so uneasy about the inertia of the administration. mr. lincoln, mr. seward, gen. scott, and other great men, are soured against the people and public opinion for distrusting, or rather for criticising their little display of statesmanlike activity. how unjust! as a general rule, of all human sentiments, confidence is the most scrutinizing one. if _confidence_ is bestowed, it wants to perfectly know the _why_. but from the outset of this war the american people gave and give to everybody full, unsuspecting confidence, without asking the why, without even scrutinizing the actions which were to justify the claim. up to this day secesh is the positive pole; the union is the negative,--it is the blow recipient. when, oh, when will come the opposite? when will we deal blows? not under mcclellan, i suspect. november, . ball's bluff -- whitewashing -- "victoria! old scott gone overboard!" -- his fatal influence -- his conceit -- cameron -- intervention -- more reviews -- weed, everett, hughes -- gov. andrew -- boutwell -- mason and slidell caught -- lincoln frightened by the south carolina success -- waits unnoticed in mcclellan's library -- gen. thomas -- traitors and pedants -- the virginia campaign -- west point -- mcclellan's speciality -- when will they begin to see through him? the season is excellent for military operations, such as any napoleon could wish it. and we, lying not on our oars or arms, but in our beds, as our _spes patriæ_ is warmly and cosily established in a large house, receiving there the incense and salutations of all flunkeys. even cabinet ministers crowd mcclellan's antechambers! the massacre at ball's bluff is the work either of treason, or of stupidity, or of cowardice, or most probably of all three united. no european government and no european nation would thus coolly bear it. any commander culpable of such stupidity would be forever disgraced, and dismissed from the army. here the administration, the cabinet, and all the scotts, the mcclellans, the thomases, etc., strain their brains and muscles to whitewash themselves or the culprit--to represent this massacre as something very innocent. victoria! victoria! old scott, old mischief, gone overboard! so vanished one of the two evil genii keeping guard over mr. lincoln's brains. but it will not be so easy to redress the evil done by scott. he nailed the country's cause to such a turnpike that any of his successors will perhaps be unable to undo what old mischief has done. scott might have had certain, even eminent, military capacity; but, all things considered, he had it only on a small scale. scott never had in his hand large numbers, and hundreds of european generals of divisions would do the same that scott did, even in mexico. any one in europe, who in some way or other participated in the events of the last forty years, has had occasion to see or participate in one single day in more and better fighting, to hear more firing, and smell more powder, than has general scott in his whole life. scott's fatal influence palsied, stiffened, and poisoned every noble or higher impulse, and every aspiration of the people. scott diligently sowed the first seeds of antagonism between volunteers and regulars, and diligently nursed them. around his person in the war department, and in the army, general scott kept and maintained officers, who, already before the inauguration, declared, and daily asserted, that if it comes to a war, few officers of the army will unite with the north and remain loyal to the union. he never forgot to be a virginian, and was filled with all a virginian's conceit. to the last hour he warded off blows aimed at virginia. to this hour he never believed in a serious war, and now _requiescat in pace_ until the curse of coming generations. mcclellan is invested with all the powers of scott. mcclellan has more on his shoulders than any man--a napoleon not excepted--can stand; and with his very limited capacity mcclellan must necessarily break under it. now mcclellan will be still more idolized. he is already a kind of dictator, as lincoln, seward, etc., turn around him. in a conversation with cameron, i warned him against bestowing such powers on mcclellan. "what shall we do?" was cameron's answer; "neither the president nor i know anything about military affairs." well, it is true; but mcclellan is scarcely an apprentice. again the intermittent fear, or fever, of foreign intervention. how absurd! americans belittle themselves talking and thinking about it. the european powers will not, and cannot. that is my creed and my answer; but some of our agents, diplomats, and statesmen, try to made capital for themselves from this fever which they evoke to establish before the public that their skill preserves the country from foreign intervention. bosh! all the good and useful produced in the life and in the economy of nations, all the just and the right in their institutions, all the ups and downs, misfortunes and disasters befalling them, all this was, is, and forever will be the result of logical deductions from pre-existing dates and facts. and here almost everybody forgets the yesterday. a revolution imposes obligations. a revolution makes imperative the development and the practical application of those social principles which are its basis. the american revolution of proclaimed self-government, equality before all, happiness of all, etc.; it is therefore the peremptory duty of the american people to uproot domestic oligarchy, based upon living on the labor of an enslaved man; it has to put a stop to the moral, intellectual, and physical servitude of both, of whites and of colored. eminent men in america are taunted with the ambition to reach the white house. in itself it is not condemnable; it is a noble or an ignoble ambition, according to the ways and means used to reach that aim. it is great and stirring to see one's name recorded in the list of presidents of the united states; but there is still a record far shorter, but by far more to be envied--a record venerated by our race--it is the record of truly _great men_. the actually inscribed runners for the white house do not think of this. no one around me here seems to understand (and no one is familiar enough with general history) that protracted wars consolidate a nationality. every day of southern existence shapes it out more and more into a _nation_, with all the necessary moral and material conditions of existence. seeing these repeated reviews, i cannot get rid of the idea that by such shows and displays mcclellan tries to frighten the rebels in the chinaman fashion. the collateral missions to england, france, and spain, are to add force to our cause before the public opinion as well as before the rulers. but what a curious choice of men! it would be called even an unhappy one. thurlow weed, with his offhand, apparently sincere, if not polished ways, may not be too repulsive to english refinement, provided he does not buttonhole his interlocutionists, or does not pat them on the shoulder. so thurlow weed will be dined, wined, etc. but doubtless the london press will show him up, or some "secesh" in london will do it. i am sure that lord lyons, as it is his paramount duty, has sent to earl russell a full and detailed biography of this seward's _alter ego_, sent _ad latus_ to mr. adams. thurlow weed will be considered an agreeable fellow; but he never can acquire much weight and consideration, neither with the statesmen, nor with the members of the government, nor in saloons, nor with the public at large. edward everett begged to be excused from such a false position offered to him in london. not fish, not flesh. it was rather an offence to proffer it to everett. the old patriot better knows europe, its cabinets, and exigencies, than those who attempted to intricate him in this ludicrous position. he is right, and he will do more good here than he could do in london--there on a level with thurlow weed! archbishop hughes is to influence paris and france,--but whom? the public opinion, which is on our side, is anti-roman, and hughes is an ultra montane--an opinion not over friendly to louis napoleon. the french clergy in every way, in culture, wisdom, instruction, theology, manners, deportment, etc., is superior to hughes in incalculable proportions, and the french clergy are already generally anti-slavery. hughes to act on louis napoleon! why! the french emperor can outwit a legion of hugheses, and do this without the slightest effort. besides, for more than a century european sovereigns, governments, and cabinets, have generally given up the use of bishops, etc., for political, public, or confidential missions. mr. seward stirs up old dust. all the liberal party in europe or france will look astonished, if not worse, at this absurdity. all things considered, it looks like one of seward's personal tricks, and seward outwitted chase, took him in by proffering a similar mission to chase's friend, bishop mcilvaine. but i pity dayton. he is a high-toned man, and the mission of hughes is a humiliation to dayton. whatever may be the objects of these missions, they look like petty expedients, unworthy a minister of a great government. mason and slidell caught. england will roar, but here the people are satisfied. some of the diplomats make curious faces. lord lyons behaves with dignity. the small bremen flatter right and left, and do it like little lap-dogs. governor andrew of massachusetts, ex-governor boutwell, are tip-top men--men of the people. the blairs are too heinous, too violent, in their persecution of fremont. warned m. blair not to protect one whom fremont deservedly expelled. but m. blair, in his spite against fremont, took a mean adventurer by the hand, and entangled therein the president. the vessel and the crew are excellent, and would easily obey the hand of a helmsman, but there is the rub, where to find him? lincoln is a simple man of the prairie, and his eyes penetrate not the fog, the tempest. they do not perceive the signs of the times--cannot embrace the horizon of the nation. and thus his small intellectual insight is dimmed by those around him. lincoln begins now already to believe that he is infallible; that he is ahead of the people, and frets that the people may remain behind. oh simplicity or conceit! again, lincoln is frightened with the success in south carolina, as in his opinion this success will complicate the question of slavery. he is frightened as to what he shall do with charleston and augusta, provided these cities are taken. it is disgusting to hear with what superciliousness the different members of the cabinet speak of the approaching congress--and not one of them is in any way the superior of many congressmen. when congress meets, the true national balance account will be struck. the commercial and piratical flag of the secesh is virtually in all waters and ports. (the little cheese-eater, the hollander, was the first to raise a fuss against the united states concerning the piratical flag. this is not to be forgotten.) d. prestige, to a great extent, lost. d. millions upon millions wasted. washington besieged and blockaded, and more than , men kept in check by an enemy not by half as strong. th. every initiative which our diplomacy tried abroad was wholly unsuccessful, and we are obliged to submit to new international principles inaugurated at our cost; and, summing up, instead of a broad, decided, general policy, we have vacillation, inaction, tricks, and expedients. the people fret, and so will the congress. nations are as individuals; any partial disturbance in a part of the body occasions a general chill. nature makes efforts to check the beginning of disease, and so do nations. in the human organism nature does not submit willingly to the loss of health, or of a limb, or of life. nature struggles against death. so the people of the union will not submit to an amputation, and is uneasy to see how unskilfully its own family doctors treat the national disease. port royal, south carolina, taken. great and general rejoicing. it is a brilliant feat of arms, but a questionable military and war policy. those attacks on the circumference, or on extremities, never can become a death-blow to secesh. the rebels must be crushed in the focus; they ought to receive a blow at the heart. this new strategy seems to indicate that mcclellan has not heart enough to attack the fastnesses of rebeldom, but expects that something may turn up from these small expeditions. he expects to weaken the rebels in their focus. i wish mcclellan may be right in his expectations, but i doubt it. officers of mcclellan's staff tell that mr. lincoln almost daily comes into mcclellan's library, and sits there rather unnoticed. on several occasions mcclellan let the president wait in the room, together with other common mortals. the english statesmen and the english press have the notion deeply rooted in their brains that the american people fight for empire. the rebels do it, but not the free men. mr. seward's emphatical prohibition to mr. adams to mention the question of slavery may have contributed to strengthen in england the above-mentioned fallacy. this is a blunder, which before long or short seward will repent. it looks like astuteness--_ruse_; but if so, it is the resource of a rather limited mind. in great and minor affairs, straightforwardness is the best policy. loyalty always gets the better of astuteness, and the more so when the opponent is unprepared to meet it. tricks can be well met by tricks, but tricks are impotent against truth and sincerity. but mr. seward, unhappily, has spent his life in various political tricks, and was surrounded by men whose intimacy must have necessarily lowered and unhealthily affected him. all his most intimates are unintellectual mediocrities or tricksters. seward is free from that infamous know-nothingism of which this gen. thomas is the great master (a man every few weeks accused of treason by the public opinion, and undoubtedly vibrating between loyalty here and sympathy with rebels). all this must have unavoidably vitiated mr. seward's better nature. in such way only can i see plainly why so many excellent qualities are marred in him. he at times can broadly comprehend things around him; he is good-natured when not stung, and he is devoted to his men. as a patriot, he is american to the core--were only his domestic policy straightforward and decided, and would he only stop meddling with the plans of the campaign, and let the war department alone. since every part of his initiative with european cabinets failed, seward very skilfully dispatches all the minor affairs with europe--affairs generated by various maritime and international complications. were his domestic policy as correct as is now his foreign policy, seward would be the right man. statesmanship emerges from the collision of great principles with important interests. in the great revolution, the thus called fathers of the nation were the offsprings of the exigencies of the time, and they were fully up to their task. they were vigorous and fresh; their intellect was not obstructed by any political routine, or by tricky political praxis. such men are now needed at the helm to carry this noble people throughout the most terrible tempest. so in these days one hears so much about constitutional formulas as safeguards of liberty. true liberty is not to be virtually secured by any framework of rules and limitations, devisable only by statecraft. the perennial existence of liberty depends not on the action of any definite and ascertainable machinery, but on continual accessions of fresh and vital influences. but perhaps such influences are among the noblest, and therefore among the rarest, attributes of man. abroad and here, traitors and some pedants on formulas make a noise concerning the violation of formulas. of course it were better if such violations had been left undone. but all this is transient, and evoked by the direst necessity. the constitution was made for a healthy, normal condition of the nation; the present condition is abnormal. regular functions are suspended. when the human body is ruined or devoured by a violent disease, often very tonic remedies are used--remedies which would destroy the organism if administered when in a healthy, normal condition. a strong organism recovers from disease, and from its treatment. human societies and institutions pass through a similar ordeal, and when they are unhinged, extraordinary and abnormal ways are required to maintain the endangered society and restore its equipoise. examining day after day the map of virginia, it strikes one that a movement with half of the army could be made down from mount vernon by the two turnpike roads, and by water to occoquan, and from there to brentsville. the country there seems to be flat, and not much wooded. manassas would be taken in the rear, and surrounded, provided the other half of the army would push on by the direct way from here to manassas, and seriously attack the enemy, who thus would be broken, could not escape. this, or any plan, the map of virginia ought to suggest to the staff of mcclellan, were it a staff in the true meaning. dybitsch and toll, young colonels in the staff of alexander i., -' , originated the march on paris, so destructive to napoleon. history bristles with evidences how with staffs originated many plans of battles and of campaigns; history explains the paramount influence of staffs on the conduct of a war. of course napoleon wanted not a suggestive, but only an executive staff; but mcclellan is not a napoleon, and has neither a suggestive nor an executive staff around him. a marcy to suggest a plan of a campaign or of a battle, to watch over its execution! i spoke to mcdowell about the positions of occoquan and brentsville. he answered that perhaps something similar will be under consideration, and that mcclellan must show his mettle and capacity. i pity mcdowell's confidence. besides, the american army as it was and is educated, nursed, brought up by gen. scott,--the army has no idea what are the various and complicated duties of a staff. no school of staff at west point; therefore the difficulty to find now genuine officers of the staff. if mcclellan ever moves this army, then the defectiveness of his staff may occasion losses and even disasters. it will be worse with his staff than it was at jena with the prussian staff, who were as conceited as the small west point clique here in washington. west point instructs well in special branches, but does not necessarily form generals and captains. the great american revolution was fought and made victorious by men not from any military schools, and to whom were opposed commanders with as much military science as there was possessed and current in europe. jackson, taylor, and even scott, are not from the school. i do not wish to judge or disparage the pupils from west point, but i am disgusted with the supercilious and ridiculous behavior of the clique here, ready to form prætorians or anything else, and poisoning around them the public opinion. western generals are west point pupils, but i do not hear them make so much fuss, and so contemptuously look down on the volunteers. these western generals pine not after regulars, but make use of such elements as they have under hand. the best and most patriotic generals and officers here, educated at west point, are numerous. unhappily a clique, composed of a few fools and fops, overshadows the others. mcclellan's speciality is engineering. it is a speciality which does not form captains and generals for the field,--at least such instances are very rare. of all napoleon's marshals and eminent commanders, berthier alone was educated as engineer, and his speciality and high capacity was that of a chief of the staff. marescott or todleben would never claim to be captains. the intellectual powers of an engineer are modeled, drilled, turned towards the defensive,--the engineer's brains concentrate upon selecting defensive positions, and combine how to strengthen them by art. so an engineer is rather disabled from embracing a whole battle-field, with its endless casualties and space. engineers are the incarnation of a defensive warfare; all others, as artillerists, infantry, and cavalry, are for dashing into the unknown--into the space; and thus these specialities virtually represent the offensive warfare. when will they begin to see through mcclellan, and find out that he is not the man? perhaps too late, and then the nation will sorely feel it. mr. seward almost idolizes mcclellan. poor homage that; but it does mischief by reason of its influence on the public opinion. december, . the message -- emancipation -- state papers published -- curtis noyes -- greeley not fit for senator -- generalship all on the rebel side -- the south and the north -- the sensationists -- the new idol will cost the people their life-blood! -- the blairs -- poor lincoln! -- the trent affair -- scott home again -- the war investigation committee -- mr. mercier. mcclellan is now all-powerful, and refuses to divide the army into corps. thus much for his brains and for his consistency. the message--a disquisition upon labor and capital; hesitancy about slavery. the president wishes to be pushed on by public opinion. but public opinion is safe, and expects from the official leader a decided step onwards. the message gives no solution, suggests none, accounts not for the lost time--foreshadows not a vigorous, energetic effort to crush the rebellion; foreshadows not a vigorous, offensive war. the message is an honest paper, but says not much. the question of emancipation is not clear even in the heads of the leading emancipationists; not one thinks to give freeholds to the emancipated. it is the only way to make them useful to themselves and to the community. freedom without land is humbug, and the fools speak of exportation of the four millions of slaves, depriving thus the country of laborers, which a century of emigration cannot fill again. all these fools ought to be sent to a lunatic asylum. to export the emancipated would be equivalent to devastation of the south, to its transformation into a wilderness. small freeholds for the emancipated can be cut out of the plantations of rebels, or out of the public lands of each state--lands forfeited by the rebellion. state papers published. the instructions to the various diplomatic agents betray a beginner in the diplomatic career. by writing special instructions for each minister, mr. seward unnecessarily increased his task. the cause, reasons, etc., of the rebellion are one and the same for france or russia, and a single explanatory circular for all the ministers would have done as well and spared a great deal of labor. cavour wrote one circular to all cabinets, and so do all european statesmen. so, as they are, the state papers are a curious agglomeration of good patriotism and confusion. so the minister to england is to avoid slavery; the minister to france has the contrary. all this is not smartness or diplomacy, but rather confusion, insincerity, and double-dealing. one must conclude that lincoln and seward have themselves no firm opinion. the instructions to mexico would sound nobly-worded but for the confusion and the veil ordered to be thrown upon the cause of secession. that to italy, above all to austria, has a smack of a schoolmaster displaying his information before a gaping boy. it is offensive to the minister going to vienna. it may be suspected that some of these instructions were written to make capital at home, to astonish mr. lincoln with the knowledge of europe and the familiarity with european affairs. all this display will prove to europeans rather an ignorance of europe. the correspondence on the paris convention is splendid, although the initiative taken by seward on this question was a mistake. but he argued well the case against the english and french reservations. never any government whatever treated so tenderly its worst and most dangerous enemies as does this government the washington secessionists, spies for the enemy, and spreading false news here to frighten mcclellan. the old regular, but partly worn-out republican leaders throttle and neutralize the new, fresh, vigorous accessions. so curtis noyes, one of the most eminent and devoted men, could not come into the senate because greeley wished to be elected. no living man has rendered greater services to the people during the last twenty years than greeley; but he ought to remain in his speciality. greeley is no more fit for a senator than to take the command of a regiment. besides, the events already run over his head; greeley is slowly breaking down. mcclellan is beset with all kinds of inventors, contractors, etc. he mostly endorses their suggestions, and on this authority the most extravagant orders are given by the war department. all this ought to be investigated. somebody back of mcclellan may be found as being the real patron of these leeches. if the genius or capacity of a commander consists not only in closely observing the movements of the enemy, but likewise in penetrating the enemy's plans and in modifying his own in proportion as they are deranged by an unexpected movement or a rapid march, then the generalship is altogether on the other side, and on ours not a sign, not a breath of it. a civil war is mostly the purifying fire in a nation's existence. it is to be hoped that this great convulsion will purify the free states by sounding the death-knell of these small intriguing politicians. the american people at large will acquire earnestness, knowledge of men, and clear insight into its own affairs. tricky politicians will be discarded, and true men backed by majorities. the south has for its leaders the chiefs who for years organized the secession, who waged everything on its success, as life, honor, fortune, and who incite and carry with them the ignorant masses. the reverse is in the north. mr. lincoln was not elected for suppressing the rebellion, nor did he make his cabinet in view of a terrible national struggle for death or life. neither lincoln nor his cabinet are the inciters or the inspiring leaders of the people, but only expressions--not _ad hoc_--of the national will. this is one reason why the administration is slower than the people, and why the rebel administration is quicker than ours. the second reason, and generated by the first, is, that every rebel devotes his whole soul and energy to the success of the rebellion, forcibly forgetting his individuality. our thus called leaders think first of their little selves, whose aggrandizement the public events are to secure, and the public cause is to square itself with their individual schemes. such is the policy of almost all those at the helm here. not one among them is to be found deserving the name of a statesman, endowed with a great devotion, and with a great power, for the service of a great and noble aim. from the solemn hour that the fatherland honorably chains him to its service, the genuine statesman exists no more for himself, but for his country alone. if necessary, he ought to consider himself a victim to the public good, even were the public unjust towards him. he is to treat as enemies all the dirty, tricky, and mean passions and men. his enemies will hate, but the country, his enemies included, will esteem him. such a man will be the genuine man of the american people, but he exists not in the official spheres. it is for the first time in history that a young, insignificant man, without a past, without any reason, is put in such a lofty position as has been mcclellan; he is to be literally kicked into greatness, and into showing eventually courage. all this is a psychological problem! kent's commentary upon the qualifications of a president is the best criticism upon lincoln. these mosquitoes of public opinion, the sensation-seekers, the sentimental preachers, the lecturers, the amateurs of the thus called representative men, these oratorical falsifiers of history, but considered here as luminaries, are already at their pernicious, nay, accursed work. they poison the judgment of the people. these hero-seekers for their sermons, lectures, and sensation productions, have already found all the criteria of a hero in mcclellan, even in his chin, in the back of his horse, etc., etc., and now herald it all over the country. curses be upon them. no nation has ever raised idols with such facility as do the americans. nay, i do not suppose that there ever existed in history a nation with such a thirst for idols as this people. i may be a false prophet; but this new idol, mcclellan, will cost them their life-blood. the blairs are now staunch supporters of mcclellan. it is unpardonable. they ought to know, and they do know better. but mr. blair wishes to be secretary of war in cameron's place, and wishes to get it through mcclellan. and poor lincoln! i pity him; but his advisers may make out of him something worse even than was judas, in the curses of ages. polybius asserts that when the greeks wrote about rome they erred and lied, and when the romans wrote of themselves they lied or boasted. the same the english do in relation to themselves, and to americans. above all, in this trent affair, or excitement, all european writers for the press, professors, doctors, etc., pervert facts, reason, and international laws, forget the past, and lie or flatter, with a slight exception, as is gasparin. the trent affair finished. we are a little humbled, but it was expedient to terminate it so. with another military leader than mcclellan, we could march at the same time to richmond, and invest canada before any considerable english force could arrive there. but with such a hero at our head, better that it ends so. europe will applaud us, and the relation with england will become clarified. perhaps england would not have been so stiff in this trent affair but for the fixed idea in russell's, newcastle's, palmerston's, etc., heads that seward wishes to pick a quarrel with england. the first weeks of seward's premiership pointed that way. mr. seward has the honors of the trent affair. it is well as it is; the argument is smart, but a little too long, and not in a genuine diplomatic style. but lincoln ought to have a little credit for it, as from the start he was for giving the traitors up. the worst feature of the whole trent affair is, that it brought back home from france this old mischief, general scott. he will again resume his position as the first military authority in the country, confuse the judgment of lincoln, of the press, and of the people, and again push the country into mire. the congress appointed a war investigating committee, senator wade at the head. there is hope that the committee will quickly find out what a terrible mistake this mcclellan is, and warn the nation of him. but lincoln, seward, and the blairs, will not give up their idol. louis napoleon said his word about the trent affair. all things considered, the conduct of the emperor cannot be complained of. the thouvenel paper is serious, severe, but intrinsically not unfriendly. quite the contrary. up to this time i am right in my reliance on louis napoleon, on his sound, cool, but broad comprehension. mr. mercier behaves well, and he is to be relied on, provided we show mettle and fight the traitors. now, as the european imbroglio is clarified, _at them_, _at them_! but nothing to hope or expect from mcclellan. i daily preach, but in the wilderness. prince de joinville made a very ridiculous fuss about the trent affair. americans believe that a statesman must be an orator. schoolboy-like, they judge on english precedents. in england, the parliament is omnipotent; it makes and unmakes administrations, therefore oratory is a necessary corollary in a statesman; but here the cabinet acts without parliamentary wranglings, and a jackson is the true type of an american statesman. washington was not an orator, nor was alexander hamilton. january, . the year ends badly -- european defenders of slavery -- secession lies -- jeremy diddlers -- sensation-seekers -- despotic tendencies -- atomistic torquemadas -- congress chained by formulas -- burnside's expedition a sign of life -- will this mcclellan ever advance? -- mr. adams unhorsed -- he packs his trunks -- bad blankets -- austria, prussia, and russia -- the west point nursery -- mcclellan a greater mistake than scott -- tracks to the white house -- european stories about mr. lincoln -- the english ignorami -- the slaveholder a scarcely varnished savage -- jeff. davis -- "beauregard frightens us -- mcclellan rocks his baby" -- fancy army equipment -- mcclellan and his chief of staff sick in bed -- "no satirist could invent such things" -- stanton in the cabinet -- "this stanton is the people" -- fremont -- weed -- the english will not be humbugged -- dayton in a fret -- beaufort -- the investigating committee condemn mcclellan -- lincoln in the clutches of seward and blair -- banks begs for guns and cavalry in vain -- the people will awake! -- the question of race -- agassiz. an ugly year ended in backing before england, having, at least, relative right on our side. further, the ending year has revealed a certain incapacity in the republican party's leaders, at least its official leaders, to administer the country and to grasp the events. if the new year shall be only the continuation of the faults, the mistakes, and the incapacities prevailing during , then the worst is to be expected. the lowest in moral degradation is an european defending slavery here or in europe. such europeans are far below the condemned criminals. still lower are such europeans who become defenders of slavery after having visited plantations, where, in the shape of wines and delicacies, they tasted human blood, and then, hyenas-like, smacked their lips and thirsted for more. always the same stories, lies, and humbugs concerning the hundreds of thousands of rebels in manassas. these lies are spread here in washington by the numerous secessionists--at large, by such ignoble sheets as the new york herald and times; and mcclellan seems to willingly swallow these lies, as they justify his inaction and c----. the city is more and more crowded with jeremy diddlers, with lecturers, with sensation-seekers, all of them in advance discounting their hero, and showing in broad light their gigantic stupidity. one of this motley finds in mcclellan a norman chin, the other muscle, the third a brow for laurels (of thistle i hope), another a square, military, heroic frame, another firmness in lips, another an unfathomed depth in the eye, etc., etc. never i heard in europe such balderdash. and the ladies--not the women and gentlewomen--are worse than the men in thus stupefying themselves and those around them. the thus called arbitrary acts of the government prove how easily, on the plea of patriotic necessity, a people, nay, the public opinion, submits to arbitrary rule. all this, servility included, explains the facility with which, in former times, concentrated and concrete despotisms have been established. here every such arbitrary action is submitted to, because it is so new, and because the people has the childish, naïve, but, to it, honorable confidence, that the power entrusted by the people is used in the interest and for the welfare of the people. but all the despots of all times and of all nations said the same. however, in justice to mr. lincoln, he is pure, and has no despotical longings, but he has around him some atomistic torquemadas. it will be very difficult to the coming generations to believe that a people, a generation, who for half a century was outrunning the time, who applied the steam and the electro-magnetic telegraph, that the same people, when overrun by a terrible crisis, moved slowly, waited patiently, and suffered from the mismanagement of its leaders. this is to be exclusively explained by the youthful self-consciousness of an internal, inexhaustible vital force, and by the child-like inexperience. the congress, that is, the majority, shows that it is aware of the urgency of the case, and of the dangerous position of the country. but still the best in congress are chained, hampered by the formulas. the good men in both the houses seem to be firmly decided not to quietly stand by and assist in the murder of the nation by the administrative and military incapacity. this was to be expected from such men as wade, grimes, chandler, hale, wilson, sumner (too classical), and other republicans in the senate, and from the numerous pure, radical republicans in the house. burnside's expedition is a sign of life. but all these expeditions on the circumference, even if successful, will be fruitless if no bold, decided movement is at once made at the centre, at the heart of the rebellion. but mcclellan, as his supporters say, matures his _strategical_ plans. o god! general scott lost _by strategy_ three-fourths of the country's cause, and very probably by strategy mcclellan will jeopardize what remains of it. will this mcclellan ever advance? if he lingers, he may find only rats in manassas. mcclellan is ignorant of the great, unique rule for all affairs and undertakings,--it is to throw the whole man in one thing at one time. it is the same in the camp as in the study, for a captain as for a lawyer, the savant, and the scholar. it is to be regretted that some of the men truly and thoroughly devoted to the cause of freedom and of humanity, mix with it such an enormous quantity of personal, almost childish vanity, as to puzzle many minds concerning the genuine nobleness of their devotion. it is to be regretted that those otherwise so self-sacrificing patriots discount even their martyrdom and persecutions, and credit them to their frivolous self-satisfaction. most of the thus-called well-informed americans rather skim over than thoroughly study history. above all, it applies to the general history of the christian era, and of our great epoch (from the second half of the th century). most of the americans are only very superficially familiar with the history of continental europe, or know it only by its contact with the history of england. many of them are more familiar with the classical wars of alexander, hannibal, cæsar, etc., than with those of gustavus, frederick ii., and even of napoleon. were it otherwise, _strategy_ would not to such an extent have taken hold of their brains. mr. adams was terribly unhorsed during the trent excitement in england; he literally began to pack up his trunks, and asked a personal advice from lord john russell. what a devoted patriot this sandford in belgium is; he has continual _itchings in his hand_ to pay a _higher price_ for bad blankets that they may not fall into the hands of secesh agents; so with cloth, so perhaps with arms. _oh, disinterested patriot!_ austria and prussia whipped in by england and france, and at the same time glad to have an occasion to take the airs of maritime powers. austria and prussia sent their advice concerning the trent affair. the kick of asses at what they suppose to be the dying lion. austria and prussia! great heavens! ask the prisons of both those champions of violated rights how many better men than slidell and mason groaned in them; and the conduct of those powers against the poles in ! was it neutral or honest? i am sure that russia will behave well, and abstain from coming forward with uncalled-for and humiliating advice. russia is a true great power,--a true friend,--and such noble behavior will be in harmony with the character of alexander ii., and with the friendliness and clear perception of events held by the russian minister here. i hope that when the war is over the west point nursery will be reformed, and a general military organization introduced, such a one as exists in switzerland. mcclellan is a greater mistake than was even scott. mcclellan knows not the a b c of military history of any nation or war, or he would not keep this army so in camp. he would know that after recruits have been roughly instructed in the rudiments of a drill, the next best instructor is fighting. so it was in the thirty years' war; so in the american revolution; so in the first french revolutionary wars. strategians, martinets, lost the battles, or rather the campaigns, of austerlitz, of jena, etc. in german rough levies fought almost before they were drilled, and at bautzen french recruits were victorious over prussians, russians, and austrians. the secesh fight with fresh levies, etc. numerous political intriguers surrounding mcclellan are busily laying tracks for him to the white house. what will seward and chase say to it, and even old abe, who himself dreams of re-election, or at least his friends do it for him? all these candidates forget that the surest manner to reach the white house is not to think of it--to forget oneself and to act. it is amusing to find in european papers all the various stories about mr. lincoln. there he is represented as a violent, blood-thirsty revolutionaire, dragging the people after him. in this manner, those european imbeciles are acquainted with american events, character, etc. they cannot find out that in decision, in clear-sightedness and soundness of judgment, the people are far ahead of mr. lincoln and of his spiritual or constitutional conscience-keepers. and the same imbeciles, if not _canailles_, speak of a mob-rule over the president, etc. some one ought to enlighten those french and english supercilious ignorami that something like a mob only prevails in such cities as new york, philadelphia, and baltimore; and nine-tenths of such a mob are mostly yet unwashed, unrepublicanized europeans. the ninety-nine one-hundredths of the freemen of the north are more orderly, more enlightened, more law-abiding, and more moral than are the english lordlings, somebodies, nobodies, and would-be somebodies. in the west, lynch-law, to be sure, is at times used against brothels, bar-rooms, gambling-houses, and thieves. it would be well to do the same in london, were it not that most of the lynch-lawed may not belong to the people. if the european scribblers were not past any honest impulse, they would know that the south is the generator and the congenial region for the mob, the filibusters, the revolver and the bowie-knife rule. in the south the proportion of mobs to decency is the reverse of that prevailing in the free states. the _slavery gentleman_ is a scarcely varnished savage, for whom the highest law is his reckless passion and will. if jeff. davis succeeds, he will be the founder of a new and great slaveholding empire. his name will resound in after times; but history will record his name as that of a curse to humanity. and so davis is making history and lincoln is telling stories. beauregard gets inspired by the fumes of bivouacs; mcclellan by the fumes of flatterers. beauregard frightens us, mcclellan rocks his baby. beauregard shares the camp-fires of his soldiers; he sees them daily, knows them, as it is said, one by one; mcclellan lives comfortably in the city, and appears only to the soldiers as the great lama on special occasions. camp-fellowship inspired all the great captains and established the magnetic current between the leader and the soldier. mcclellan organized a board of generals, arriving daily from the camps, to discuss some new fancy army equipment. and lincoln, seward, blair, and all the tail of intriguers and imbeciles, still admire him. in no other country would such a futile man be kept in command of troops opposed to a deadly and skilful enemy. for several weeks, mcclellan and his chief of the staff (such as he is) are sick in bed, and no one is _ad interim_ appointed to attend to the current affairs of our army of , , having the enemy before their nose. oh human imbecility! no satirist could invent such things; and if told, it would not be believed in europe. the mcclellan-worship by the people at large is to be explained by the firm, ardent will of the people to crush the rebels, and by the general feeling of the necessity of a man for that purpose. such is the case with the true, confiding people in the country; but here, contractors, martinets, and intriguers are the blowers of that worship. lincoln is as is the people at large; but a seward, a blair, a herald, a times, and their respective and numerous tails,--as for their motives, they are the reverse of lincoln and of the people. victories in kentucky, beyond the circumference or the direct action from here; they are obtained without strategy and by rough levies. but this voice of events is not understood by the mcclellan tross. change in the cabinet: stanton, a new man, not from the parlor, and not from the hacks. his bulletin on the victory in kentucky inaugurated a new era. it is a voice that nobody hitherto uttered in america. it is the awakening voice of the good genius of the people, almost as that which awoke lazarus. this stanton is the people; i never saw him, but i hope he is the man for the events; perhaps he may turn out to be _my_ statesman. i wish i could get convinced of the real superiority of fremont. it is true that he was treated badly and had natural and artificial difficulties to over come; it is true that to him belongs the credit of having started the construction of the mortar fleet; but likewise it is true that he was, at the mildest, unsurpassingly reckless in contracts and expenditures, and i shall never believe him a general. with all this, fremont started a great initiative at a time when mcclellan and three-fourths of the generals of his creation considered it a greater crime to strike at a _gentleman_ slaveholder than to strike at the union. the courtesies and hospitalities paid to thurlow weed by english society are clamored here in various ways. these courtesies prove the high breeding and the good-will of a part, at least, of the english aristocracy and of english statesmen. i do not suppose that thurlow weed could ever have been admitted in such society if he were travelling on his own merits as the great lobbyist and politician. at the utmost, he would have been shown up as a _rara avis_. but introduced to english society as the master spirit of mr. seward, and as seward's semi-official confidential agent, thurlow weed was admitted, and even petted. but it is another question if this palming of a thurlow weed upon the english high-toned statesmen increased their consideration for mr. seward. the duke of newcastle and others are not yet softened, and refuse to be humbugged. whoever has the slightest knowledge of how affairs are transacted, is well aware that the times of a personal diplomacy are almost gone. the exceptions are very rare, very few, and the persons must be of other might and intellectual mettle than a sandford, weed, or hughes. great affairs are not conducted or decided by conversations, but by great interests. diplomatic agents, at the utmost, serve to keep their respective governments informed about the run of events. mr. mercier does it for louis napoleon; but mr. mercier's reports, however friendly they may be, cannot much influence a man of such depth as louis napoleon, and to imagine that a hughes will be able to do it! i am ashamed of mr. seward; he proves by this would-be-crotchety policy how little he knows of events and of men, and how he undervalues louis napoleon. such humbug missions are good to throw dirt in the eyes of a lincoln, a chase, etc., but in europe such things are sent to coventry. and hughes to influence spain! oh! oh! dayton frets on account of the mission of hughes. dayton is right. generally dayton shows a great deal of good sense, of good comprehension, and a noble and independent character. he is not a flatterer, not servile, and subservient to mr. seward, as are others--mr. adams, mr. sandford, and some few other diplomatic agents. the active and acting abolitionists ought to concentrate all their efforts to organize thoroughly and efficiently the district of beaufort. the success of a productive colony there would serve as a womb for the emancipation at large. mr. seward declares that he has given up meddling with military affairs. for his own sake, and for the sake of the country, i ardently wish it were so; but--i shall never believe it. the investigating committee has made the most thorough disclosures of the thorough incapacity of mcclellan; but the mcclellan men, seward, blair, etc., neutralize, stifle all the good which could accrue to the country from these disclosures. and lincoln is in their clutches. the administration by its influence prevents the publication of the results of this investigation, prevents the truth from coming to the people. any hard name will be too soft for such a moral prevarication. mcclellan is either as feeble as a reed, or a bad man. the disorder around here is nameless. banks compares it to the time of the french directory. banks has no guns, no cavalry, and is in the vanguard. he begs almost on his knees, and cannot get anything. and the country pays a chief of the staff, and head of the staffers. the time must come, although it be now seemingly distant, that the people will awake from this lethargy; that it will perceive how much of the noblest blood of the people, how much time and money, have been worse than recklessly squandered. the people will find it out, and then they will ask those cains at the wheel an account of the innocent blood of abel, the country's son, the country's cause. the defenders of, and the thus called moderate men on the question of slavery, utter about it the old rubbish composed of the most thorough ignorance and of disgusting fallacies, in relation to this pseudo science, or rather lie, about races. more of it will come out in the course of the congressional discussions. not one of them is aware that independent science, that comparative anatomy, physiology, psychology, anthropology, that philosophy of history altogether and thoroughly repudiate all these superficially asserted, or tried-to-be-established, intrinsic diversities and peculiarities of races. all these would-be axioms, theories, are based on sand. in true science the question of race as represented by the southern school partisans of slavery, with agassiz, the so-called professor of charleston by european savans, at their head,--that question is at the best an illusive element, and endangers the accuracy of induction. as it presents itself to the unprejudiced investigator, race is nothing more than the single manifestation of anterior stages of existence, the aggregate expression of the pre-historic vicissitudes of a people. if those would-be knowing arguers on slavery, race, etc., were only aware of the fact that such people as the primitive greeks, or the ancestors of classical greeks, that the ancestors of the latins, that even the roving, robbing ancestors of the anglo saxons, in some way or other, have been anthropophagi, and worshipped fetishes; and even as thus called already civilized, they sacrificed men to gods,--could our great pro-slavers know all this, they would be more decent in their ignorant assertions, and not, so self-satisfied, strut about in their dark ignorance. those who are afraid that the freed negroes of the south will run to the northern free states, display an ignorance still greater than the former. when the enslaved colored americans in the south shall be _all_ thoroughly emancipated in that now cursed region, then they will remain in the, to them, congenial climate, and in the favorable economical conditions of labor and of existence. not only those emancipated will not run north, but the colored population from the free states, incited and stirred up by natural attractions, will leave the north for the south, as small streamlets and rivulets run into a large current or river. the rebels extend on an immense bow, nearly one hundred miles, from the lower to the upper potomac. our army, two to one, is on the span of the arc, and we do nothing. a french sergeant would be better inspired than is mcclellan. february, . drifting -- the english blue book -- lord john could not act differently -- palmerston the great european fuss-maker -- mr. seward's "two pickled rods" for england -- lord lyons -- his pathway strewn with broken glass -- gen. stone arrested -- sumner's resolutions infuse a new spirit in the constitution -- mr. seward beyond salvation -- he works to save slavery -- weed has ruined him -- the new york press -- "poor tribune" -- the evening post -- the blairs -- illusions dispelled -- "all quiet on the potomac" -- the london papers -- quill-heroes can be bought for a dinner -- french opinion -- superhuman efforts to save slavery -- it is doomed! -- "all you worshippers of darkness cannot save it!" -- the hutchinsons -- corporal adams -- victories in the west -- stanton the man! -- strategy (hear! hear!) we are obliged, one by one, to eat our official high-toned assertions and words, and day after day we drift towards putting the rebels on an equal footing with ourselves. we declared the privateers to be pirates (which they are), and now we proffer their exchange against our colonels and other honorable prisoners. so one radical evil generates numberless others. and from the beginning of the struggle this radical evil was and is the want of earnestness, of a firm purpose, and of a straight, vigorous policy by the administration. _paullatim summa petuntur_ may turn out true--but for the rebels. the publication of the english blue book, or of official correspondence between lord lyons and lord john russell, throws a new light on the conduct of the english cabinet; and, anglophobe as i am, i must confess that, all things considered, above all the unhappily-justified distrust of england in mr. seward's policy,--from the first day of our troubles lord john russell could not act differently from what he did. lord john russell had to reconcile the various and immense interests of england, jeopardized by the war, with his sincere love of human liberty. therein lord john russell differs wholly from lord palmerston, this great european fuss-maker, who hates america. as far as it was possible, lord j. russell remained faithful to the noble (not hereditary, but philosophical) traditions of his blood. lord john russell's letter to lord lyons (no. ), february , , although full of distrust in the future policy of mr. lincoln's cabinet towards england, is nevertheless an honorable document for his name. lord j. russell was well aware that the original plan of mr. seward was to annoy and worry england. everything is known in this world, and especially the incautious words and conversations of public men. months before the inauguration, mr. seward talked to senators of both parties that he had in store "two pickled rods" for england. the one was to be green (always drunken), the senator from missouri, on account of the colored man anderson; the other mr. nesmith, the senator from oregon, and the san juan boundaries. undoubtedly the southern senators did not keep secret the like inimical forebodings concerning mr. seward's intentions towards england. undoubtedly all this must have been known to lord j. russell when he wrote the above-mentioned letter, no. . more even than lord john russell's, lord lyons's official correspondence since november, , inspires the highest possible respect for his noble sentiments and character. above all, one who witnessed the difficulties of lord lyons's position here, and how his pathway was strewn with broken glass, and this by all kinds of hands, must feel for him the highest and most sincere consideration. from the official correspondence, lord lyons comes out a friend of humanity and of human liberty,--just the reverse of what he generally was supposed to be. and during the whole trent affair, lord lyons's conduct was discreet, delicate, and generous. events may transform lord lyons into an official enemy of the union; but a mind soured by human meanness is soothingly impressioned by such true nobleness in a diplomat and an englishman. gen. stone, of ball's bluff infamous massacre, arrested. bravo! at the best, stone was one of those conceited regulars who admired slavery, and who would have wished to save the union in their own peculiar way. i wish he may speak, as in all probability he was not alone. sumner's resolutions infuse a new spirit in the constitution, and elevate it from the low ground of a dead formula. the resolutions close the epoch of the stories, of the kents, of the curtises, and inaugurate a higher comprehension of american constitutionalism. during this session charles sumner triumphantly and nobly annihilated the aspersions of his enemies, representing him as a man of one hobby, but lacking any practical ideas. his speech on currency was among the best. not so with his speech about the trent affair. it is superficial, and contains misconceptions concerning treaties, and other blunders very strange in a would-be statesman. ardently devoted to the cause of justice and of human rights, sumner weakens the influence which he ought to exercise, because he impresses many with the notion that he looks more to the outside effect produced by him than to the intrinsic value of the subject; he makes others suppose that he is too fond of such effect, and, above all, of the effect produced in europe among the circle of his english and european acquaintances. it is positively asserted that lincoln agreed to take mr. seward in the cabinet, because weed and others urgently represented that mr. seward is the only man in the republican party who is familiar with europe, with her statesmen, and their policy. o lord! o lord! and where has seward acquired all this information? mr. seward had not even the first a b c of it, or of anything else connected with it. and, besides, such a kind of special information is, at the utmost, of secondary necessity for an american statesman. marcy had it not, and was a true, a genuine statesman. undoubtedly, nature has endowed seward with eminent intellectual qualities, and with germs for an eminent statesman. but the intellectual qualities became blunted by the long use of crotchets and tricks of a politician, by the associations and influence of such as weed, etc.; thereby the better germs became nipped, so to speak, in the bud. mr. seward's acquired information by study, by instruction, and by reading, is quite the reverse of what in europe is regarded as necessary for a statesman. often, very often, i sorrowfully analyze and observe mr. seward, with feelings like those evoked in us by the sight of a noble ruin, or of a once rich, natural panorama, but now marred by large black spots of burned and dead vegetation, or by the ashes of a volcano. now, mr. seward is beyond salvation--a "disappointed man," as he called himself in a conversation with judge potter, m. c.; he changed aims, and perhaps convictions. for mr. seward, slavery is no more the most hideous social disease; he abandoned that creed which elevated him in the confidence of the people. now he works to preserve as much as possible of the curse of slavery; he does it on the plea of union and conservatism; but in truth he wishes to disorganize the pure republican party, which he hates since the chicago convention and since the days of the formation of the cabinet. under the advice of weed, mr. seward attempts to form a (thus called) union and conservative party, which at the next turn may carry him into the white house. seward considers weed his good genius; but in reality weed has ruined seward. now mr. seward supports _strategy_, imbecility, and mcclellan. the only explanation for me is, that seward, participating in all military counsels and strategic plans, and not understanding any of them, finds it safer to back mcclellan, and thus to deceive others about his own ignorance of military matters. the press--the new york one--worse and worse; the majority wholly degraded to the standard of the herald and of the times. the _poor_ tribune, daily fading away, altogether losing that bold, lofty spirit of initiative to which for so many years the tribune owed its all-powerful and unparalleled influence over the free masses. now, at times, the tribune is similar to an old, honest sexagenarian, attempting to draw a night-cap over his ears and eyes. the flames of the holy fire, so common once in the tribune, flash now only at distant, very distant epochs. the evening post towers over all of them. if the evening post never at a jump went as far as once did the tribune, the evening post never made or makes a retrograde step; but perhaps slowly, but steadily and boldly, moves on. the evening post is not a paper of politicians or of jobbers, but of enlightened, well-informed, and strong-hearted patriots and citizens. mr. blair, after all, is only an ambitious politician. my illusion about both the brothers is wholly dispelled and gone. i regret it, but both sustain mcclellan, both look askant on stanton, and belong to the conditional emancipationists, colonizationists, and other radical preservers of slavery. all such form a class of superficial politicians, of compromisers with their creed, and are corrupters of others. how ardently i would prefer not to so often accuse others; but more than forty years of revolutionary and public life and experience have taught me to discriminate between deep convictions and assumed ones--to highly venerate the first, and to keep aloof from the second. gold is gold, and pinchbeck is pinchbeck, in character as in metal. mcclellan acts as if he had taken the oath to some hidden and veiled deity or combination, by all means not to ascertain anything about the condition of the enemy. any european if not american old woman in pants long ago would have pierced the veil by a strong reconnoissance on centreville. here "all quiet on the potomac." and i hear generals, west pointers, justifying this colossal offence against common sense, and against the rudiments of military tactics, and even science. oh, noble, but awfully dealt with, american people! at times mr. seward talks and acts as if he lacked altogether the perception of the terrible earnestness of the struggle, of the dangers and responsibilities of his political position, as well now before the people as hereafter before history. often i can scarcely resist answering him, beware, beware! lincoln belittles himself more and more. whatever he does is done under the pressure of events, under the pressure of the public opinion. these agencies push lincoln and slowly move him, notwithstanding his reluctant heaviness and his resistance. and he a standard-bearer of this noble people! those mercenary, ignorant, despicable scribblers of the london times, of the tory herald, of the saturday review, and of the police papers in paris, as the constitutionnel, the pays, the patrie, all of them lie with unparalleled facility. any one knows that those hungry quill-heroes can be got for a good dinner and a _douceur_. i am sorry that the americans ascribe to louis napoleon and to the french people the hostility to human rights as shown by those _échappés des bagnes de la littérature_. louis napoleon and the french people have nothing in common with those literary blacklegs. the _journal des débats_, the _opinion nationale_, the _presse_, the _siècle_, etc., constitute the true and honest organs of opinion in france. in the same way a. de gasparin speaks for the french people with more authority than does michel chevalier, who knows much more about free trade, about canals and railroads, but is as ignorant of the character, of the spirit, and of the institutions of the american people, as he is ignorant concerning the man in the moon. so the lawyer hautefeuille must have received a fee to show so much ill-will to the cause of humanity, and such gigantic ignorance. _who began the civil war?_ is repeatedly discussed by those quill cut-throats and allies on the thames and on the seine. here some smaller diplomats (not sweden, who is true to the core to the cause of liberty), and, above all, the would-be fashionable _galopins des légations_, are the cesspools of secession news, picked up by them in secesh society. happily, the like _galopins_ are the reverse of the opinions of their respective chiefs. what superhuman efforts are made in congress, and out of it, in the cabinet, in the white house, by union men,--seward imagines he leads them,--by the weak-brained, and by traitors, to save slavery, if not all, at least a part of it. every concession made by the president to the enemies of slavery has only one aim; it is to mollify their urgent demands by throwing to them small crumbs, as one tries to mollify a boisterous and hungry dog. by such a trick lincoln and seward try to save what can be saved of the peculiar institution, to gratify, and eventually to conciliate, the south. this is the policy of lincoln, of seward, and very likely of mr. blair. such political _gobe-mouche_ as doolittle and many others, are, or will be, taken in by this manoeuvre. scheme what you like, you schemers, wiseacres, politicians, and would-be statesmen, nevertheless slavery is doomed. humanity will have the best against such pettifoggers as you. i know better. i have the honor to belong to that european generation who, during this half of our century, from tagus and cadiz to the wolga, has gored with its blood battle-fields and scaffolds; whose songs and aspirations were re-echoed by all the horrible dungeons; by dungeons of the blood-thirsty spanish inquisition, then across europe and asia, to the mines of nertschinsk, in the ever-frozen altai. we lost all we had on earth; seemingly we were always beaten; but portugal and spain enjoy to-day a constitutional regime that is an improvement on absolutism. france has expelled forever the bourbons, and universal suffrage, spelt now by the french people, is a progress, is a promise of a great democratic future. germany has in part conquered free speech and free press. italy is united, romanism is falling to pieces, austria is undermined and shaky, and broken are the chains on the body of the russian serf. all this is the work of the spirit of the age, and our generation was the spirit's apostle and confessor. and so it will be with slavery, and all you worshippers of darkness cannot save it. not the one who strikes the first blow begins a civil war, but he who makes the striking of the blow imperative. the southern robbers cannot claim exemption; they stole the arsenals, and struck the first blow at sumpter. so much for the infamous quill-heroes of the london times, the herald, and _tutti quanti_. the highest crime is treason in arms, and this crime is praised and defended by the english would-be high-toned press. but sooner or later it will come out how much apiece was paid to the london times, the herald, and the saturday review for their venomous articles against the union. mcclellan expelled from the army the hutchinson family. it is mean and petty. songs are the soul and life of the camp, and mcclellan's _heroic deeds_ have not yet found their minstrel. after all, mcclellan has organized--nothing! mcdowell has, so to speak, formed the first skeletons of brigades, divisions, of parks of artillery, etc. the people uninterruptedly poured in men and treasures, and mcclellan only continued what was commenced before him. i positively know that already in december mr. lincoln began to be doubtful of mcclellan's generalship. this doubtfulness is daily increasing, and nevertheless mr. lincoln keeps that incapacity in command because he does not wish _to hurt mcclellan's feelings_. better to ruin the noble people, the country! i begin to draw the conclusion that mr. lincoln's good qualities are rather negative than positive. mr. adams complains that he is kept in the dark about the policy of the administration, and cannot answer questions made to him in london. but the administration, that is, lincoln and seward, are a little _a la_ micawber, expecting what may turn up. and, besides this, the great orator _de lana caprina_ (mr. adams) deliberately degraded himself to the condition of a corporal under mr. seward's orders. victories in the west, results of the new spirit in the war department. stanton will be the man. it is a curious fact that such commanders as halleck, etc., sit in cities and fight through those under them; and there are ignoble flatterers trying to attribute these victories to mcclellan, and to his _strategy_. as if battles could be commanded by telegraph at one thousand miles' distance. it is worse than imbecility, it is idiotism and _strategy_. stanton calls himself a man of one idea. how he overtops in the cabinet those myrmidons with their many petty notions! one idea, but a great and noble one, makes the great men, or the men for great events. would god that the people may understand stanton, and that pettifoggers, imbeciles, and traitors may not push themselves between the people and stanton, and neutralize the only man who has _the one idea_ to break, to crush the rebellion. every day mr. lincoln shows his want of knowledge of men and of things; the total absence of _intuition_ to spell, to see through, and to disentangle events. if, since march, , instead of being in the hands of pettifoggers, mr. lincoln had been in the hands of _a man of one idea_ as is stanton, nine-tenths of the work would have been accomplished. mcclellan's flunkeys claim for him the victories in the west. it is impossible to settle which is more to be scorned in them, their flunkeyism or their stupidity. _lock-jaw_ expedition. for any other government whatever, in one even of the most abject favoritism, such a humbug and silly conduct of the commander and of his chief of the staff would open the eyes even of a pompadour or of a dubarry. here, _our great rulers and ministers_ shut the more closely their mind's (?) eyes * * * * * for the first time in one of his dispatches mr. corporal adams _dares_ to act against orders, and mentions--but very slightly--slavery. mr. adams observes to his chief that in england public opinion is very sensitive; at last the old freesoiler found it out. how this public opinion in america is unable to see the things as they naturally are. now the public fights to whom to ascribe the victories in the west. common sense says, ascribe them, st, to the person who ordered the fight (stanton); d, exclusively to the generals who personally commanded the battles and the assaults of forts. even napoleon did not claim for himself the glory for battles won by his generals when in his, napoleon's, absence. for weeks mcclellan and his thus called staff diligently study international law, strategy (hear, hear!), tactics, etc. his aids translate for his use french and german writers. one cannot even apply in this case the proverb, "better late than never," as the like hastily scraped and undigested sham-knowledge unavoidably must obfuscate and wholly confuse mcclellan's--not napoleonic--brains. the intriguers and imbeciles claim the western victories as the illustration of mcclellan's great _strategy_. why shows he not a little _strategy_ under his nose here? any old woman would surround and take the rebels in manassas. now they dispute to grant his deserved laurels. if he had failed at donelson, the _strategians_ would have washed their hands, and thrown on grant the disaster. so did scott after bull run. mr. lincoln, mcclellan, seward, blair, etc., forget the terrible responsibility for thus recklessly squandering the best blood, the best men, the best generation of the people, and its treasures. but sooner or later they will be taken to a terrible account even by the congress, and at any rate by history. it is by their policy, by their support of mcclellan, that the war is so slow, and the longer it lasts the more human sacrifices it will devour, and the greater the costs of the devastation. stanton alone feels and acts differently, and it seems that the rats in the cabinet already begin their nightly work against him. these rats are so ignorant and conceited! the celebrated souvoroff was accused of cruelty because he always at once stormed fortresses instead of investing them and starving out the inhabitants and the garrisons. the old hero showed by arithmetical calculations that his bloodiest assaults never occasioned so much loss of human life as did on both sides any long siege, digging, and approaches, and the starving out of those shut up in a fortress. this for mcclellan and for the intriguing and ignorant rats. march, . the africo-americans -- fremont -- the orleans -- confiscation -- american nepotism -- the merrimac -- wooden guns -- oh shame! -- gen. wadsworth -- the rats have the best of stanton -- mcclellan goes to fortress monroe -- utter imbecility -- the embarkation -- mcclellan a turtle -- he will stick in the marshes -- louis napoleon behaves nobly -- so does mr. mercier -- queen victoria for freedom -- the great strategian -- senator sumner and the french minister -- archbishop hughes -- his diplomatic activity not worth the postage on his correspondence -- alberoni-seward -- love's labor lost. men like this davis, wickliffe, and all the like _pecus_, roar against the african race. the more i see of this doomed people, the more i am convinced of their intrinsic superiority over all their white revilers, above all, over this slaveholding generation, rotten, as it is, to the core. when emancipated, the africo-americans in immense majority will at once make quiet, orderly, laborious, intelligent, and free cultivators, or, to use european language, an excellent peasantry; when ninety-nine one-hundredths of slaveholders, either rebels or thus called loyal, altogether considered, as human beings are shams, are shams as citizens, and constitute caricatures and monsters of civilization. civilization! it is the highest and noblest aim in human destinies when it makes the man moral and true; but civilization invoked by, and in which strut traitors, slaveholders, and abettors of slavery, reminds one of de maistre's assertion, that the devil created the red man of america as a counterfeit to man, god's creation in the old world. this so-called civilization of the slaveholders is the devil's counterfeit of the genuine civilization. the africo-americans are the true producers of the southern wealth--cotton, rice, tobacco, etc. when emancipated and transformed into small farmers, these laborious men will increase and ameliorate the culture of the land; and they will produce by far more when the white shams and drones shall be taken out of their way. in the south, bristling with africo-american villages, will almost disappear fillibusterism, murder, and the bowie knife, and other supreme manifestations of southern _chivalrous high-breeding_. fremont's reports and defence show what a disorder and insanity prevailed under the rule of scott. fremont's military capacity perhaps is equal to zero; his vanity put him in the hands of wily flatterers; but the disasters in the west cannot be credited to him. fremont initiated the construction of the mortar flotilla on the mississippi (i positively know such is the fact), and he suggested the capture of various forts, but was not sustained at this sham, the headquarters. these orleans have wholly espoused and share in the fallacious and mischievous notions of the mcclellanites concerning the volunteers. most probably with the authority of their name, they confirm mcclellan's fallacious notions about the necessity of a great regular army. the orleans are good, generous boys, but their judgment is not yet matured; they had better stayed at home. confiscation is the great word in congress or out of it. the property of the rebels is confiscable by the ever observed rule of war, as consecrated by international laws. when two sovereigns make war, the victor confiscates the other's property, as represented by whole provinces, by public domains, by public taxes and revenues. in the present case the rebels are the sovereigns, and their property is therefore confiscable. but for the sake of equity, and to compensate the wastes of war, congress ought to decree the confiscation of property of all those who, being at the helm, by their political incapacity or tricks contribute to protract the war and increase its expense. mr. lincoln yields to the pressure of public opinion. a proof: his message to congress about emancipation in the border states. crumb no. thrown--reluctantly i am sure--to the noble appetite of freemen. i hope history will not credit mr. lincoln with being the initiator. american nepotism puts to shame the one practised in europe. all around here they keep offices in pairs, father and son. so mcclellan has a father in-law as chief of the staff, a brother as aid, and then various relations, clerks, etc., etc., and the same in some other branches of the administration. the merrimac affair. terrible evidence how active and daring are the rebels, and we sleepy, slow, and self-satisfied. by applying the formula of induction from effect to cause, the disaster occasioned by the merrimac, and any further havoc to be made by this iron vessel,--all this is to be credited to mcclellan. if norfolk had been taken months ago, then the rebels could not have constructed the merrimac. norfolk could have been easily taken any day during the last six months, _but for strategy_ and the _maturing of great plans_! these are the sacramental words more current now than ever. oh good-natured american people! how little is necessary to humbug thee! oh shame! oh malediction! the rebels left centreville,--which turns out to be scarcely a breastwork, with wooden guns,--and they slipped off from manassas. when mcclellan got the news of the evacuation, he gravely considered where to lean his right or left flanks, and after the consideration, two days after the enemy _wholly_ completed the evacuation, mcclellan moves at the head of , men--to storm the wooden guns of centreville. two hours after the news of the evacuation reached the headquarters, gen. wadsworth asked permission to follow with his brigade, during the night, the retreating enemy. but it was not _strategy, not a matured plan_. if gen. wadsworth had been in command of the army, not one of the rats from manassas would have escaped. the reasons are, that gen. wadsworth has a quick, clear, and wide-encompassing conception of events and things, a clear insight, and many other inborn qualities of mind and intellect. the congress has a large number of very respectable capacities, and altogether sufficient for the emergencies, and the congress would do more good but for the impediments thrown in its way by the double-dealing policy prevailing in mr. lincoln's cabinet and administration. the majority in congress represent well the spirit of self-government. it is a pity that congress cannot crush or purify the administration. all that passes here is maddening, and i am very grateful to my father and mother for having endowed me with a frame which resists the blows. the pursuit of the enemy abandoned, the basis of operations changed. the rats had the best of stanton. _utinam sim falsus propheta_, but if stanton's influence is no more all-powerful, then there is an end to the short period of successes. mr. lincoln's council wanted to be animated by a pure and powerful spirit. stanton was the man, but he is not a match for impure intriguers. also mcclellan goes to fortress monroe, to yorktown, to the rivers. this plan reveals an utter military imbecility, and its plausibility can only catch ----. st. common sense shows that the rebels ought to be cut off from their resources, that is, from railroads, and from communication with the revolted states in the interior, and to be precipitated into the ocean. to accomplish it our troops ought to have marched by land to richmond, and pushed the enemy towards the ocean. now mcclellan pushes the rebels from the extremity towards the centre, towards the focus of their basis,--exactly what they want. i am sure that mcclellan is allured to this strategy by the success of the gunboats on the mississippi. he wishes that the gunboats may take richmond, and he have the credit of it. the merrimac is still menacing in hampton roads, and may, some day or other, play havoc with the transports. the communications by land are always more preferable than those by water--above all for such a great army. a storm, etc., may do great mischief. mcclellan assures the president, and the other intriguers and fools constituting his supporters, that in a few days he will throw , men on yorktown. he and his staff to do such a thing, which would be a masterpiece even for the french military leaders and their staffs! he, mcclellan, never knew what it was to embark an army. those who believe him are even greater imbeciles than i supposed them to be. poor stanton, to be hampered by imbecility and intrigue! i went to alexandria to see the embarkation; it will last weeks, not days. from yorktown to richmond, the country is marshy, very marshy; mcclellan, a turtle, a _dasippus_, will not understand to move quick and to overcome the impediments. faulty as it is to drive the rebels from the sea towards their centre, this false move would be corrected by rash and decisive movements. but mcclellan will stick in the marshes, and may never reach richmond by that road. any man with common sense would go directly by land; if the army moves only three miles a day it will reach richmond sooner than by the other way. such an army in a spell will construct turnpike roads and bridges, and if the rebels tear up the railroads, they likewise could be easily repaired. progressing in the slowest, in the most genuine mcclellan manner, the army will reach richmond with less danger than by the peninsula. the future american historian ought to record in gold and diamonds the names of those who in the councils opposed mcclellan's new strategy. oh! mr. seward, mr. seward, why is your name to be recorded among the most ardent supporters of this _strategy_? jeff. davis sneers at the immense amount of money, etc., spent by mr. lincoln. as he, jeff. davis, is still quietly in richmond, and his army undestroyed, of course he is right to sneer at mr. lincoln and mcclellan, whom he, jeff. davis, kept at bay with wooden guns. senator sumner takes airs to defend or explain mcclellan. the senator is probably influenced by blair. the senator cannot be classed among traitors and intriguers supporting the _great strategian_. perhaps likewise the senator believes it to be _distingué_ to side with _strategy_. if the party and the people could have foreseen that civil war was inevitable, undoubtedly mr. lincoln would not have been elected. but as the cause of the north would have been totally ruined by the election of lincoln's chicago competitor, mr. lincoln is the lesser of the two evils. a great nuisance is this competition for all kinds of news by the reporters hanging about the city, the government, and the army. some of these reporters are men of sense, discernment, and character; but for the sake of competition and priority they fish up and pick up what they can, what comes in their way, even if such news is altogether beyond common sense, or beyond probability. in this way the best among the newspapers have confused and misled the sound judgment of the people; so it is in relation to the overwhelming numbers of the rebels, and by spreading absurdities concerning relations with europe. the reporters of the herald and of the times are peremptorily instructed to see the events through the perverted spectacles of their respective bosses. mr. adams gets either frightened or warm. mr. a. insists on the slavery question, speaks of the project of mason and slidell in london to offer certain moral concessions to english anti-slavery feeling,--such as the regulations of marriage, the repeal of laws against manumission, etc. mr. adams warns that these offers may make an impression in england. when all around me i witness this revolting want of energy,--stanton excepted,--this vacillation, these tricks and double-dealings in the governmental spheres, then i wish myself far off in europe; but when i consider this great people outside of the governmental spheres, then i am proud to be one of the people, and shall stay and fall with them. how meekly the people accept the disgrace of the wooden guns and of the evacuation of manassas! it is true that the partisans of mcclellan, the traitors, the intriguers, and the imbeciles are devotedly at work to confuse the judgment of the people at large. mr. dayton's semi-official conversation with louis napoleon shows how well disposed the emperor was and is. the emperor, almost as a favor, asks for a decided military operation. and in face of such news from europe, lincoln, seward, and blair sustain the _do-nothing strategian_! until now louis napoleon behaves nobly, and not an atom of reproach can be made by the american people against his policy; and our policy many times justly could have soured him, as the acceptation of the orleans, etc. no french vessels ran anywhere the blockade; secesh agents found very little if any credit among french speculators. very little if any arms, munitions, etc., were bought in france. and in face of all these positive facts, the american wiseacres here and in europe, all the bar-room and street politicians here and there, all the would-be statesmen, all the sham wise, are incessant in their speculations concerning certain invisible, deep, treacherous schemes of louis napoleon against the union. this herd is full of stories concerning his deep hatred of the north; they are incessant in their warnings against this dangerous and scheming enemy. some englishmen in high position stir up this distrust. on the authority of letters repeatedly received from england, senator sumner is always in fits of distrust towards the policy of france. the last discovery made by all these deep statesmen here and in france is, that louis napoleon intends to take mexico, to have then a basis for cooperation with the rebels, and to destroy us. but mexico is not yet taken, and already the allies look askance at each other. those great anglo-american talleyrands, metternichs, etc., bring down the clear and large intellect of louis napoleon to the atomistic proportions of their own sham brains. i do not mean to foretell louis napoleon's policy in future. unforeseen emergencies and complications may change it. i speak of what was done up to this day, and repeat, _not the slightest complaint can be made against louis napoleon_. and in justice to mr. mercier, the french minister here, it must be recorded that he sincerely seconds the open policy of his sovereign. besides, mr. mercier now openly declares that he never believed the americans to be such a great and energetic people as the events have shown them to be. i am grateful to him for this sense of justice, shared only by few of his diplomatic colleagues. in one word, official and unofficial europe, in its immense majority, is on our side. the exceptions, therefore, are few, and if they are noisy, they are not intrinsically influential and dangerous. the truest woman, queen victoria, is on the side of freedom, of right, and of justice. this ennobles even her, and likewise ennobles our cause. not the bad wishes of certain europeans are in our way, but our slowness, the mcclellanism and its supporters. _quidquid delirant reges, plectuntur achivi!_ the _achivi_ is the people, and the mcclellanists are the _reges_. mr. seward, elated by victories, insinuates to foreign powers that they may stop the "recognition of belligerents." oh imagination! such things ought not even to be insinuated, as logic and common sense clearly show that the foreign cabinets cannot do it, and thus stultify themselves. seward believes that his rhetoric is irresistible, and will move the cabinets of france and of england. * * * not the "recognition of belligerents;" let the rebels slip off from manassas, etc. mr. seward would do better for himself and for the country to give up meddling with the operations of the war, and backing the bloodless campaigns of the _strategian_. but mr. seward, carried away by his imagination, believes that the cabinets will yield to his persuasive voice, and then, oh! what a feather in his diplomatic cap before the befogged mr. lincoln, and before the people. but _pia desideria_. in all the wars, as well as in all the single campaigns and battles, every _captain_ deserving this name aimed at breaking his enemy in the centre or at seizing his basis of operations, wherefrom the enemy draws its resources and forces. the great _strategian_ changed all this; he goes directly to the circumference instead of aiming at the heart. mr. seward, answering mr. dayton's dispatch concerning his, dayton's, conversation with louis napoleon, points to europe being likewise menaced by revolutionists. unnecessary spread-eagleism, and an awful want of any, even diplomatic, tact. i hope that mr. dayton, who has so much sound sense and discernment, will keep to himself this freak of mr. seward's untamable imagination. under the influence of insinuations received from his english friends, senator sumner said to mr. mercier (i was present) that with every steamer he expects a joint letter of admonition directed by the french and english to our government. mr. mercier retorted, "how can you, sir, have such notions? you are too great a nation to be treated in this way. such letters would do for greece, etc., but not for you." i was sorry and glad for the lesson thus given. archbishop hughes was not over-successful in france, and went off rather second-best in the opinion of the press, of the public, and of the catholic, even ultra-montane clergy of france. all this on account of his conditional anti-slaverism and unconditional pro-slaverism. all this was easily to be foreseen. his eminence is in rome, and from rome is to influence spain in our favor. oh diplomacy! oh times of capucine and jesuit fathers and of abbes! we, the children of the eighteenth century, we recall you to life. i do not suppose that the whole diplomatic activity of his eminence is worth the postage of his correspondence. but uncle sam is generous, and pays him well. so it is with thurlow weed, who tries to be economical, is unsuccessful, and cries for more monish. a schoolboy on a spree! it seems that weed loses not his time, and tries with sandford to turn _a penny_ in belgium. oh disinterested saviors of the country, and patriots! but for this violent development of our domestic affairs, mr. seward would have appeared before the world as the mediator between the pope and the insubordinate european nations, sovereigns, and cabinets. oh, alberoni! oh, imaginary! it beats any of the wildest poets. in justice it must be recorded, that this great scheme of mediation was dancing before mr. seward's imagination at the epoch when he was sure that, once secretary of state, his speeches would be current and read all over the south; and they, the speeches, would crush and extinguish secession. this mr. seward assured one of the patriotic members of buchanan's expiring cabinet. mr. seward is now busy building up a conservative union party north and south to preserve slavery, and to crush the rampant sumnerism, as thurlow weed calls it, and advises seward to do so. mr. seward's unofficial agents, thurlow weed, his eminence, and others, are untiring in the incense of their benefactor. occasionally, mr. lincoln gets a small share of it. sandford in paris and brussels, mr. adams and thurlow weed in london, work hard to assuage and soften the harsh odor in which mr. seward is held, above all, among certain englishmen of mark. it seems, however, that _love's labor is lost_, and mr. adams, scholar-like, explains the unsuccess of their efforts by the following philosophy: that in great convulsions and events it is always the most eminent men who become selected for violent and vituperative attacks. this is mr. seward's fate, but time will dispel the falsehoods, and render him justice. well, be it so. weed tried hard to bring the duke of newcastle over to mr. seward; but the duke seems perfectly unmoved by the blandishments, etc. to think that the strict and upright duke, who knows weed, could be shaken by the ubiquitous lobbyist! rather the other way. one not acquainted with mr. seward's ardent republicanism may suspect him of some dictatorial projects, to judge from the zeal with which some of the diplomatic agents in europe, together with the unofficial ones there, extol to all the world mr. seward's transcendent superiority over all other eminent men in america. are the european statesmen to be prepared beforehand, or are they to be befogged and prevented from judging for themselves? if so, again is _love's labor lost_. european statesmen can perfectly take mr. seward's measure from his uninterrupted and never-fulfilled prophecies, and from other diplomatic stumblings; and one look suffices european men of mark to measure a hughes, a weed, a sandford, and _tutti quanti_. in mr. lincoln's councils, mr. stanton alone has the vigor, the purity, and the simplicity of a man of deep convictions. stanton alone unites the clear, broad comprehension of the exigencies of the national question with unyielding action. he is the _statesman_ so long searched for by me. he, once a friend of mcclellan, was not deterred thereby from condemning that do-nothing _strategy_, so ruinous and so dishonorable. stanton is a democrat, and therefore not intrinsically, perhaps not even relatively, an anti-slavery man, but he hesitates not now to destroy slavery for the preservation of the union. i am sure that every day will make stanton more clear-sighted, and more radical in the question of union and rebellion. and seward and blair, who owe their position to their anti-slavery principles, _arcades ambo_, try now to save something of slavery, and turn against stanton. april, . immense power of the president -- mr. seward's egeria -- programme of peace -- the belligerent question -- roebucks and gregories scums --running the blockade -- weed and seward take clouds for camels --uncle sam's pockets -- manhood, not money, the sinews of war --colonization schemes -- senator doolittle -- coal mine speculation --washington too near the seat of war -- blair demands the return of a fugitive slave woman -- slavery is mr. lincoln's "_mammy_" -- he will not destroy her -- victories in the west -- the brave navy --mcclellan subsides in mud before yorktown -- telegraphs for more men -- god will be tired out! -- great strength of the people --emancipation in the district -- wade's speech -- he is a monolith --chase and seward -- n. y. times -- the rothschilds -- army movements and plans. if the military conduct of mcclellan, from the first of january to the day of the embarkation of the troops for yorktown--if this conduct were tried by french marshals, or by the french chief staff, or by the military authorities and chief staffs of prussia, russia, and even of austria, mcclellan would be condemned as unfit to have any military command whatever. i would stake my right hand on such a verdict; and here the would-be strategians, the traitors, the intriguers, and the imbeciles prize him sky-high. only by personal and close observation of the inner working of the administrative machinery is it possible to appreciate and to understand what an immense power the constitution locates in the hands of a president. far more power has he than any constitutional sovereign--more than is the power of the english sovereign and of her cabinet put together. in the present emergencies, such a power in the hands of a wade or of a stanton would have long ago saved the country. mr. seward looks to all sides of the compass for a union party in the south, which may rise politically against the rebels. that is the advice of weed, mr. seward's egeria. i doubt that he will find many, or even any. first kill the secesh, destroy the rebel power, that is, the army, and then look for the union men in the south. mr. seward, in his generalizations, in his ardent expectations, etc., etc., forgets to consider--at least a little--human nature, and, not to speak of history, this _terra incognita_. blood shed for the nationality makes it grow and prosper; a protracted struggle deepens its roots, carries away the indifferent, and even those who at the start opposed the move. all such, perhaps, may again fall off from the current of rebellion, but that current must first be reduced to an imperceptible rivulet; and mr. seward, sustaining the do-nothing strategian, acts against himself. mr. seward's last programme is, after the capture of richmond and of new orleans, to issue a proclamation--to offer terms to the rebels, to restore the old union in full, to protect slavery and all. for this reason he supports mcclellan, as both have the same plan. of such a character are the assurances given by mr. seward to foreign diplomats and governments. he tries to make them sure that a large union party will soon be forthcoming in the south, and again sounds his vaticinations of the sacramental ninety days. i am sorry for this his incurable passion to play the pythoness. it is impossible that such repeated prophecies shall raise him high in the estimation of the european statesmen. impossible! impossible! whatever may be the contrary assertions of his adulators, such as an adams, a sandford, a weed, a bigelow, a hughes, and others. when mr. seward proudly unveiled this his programme, a foreign diplomat suggested that the congress may not accept it. mr. seward retorted that he cares not for congress; that he will appeal to the people, who are totally indifferent to the abolition of slavery. why does mr. seward deliberately slander the american people, and this before foreign diplomats, whose duty it is to report all mr. seward's words to their respective governments? such words uttered by mr. seward justify the assertions of lord john russell, of gladstone, those true and high-minded friends of human liberty, that the north fights for empire and not for a principle. the people who will answer to mr. seward's appeal will be those whose creed is that of the new york herald, the boston courier, the people of the fernando and ben woods, of the vallandighams, etc. what is the use of urging on the foreign cabinets--above all, england and france--to rescind the recognition of belligerents? they cannot do it. it does not much--nay, not any--harm, as the english speculators will risk to run the blockade if the rebels are belligerent or not. and besides, the english and french cabinets may throw in mr. seward's face the decisions of our own prize courts, who, on the authority of mr. seward's blockade, in their judicial decisions, treat the rebels as belligerents. the european statesmen are more cautious and more consequential in their acts than is our secretary. as it stands now, the conduct of the english government is very correct, and not to be complained of. i do not speak of the infamous articles in the times, herald, etc., or of the gregories and such scums as the roebucks; but i am satisfied that lord john russell wishes us no harm, and that it is our own policy which confuses and makes suspicious such men as russell, gladstone, and others of the better stamp. as for the armaments of secesh vessels in liverpool and the bahamas, it is so perfectly in harmony with the english mercantile character that it is impossible for the government to stop it. the english merchant generally considers it as a lawful enterprise to run blockades; in the present case the premium is immense; it is so in a twofold manner. st, the immediate profits on the various cargoes exchanged against each other by a successful running of the blockade; such profits must equal several hundred per cent. d, the prospective profits from an eventual success of the rebellion for such friends as are now supporting the rebels. these prospects must be very alluring, and are partly justified by our slow war, slow policy. i am sure that the like armaments for the secessionists are made by shares owned by various individuals; the individual risk of each shareholder being comparatively insignificant when compared with the prospective gains. if seward, mcclellan, and blair had not meddled with stanton, not weakened his decisions, nor befogged mr. lincoln, richmond would be in our hands, together with charleston and savannah; and all the iron-clad vessels built in england for secesh would be harmless. mr. weed and mr. seward expect jeff. davis to be overthrown by their imaginary southern union party. o, wiseacres! if both of you had only a little knowledge of human nature--not of that one embodied in lobbyists--and of history, then you would be aware that if jeff. davis is to be deposed it will be by one more violent than he, and you would not speculate and take clouds for camels. during the weeks of embarkation for yorktown, the thorough incapacity of mcclellan's chief of the staff was as brilliant as the cloudless sun. it makes one shudder to think what it will be when the campaign will be decidedly and seriously going on. it is astonishing, and psychologically altogether incomprehensible, to see persons, justly deserving to be considered as intelligent, deny the evidence of their own senses; forbid, so to speak, their sound judgment to act; to be befogged by thorough imbeciles; to consider incapacity as strategy, and to take imbecility for deep, mysterious, great combinations and plans. even the turks could not long be humbugged in such a way. no sovereign in the world, not even napoleon in his palmiest days, could thus easily satisfy his military whims concerning the most costly and variegated material for an army, as does mcclellan. he changes his plans; every such change is gorgeously satisfied and millions thrown away. guns, mortars, transports, spades, etc., appear at his order as if by charm; and all this to veil his utter incapacity. this yorktown expedition uncovers washington and the north, and such a deep plan could have been imagined only by a _strategian_. what are doing in europe all these various agents of mr. seward, and paid by uncle sam? all these weeds, sandfords, hughes, bigelows, and whoever else may be there? they cannot find means in their brains to better direct, inform, or influence the european press. almost all the articles in our favor are only defensive and explanatory; the offensive is altogether carried by the secesh press in england and in france. but to deal offensive blows, our agents would be obliged to stand firm on human principles, and show up all the dastardly corruption of slavery, of slaveholders, and of rebels. such a warfare is forbidden by mr. seward's policy; and perhaps if such a weed should speak of corruption, some english secesh may reprint wilkeson's letter. in one word, our cause in europe is very tamely represented and carried on. members of the chamber of deputies in paris complain that they can nowhere find necessary information concerning certain facts. there seward's agents have not even been able to correct the fallacies about the epoch of the morrill tariff,--fallacies so often invoked by the secesh press,--and many other similar statements. i shall not wonder if the public opinion in europe by and by may fall off from our cause. our defensive condition there justifies the assumptions of the secesh. as we dare not expose their crimes, the public in europe must come to this conclusion, that secesh may be right, and may begin to consider the north as having no principle. and to think that all these agents heavily phlebotomize uncle sam's pockets to obtain such contemptible results! many persons, some among them of influence and judgment, still speak and speculate upon what they call the starving of the rebellion. they calculate upon the comparative poverty of the rebels, repeating the fallacious adage, that money is the sinews of war. money is so, but only in a limited degree, and more limited than is generally supposed; more limited even now when war is a very expensive pastime. this fallacy, first uttered by the aristocrat thucydides, was repeated over and over again until it became a statesmanlike creed. but even thucydides gave not to that _dictum_ such a general sense, and macchiavelli scorned the fallacy and exposed it. when poor, the spartans have been the bravest. the historical halo surrounding the name of sparta originated at that epoch when the use of money and of gold had been almost forbidden. the wealth of athens began after the victories over the persians; but those victories were won when the athenians were comparatively poor. so it was with the romans until the subjugation of carthage, and in modern europe the swiss, etc., etc., etc. manhood in a people, and self-sacrifice, are the genuine sinews of war; wealth alone saved no nation from disgrace and from death, nay, often accelerated the catastrophe. the colonization of africo-americans is still discussed; very likely inspired by seward and by his yucatan schemes. senator doolittle runs himself down at a fearful rate. i regret doolittle's mistake. those colonizers forget that if they should export even , persons a year, an equal number will be yearly born at home, not to speak of other impossibilities. if carried on on a small scale, this scheme amounts to nothing; and on a grand scale it is altogether impossible, besides being as stupid as it is recklessly cruel. only those persons insist on colonization who hate or dread general emancipation. when the slaves shall be emancipated, then the owners of plantations will be forced to offer very acceptable terms to the newly made free laborers to have their plantations cultivated, which otherwise must become waste and useless lands, and the planters themselves poor starving wretches. with very little of governmental interference, the mutual relation between planter and laborer can be regulated, and the planter will be the first to oppose colonization. look from whatever side you like, a colonization schemer is a cruel deceiver, he is an enemy of emancipation, and if he claims to be an emancipator then he is an enemy of the planter and of the prosperity of the southern region. besides, the present scheme of colonization to chiriqui is an infamous speculation to help some ambrosio thompson to work coal mines in that part of central america. that individual has a grant for some lands in chiriqui, and there these poor victims are to be exported. the grant itself is contested by the new grenadian government. those poor coolies will be the prey of speculators; there will arise claims against the grenadian government--a rich mine for lobbyists and claimants. infamy! and these fathers of the country are as blind as moles. central america is always in convulsions, and of course the colonists will be robbed by every party of those semi-savages. the colonists being methodists, etc., will be pointed out by the stupid catholic clergy as being heretics and miscreants. washington's proximity to the theatre of war in virginia is the greatest impediment for rapid movements; it is the ruin of generals and of armies. being within reach of the seat of government and of the material means, the generals are never ready, but always have something to complete, something to ask for, and so days after days elapse. in all other countries and governments of the world the commanders move on, and the objects of secondary necessity are sent after them. in all other countries and wars the principal aim of commanders is to become conspicuous by rapidity of movements. the paramount glory is to have achieved and obtained important results with comparatively limited means. here, the greater the slowness with which they move, the greater captains they are; and the more expensive their operations, the surer they are of the applause of the administration, and of a great many f----. after all, the above is the result of pre-existing causes. slowness, indecision, and waste of money, are the prominent features of this administration. stanton excepted, i again think of the dictum of professor steffens, and every day believe it more. mr. blair worse and worse; is more hot in support of mcclellan, more determined to upset stanton, and i heard him demand the return of a poor fugitive slave woman to some of blair's maryland friends. every day i am confirmed in my creed that whoever had slavery for _mammy_ is never serious in the effort to destroy it. whatever such men as mr. lincoln and mr. blair will do against slavery, will never be radical by their own choice or conviction, but will be done reluctantly, and when under the unavoidable pressure of events. mr. seward restive and bitter against all who criticise. mr. seward assumes that everybody does his best, and ought therefore to be applauded. but mr. seward forgets the proverb about hell being paved with good intentions. in this terrible emergency the people want men who _really_ do the best, and not those who only try and intend to do it. mcclellan had the full sway so long--appointed so many, perhaps more than sixty, brigadier generals--that it is not astonishing when those appointees prefer rather not to see for themselves, but blindly "hurrah" for their creator. victories in the west, triumphantly establishing the superiority of our soldiers in open battle-fields, and the superiority of all generals who are distant from any contact with washington, as pope, grant, curtis, mitchell, sigel, and others. the brave navy,--this pure democratic element which assures the greatest results, and makes the less laudatory noise. the navy is admirable; the navy is the purest and most glorious child of the people. the destruction of the rebellion saves the future generations of the southern whites. secession would for centuries have bred and raised only formidable social hyenas. mcclellan subsided in mud before yorktown. any other, only even half-way, military capacity commanding such forces would have made a lunch of yorktown. but our troops are to dig, perhaps their graves, to the full satisfaction of mr. lincoln, mr. seward, and mr. blair. mcclellan telegraphs for more men, and he has more already than he can put in action, and more than he has room for. he subsides in digging. the rebels will again fool him as they fooled him in manassas. if mcclellan could know anything, then he would know this--that nothing is so destructive to an army as sieges, as diggings, and camps, and nothing more disciplines and re-invigorates men, makes them true soldiers, than does marching and fighting. poor stanton! how he must suffer to be overruled by imbeciles and intriguers. mcclellan telegraphing for reinforcements plainly shows how unmilitary are his brains. he and a great many here believe that the greater the mass of troops, the surer the victory. history mostly teaches the contrary; but speak to american wiseacres about history! he, mcclellan, and others on his side, ignore the difficulty of handling or swinging an army of , men. a good general, confident in his troops, will not hesitate to fight two to three. but mcclellan feels at ease when he can, at the least, have two to one. in manassas he had three to one, and conquered--wooden guns! we will see what he will conquer before yorktown. louis napoleon always well disposed, but of course he cannot swallow mr. seward's demand about belligerents. i am so glad and so proud that up to this day events justify my confidence in the french policy, although our policy may tire not only louis napoleon, but tire the god whom we worship and invoke. i should not wonder if god, tired by such mcclellans, lincolns, sewards, blairs, etc., finally gives us the cold shoulder. this demand concerning belligerents is a diplomatic and initiative step made by mr. seward; it is unsuccessful, as are all his initiatives, and no wonder. mr. lincoln, incited by mr. seward and by mr. blair, overrules the opinion of the purest, the ablest, and the most patriotic men in congress--that of stanton, and of the few good generals unbefogged by mcclellanism. such a power as the constitution gives to a president is the salvation of the people when in the hands of a jackson, but when in the hands of a lincoln, ----! the muscular strength of the american people, and the strength of its backbone, beat all the herculeses and atlases supporting the globe. any other people would have long ago broke down under the policy and the combined weight of lincoln, seward, and mcclellan. mr. lincoln is forced out again from one of his pro-slavery entrenchments; he was obliged to yield, and to sign the hard-fought bill for emancipation in the district of columbia; but how reluctantly, with what bad grace he signed it! good boy; he wishes not to strike his _mammy_; and to think that the friends of humanity in europe will credit this emancipation not where it is due, not to the noble pressure exercised by the high-minded northern masses, but to this kentucky ----. senator wade made a powerful speech in relation to the arrest of general stone. it was powerful, patriotic, and rises to the skies over the lilliputian oratory of the thus-called scholars, etc. wade is a monolith,--he is cut out full in a rock. it seems that the new law increasing the number of judges for the supreme court weakened many backbones. congress ought to have added the clause that a senator can be nominated only after six years from the day of the promulgation. mr. seward again chalked before the dazzled eyes of foreign powers certain future military operations; but again events have been so impolite as to upturn mr. seward's prophecies. the report of the senate committee on the destruction of norfolk speaks of the "insane delusion" of the administration. i am proud to have considered it in the same light about a year ago. mr. thouvenel politely but logically refuses to acquiesce in mr. seward's demand concerning the belligerents. thouvenel's reasons are plausible. the support given to strategy by mr. seward,--that support does more mischief to us than do all the pirates and all the violations of blockade. let us take richmond,--a thing impossible with mcclellan,--and take by land charleston, savannah, etc.; then the pirates and belligerents are strangulated. and--as says gen. sherman--savannah and charleston could have been taken several months ago. orders from washington forbade to do it; and it would be curious to ascertain how far mr. seward is innocent in the perpetration of these orders. chase and seward dear-dearing each other! amusing! kilkenny cats! at this game seward will have the best of chase, who is not a match for tricks. the new york times attacks capt. dahlgren, of the navy yard. it is in the nature of the "little villain" to bespatter men of such devotion, patriotism, and eminent capacity as is captain dahlgren. thurlow weed calls the tribune "infernal," because it wishes a serious war, and thus prevents the raising of a union party in the south, so flippantly looked for by him and mr. seward, his pupil. i see the time coming when all these _gentlemen_ of the concessions, of the not-hurting policy,--when all these conservative seekers for the union party will try, pilatus-like, to wash their hands of the innocent blood; but you shall try, and not succeed, to whitewash your stained hands; you have less excuses on your side than had the roman proconsul on his side. when mr. mercier was in richmond, some of the rebel leaders and generals told him that they believed not their senses on learning that mcclellan was going to yorktown; that he never could have selected a better place for them, and that they were sure of his destruction on the peninsula. perhaps mcclellan wished to try his hand and rehearse the siege of sebastopol. if mcclellan's ignorance of military history were not so well established, he would know that since archimedes, down to todleben, more genius was displayed in the defence than in the attack of any place. the making of approaches, parallels, etc., is an affair of engineering school routine. napoleon took toulon rather as an artillerist, who, having, calculated the reach of projectiles, put his battery on a spot wherefrom he shelled toulon. napoleon took mantua by destroying the austrian army which hastened to the relief of the fortress. but the great american strategian knows better, and satisfies (as said above) the rebels. the new york herald, the new york times, and other staunch supporters of mcclellan, again and again trumpet that the rebels fear mcclellan, that they consider him to be the ablest general opposed to them. the rebels are smart, and so is their ally, the new york herald. as for the times, it is only a flunkeying "little villain." mcdowell, banks, fremont have about , men; the last two are nearly at the head of the shenandoah valley; they could unite with mcdowell, and march and take richmond. they beg to be ordered to do it, and so wishes stanton; but, fatally befogged by mcclellan, by mcclellan's clique in the councils, or by strategians, lincoln emphatically forbids any junction, any movement; the president forbids mcdowell to take fredericksburg, or to throw a bridge across the river. and thus mcclellan prevents any glorious military operation; is losing in the mud a hundred men daily by disease, and mr. lincoln--still infatuated. but infatuation is the disease of small and weak brains. rothschild in paris, and very likely the rothschilds in london, are for the north. but if the rothschilds show that they well understand and respect the old testament, whose spirit is anti-slavery, they show they understand better the true christian spirit than do the christians. the rothschilds show themselves more thoroughly of our century than are such michel chevaliers, or such impure roebucks, and all the supporters of free trade in human flesh. mcclellan's supporters, and such strategians as blair and seward, assert that mcclellan's plan was ruined by not sending mcdowell to gloucester; that then the whole rebel army would have been caught in a trap. that silly plan to go to the peninsula is defended in a still more silly way. by mcdowell's going to gloucester, washington would have been wholly at the mercy of an army of thirty to forty thousand men; the celebrated defences of washington, this result of the united wisdom of scott and mcclellan, facilitating to the rebel army a raid on washington. further; mcclellan, in concocting and _maturing_ his thus called plans, probably believes that the rebels will do just the thing which, in his calculations, he wishes them to do; and such erroneous suppositions are the sole basis of his _plans_. but the rebels repeatedly showed themselves by far too smart for his _napoleonic_ brains; and besides, not much wit to the rebel generals was necessary to see through and through what the great napoleon was about, by ordering mcdowell to gloucester. of course, the rebel generals would not have had the politeness towards mcclellan to sheepishly accede to his wishes, and go into the trap. the whole plan was worse than childish, and i am glad to learn that several generals showed brains to condemn it. the whole plan was up to the comprehension of mcclellanites, of consummate strategians in mcclellan's official tross, for those in the cabinet and out of it. would god that all this ends not in disasters. if it ends well it will be the first time success has crowned such transcendent incapacity. may, . capture of new orleans -- the second siege of troy -- mr. seward lights his lantern to search for the union-saving party -- subserviency to power -- vitality of the people -- yorktown evacuated -- battle of williamsburg -- great bayonet charge! -- heintzelman and hooker -- mcclellan telegraphs that the enemy outnumber him -- the terrible enemy evacuate williamsburg -- the track of truth begins to be lost -- oh napoleon! -- oh spirit of berthier! -- dayton not in favor -- events are too rapid for lincoln -- his integrity -- too tender of men's feelings -- halleck -- ten thousand men disabled by disease -- the bishop of orleans -- the rebels retreat without the knowledge of mcnapoleon -- hunter's proclamation -- too noble for mr. lincoln -- mcclellan again subsides in mud -- jackson defeats banks, who makes a masterly retreat -- bravo, banks! -- the aulic council frightened -- gov. andrew's letter -- sigel -- english opinion -- mr. mill -- young europa -- young germany -- corinth evacuated -- oh, generalship! -- mcdowell grimly persecuted by bad luck. the capture of new orleans. the undaunted bravery of the navy--this most beautiful leaf in the american history. the navy fights without talk and _strategy_, because it does not look to win the track to the white house. the capture of new orleans may lead the rebels to evacuate yorktown and to fool the great strategian. it is a very threatening symptom, that no genuine harmony--nay, no sympathy--exists between the best, the purest, the most intelligent, the most energetic members of both the houses of congress and the president, including the leading spirit of his cabinet. the new york herald is the principal supporter of mr. lincoln and mr. seward; in the congress their supporters are the democrats, and all those who wish to make concessions to the south, who ardently wish to preserve slavery, and in any way to patch up the quarrel. in times as trying as are the present ones, such a shameful and dangerous anomaly must, in the long run, destroy either the government or the nation. if it turns out differently here, the exclusive reason thereof will be the great vitality of the people. all the deep and dangerous wounds inflicted by the policy of the administration will be healed by the vigorous, vital energy of the people. "for heaven's sake finish quick your war!" such are the exclamations--nay, the prayers--coming from the french statesmen, as fould and others, from our devoted friends, as prince napoleon, and from all the famishing, but nevertheless nobly-behaving, operatives in england. and here mcclellan inaugurates before yorktown a second siege of troy or of sebastopol; lincoln forbids the junction of mcdowell with banks and fremont, by which richmond could be easily taken from the west side, where it ought to be attacked; and mr. seward reads the like dispatches and backs mcclellan; mr. s. lights his lantern in search north and south of the union-saving party! speak to me of subserviency to power by european aristocrats, courtiers, etc.! what almost every day i witness here of subserviency of influential men to the favored and office-distributing power, all things compared and considered, beats whatever i saw in europe, even in russia at the nicolean epoch. general cameron, in his farewell speech, said that at the beginning of the civil war general scott told him, cameron, that he, scott, never in his life was more pained than when a virginian reminded him of his paramount duties to his state. i take note of this declaration, as it corroborates what a year ago i said in this diary concerning the disastrous hesitations of general scott. it is said that turtschininoff is all in all in general mitchell's command. turtschininoff is a genuine and distinguished officer of the staff, and educated in that speciality so wholly unknown to west-pointers. several among the foreigners in the army are thoroughly educated officers of the staff, and would be of great use if employed in the proper place. but envy and know-nothingism are doubly in their way. besides, the foreign officers have no tenderness for the southern cause and southern chivalry, and would be in the cause with their whole heart. by the insinuations of an anonymous correspondent in the tribune, mr. seward tries to re-establish his anti-slavery reputation. but how is it that foreign diplomats, that the purest of his former political friends, consider him to be now the savior of what he once persecuted in his speeches? at every step this noble people vindicates and asserts the vitality of self-government, continually jeopardized by the inexhaustible errors of the policy followed by the master-spirits in the administration. european doctors, prophets, vindictive enemies like the london times, the saturday review, etc., and the french journals of the police, all of them are daily--nay, hourly--baffled in their expectations--paper money and no bankruptcy, no inflation, bonds equal to gold, etc., etc. and all this, not because there is any great or even small statesman or financier at the head of the administration, but because the people at large have confidence in themselves, in their own energies; because they have the determination to succeed, and not to be bankrupt; not to discredit their own decisions. all these phenomena, so new in the history of nations, are incomprehensible to european wiseacres; they are too much for the hatred and dulness of the europeans in france, england, and for that of the many europeans here. yorktown evacuated!--under the nose of an army of , men, and within the distance of a rifle shot!--evacuated quietly, of course, during several days. one cannot abstain from saying bravo! to the rebel generals. their high capacity forces the mind to an involuntary applause. traitors, intriguers, and imbeciles applaud, extol the results of the bloodless strategy. mcclellan is used by the rebels only to be fooled by them. it must be so. it is one proof more of the transcendent capacity of the strategian, and, above all, of the capacity and efficiency of the chief of the staff of the great army. such an operation as that of yorktown, anywhere else, would be considered as the highest disgrace; here, glorifications of strategy. mcclellan's bulletins from yorktown describe the rebel fortifications as being almost impregnable. of course impregnable! but only to him. battle at williamsburg; and mcclellan and his so perfect staff altogether ignorant of the whole bloody but honorable affair as fought against terrible odds by heintzelman and hooker; but the great napoleon's bulletin mentions a _real_--oh hear! hear the great mars!--_charge with the bayonet_, made at the other extremity of williamsburg, and in which from twenty to forty men were killed! heintzelman's and hooker's personal conduct, and that of their troops, was heroic beyond name. mcclellan ignored the battle; ignored what was going on, and, as it is said, gave orders to sumner not to support heintzelman. mcclellan telegraphs that the enemy far outnumbers him (fears count doubly), but that he will do his utmost and his best. this napoleon of the new york herald's manufacture in everything is the reverse of all the leaders and captains known in history: all of them, when before the battle they addressed their soldiers, represented the enemy as inferior and contemptible; after the battle was won, the enemy was extolled. from the first of his addresses to this his last dispatch from williamsburg, mcclellan always speaks of the terrible enemy whom he is to encounter; and in this last dispatch he tries to frighten not only his army, but the whole country. during the night _the terrible enemy_ evacuated williamsburg; mcclellan breathes more free, takes fresh courage, and his bulletin estimates the enemy's forces at , . the track of truth begins to be lost. by comparing dates, bulletins, and notes, it results that at the precise minute when mcclellan telegraphed his wail concerning the large numbers of the enemy and the formidable fortifications of williamsburg, the rebels were evacuating them, pressed and expelled therefrom by hooker, kearney, and heintzelman. oh napoleon! oh spirits not only of berthier and of gneisenau, but of the most insignificant chiefs of staffs, admire your caricature at the head of the army commanded by this freshly-backed napoleon! a foreign diplomat was in mcclellan's tent before yorktown, on the eve of the day when the rebels wholly evacuated it. one of mcclellan's aids suggested to the general that the comparative silence of the rebel artillery might forebode evacuation. "impossible!" answered the new york herald's napoleon. "i know everything that passes in their camp, and i have them fast." (i have these details from the above-mentioned diplomat.) in the same minute, when the strategian spoke in this way, at least half of the rebel army had already withdrawn from yorktown. comments thereupon are superfluous. dayton, from paris, very sensibly objects to the policy of insisting that england and france shall annul their decision concerning the belligerents. dayton considers such a demand to be, for various reasons, out of season. i am sure that dayton is respected by louis napoleon and by thouvenel on account of his sound sense and rectitude, although he _parleys not_ french. dayton must impress everybody differently from that french parleying claims' prosecutor and itinerant agent of a sewing machine, who breakfasts in brussels with leopold, and the same day dines in paris with thouvenel, and may take his supper in h----l, so far as the interest of the cause is concerned. but dayton seems not to be in favor with the department. the admirers of mcclellan assert that one parallel digged by him was sufficient to frighten the rebels and force them to evacuate. good for what it is worth for such mighty ignorant brains. the mortars, the hundred-pounders, frightened the rebels; they break down not before parallels, strategy, or napoleon, but before the intellectual superiority of the north, in the present case embodied in mortars and other armaments. following the retreating enemy, mcclellan loses more prisoners than he makes from the enemy. a new and perfectly original, perfectly _sui generis_ mode of warfare, but altogether in harmony with all the other martial performances of the pet of the new york herald, of messrs. seward and blair, and of the whole herd of intriguers and imbeciles. people who approach him say that mr. lincoln's conceit groweth every day. i guess that seward carefully nurses the weed as the easiest way to dominate over and to handle a feeble mind. since mr. mercier judges by his own eyes, and not by those of former various washington associations, his inborn soundness and perspicacity have the upper hand. he is impartial and just to both parties; he is not bound to have against the rebels feelings akin to mine, but he is well disposed, and wishes for the success of the union. the events are too grand and too rapid for lincoln. it is impossible for him to grasp and to comprehend them. i do not know any past historical personality fully adequate to such a task. happily in this occurrency, the many, the people at large, by its grasp and forwardness, supplies and neutralizes the inefficiency or the tergiversations, intrigues and double-dealings of the few, of the official leaders, advisers, etc. i willingly concede to mr. lincoln all the best and most variegated mental and intellectual qualities, all the virtues as claimed for him by his eulogists and friends. i would wish to believe, as they do, mr. lincoln to be infallible and impeccable. but all those qualities and virtues represented to form the residue of his character, all shining when in private life, some way or other are transformed from positives into negatives, since mr. lincoln's contact with the pulsations and the hurricane of public life. thus mr. lincoln's friends assert that all his efforts tend to conciliate parties and even individuals. this candor was beneficial and efficient in the court or bar-rooms, or around a supper table in springfield. it was even more so, perhaps, when seasoned with stories more or less * * * but one who tries to conciliate between two antipodic principles, or between pure and impure characters, unavoidably must dodge the principal points at issue. such is the stern law of logic. who dodges, who biasses, unavoidably deviates from that straight and direct way at the end of which dwells truth. further: feeble, expectative and vacillating minds, deprived of the faculty to embrace in all its depth and extension the task before them,--such minds cannot have a clear purpose, nor the firm perception of ways and means leading to the aim, and still less have they the sternness of conviction so necessary for men dealing with such mighty events, on which depend the life and death of a society. such men hesitate, postpone, bias and deviate from the straight way. such men believe themselves in the way to truth, when they are aside of it. it results therefrom, that when certain amiable qualities, such as conciliation, a little dodging, hesitation, etc., are practised in private life and in a very restrained area, their deviations from truth are altogether imperceptible, and they are then positive good qualities, nay, virtues. but such qualities, transported and put into daily friction with the tempestuous atmosphere of human events, lose their ingenuousness, their innocence, their good-naturedness; the imperceptibility of their intrinsic deviation becomes transparent and of gigantic dimensions. mr. lincoln's crystal-pure integrity prevented not the most frightful dilapidation, nay, robbing of the treasury by contractors, etc., etc. nor has it kept pure his official household. his friend lamon and the to-be-formed regiments; the splendid equipages and _coupes_ of his youthful secretaries, to be sure, came not from springfield, etc., etc., nor sees he through the rascally scheme of the chiriqui colonization. mr. lincoln, his friends assert, does not wish to hurt the feelings of any one with whom he has to deal. exceedingly amiable quality in a private individual, but at times turning almost to be a vice in a man entrusted with the destinies of a nation. so he never could decide to hurt the feelings of mcclellan, and this after all the numerous proofs of his incapacity. but mr. lincoln hurts thereby, and in the most sensible manner, the interests, nay, the lives, of the twenty millions of people. i am sure that mcclellan may lose the whole army, and why not if he continues as he began? and mr. lincoln will support and keep him, as to act otherwise would hurt mcclellan's, marcy's, seward's, and perhaps blair's feelings. finally, mr. lincoln, advised, they say, by mr. seward, holds in contempt public opinion as manifested by the press, with the exception of the incense burnt to him by the new york herald. if this is true, mr. lincoln's mind is cunningly befogged. it is very soothing for the quiet of private life to ignore newspapers; but all over europe men in power, sovereigns and ministers, carefully and daily study and watch the opinions of the newspapers, and principally of those which oppose and criticise them. such, mr. lincoln, is the wisdom of the truly experienced statesman. better ask louis napoleon than seward. i am astonished that concerning mexico louis napoleon was taken in by almonte. experience ought to have fully made him familiar with the general policy of political refugees. this policy was, is, and will be always based on imaginary facts. political refugees befog themselves and befog others. and this mr. de saligny must be a d----; louis napoleon ought to expel him from the service. halleck likewise seems to lay the track to the white house. nothing has been done since he took the command in person. halleck, as does also mcclellan, tries to make all his measures so sure, so perfect, that he misses his aim, and becomes fooled by the enemy. in war, as in anything else, after having quickly prepared and taken measures, a man ought to act, and rely as much as possible on fortune--that is, on his own acuteness--how to cut the knot when he meets it in his path. halleck before corinth, and mcclellan before manassas and yorktown, both spend by far more time than it took napoleon from boulogne and bretagne to march into the heart of germany, surround and capture mack at ulm, and come in view of vienna. the french and english naval officers in the mississippi assured our commanders that it was impossible to overcome the various defences erected by the rebels. our men gave the lie to those envious forebodings. mcclellan, in a dispatch, assures the secretary of war that he, mcclellan, will take care of the gunboats. _risum teneatis._ the most contemptible flunkeys on the face of the earth are the wiseacres, and the thus-called framers of public opinion. until yet mcclellan, literally, has not stood by when a cartridge was burned, and they sing hosanna for him. ten thousand men have been disabled by diseases before yorktown; add to it the several thousands in a similar way disabled in the camp before manassas, and it makes more than would have cost two battles, fought between the rappahannock and richmond,--battles which must have settled the question. although ultra-montane, the bishop of orleans nobly condemns slavery. the bishop's pastoral is an answer to h. e., archbishop of new york. the french bishop therein is true to the spirit of the catholic church. the irish archbishop, compared to him, appears a dabbler in romanism. during the administration of pierce and of buchanan, the democratic senators ruled over the president and the cabinet. perhaps it is not as it ought to be; but for the salvation of the country it were desirable that a curb be put on mr. lincoln, mr. seward, mr. blair, by the republican senators, by men like wade, wilson, chandler, grimes, fessenden, hale, and others. the retreat of the rebels was masterly conducted, and their pursuit by mcclellan has no name. nowhere has this napoleon got at them. the affair at williamsburg was bravely done by heintzelman and hooker; but it was done without the knowledge of mcnapoleon, and contrary to his expectations and strategy. this he confesses in one of his _masterly_ bulletins. perhaps mcnapoleon ignored heintzelman's corps' heroic actions, because neither heintzelman, nor hooker, nor kearney worship _strategy, and the deep, well-matured plans of mc_. general hunter's proclamation in south carolina is the greatest social act in the course of this war. how pale and insignificant are mr. lincoln's disquisitions aside of that proclamation, which is greeted in heaven by angels and cherubim--provided they are a reality. of course mr. lincoln overrules general hunter's proclamation. it is too human, too noble, too great, for the tall kentuckian. many say that seward, blair, seaton from the intelligencer, and other border state patriots, pressed upon lincoln. i am sure that it gave them very little trouble to put mr. lincoln straight ---- with slaveocracy. henceforth every northern man dying in the south is to be credited to mr. lincoln! mr. lincoln again publishes a disquisition, and points to the signs of the times. but does mr. lincoln perceive other, more awful, signs of the times? does he see the bloody handwriting on the wall, condemning his unnatural, vacillating, dodging policy? all things considered, it will not be astonishing in europe if they lose patience and sneer at the north, when they learn that mcclellan is continually doing strategy; when they will read his bulletins; when they will find out that from west point to richmond he pursued the enemy at the _enormous_ speed of two miles a day,--and that of course nobody was hurt,--and finally, that, surrounded by a brilliant and costly staff, he was ignorant of the condition of the roads, and of the existence of marshes and swamps into which he plunged the army. the president repeatedly speaks of his strong will to restore the union. very well; but why not use for it the best, the most decided, and the most thorough means and measures? continually i meet numbers and numbers of soldiers who are discharged because disabled in the camps during winter. thus mcclellan's bloodless strategy deprived several thousands of their health, without in the least hurting the enemy. and daily i meet numbers of able-bodied africo-americans, who would make excellent soldiers. i decided to try to form a regiment of the africo-americans, and, after whipping the f. f. v.'s, establish, beyond doubt, the perfect equality of the thus called races. mcclellan subsides in mud,--digs,--and the sick list of the army increases hourly at a fearful ratio. and mcclellan refuses to slaves admittance within his lines. if, at least, mcclellan was a fighting general; but a mud-mole as he ------. any other general in any other country, in asia, in africa, etc., would use any elements whatever within his grasp, by using which he could strengthen his own and weaken the enemy's resources. mcnapoleon knows better! one of the best diplomatic documents by mr. seward is that on mexico; and so is also the policy pursued by him. why does mr. seward dabble in war and strategy at home? mcclellan digs, and by his wailings has disorganized the corps of mcdowell, and of banks, who retreats and is pressed by jackson. the men who advised, or the mcclellan worshippers who prevented the union of mcdowell with banks and fremont, are as criminal as any one can be in mr. lincoln's councils. now jackson is reorganized; he penetrated between fremont and banks, who were sorely weakened by transferring continually divisions from one to another army, and this between the chickahominy and the lower shenandoah. new diplomatic initiative by mr. seward. france and england are requested to declare to the rebels that they have no support to expect from the above-mentioned powers. this initiative would be splendid if it could succeed; but it cannot, and for the same logical reasons as failed the recent initiative about belligerents. such unsuccessful initiatives are lowering the consideration of that statesman who makes them. such failures show a want of diplomatic and statesmanlike perspicacity. the nation is assured by mr. lincoln and by mr. seward that a perfect harmony prevails in the cabinet. beautiful if true. general banks attacked by jackson and defeated; but, although surrounded, makes a masterly retreat, without even being considerably worsted. bravo, banks! such retreats do as much honor to a general as a won battle. this bold raid of jackson--a genuine general--wholly disorganized that army which, if united weeks ago, could have taken richmond, and rendered jackson's brilliant dash impossible. the military aulic council of the president is frightened out of its senses, and asks the people for , defenders. general wadsworth advised not to thus, without any necessity, frighten the country. on this occasion governor andrew, of massachusetts, wrote a scorching letter to the administration on account of general hunter's proclamation. governor andrew always acts, speaks, and writes to the point. this alarming appeal, so promptly responded to, has its good, as it will show to europe the untired determination of the free states. the president took it into his head to direct himself, by telegraph, the military operations from fredericksburg to shenandoah. the country sees with what results. the military advisers of the president seem no better than are his civil advisers--seward, blair, etc. if the president earnestly wishes to use his right as commander-in-chief, then he had better take in person the command of the army of the potomac. there mcclellan's diggings and strategy neutralize the gallantry of the generals and of the troops. there action, not digging, is needed. i wrote to the president; suggesting to make sigel his chief of the staff (sigel has been educated for it), and then to let our generals fight under his, the president's, eyes. great injustice was and is done to mr. seward by the lying and very extensively spread rumor that he is often intoxicated. i am sure that it is not so, and i contradict it with all my might. at last i discovered the reason of the rumor. it is mr. seward's unhappy passion for generalizations. he goes off like a rocket. most people hearing him become confused, understand nothing, are unable to follow him in his soarings, and believe him to be intoxicated. his devotees alone get in ecstacies when these rockets fly. every time after any success of our troops, that perfidious sheet, the london times, puts on innocent airs, and asks, "why are the americans so bitter against england?" why? at every disaster the times pours upon the north the most malicious, poisonous, and lacerating derisions; derisions to pierce the skin of a rhinoceros. when in that strain no feeling is respected by this lying paper. derision of the north was the times's order of the day even before the civil war really began. people, who probably have it from the fountain itself, assert that in one of his hours of whiskey expansion the great russell let the cat out, and confessed that the times's firm purpose was, and is, to definitely break the union. until this hour that reptile's efforts have been unsuccessful; it could not even bring the cabinet over to its heinous purposes. a counterpoise and a counter poison exist in england's higher spheres, and i credit it to that noblest woman the queen, to earl russell, and to some few others. the would-be english _noblesse_, the tories, and all the like genuine nobodies, or _would-be_ somebodies, affect to side with the south. they are welcome to such an alliance, and even parentage. _similis simili gaudet._ nobody with his senses considers the like _gentlemen_ as representing the progressive, humane, and enlightened part of the english nation; the american people may look down upon their snobbish hostility. j. s. mill--not to speak of his followers--has declared for the cause of the north. his intellectual support more than gorgeously compensates the cause of right and of freedom, even for the loss or for the sneers of the whole aristocracy, and of snobdom, of somebodies and of would-be gentlemen of the whole britannia empire, including the canadian beggarly manikins. by their arrogance the englishmen are offensive to all the nations of the world; but they are still more so by their ingrained snobbyism. (see about it hugo grotius.) further: during the last thirty years the london times and the lord fussmaker palmerston have done more to make us hate england than even did the certain inborn and not over-amiable traits in the english character. a part of the young foreign diplomacy here have a very strong secesh bend; they consider the slaveholders to be aristocrats, and thus like to acquire an aristocratic perfume. but, aristocratically speaking, most of this promiscuous young europa are parvenus, and the few titled among them have heraldically no noble blood in their veins. no wonder that here they mistake monstrosities for real noblesse. enthusiastic is young germany--that is, young bremen. young european spain here is remarkably discreet, as in the times of a philip ii., of an alba. corinth evacuated under the nose of halleck, as manassas and yorktown have been evacuated under the nose of mcclellan. nay, halleck, equally strong as was the enemy, the first day of the evacuation ignores what became of beauregard with between sixty and eighty thousand men. oh generalship! gen. halleck is a gift from gen. scott. if halleck makes not something better, it will turn out to be a very poor gift. _timeo danaos_, etc., concerning the north and the gifts from "_the highest military authority in the land_." mcdowell is grimly persecuted by bad luck. since march, twice he organized an excellent and strong corps, with which he could have marched on richmond, and both times his corps was wholly disorganized--first by mcclellan's wails for more, the second time by the president and his aulic council. and now all the ignorance and stupidity, together with all the mcclellanites, accuse mcdowell. pity that he was so near washington; otherwise his misfortune could not have so thoroughly occurred. june, . diplomatic circulars seasoned by stories -- battle before richmond -- casey's division disgraced -- mcclellan afterwards confesses he was misinformed -- fair oaks -- "nobody is hurt, only the bleeding people" -- fremont disobeys orders -- n. y. times, world, and herald, opinion-poisoning sheets -- napoleon never visible before nine o'clock in the morning -- hooker and the other fighters soldered to the mud -- senator sumner shows the practical side of his intellect -- "slavery a big job!" -- mcclellan sends for mortars -- defenders of slavery in congress worse than the rebels -- wooden guns and cotton sentries at corinth -- the navy is glorious -- brave old gideon welles! -- july th to be celebrated in richmond! -- colonization again -- justice to france -- new regiments -- the people sublime! -- congress -- lincoln visits scott -- mcdowell -- pope -- disloyalty in the departments. mr. seward takes off from mr. adams the gag on the question of slavery. perhaps even mr. adams might have been a little fretting. a long speculative dispatch, wherein, among some good things, one finds some generalizations and misstatements concerning the distress in ireland, generated by want of potatoes (vide parl. de.), and not from want of cotton, as says mr. seward--a confession that the government "covers the weakness of the insurgents" and "takes care of the welfare of the insurgents." what a tenderness, and what an ingratitude of the rebels to acknowledge it by blows! another confession, more precious, that the poor slaves are the best and the only bravely devoted union men in the south, although occasionally shot for their devotion by our generals, expelled from the lines (vide halleck's order no. ), and delivered to the tender mercies of their masters. finally, _immediate_ emancipation is held before the eyes of the english statesmen rather as a medusa head; then a kind of story--perhaps to please mr. lincoln--or quotation from _some_ writer, etc. so far as i recollect, it is for the first time that diplomatic circulars are seasoned by stories. but, _dit moi qui tu hante je te dirai qui tu es_. mr. seward repeatedly asserts, in writing and in words, that he has no eventual views towards the white house. well, it may be so or not. but if his friends may succeed in carrying his nomination, then, of course, reluctantly, he will bend his head to the people's will, and--accept. when in past centuries abbots and bishops were elected, they _reluctantly_ accepted fat abbeys and bishoprics; the investiture was given in the sacramental words, _accipe onus pro peccatis_. a battle by richmond. mcclellan telegraphs a victory, and it comes out that we lost men, positions, camps, and artillery. the president patiently bears such humbugging, and the country--submits. mcclellan disgraces a part of the brave general casey's division. whatever might have been the conduct of the soldiers in detail, one thing is certain, that the division was composed of rough levies; that they fought three hours, being almost surrounded by overwhelming forces; that they kept ground until reinforcements came; that the breaking of the division cannot be true, or was only partial, and that mcclellan was not at all on the ground. this battle of fair oaks is another evidence of the transcendent incapacity of the chief of the staff of the army of the potomac, and of gen. mcclellan's veracity. in a subsequent bulletin the general confesses that he was misinformed concerning the conduct of gen. casey's division. in any other army in the world, a chief of the staff who would assign to a division a post so advanced, so isolated, so cut off from the rest of the army, as was gen. casey's position,--such a chief of the staff would be at once dismissed. here, oh here, nobody is hurt, nobody is to be hurt--only the bleeding people. as to the conduct of the soldiers, they fought well; thorough veterans scarcely could have behaved better. mcclellan turns out worse even than i expected. the president's campaign against jackson--very unsuccessful. fremont came not up to the mark; disobeyed orders. no excuse whatever for such disobedience. one is at a loss which is to be more admired, the ignorance or the impudence of such opinion-confusing and opinion-poisoning sheets as the new york times, the world, the herald, etc. they sing _hosanna_ for mcclellan's victories. in advance they praise the to-be-fought battles on selected fields of battle, and after the plans have been matured for weeks, nay for months. a plan of a whole campaign, a general survey of it, may be prepared and matured long before the campaign begins. but to mature for weeks a plan of a battle! all the genuine great captains seldom had the selection of a field of battle, as they rapidly moved in search of or to meet their enemies, and fought them where they found them. for the same reason, they scarcely had more than forty-eight hours to mature their plans. such is the history and the character of nine-tenths of the great battles fought in the world. when napoleon overthrew prussia and austria, he beforehand prepared those campaigns; but neither jena, eylau, friedland, austerlitz or wagram were the fields of battle of his special choice. but napoleon moved his armies as did all the great captains before him, and as must do all great captains after him. only american great captains sit down in the mud and dig. at times in the west, pope, mitchell, nelson, grant moved their forces, and beat the enemy. i am sure that these brave generals and the braves of the army of the potomac most certainly are early risers. a certain napoleon never is visible before nine o'clock in the morning. so i hear from a french officer who is not in the service, but follows the movements of the potomac army. in mcclellan's army heintzelman, hooker, kearney, sumner, and many others, would move quick, would fight and beat; but a leaden weight presses, and solders them to the mud. i must write an article to the press concerning the rapidity of movements,--this golden rule for any conduct of a war. since he was in the field, mcnapoleon neither planned nor assisted in person in any encounter. when are his great plans to burst out? in one of his recently published dispatches, mr. seward makes an awful mistake in trying to establish the difference between a revolution and a civil war, as to their respective relations to foreign interference and support. a little knowledge of history, and a less presumption, would have spared to him such an exposure. a revolution in a nation can be effected, and generally is effected, without a foreign intervention, and without even an appeal to it. most of the civil wars look to foreign help. so teaches history, whatever may be mr. seward's contrary generalizations. mr. seward is unrelenting in his efforts to build up the union-saving slavery party, and is sure, as he says, to be able to manage the republicans, in and out of congress. we shall see. senator sumner very well discusses the tax-bill, and again shows the practical side of his intellect. sumner proves that a laborious intellect can grasp and master the most complicated matters. if sumner could only have more experience of men and things, he would not be so germanly--_naïve_. mr. seward triumphantly publishes the turkish hatti, by which pirates are excluded from the ottoman ports. oh, jemine! to be patronized by the turks! misfortune brings one with strange bedfellows. on the occasion of the organization of slaves at beaufort, mr. lincoln exclaimed, "slavery is a big job, and will smother us!" it will, if dealt with in your way, mr. president. mcclellan sends for mortars and hundred-pounders; these monsters are to fight, but not he. well, even so, if possible. the southern leaders send to europe officers of artillery to buy arms and ammunition, and are well served. our good administration sends speculators, railroad engineers, agents of sewing machines, and the arms bought by them kill our own soldiers, and not the enemies. english papers taunt the americans that in one hundred years the country must become a monarchy. the americans have now a foretaste of some among the features of monarchy, among others of favoritism. the pompadours and the dubarrys could not have sustained a mcclellan at the cost of so many lives and so many millions. then the dabbling in war, and other etc.'s, performed in the most approved louis xiv.'s or nicolean style. worse than the rebels, and by far more abject and degraded, are the defenders of slavery, of treason, and of rebellion in the congress, in the press, and in the public opinion. no gallows high enough for them. mcclellan crowds the marshes with heavy artillery, and may easily lose them at the smallest disaster. his army is overburdened with artillery in a country where the moving of guns must be exceedingly difficult, nay, often impossible. and then the difficulty of having such a large number of men drilled for the service of guns. scarcely any army in europe possesses artillerists in such numbers as are now required here. few guns well served make more execution than large numbers of them fired at random. instead of concentrating his army and attacking at once the rebels in richmond, mcclellan extends his army over nearly sixty miles! to keep such an extensive line more than , would be required. oh, heavens! this man is more ignorant of warfare than his worst enemies have suspected him. it is reported that at corinth the rebels had not only wooden guns, but cotton manikins as sentries. god grant it may not be true, as it would make the slow, pedantic halleck even below mcclellan. the future historian will be amazed, bewildered, nay, he may lose his senses, discovering the heaps of confusion and of ignorance which caused the disasters of banks, the escape of jackson, etc., etc. it is impossible to resist the admiration inspired by the skill, the daring, the fertility of intellectual resources displayed by the rebels; all this is so thoroughly contrasted by what is done by our legal chiefs. pity that such manhood is shown in the defence of the most infamous cause ever known in the history of the world. to conquer an independence with the sole object to procreate, to breed, to traffic in, and to whip slaves! the navy is glorious everywhere, and not fussy. the people can never sufficiently remunerate the navy, if patriotic services are to be remunerated. the same would be with the army but for the napoleons! the published correspondence between the rebels rust and hunter fully justifies my confidence in louis napoleon's sound judgment. that publication clearly establishes how the press here is wholly unable to conceive or to comprehend the policy of the great european nations. the press heaps outrages and nurses suspicions against napoleon. the sandfords and others knowingly stir up suspicions to make believe that their smartness averts the evil. poor chaps! when great interests are at stake, neither their fuss, nor any dispatch, however elaborate, can exercise a shadow of influence. it seems that a babylonian confusion prevails in the movements, in the distribution, and in the combination of the various parts of the army under mcclellan. i should wonder if it were otherwise, with such a general and supported by such a chief of the staff. brave old gideon welles (neptune) instructing his sailors to fight, and not to calculate, and "not to deliver anybody against his personal wish." these imbecile reporters and letter-writers for the press, and other sensationists, make me enraged with their sneers at the poverty of the rebels. if so, the more heroism. they forget the "beggars" of the dutch insurrection against philip ii. the cat is out, and i am sorry for it. the world is informed that the revolution is finished, and now the civil war begins. oh generalizer! oh philosopher of history! oh prophet as to the speedy end of the civil _war_! oh stop, oh stop! not by digging will your pet mcclellan bring the war to a speedy close. i am often enraged against myself not to be able to admire mr. seward, and to be obliged to judge his whole policy in such, perhaps too severe, a manner. what can i do, what can i do? no one, not even gen. scott and mr. lincoln, since january, , has exercised an influence equal to mr. seward's on the affairs of the country, and _amicus plato, etc., sed magis amica veritas_. mr. seward believes that july th will be celebrated by us in richmond. he and mcclellan spread this hope; doolittle believes it. we could be in richmond any day under any other general, not a napoleon; we may never be there if led on by mcclellan, inspired by mr. seward's policy. the french amateur in mcclellan's army is disgusted with mcnapoleon, and speaks with contempt of the reckless waste of men, of material, etc. he calls it cruel, brainless, and uses a great many other exclamations. the healthful activity of stanton, his broad and clear perception of almost all exigencies of these critical times, are continually baffled and neutralized by the allied mcclellan, blair, seward, new york times and new york herald. such an alliance can easily confuse even the strongest brains. the colonization again on the _tapis_, and all the wonted display of ignorance, stupidity, ill-will, and phariseeism towards genuine liberty. seward gave up his yucatan scheme. chiriqui has the lead. and finally, some foreign diplomats try to make conspicuous their little royalties. so denmark tries to cultivate the barren rocks of st. thomas with the poor captives. it will be a new kind of apprenticeship under cruel masters. i hear that mr. lincoln is caught in the trap, and that a convention _ad hoc_ is soon to be concluded. this time, at least, mr. seward's name will remain outside. i am uneasy, fearing we may commit some spread-eagleism towards france during this present mexican imbroglio. i will do my utmost to explain to influential senators the truth concerning louis napoleon's political conduct towards the north, the absurdity of any hostile demonstration against france, and the dirt constituting the substratum of the new mexican treaty. "french policy may change towards us," say the anti-napoleons; "louis napoleon will unmask his diplomatic batteries," etc., etc. well, louis napoleon may change when he finds that we are incorrigible imbeciles, and that the great interests, which to defend is his duty, are jeopardized; but not before. as for masked batteries, i considered worse than fools all those who believed in masked batteries at manassas; and in the same light i consider all the believers in diplomatic masked batteries. i was not afraid of the one, and am not of the other. not one single french vessel has run, or attempted to run, the blockade; not one has left the ports of france, or of the french west indies, loaded with arms or ammunition for the insurgents. as for the barking of french papers, or of some second or third rate saloons, barkings thus magnified by american letter-writers, i know too much of paris and of society to take notice of it. i am sure that the whole rebel tross in paris, male and female, have not yet been admitted into any single saloon of the _real_ good or high society in paris, and never will be. a thus called _highly accomplished and fashionable lady_ from new orleans, or from washington, may easily be taken for a country dress-maker, or for a chamber-maid, not fit for first families of the genuine good and high society in paris, and all over europe. stanton, the true patriot, frets in despair at mcclellan's keeping the army in the unhealthiest place of virginia. stanton's opponents, the rats, find all right, even the deaths by disease. in the end mcclellan is to be all the better for it. is there no penitentiary for all this mob? new regiments pour in, the people are sublime in their devotion; only may these regiments not become sacrificed to the jaggernaut of imbecility. whatever may say its revilers, this congress will have a noble and pure page in american history. i speak of the majority. the congress showed energy, clear and broad comprehension and appreciation of the events and of men. the congress was ready for every sacrifice, and would have accelerated the crushing of the rebellion but for the formulas, and for the inadequacy of the majority in the administration. if the congress had no great leaders, the better for it; it had honest and energetic men, and their leader was their purpose, their pure belief in the justice of their cause and in the people. such leaders elevate higher any political body than could ever a clay, a webster, etc., etc. the congress is palsied by the inefficiency of the administration, and but for this, the congress would have done far more for the salvation of the country. all the best men in congress support stanton, and this alone speaks volumes. it is a curse that the administration is so independent of the congress. oh, why this congress possesses not the omnipotence of an english parliament? then the congress would have prevented all the evils hitherto brought upon the country by the vacillating military and general policy. step by step this policy brings the country to the verge of an abyss, and it will tax all the energy of the people not to be precipitated in it. mr. lincoln has gone to get inspiration and information from gen. scott. good god! can this man never go out from this rotten treadmill? one more advice from the "great ruin," and the country will also be a ruin. flatterers, sensation writers, and all this _magna clientum caterva_ extol to the skies mr. lincoln's firmness and straightforwardness. the firmness is located, and is to be discovered in various places--in the lips, in the chin, in the jaw, and god knows where else. i cannot detect any firmness in his actions beyond that of sticking to mcclellan,--of whom he has the worst opinion,--and of resisting the emancipation and the arming of africo-americans. he has firmness in letting the country be ruined. mcclellan's bulletins constitute the most original and strange collection of style in general, and of military style in particular. capt. morin says that the first thing is to teach mcclellan how to write military bulletins. mr. seward's crew of politicians is busily at work among congressmen, etc., to prepare a strong party in support of the administration's eventual concessions to slavery, in case richmond is taken. ultra democratic, half secession senators are sounded. the more the events complicate, the more they require a powerful, all-embracing mind, but in the same proportion subside mr. lincoln, mr. seward, mr. weed, and all the rest of the great men. alone the people and their true men subside not. poor mcdowell suffers for the sins of others--above all, for those of mr. lincoln and of his aulic council. he is internally broken down, but behaves nobly; not as does this poor fremont, whose disappearance from the military scene cannot and must not be regretted. he is not a military capacity; he was again badly surrounded, and his last battle was fought at random, without any unity. i spoke about it with various foreign officers serving under him, and all agree in the incapacity of fremont and of his staff. gen. pope, a man for the circumstances, acted well in the west; at last a new man. mcclellan inaugurated new tactics. it is to approach the enemy's army by parallels and by trenches. he will not take or scare the enemy, but he will immortalize his name far above the immortality of all not great generals. night and day ambulances are conveying the sick and wounded here, and large numbers, thousands upon thousands, going north. one must cry tears of blood to witness such destruction, such a sacrifice of the noblest people on the shrine of utter military incapacity. and the traitors, the imbeciles, and the intriguers sing _hallelujah_ to mcclellan, and daily throw their slime at stanton. from time to time rumors and complaints are made concerning the ill-will or disloyalty of some of the _employés_ in the departments. the explanation thereof may be that some of the thus called old fogies, above all in the war department, may be unfriendly to the war without being disloyal. such venerables took root in comfortable situations; they slowly trod in the easy path of rusty and musty routine, and at once the war shook them to the bone, exposing the incapacity and the inefficiency of many; it forced upon them the horror of _cogitandi_ about new matters, and an amount of daily duties to be performed in offices which formerly equalled sinecures. further, these relics dread to be superseded by more active and intelligent men; and _inde iræ_. july, . intervention -- the cursed fields of the chickahominy -- titanic fightings, but no generalship -- mcclellan the first to reach james river -- the orleans leave -- july th, the gloomiest since the birth of the republic -- not reinforcements, but brains, wanted; and brains not transferable! -- the people run to the rescue -- rebel tactics -- lincoln does not sacrifice stanton -- mcclellan not the greatest culprit -- stanton a true statesman -- the president goes to james river -- the union as it was, a throttling nightmare! -- a man needed! -- confiscation bill signed -- congress adjourned -- mr. dicey -- halleck, the american carnot -- lincoln tries to neutralize the confiscation bill -- guerillas spread like locusts. when at epochs of great social convulsions events and circumstances put certain individuals into an eminent or elevated position, their names become intertwined with the great epoch. in the eyes of the masses and of the vulgar observers, such names acquire a high importance on account of the commonly made confusion between circumstances and personal merit, and, moonlight-like, such names reverberate not their own, but a borrowed splendor. thus much for the official pilots of this great people. the usual paroxysm of the foreign intervention fever. it ought to be so easy to understand, that out of self-respect foreign powers will not risk any intervention on paper; and to make an effective intervention a hundred thousand men will be necessary, as the first course. for such a service no foreign power is prepared. intervention is silly talk. mcclellan and all kinds of his supporters do more for the south than could england and france united. it was a poor trick to gather by telegraph the signatures of the governors for an offer of troops to the president. it was done for effect in europe; but events seem to have a grudge against mr. seward; the same steamer carried over the atlantic the news of our defeats in the chickahominy swamps. to attempt a change of such an extensive basis as was occupied by our army under the eyes of a daring, able, skilful enemy, in a country wooded and marshy, and without roads! this movement was perhaps necessary, and could not be avoided; but why at the start had such a basis been selected? such a selection made disasters inevitable, and they followed. all kinds of accounts pour in from these cursed fields of the chickahominy. foreign officers--whose veracity i can believe--speak enthusiastically of the undaunted bravery of the volunteers and of their generals; _but a general generalship_ was not to be found during those titanic fightings. what i gathered from the _suite_ of the orleans is, that gen. mcclellan was totally confused, was totally ignorant of the condition of the corps, was never within distance to give or to be asked for orders, and was the first to reach the banks of the james and to sleep on board the gunboat galena. at winchester, banks in person covered the retreat. the orleans left. i pity them; they will be hooted in europe. they shared some of mcclellan's fallacious and petty notions, and very likely they have been gulled by the mcclellan-seward expectations of taking richmond before july th. gen. hunter's letter about fugitive slaves, and rebels fugitive from the flag of the union, is the noblest contra distinction. no rhetor could have invented it. hang yourselves, oh rhetors! _july th._--the gloomiest since the birth of this republic. never was the country so low, and after such sacrifices of blood, of time, and of money; and all this slaughtered to that juggernaut of strategy, and to the ignoble motley of his supporters. oh you widows, bereaved mothers, sisters, and sweethearts, cry for vengeance! cry for vengeance, you shadows of the dead of the malaria, or fallen in the defence of your country's honor. stupidity has stabbed in the back more deadly wounds than did the enemy in front. this is the th of july. oh! my old heart and my, not weak, mind are bursting with grief. the people, the masses, sacrifice their blood, their time, their fortune. what sacrifice the official leaders and pilots? all is net gain for them. thousands and thousands of families will be impoverished for life, nay, for generations. it is those nameless heroes on the fields of battle who alone uphold the honor of the american name, as it is the people at large who have the true statesmanship, and not the appointed guardsmen. rats, hounds, all the vermin, all the impure beasts, are after stanton, for his not having sent reinforcements to mcclellan; but none existed, and mcclellan has exhausted and devoured all the reserves. not reinforcements, but brains, were wanted, and brains are not transferable. the people, sublime, runs again to the rescue, and mr. seward is so sacrilegious, so impious, as to say that the people is generally slow. he is fast on the road of confusion. i am sure that the whole movement and attack of the rebels was made, as it could be made, at the utmost with , to , men, if even with such a number. the rebels never attacked our whole line, but always threw superior forces on some weak and isolated point. this the rebels did during the last battles. the rebels showed great generalship. jackson is already the legendary hero, and deserves to be. mcclellan never attacked, but _always_ was surprised and forced to fight, so the rebels were sure that he would not dare anything to counteract and counter-manoeuvre their daring; so the rebel generals had perfect ease for the execution of their bold but skilful plans. lincoln sacrifices not stanton, not even to seward, to blair, and to the slaveocrats in congress. that is something. mcclellan publishes a pompous order of the day for the th of july, and apes the phraseology of napoleon's bulletins from times when by a blow napoleon overthrew empires. what i can gather from the accounts of the seven days' fighting is, that during the battle at gaines' mills (to speak technically), positively the whole army was without any basis. but traitors, imbeciles and intriguers rend the air and the skies with their praises of the great strategy and of the brilliant generalship. i am aware how difficult it will be to convince the heroic army--that is, its rank and file--that their disasters result from want of generalship, and not from any inferiority in numbers. all over the world incapable commanders raise the outcry of deficiency in numbers to cover therewith their personal deficiency of brains. similar events to mcclellan's wails, and the confusion they create in the armies and in the people, are nothing new in the history of wars. a fleet of gunboats covers the army on the james river. once mcclellan condescendingly boasted that he would take care of the gunboats. the worst is, that these gunboats could have done service against charleston, mobile, savannah, etc. after all, mcclellan is not the greatest culprit. it is not his fault that he is without military brains and without military capacity. he tried to do the best, according to his poor intellect. the great, eternally-to-be-damned malefactors are those who kept him in command after having had repeated proofs of his incapacity; and still greater are those constitutional advisers who supported mcclellan against the outcry of the best in the cabinet and in the nation. a time may come when the children of those malefactors will be ashamed of their fathers' names, and--curse them. i have not scorn enough against the revilers and accusers of stanton. if stanton could have had his free will, far different would be the condition of affairs. stanton's first appearance put an end to the prevailing lethargy, and marked a new and glorious era. but, ah! how short! the rats and the vermin were afraid of him, and took shelter behind the incarnated strategy. stanton embraced and embraces the _ensemble_ of the task and of the field before him. and this politician, blair, to be his critic! if stanton had been left undisturbed in the execution of his duties as the secretary of war, mcclellan would have been obliged to march directly to richmond, and the brainless strategy in the peninsula would have been crushed in the bud. if stanton had not been undermined, not only the people would have been saved from terrible disasters, but mcclellan, lincoln, seward, and blair would have been saved from reproaches and from malediction. stanton likewise shows himself to be a true statesman. a democrat in politics, he very likely never was such a violent and decided opponent of slavery as the sewards and blairs professed to be throughout their whole lives. but now stanton pierces the fog, perceives the unavoidable exigencies, and is an emancipationist, when the sewards and the blairs try to compromise, nay, virtually to preserve slavery. _july th._--the rebels won time to increase and gather their forces from the south. mcclellan's army may not prevent their turning against pope, who has too small a body to resist or to cover the whole line from fredericksburg to the shenandoah. if the rebels attack pope he must retreat and concentrate before washington; and then again begins the uphill work. the people generally pour in blood, time and money; but brains, brains are needed, and, without violating the formulas, the people cannot inaugurate brains. whatever the people may do, the same quacks and bunglers will over again commit the same blunders. nothing can teach a little foresight to the helmsman and to some of his seconds. rocked by his imagination, mr. seward never sees clearly the events before him and what they generate. the call for three hundred thousand men will be responded to. the men will come; but will statesmanship and generalship come with them? i am afraid that the rebels, operating with promptness and energy, may give no time to the levies to be fully organized; the rebels will press on washington. mcclellan reports to the president that he has only , men left. the president goes to james river, and finds , ready for action. was it ignorance in mcclellan, or his inborn disrespect of truth, or disrespect of the country, or something worse, that made him make such a report? and all this passes, and mr. lincoln cannot hurt mcclellan, although a gory shroud extends over the whole country. a secretary of the french consul is here, and confirms my speculations concerning the numbers of the rebels in the last battles on the chickahominy. the current and authoritative opinion in richmond is, that from the potomac to the rio grande the rebel force never exceeded , men. if so, the more glory; and it must be so, according to the rational analysis of statistics. mr. seward writes a skilful dispatch to explain the battles on the chickahominy. but no skill can succeed to bamboozle the cold, clear-sighted european statesmen. no doubt mr. seward sincerely wished to save the union in his own way and according to his peculiar conception, and, after having accomplished it, disappear from the political arena, surrounded by the halo of national gratitude. but even for this aim of reconstruction of the union as it was, mr. seward, at the start, took the wrong track, and took it because he is ignorant of history and of the logic in human affairs. to save the union as it was, it was imperatively necessary to strike quick and crushing blows, and to do this in may, june, etc., . mr. seward could have realized then what now is only a throttling nightmare--_the union as it was_. but mr. seward sustained a policy of delays and not of blows; the struggle protracts, and, for reasons repeatedly mentioned, the suppression of rebellion becomes more and more difficult, and the reconstruction of the old union as it was a _mirage_ of his imagination. but it is not thurlow weed, and others of that stamp, who could enlighten mr. seward on such subjects--far, far above their vulgar and mean politicianism. it is now useless to accuse and condemn congress for its so-called violence, as does mr. seward, and to assert that but for congress he, mr. seward, would have long ago patched up the quarrel. the congress may be as tame as a lamb, and as subject as a foot-sole. mr. seward may on his knees proffer to the rebels a compromise and the most stringent safeguards for slavery; to-day the rebels will spurn all as they would have spurned it during the whole year. the rebels will act as mason did when in the senate hall mr. seward asked the traitor to be introduced to mr. lincoln. the country is in more need of a man than of the many hundreds of thousands of new levies. some time ago mr. seward gathered around him his devotees in congress (few in number), and unveiled to them that nobody can imagine what superhuman efforts it cost him to avert foreign intervention. very unnecessary demonstration, as he knows it well himself, and, if it gets into the papers, may turn out to be offensive to the two cabinets, as they give to mr. seward no reason for making such statements. should england and france ever decide upon any such step, then mr. seward may write as a cicero, have all the learning of a hugo grotius, of a vattel, and of all other publicists combined; he may send legions of weeds and sandfords to europe, and all this will not weigh a feather with the cabinets of london and of paris. further, no foreign powers occasioned our defeats _in the chickahominy_, but those who were enraptured with the peninsula strategy. mr. seward's letter to the great meeting in new york shows that not his patriotism, but his confidence in success, is slightly notched. nobody doubts his patriotism; but mr. seward tried to shape mighty events into a mould after his not-over-gigantic mind, and now he frets because these events tear his sacrilegious hand. after much opposition, vacillation, hesitation, and aversion, the president signed the confiscation and emancipation bill. a new evidence of how devotedly he wishes to avert any deadly blows from slavery,--this national shame. the congress adjourned after having done everything good, and what was in its power. it separated, leaving the country's cause in a worse condition than it was a year ago, after the bull run day. many, nay, almost all the best members of both houses are fully aware in what hands they left the destinies of the nation. many went away with despair in their hearts; but the constitutional formula makes it impossible for them to act, and to save what so badly needs a savior. intervention fever again. the worst intervention is perpetrated at home by imbeciles, by intriguers, by traitors, and by the--spades. mr. dicey, an englishman who travelled or travels in this country,--mr. d. is the first among his countrymen who understands the events here, and who is just toward the true american people;--mr. d. truly says that the people fight without a general, and without a statesman, and are the more to be admired for it. mr. seward tries to appear grand before the foreign diplomats, and talks about cromwell, louis napoleon, _coup d'États_ against the congress, and about his regrets to be in the impossibility to imitate them. only think, cromwell, napoleon i., napoleon iii., seward! such dictatorial dreams may explain mr. seward's partiality for general mcclellan, whom seward may perhaps wish to use as louis napoleon used gen. st. arnoud. halleck is to be the american carnot. but any change is an improvement. if halleck extricates the army on the james river, and saves it from malaria,--this enemy more deadly than jackson and mcclellan combined,--then for this single action halleck deserves well of the country, and his corinth affair will, at least in part, be atoned for. mr. lincoln makes a new effort to save his _mammy_, and tries to neutralize the confiscation bill. mr. lincoln will not make a step beyond what is called the border-states' policy; and it may prove too late when he will decide to honestly execute the law of congress. mr. seward gets into hysterics at the hateful name of congress. similar spite he showed to a delegation from the city of new york, upbraiding some of its members, and assuring them that delegations are not needed,--that the administration is fully up to the task. yes, stanton is, but how about some others? poor mr. lincoln! he must stand all the mutual puffs of seward and sandford, and some more in store for him when the weeds and hughes will come and give an account of their doings in europe. the report of the battle against casey, as published by the rebel general johnston, is a masterpiece of military style, and shows how skilfully the attack was combined. the southern leaders have exclusively in view the triumph of their cause. with many of our leaders, the people's cause is made to square with their little selfishness. guerillas spread like locusts. perhaps they are the results of our union-searching, slavery-saving policy. august, . emancipation -- the president's hand falls back -- weed sent for -- gen. wadsworth -- the new levies -- the africo-americans not called for -- let every northern man be shot rather! -- end of the peninsula campaign -- fifty or sixty thousand dead -- who is responsible? -- the army saved -- lincoln and mcclellan -- the president and the africo-americans -- an eden in chiriqui -- greeley -- the old lion begins to awake -- mr. lincoln tells stories -- the rebels take the offensive -- european opinion -- mcclellan's army landed -- roebuck -- halleck -- butler's mistakes -- hunter recalled -- terrible fighting at manassas -- pope cuts his way through -- reinforcements slow in coming -- mcclellan reduced in command. _vulgatior fama est_, that mr. lincoln was already raising his hand to sign a stirring proclamation on the question of emancipation; that stanton was upholding the president's arm that it might not grow weak in the performance of a sacred duty; that chase, bates, and welles joined stanton; but that messrs. seward and blair so firmly objected that the president's outstretched hand slowly began to fall back; that to precipitate the mortification, thurlow weed was telegraphed; that thurlow weed presented to mr. lincoln the medusa-head of irish riots in the north against the emancipation of slaves in the south; that mr. lincoln's mind faltered (oh, steffens) before such a chinese shadow, and that thus once more slavery was saved. _relata refero._ general wadsworth is the good genius of the poor and oppressed race. but for wadsworth's noble soul and heart the lamons and many other blood-hounds in washington would have given about three-fourths of the fugitives over to the whip of the slavers. within the last four weeks , new levies are called to arms. with the , men levied previously, it is the heaviest draft ever made from a population. no emperor or despot ever did it in a similar lapse of time. the appreciation current here is, that the twenty millions of inhabitants can easily furnish such a quota; but the truth is that the draft, or the levy, or the volunteering, is made from about three millions of men between the ages of twenty and forty years. one million two hundred thousand in one year is equal to nearly - , and this from the most vital, the most generative, and most productive part of the population. the same analysis and percentage applied to the statistics of the population in the rebel states gives a little above , men under arms; however, the percentage of the drafts from the full-aged population in the south can be increased by some - over the percentage in the north. this increase is almost exclusively facilitated by the substratum of slavery, and our administration devotedly takes care _ne detrimentum capiat_ that peculiar institution. the last draft could be averted from the north if the four millions of loyal africo-americans were called to arms. but mr. lincoln, with the sewards, the blairs, and others, will rather see every northern man shot than to touch the palladium of the rebels. these new enormous masses will crush the rebellion, provided they are not marshalled by strategy; but nevertheless the painful confession must be made, that our putting in the field of three to one rebel may confuse a future historian, and contribute to root more firmly that stupid fallacy already asserted by the rebels, and by some among their european upholders, of the superiority of the southern over the northern thus called race. such a stigma is inflicted upon the brave and heroic north by the strategy, and by the vacillating, slave-saving policy of the administration. this is the more painful for me to record, as most of the foreign officers in our service, and who are experienced and good judges, most positively assert the superior fighting qualities of the union volunteers over the rebels. our troops are better fed, clad and armed, but over our army hovers the thick mist of strategy and indecision; the rebels are led not by anaconda strategians, but by fighting generals, desperate, and thus externally heroic; energy inspires their councils, their administration, and their military leaders. if stanton and halleck succeed in extricating the army on the james river, then they will deserve the gratitude of the people. the malaria there must be more destructive than would be many battles. events triumphantly justify stanton's opposition to the peninsula strategy and campaign. so ends this horrible sacrifice; between fifty and sixty thousand killed or dead by diseases. the victims of this holocaust have fallen for their country's cause, but the responsibility for the slaughter is to be equally divided between mcclellan, lincoln, seward and blair. even sylla had not on his soul so much blood as has the above quatuor. when, after the victory over the allied samnites and others, at the colline gate of rome, sylla ordered the massacre of more than four thousand prisoners who laid down their arms; when his lists of proscription filled with blood rome and other cities of italy, sylla so firmly consolidated the supremacy of the _urbs_ over italy and over the world, that after twenty centuries of the most manifold vicissitudes, transformations and tempests, this supremacy cannot yet be upturned. but the holocaust to strategy resulted in humiliating the north and in heaping glory on the southern leaders. if the newly called , men finish the rebellion before congress meets, then slavery is saved. to save slavery and to avoid emancipation was perhaps the secret aim of mr. lincoln, seward, and blair; who knows but that of halleck, when the administration called for the additional , men? persons who approach halleck say that he is a thorough pro-slavery partisan. his order no. , the opinion of some officers of his staff, and his associations, make me believe in the truth of that report. mr. seward says _sub rosa_ to various persons, that slavery is an obsolete question, and he assures others that emancipation is a fixed fact, and is no more to be held back; that he is no more a conservative. how are we to understand this man? if mr. seward is sincere, then his last transformation may prove that he has given up the idea of finding a union party in the south, or that he wishes to reconquer--what he has lost--the confidence of the party. but this return on his part may prove _troppo tardi_. the army of the potomac is saved; the heroes, martyrs, and sufferers are extricated from the grasp of death. this epopee in the history of the civil war will immortalize the army, but the strategian's immortality will differ from that of the army. england and france firm in their neutrality. lord john russell's speeches in parliament are all that can be desired. will it ever be thoroughly investigated and elucidated why, after the evacuation of corinth, the onward march of our everywhere-victorious western armies came at once to a stand-still? the guerillas, the increase of forces in richmond, and some eventual disasters, may be directly traced to this inconceivable conduct on the part of the western commanders or of the commander-in-chief. was not some union-searching at the bottom of that stoppage? when, months ago, a false rumor was spread about the evacuation of memphis and corinth, mr. seward was ready to start for the above-mentioned places, of course in search of the union feeling. perhaps others were drawn into this union-searching, union and slavery-restoring conspiracy. i have most positive reasons to believe that gen. halleck wished to remove gen. mcclellan from the command of the army. the president opposed to it. men of honor, of word, and of truth, and who are on intimate footing with mr. lincoln, repeatedly assured me that, in his conversation, the president judges and appreciates gen. mcclellan as he is judged and appreciated by those whom his crew call his enemies. with all this, mr. lincoln, through thin and thick, supports mcclellan and maintains him in command. such a double-dealing in the chief of a noble people! seemingly mr. seward and mr. blair always exercise the most powerful influence. both wished that the army remain in the malarias of the james river. whatever be their reasons, one shudders in horror at the case with which all those culprits look on this bloody affair. oh you widowed wives, mothers, and sweethearts! oh you orphaned children! oh you crippled and disabled, you impoverished and ruined, by sacrificing to your country more than do all the lincolns, mcclellans, blairs, and sewards! some day you will ask a terrible account, and if not the present day, posterity will avenge you. it is very discouraging to witness that the president shows little or no energy in his dealings with incapacities, and what a mass of intrigues is used to excuse and justify incapacity when the nation's life-blood runs in streams. without the slightest hesitation any european government would dismiss an incapable commander of an army, and the french convention, that type of revolutionary and nation-saving energy, dealt even sharper with military and other incapacities. regiments after regiments begin to pour in, to make good the deadly mistakes of our rulers. the people, as always, sublime, inexhaustible in its sacrifices! god grant that administrative incompetency may become soon exhausted! mr. seward told a diplomat that his (seward's) salary was $ , , and he spends double the amount; thus sacrificing to the country $ , . when i hear such reports about him, i feel ashamed and sorrowful on his account. such talk will not increase esteem for him among foreigners and strangers; and although i am sure that mr. seward intended to make a joke, even as such it was worse than a poor one. in his interview with a deputation composed of africo-americans, mr. lincoln rehearsed all the clap-trap concerning the races, the incompatibility to live together, and other like _bosh_. mr. lincoln promised to them an eden--in chiriqui. mr. lincoln promised them--what he ought to know is utterly impossible and beyond his power--that they will form an independent community in a country already governed by orderly and legally organized states, as are new grenada and costa rica. happily even for mr. lincoln's name, the logic of human events will save from exposure his ignorance of international laws, and his too light and too quick assertions. i pity mr. lincoln; his honesty and unfamiliarity with human affairs, with history, with laws, and with other like etceteras, continually involve him in unnecessary scrapes. the proclamation concerning the colonization is issued. it is a display of ignorance or of humbug, or perhaps of both. some of the best among americans do not utter their condemnation of this colonization scheme, because the president is to be allowed _to carry out his hobby_. the despots of the old world will envy mr. lincoln. those despots can no more _carry out their hobbies_. the _roi s'amuse_ had its time; but the _il bondo can_ of some here, at times, beats that of the _italina in algero_. the two letters of greeley to the president show that the old, indomitable lion begins to awake. as to mr. lincoln's answer, it reads badly, and as for all the rest, it is the eternal dodging of a vital question. mr. lincoln's equanimity, although not so stoical, is unequalled. in the midst of the most stirring and exciting--nay, death-giving--news, mr. lincoln has always a story to tell. this is known and experienced by all who approach him. months ago i was in mr. lincoln's presence when he received a telegram announcing the crossing of the mississippi by gen. pope, at new madrid. scarcely had mr. lincoln finished the reading of the dispatch, when he cracked (that is the sacramental word) two not very washed stories. when the history of this administration shall become well known, contemporary and future generations will wonder and be puzzled to know how the most intelligent and enlightened people in the world could produce such fruits and results of self-government. the rebel chiefs take the offensive; they unfold a brilliancy in conception and rapidity in execution of which the best generals in any army might be proud. mcclellan's army was to be prevented from uniting with pope. but it seems that pope manoeuvres successfully, and approaches mcclellan. if only our domestic policy were more to the point, england and france could not be complained of. mr. mercier behaves here as loyally as can be wished, and carefully avoids evoking any misunderstandings whatever. so do louis napoleon, mr. thouvenel, lord john russell, notwithstanding mr. seward's all-confusing policy. mr. mercier never, never uttered in my presence anything whatever which in the slightest manner could irritate even the _thinnest-skinned_ american. as i expected, louis napoleon and mr. thouvenel highly esteem mr. dayton; and it will be a great mistake to supersede mr. dayton in paris by the travelling agent of the sewing machine. it seems that such a change is contemplated in certain quarters, because the agent parleys poor french. such a change will not be flattering, and will not be agreeable to the french court, to the french cabinet, and to the french good society. on the continent of europe sympathy begins to be unsettled, unsteady. as independence is to-day the watchword in europe, so the cause of the rebels acquires a plausible justification. various are the reasons of this new counter current. prominent among them is the vacillating, and by europeans considered to be inhuman, policy of mr. lincoln in regard to slavery, the opaqueness of our strategy, and the brilliancy of the tactics of the rebel generals, and, finally, the incapacity of our agents to enlighten european public opinion, and to explain the true and horrible character of the rebellion. repeatedly i warned mr. seward, telling him that the tide of public opinion was rising against us in europe, and i explained to him the causes; but of course it was useless, as his agents say the contrary, and say it for reasons easily to be understood. mcclellan's army landed, and he is to be in command of all the troops. i congratulate all therein concerned about this new victory. bleed, oh bleed, american people! mr. lincoln and _consortes_ insisted that mcclellan remain in command. siste tandem carnifex! mr. roebuck, m. p., the gentleman! about thirty years ago, when entering his public career as a member for bath, mr. roebuck was publicly slapped in the face during the going on of the election. a few years ago mr. roebuck went to vienna in the interests of some lucrative railroad or lloyd speculation, and returned to england a fervent and devoted admirer of the hapsburgs, and a reviler of all that once was sacred to the disciple of jeremy bentham. general halleck may become the savior of the country. i hope and ardently wish that it may be so, although his qualifications for it are of a rather doubtful nature. gen. halleck wrote a book on military science, as he wrote one on international laws, and both are laborious compilations of other people's labors and ideas. but perhaps halleck, if not inspired, may become a regular, methodical captain. such was moreau. also, gen. halleck is not to take the field in person. i am told that it was so decided by mr. lincoln, against halleck's wish. what an anomalous position of a commander of armies, who is not to see a field of battle! such a position is a genuine, new american invention, but it ought not to be patented, at least not for the use of other nations. it is impossible to understand it, and it will puzzle every one having sound common sense. gen. butler commits a mistake in taunting and teasing the french population and the french consul in new orleans. when butler was going there, mr. seward ought to have instructed him concerning our friendly relations with louis napoleon, and concerning the character of the french consul in new orleans, who was not partial to secesh. there may be some secesh french, but the bulk, if well managed, would never take a decided position against us as long as we were on friendly terms with louis napoleon. the president is indefatigable in his efforts to--save slavery, and to uphold the policy of the new york herald. it is said that general hunter is recalled, and so was general phelps from new orleans; general phelps could not coolly witness the sacrilegious massacre of the slaves. the inconceivable partiality of the president for mcclellan may, after all, be possibly explained by the fact that mr. lincoln and mr. seward see in mcclellan a--savior of slavery. during two days' terrible fighting at manassas, at bull run, and all around, pope cut his way through, but the reinforcements from mcclellan's army in alexandria are _slow_ in coming. mcclellan and his few pets among the generals may not object to see pope worsted. such things happened in other armies, even almost under the eyes of napoleon, as in the campaign on the elbe, in . any one worth the name of a general, when he has no special position to guard, and hears the roar of cannon, by forced marches runs to the field of battle. not any special orders, but the roar of cannon, attracted and directed desaix to marengo, and mac mahon to magenta. the roar of cannon shook the air between bull run and alexandria, and ---- general mcclellan and others had positive orders to run to the rescue of pope. i should not wonder if the president, enthusiasmed by this new exploit of mcclellan, were to nominate him for his, the president's, eventual successor; mr. blair will back the nomination. it is said that during these last weeks, wallach, the editor of the unwashed _evening star_, is in continual intercourse with the president. _arcades ambo._ mcclellan reduced in command; only when the life of the nation was almost breathing its last. this concession was extorted from mr. lincoln! what will mr. seward say to it? september, . _consummatum est!_ -- will the outraged people avenge itself? -- mcclellan satisfies the president -- after a year! -- the truth will be throttled -- public opinion in europe begins to abandon us -- the country marching to its tomb -- hooker, kearney, heintzelman, sigel, brave and true men -- supremacy of mind over matter -- stanton the last roman -- inauguration of the pretorian regime -- pope accuses three generals -- investigation prevented by mcclellan -- mcdowell sacrificed -- the country inundated with lies -- the demoralized army declares for mcclellan -- the pretorians will soon finish with liberty -- wilkes sent to the west indian waters -- russia -- mediation -- invasion of maryland -- strange story about stanton -- richmond never invested -- mcclellan in search of the enemy -- thirty miles in six days -- the telegrams -- wadsworth -- capitulation of harper's ferry -- five days' fighting -- brave hooker wounded -- no results -- no reports from mcclellan -- tactics of the maryland campaign -- nobody hurt in the staff -- charmed lives -- wadsworth, judge conway, wade, boutwell, andrew -- this most intelligent people become the laughing-stock of the world! -- the proclamation of emancipation -- seward to the paisley association -- future complications -- if hooker had not been wounded! -- the military situation -- sigel persecuted by west point -- three cheers for the carriage and six! -- how the great captain was to catch the rebel army -- interview with the chicago deputation -- winter quarters -- the conspiracy against sigel -- numbers of the rebel army -- letters of marque. the intrigues, the insubordination of mcclellan's pets, have almost exclusively brought about the disasters at manassas and at bull run, and brought the country to the verge of the grave. but the people are not to know the truth. consummatum est! the people's honor is stained--the country's cause on the verge of the grave. will this outraged people avenge itself on the four or five diggers? old as i am, i feel a more rending pain now than i felt thirty years ago when poland was entombed. here are at stake the highest interests of humanity, of progress, of civilization. i find no words to utter my feelings; my mind staggers. it is filled with darkness, pain, and blood. mr. lincoln is the standard-bearer of the policy of the new york herald. so, before him, were pierce and buchanan. it is said that general mcclellan fully satisfied the president of his (the general's) complete innocence as to the delays which exclusively generated the last disasters; also gen. mcclellan has justified himself on military grounds. i wish the verdict of innocence may be uttered by a court-martial of european generals. at any rate, the country was thrown into an abyss. _after a year!_--one hundred thousand of the best, bravest, the most devoted men slaughtered; hundreds and hundreds of millions squandered; the army again in the entrenchments of washington; everywhere the defensive and losses; the enemy on the potomac, perhaps to invade the free states; but mcclellan is in command, his headquarters as brilliant and as numerous as a year ago; the mean flunkeys at their post; only the country's life-blood pours in streams; but--that is of no account. no acids are so dissolving and so corrosive as is the air of washington on patriotism. how few resist its action! among the few are stanton, chase (a passive patriot), wadsworth, dahlgren, and those grouping around stanton; so is welles; likewise fox; but they are powerless. washington is likewise the greatest garroter of truth; and i am sure that the truth about the last battles will be throttled and never elucidated. _september ._--the cabinets of france and of england will have a very hard stand to resist the pressure of public opinion, carried away by the skill and by the plausible heroism of the rebels. public opinion will be clamorous that something be done in favor of the rebels. happily, nothing else can be done but a war, and this saves us. but if the rebels succeed without europe, the more glory for their chiefs, the more ignominy for ours. public opinion begins to abandon us in europe. already i have explained some of the reasons for it. the country is marching to its tomb, but the grave-diggers will not confess their crime and their utter incapacity to save it. this their stubbornness is even a greater crime. will halleck warn the country against mcclellan's incapacity? we have such generals as hooker, heintzelman, kearney, etc., who fought continually, and with odds against them, and who never were worsted. those three, among the best of the army, fought under pope and mutineered not. in any other country such men would receive large, even the superior command; here the palm belongs to the incapable, the _slow_, and to the flatterer. the same with sigel. his corps is reduced to , men; common sense shows that he ought to have at least , under him. sigel begged the president to have more men; the president sent him to halleck and mcclellan, who both snubbed him off. by my prayer sigel, although disheartened, went to stanton, who received him friendly and warmly, and promised to do his utmost. stanton will keep his word, if only the west point envy will not prevent him. hooker, kearney, and heintzelman were not in favor at the headquarters in the peninsula, and their commands have been continually disorganized in favor of the pets of the commander-in-chief. the country knows what the three braves did since yorktown down to the last day--the country knows that at the last disasters at bull run these heroic generals did their fullest duty. but not even their advice is asked at the double headquarters. stanton alone cannot do everything. rats may devour a hercules. it seems certain that the rebel generals have various foreign officers in their respective staffs. the rebels wish to assure the success of their cause; here many have only in view their personal success. the president, although not a blucher, may make a gneisenau out of sigel, who has in view only the success of the cause, and no prospects towards the white house. sigel would understand how to organize a genuine staff. most of the foreigners who came to serve here came with the intention to fight for the sacred principle of freedom, and without any further views whatever of career and aggrandizement. in this respect americans are not just towards these foreigners, and the great men at headquarters will prefer to see all go to pieces than to use the capacity of foreigners, above all in the artillery and for the staff duties. the mind--that is, jeff. davis, jackson, lee, etc.--has the best of the matter--that is, lincoln, mcclellan, blair, and seward; however, these positions are reversed when one considers the masses on both sides. but on our side the matter commands and presses down the mind; on the rebel side the mind of the chiefs vivifies, exalts, attracts, and directs the matter. and the results thereof are, that not the rebellion, but the north, is shaking. as _a_, not only as _the_ president, mr. lincoln represents nothing beyond the unavoidable constitutional formula. for all other purposes, as an acting, directing, inspiring, or combining power or agency, mr. lincoln becomes a myth. his reality is only manifested by preserving slavery, by sticking to mcclellan, by distributing offices, by receiving inspirations from mr. seward, and by digging the country's grave. so it is from march , , up to this, september th, . what else mr. lincoln may eventually incarnate is not now perceptible. mr. lincoln and mr. seward piloted the country among breakers and rocks, from which to extricate the country requires a man who is to be the burning focus of the whole people's soul. other nations at times reached the bottom of an abyss, and they came up again when from the tempest rending them emerged such a savior. but here the formula may render impossible the appearance of such a savior. the formula is the nation's hearse. the formula has neutralized the best men in congress, the best men in the cabinet, as is stanton. the people have decided not, _propter vitam vivendi perdere causas_; but the various formulas, the schemers, the grave-diggers, and the aspirants for the white house, think differently. the almost daily changes made by mr. lincoln in the command of the forces are the best evidences of his good-intentioned--debility. harmony belongs to the primordial laws of nature; it is the same for human societies. but here no harmony exists between the purest, the noblest, and the most patriotic portion of the people, and the official exponent of the people's will, and of its higher and purer aspirations. so here all jars dissonantly; all is confusion, because avenged must be every violation of nature's law. i cannot believe that at this deadly crisis the salvation can come from washington. the best man here has not his free action. and the rest of them are the country's curse. mr. lincoln, with mcclellan, seward, blair, halleck, and scores of such, are as able to cope with this crisis as to stop the revolution of our planet. _up to this day_, from among those foremost, the only man whose hands remain unstained with the country's, his mother's, and his brethren's blood, the last roman, is stanton. _september ._--during last night troops marched to meet the enemy, saluting with deafening shouts and cheers the residence of mcclellan; spit-lickers as a kennedy, giving the sign by waving his hat. such shouts would cheer up the mind but for the fact that they were mostly raised for the victory over those who demanded an investigation of the causes of _slowness_ and insubordination,--those exclusive causes of the defeat of pope's army. those shouts were thrown out as defiance to justice, to truth, and to law. those shouts marked the inauguration of the _pretorian regime_. general mcclellan and other generals have forced the president to _postpone_ the investigation into the conduct of the _slow_ and of the insubordinate generals, all three special favorites of mcclellan. general mcclellan appeared before the soldiers surrounded by his _old identical staff_, by a tross of flatterers, and, oh heavens! in the cortege senator wilson! oh, _sancta_ not _simplicitas_, but ---- oh, clear-sighted republican! subsequently, i learned that senator wilson was present for a moment, and only by a pure accident, at that ovation. _laeszt dich dem teufel bey'm haare packen, so hat er dich bey'm kopfe_, says lessing, and so it may become here with this first success of the pretorians, or even worse than pretorians; these here are yanitschars of a sultan. pope and his army accuse three generals of insubordination and mutiny on the field of battle. mcclellan prevents investigation; the brutal rule of yanitschars is inaugurated, thanks to you, messrs. seward and blair. mcdowell sacrificed to the yanitschars; he is the scapegoat and the victim to popular fallacy, to the imbecility of the press, and, above all, to the intriguers and to the conspiracy of the mutinous pets of mcclellan. weeks and weeks ago, i foretold to mcdowell that such would be his fate, and that only in after-times history will be just towards him. the country begins to be inundated and opinion poisoned by all kinds of the most glaring lies, invented and spread by the staffs, and the imbecile, blind partisans of mcclellan. here are some from among the lies. in january (oh hear, oh hear!) general mcclellan with , men intended to make a _flying_ (oh hear, oh hear!) expedition to richmond, but lincoln and stanton opposed it. this lie divides itself into two points. st lie. in january, nobody opposed general mcclellan's will, and, besides, he was sick. d lie. if he was so pugnacious in january, why has he not made with the same number of men a flying expedition only to centreville, right under his nose? emanating from the staff, such a lie is sufficient to show the military capacity of those who concocted it. second lie. that the expedition to yorktown and the peninsula strategy were forced upon mcclellan. i hope that the americans have enough memory left, and enough self-respect to recollect the truth. further, the above staff asserts that, when the truth will be known about the campaign, and the fightings in the chickahominy, then justice will be done to mcclellan. always and everywhere lost battles, bad and ignorant generalship, require explanations, justifications, and commentaries. well-fought battles are justified on the spot, the same day, and by results. no one asks or makes comments upon the fighting of jackson. austerlitz, jena, were commented on, explained, some of the chiefs were justified, but--by austrian and prussian commentators. until to-day french writers discuss, analyze, and comment upon the fatal battle of waterloo. at waterloo napoleon was in the square of his heroic guards; but during the seven days' fighting on the chickahominy, what regiment, not to say a square, saw in its midst the american napoleon? a thousand others, similar to the above-mentioned lies, will be or are already circulated; the mass of the people will use its common sense, and the lies must perish. on september th, gen. mcclellan gave his word to the president to start to the army at o'clock, but started at p. m. with a long train of well-packed wagons for himself and for his staff. to be sure, lee, jackson, and all the other rebel chiefs together, have not such a train; if they had, they would not be to-day on the potomac and in maryland. most certainly those quick-moving rebels start at least an hour earlier than they are expected to do. _september ._--up to this day mr. lincoln ought to have discovered whose advice transformed him into a standard-bearer of the policy of the new york herald, and made him push the country to the verge of the grave; and, nevertheless, mr. lincoln is deaf to the voice of all true and pure patriots who point out the malefactors. secondary events; as a lost battle, etc., depend upon material causes; but such primordial events as is the thorough miscarriage of mr. lincoln's anti-rebellion policy,--such events are generated by moral causes. jefferson davis, lee, jackson, and all the generals down to the last southern bush-whacker, incarnate the violent and hideous passion of slavery, now all-powerful throughout the south. here, lincoln, seward, mcclellan, blair, halleck, etc., incarnate the negation of the purest and noblest aspirations of the north. stanton alone is inspired by a national patriotic idea. no unity, no harmony between the people and the leaders; this discord must generate disasters. all over the country the lie is spread that the army demanded the reappointment of mcclellan. first, the three mutinous generals did it; but not a kearney, the bayard of america; very likely not hooker and heintzelman--all of them soldiers, patriots, and men of honor; nor very likely was it demanded by keyes. i do not know positively what was the conduct of gen. sumner. gen. burnside owes what he is, glory and all, to mcclellan. burnside's honest gratitude and honest want of judgment have contributed more than anything else to inaugurate the regime of the pretorians, to justify mutiny. halleck's conduct in all this is veiled in mystery; it is so at least for the present; and as truth will be kept out of sight, the country may never know the truth about those shameful proceedings. i learn that heintzelman, against his own judgment, agreed in the mcclellan movement. well, if this is true, then, of course, the army, for a long time misled by uninterrupted intrigues, misled by papers such as the new york herald and the times,--the army or the soldiers mightily contributed to bring about this fatal crisis. an army composed of intelligent americans, blinded, stultified by intriguers, declares for a general who never, up to this day, covered with glory his or the army's name. after this nothing more is to be expected, and no disaster on the field of battle, no dissolution of a national principle, can astonish my mind. cursed be those who thus demoralized the sound judgment of the soldiers! cursed be my personal experience of men and of things which makes me despair! but when an army or soldiers become intellectually brought down to such a standard, then the holiest cause will always be lost. oh for a man to save the cause of humanity! but if even such a man should appear, these pretorians will turn against him. the pretorians, with the new york herald as their flag, will soon finish with liberty at home. mcclellan, barlow, the brothers wood, and bennett, may very soon be at the helm, with the , pretorians for support. _similia similibus_; and here disgrace is to cure disgrace. these helpless grave-diggers, above all, seward, are on the way to pick a quarrel with england, sending a flying gunboat fleet under wilkes into the west indian waters. at this precise moment it were better to be very cautious, and rather watch strongly our coasts with the same gunboats. _september ._--a military genius at once finds out the point where blows are to be struck, and strikes them with lightning-like speed. the rebels act in this manner; but what point was found out, what blows were ever dealt by mcclellan? individuals similar to mcclellan were idolized by the roman pretorians, and this idolatry marks the epoch of the utmost demoralization and degradation of the roman empire. witnessing such a phenomenon in an army of american volunteers, one must give up in despair any confidence in manhood and in common sense. the journal of st. petersburg of august th semi-officially refutes the insinuations that russia intends to recognize the south, or to unite with france and england for any such purpose, or for mediation. the language of the article is noble and friendly, as is all which up to this day has been done by alexander ii. mr. stoeckl, the russian minister here, considerably contributes that such sound and friendly views on the condition of our affairs are entertained by the russian cabinet. _september ._--imbeciles agitate the question of mediation. european cabinets will not offer it now, and nobody, not even the rebels, would accept. no possible terms and basis exist for any mediation. a solomon could not find them out. if jackson and lee were to shell washington, then only the foreign ministers may be requested to step in and to settle the terms of a capitulation or of an evacuation. the foreign ministers here could act as mediators only if asked; not otherwise. i am sure it will come out that the invasion of maryland by the rebels is made under the pressure exercised in richmond by the maryland chivalry in the service of the rebellion. these runaways probably promised an insurrection in maryland, provided a rebel force crosses the potomac. (wrote it to england.) all around helplessness and confusion. conscientiously i make all possible efforts to record what i believe to be true, and then truth will take care of herself. after the study of the campaigns of frederick ii., above all, after the study of those marvellous campaigns, combinations, manoeuvres of napoleon, to witness every day the combinations of mcclellan is more disgusting, more nauseous for the mind, than can be for the stomach the strongest dose of emetic. the last catastrophe at bull run and at manassas has a slight resemblance with the catastrophe at waterloo. the conduct of the mutinous generals here is similar to the conduct of some of the french generals during the battle of ligny and quatre-bras. but here was mutiny, and there demoralization produced by general and deeply rooted and fatally unavoidable causes. the demoralization of the french generals came at the end of a terrible epoch of struggles and sacrifices, of material exhaustion, when the faith in the destinies of napoleon was extinct; here mutiny and demoralization seize upon the newly-born era. _september ._--what a good-natured people are the americans! a regiment of pennsylvania infantry quartered for the night on the sidewalk of the streets; officers, of course, absent; the poor soldiers stretched on the stones, when so many empty large buildings, when the empty (intellectually and materially empty) white house could have given to the soldiers comfortable night quarters. it can give an idea how they treat the soldiers in the field, if here in washington they care so little for them. but mcclellan has forty wagons for his staff, and forty ambulances--no danger for the latter to be used. in european armies aristocratic officers would not dare to treat soldiers in this way--to throw them on the pavement without any necessity. more than once in my life, after heavy fighting, i laid down the knapsack for a cushion, snow for a mattrass and for a blanket; but by the side of the soldiers, the generals, the staffs, and the officers shared similar bedsteads. i hear strange stories about stanton, and about his having ruefully fallen in mcclellan's lap. if so, then one more _man_, one more illusion, and one more creed in manhood gone overboard, drowned in meanness, in moral cowardice, and subserviency. the worshippers of strategy and of gen. mcclellan try to make the public swallow, that the investment of richmond by him was a magnificent display of science, and would have been a success but for , more men under his command. to invest any place whatever is to cut that place from the principal, if not from all communications with the country around, and thus prevent, or make dangerous or difficult, the arrival of provisions, of support, etc. our gunboats, etc., in the york and the james rivers have virtually invested richmond on the eastern side; but that part of the peninsula did not constitute the great source of life for the rebel army. the principal life-arteries for richmond ran through four-fifths of a circle, beginning from the southern banks of the james river and running to the southern banks of the rapidan and of the rappahannock. through that region men, material, provisions poured into richmond from the whole south, and that whole region around richmond was left perfectly open; but strategy concentrated its wisdom on the comparatively indifferent eastern side of the chickahominy marshes, and cut off the rebels from--nothing at all. _september ._--general mcclellan, in search of the enemy, during the first six days makes thirty miles! finds the enemy near hagerstown. no more time for strategy. _september ._--general mcclellan telegraphs to general halleck (_meliores ambo_) that he, mcclellan, has "_the most reliable information that the enemy is , strong in maryland and in pennsylvania, besides , on the other side of the potomac_." (the same bosh about the numbers as in the peninsula.) the generals burnside, hooker, sumner, reno, fought the battle at hagerstown, and drove the enemy before them. general mcclellan reports a victory, _but expects the enemy to renew the fighting next day in a considerable force_--(as at williamsburg). mcclellan telegraphs to halleck, "_look for an attack on washington._" the enemy retreats to recross the potomac! _september ._--general wadsworth suggested to the president one of those bold movements by which campaigns are terminated by one blow: "to send heintzelman and him, wadsworth, with some , men, to gordonsville (here and in baltimore about , men), and thus cut off the enemy from richmond, and prevent him from rallying his forces." but general halleck opposes such a murat's dash, on account of mcclellan's "looked-for attack on washington"--by his, mcclellan's, imagination. _september ._--when i wrote the above about wadsworth and heintzelman, i was under the impression that the victory announced by mcclellan, sept. , was more decisive; that as he had fresh the whole corps of fitz john porter, and the greatest part of that of franklin, and other supports sent him from washington, he would give no respite to the enemy, and push him into the potomac. it turned out differently. the loss by capitulation of harper's ferry. it is a blow to us, and very likely a disgraceful affair, not for the soldiers, but for the commanders. _september ._--five days' fighting. our brave hooker wounded; tremendous loss of life on both sides, and no decisive results. these last battles, and those on the chickahominy, that of shiloh, in one word all the fightings protracted throughout several consecutive days, are almost unexampled in history. these horrible episodes establish the bravery, the endurance of the soldiers, the bravery and the ability of some among the commanders of the corps, of the divisions, etc., and the absence of any _generalship in the commander_. _september ._--until this day gen. mcclellan has not published one single detailed report about any of his operations since the evacuation of manassas in march. thus much for the staff of the army of the potomac. we shall see what detailed report he will publish of the campaign in maryland. mcclellan's bulletins from maryland are twins to his bulletins from the peninsula; and there may be very little difference between the _gained_ victories. to-day he is ignorant of the movements of the enemy, and has more than , fresh troops in hand. as in the peninsula, so in maryland. although having nearly one-third more men than the enemy, general mcclellan never forced the enemy to engage at once its whole force, never attacked the rebels on their whole line, and never had any positive notion about the number and the position of the opposing forces. the rebels had the potomac in their rear; our army pressed them in front, and--the rebels escaped. i appeal to such military heroes as hooker; i appeal to thousands of our brave soldiers, from generals down to the rank and file, and further i appeal to all women with hearts and brains here and in europe. _september ._--gen. mansfield killed at the head of his brigade. i ask his forgiveness for all the criticism made upon him in this diary. last year, at the beginning of the war, gen. mansfield acted under the orders of gen. scott. this explains all. as in the slaughters of the chickahominy, so in the maryland slaughters, _nobody hurt_ in mcclellan's numerous staff. thank heaven! not only his life is charmed, but the charm extends over all who surround him,--men and beasts. a malediction sticks to our cause. hooker badly, very badly wounded. hooker fought the greatest number of fights,--was never worsted in the peninsula, nor in the august disasters, and he alone has the supreme honor of a nick-name, by the troopers' baptism: the _fighting joe_. hooker, not mcclellan, ought to command the army. but no pestilential washington clique, none of the west-pointers, back him, and the pets, the pretorians, may have refused to obey his orders. after the escape of the rebels from manassas in march, and after the evacuation of yorktown, all the intriguers and traitors grouped around the new york herald, and the imbeciles around the new york times, prized high _the masterly strategy_ and its bloodless victories. now, in dead, by powder and disease, in crippled, etc., mcclellan destroyed about , men, and the country's honor is bleeding, the country's cause is on the verge of a precipice. how rare are men of civic heroism, of fearless civic courage; men of the creed: _perisse mon nom mais que la patrie soit sauvée._ general wadsworth feels more deeply and more painfully the disasters, nay, the disgrace, of the country, than do almost all with whom i meet here. during the congress, similar were the feelings of senator wade, judge potter, and of many other congressmen in both the houses. so feel boutwell, andrew, the governor of massachusetts, and i am sure many, many over the country. but the sensation-men and preachers, lecturers, etc., all are to be * * * * _september ._--by mr. seward's policy and by mcclellan's strategy and war-bulletins the bravest and the most intelligent people became the laughing-stock of europe and of the world. and thus is witnessed the hitherto in history unexampled phenomenon of a devoted and brave people of twenty millions, mastering all the wealth and the resources of modern civilization, worsted and kept at bay by four to five million rebels, likewise brave, but almost beggared, and cut off from all external communications. _sept. ._--proclamation _conditionally_ abolishing slavery from . the _conditional_ is the last desperate effort made by mr. lincoln and by mr. seward to save slavery. poor mr. lincoln was obliged to strike such a blow at his _mammy_! the two statesmen found out that it was dangerous longer to resist the decided, authoritative will of the masses. the words "resign," "depose," "impeach," were more and more distinct in the popular murmur, and the proclamation was issued. very little, if any, credit is due to mr. lincoln or to mr. seward for having thus late and reluctantly _legalized_ the stern will of the immense majority of the american people. for the sake of sacred truth and justice i protest before civilization, humanity, and posterity, that mr. lincoln and mr. seward intrinsically are wholly innocent of this great satisfaction given to the right, and to national honor. the absurdity of colonization is preserved in the proclamation. how could it have been otherwise? but if the rebellion is crushed before january st, , what then? if the rebels turn loyal before that term? then the people of the north will be cheated. happily for humanity and for national honor, mr. lincoln's and mr. seward's benevolent expectations will be baffled; the rebels will spurn the tenderly proffered leniency; these rebels are so ungrateful towards those who "cover the weakness of the insurgents," &c. (see the celebrated, and by the american press much admired, despatch in may or june, , seward to adams.) the proclamation is written in the meanest and the most dry routine style; not a word to evoke a generous thrill, not a word reflecting the warm and lofty comprehension and feelings of the immense majority of the people on this question of emancipation. nothing for humanity, nothing to humanity. whoever drew it, be he mr. lincoln or mr. seward, it is clear that the writer was not in it either with his heart or with his soul; it is clear that it was done under moral duress, under the throttling pressure of events. how differently stanton would have spoken! general wadsworth truly says, that never a noble subject was more belittled by the form in which it was uttered. brazilian m----s are much disturbed by the proclamation. _sept. ._--in his answer to the paisley parliamentary reform association, mr. seward complains that the sympathy of europe turns now for secession. o mr. seward, mr. seward, who is it that contributed to turn the current against the cause of right and of humanity? months ago i and others warned you; the premonitory signs and the reasons of this change have been pointed out to you. now you slander europe, of which you know as little as of the inhabitants of the moon. the generous populations of the whole of europe expected and waited for a positive, unhesitating, clear recognition of human rights; day after day the generous european minds expected to see some positive, authoritative fact confirm that lofty conception which, at the start of this rebellion, they had of the cause of the north. but the pure, generous tendencies of the american people became officially, authoritatively misrepresented; the public opinion in europe became stuffed with empty generalizations, with official but unfulfilled prophecies, and with cold declamations. those official generalizations, prophecies, and declamations, the supineness shown by the administration in the recognition of human rights, all this began to be considered in europe as being sanctioned by the whole american people; and generous european hearts and minds began to avert in disgust from the _misrepresented_ cause of the north. two issues are before history, before the philosophy of history, and before the social progress of our race. the first issue is the struggle between the pure democratic spirit embodied in the free states, and the fetid remains of the worst part of humanity embodied in the south. the second issue is between the perennial vitality of the principle of self-government in the people, and the transient and accidental results of the self-government as manifested in mr. lincoln, in mr. seward, and their followers. i hope that this diary will throw some light on the second issue, and vindicate the perennial against the transient and the accidental. _sept. ._--if the events of this war should progress as they are foreshadowed in the proclamation of september , then the application of this proclamation may create inextricable complications. not only in one and the same state, but in one and the same district, nay, even in the same township, after january st, , may be found africo-americans, portions of whom are emancipated, the others in bondage. but the stern logic of events will save the illogical, pusillanimous, confused half-measure, as it now is. (o steffens!) general mcclellan confesses that if hooker had not been wounded, then _the road_, by which the retreat of the rebels might have been cut off, would have been taken. such a declaration is the most emphatic recognition of hooker's superior military capacity. seldom, however, has the loss of a general commanding only _en second_, or a wing, as did hooker, decided the fortunes of the day. why did not mcclellan take _the road_ himself, after hooker was obliged to leave the field? when desaix, bessières, and lannes fell, napoleon nevertheless won the respective battles. _sept. ._--the military position of the rebels in winchester seems to me one of the best they ever held in this war. winchester is the centre of which washington, harper's ferry, williamsport, nay, even wheeling, seem to be the circumference. our army under mcclellan is almost beyond the circle, crosses not the potomac, and is now only to watch the enemy. so much for the great mcclellan's victory. truly, the enemy may be taken in the rear, its communications with richmond, &c., cut off and destroyed; but _we are safe_ on the potomac, and this is sufficient. mcclellan is _the man of large conceptions and rapid execution_. the best generals are _hors de combat_; as to halleck, o, it is not to think, not to speak. well, i may be mistaken, but i clearly see all this on the map of virginia. _sept. ._--the west point spirit persecutes sigel with the utmost rage. the west point spirit seemingly wishes to have sigel dishonored, defeated, even if the country be thereby destroyed. the hallecks, &c., keep him in a subordinate position; _three days ago_ his corps was a little over seven thousand, almost no cavalry, and most of the artillery without horses, and he in front. the more i scrutinize the president's thus called emancipation proclamation, the more cunning and less good will and sincerity i find therein. i hope i am mistaken. but the proclamation is only an act of the military power,--is evoked by military necessity,--and not a civil, social, humane act of justice and equity. the only good to be derived from this proclamation is, that for the first time the word _freedom_, and a general comprehension of "emancipation," appear in an official act under the sanction of the formula, and are inaugurated into the official, the constitutional life of the nation. in itself it is therefore a great event for a people so strictly attached to legality and to formulas. i do not recollect to have read in the history of any great, or even of a small captain,--above all of such a one when between thirty-four and thirty-six years old,--that he followed the army under his command in a travelling carriage and six, when the field of operations extended from fifty to seventy miles. three cheers for mcclellan, for his carriage and six! how the great captain was to catch the whole rebel army in manassas, in february and march, a. d. . it was to have been done by a brilliant and unsurpassable stroke of combined strategy, tactics, manoeuvres, marches, and swimmings; also on land and water. (o, hear! o, hear!) as every body knows, the rebels were encamped in the so _fearful_ strongholds of centreville and manassas, all the time fooling the commander-in-chief of the federal army in relation to their _immense_ numbers. to attack the rebels in front, or to surround them by the occoquan and brentsville, would have been a too--simple operation; by a special, an immense, space-embracing anaconda strategy, the rebel army was to be cut off from the whole of rebeldom, and forced to surrender _en masse_ to the inventor of (the not yet patented, i hope) bloodless victories. to accomplish such an immense result, a fleet of transports was already ordered to be gathered at annapolis. on them in ten or fifteen days (o, hear!) an army of fifty to sixty thousand, most completely equipped, was to be embarked, plus forty thousand in washington, all this to sail under the personal command of the general-in-chief, and sail towards richmond. richmond taken, the rebel army at manassas would have been cut off, and obliged to surrender on any terms. the above splendid conception was, and still is, peddled among the army and among the nation by the admirers of, and the devotees of, anaconda strategy. the expedition was to land at the mouth of the tappahannock, a small port, or rather a creek, used for shipping of a small quantity of tobacco. as the port or creek has only some small attempts at wharves, the landing of such an enormous army, with parks of artillery, with cavalry, pontoons, and material for constructing bridges,--the landing would not have been executed in weeks, if in months; but the projector of the plan, perfectly losing the notion of time, calculated for ten days. from that port the _flying_ expedition was to march directly on richmond through a country having only common field and dirt roads, and this in a season when all roads generally are in an impassable condition, through a country intersected by marshy streams, principal among them the matapony and the pamunkey--to march towards richmond and the chickahominy marshes. it seems that chickahominy exercised an attractive, armida-like charm on the great strategian. an army loaded with such immense trains would have sufficiently destroyed all the roads, and rendered them impassable for itself; and the _flying_ expedition would at once have been transformed into an expedition sticking in the mud, similar to that subsequent in the peninsula. the enemy was in possession of fredericksburg and of the railroad to hanover court house on one flank, and of all the best roads north of and through chickahominy marshes on the other flank. the _flying_ expedition would have had for base tappahannock and a dirt road. o strategy! o stuff! the much-persecuted general mcdowell exposed the worse than crudity of the brilliant conception. by doing this, mcdowell saved the country, the administration, and the strategian from immense losses and from a nameless shame. it is due to the people that the administration lay before the public the scheme and the refutation. a look on the map of virginia must convince even the simplest mind of the brilliancy of this conception. during all this time spent in such masterly operations, the rebel army in manassas was to quietly look on, to wait, and not move, not retreat on richmond. early in march, at once the rebel army, always undisturbed, quietly disappeared from manassas; and this is the best evidence of the depth of that brilliant combination, peddled under the name of the _flying expedition to richmond_, projected for january, february, or march. i appeal to the verdict of sound reason; the parties are, common sense _versus_ anaconda strategy and bloodless victories. _sept. ._--the proclamation issued by the war power of the president is not yet officially notified to those who alone are to execute it--the armies and their respective commanders. who is to be taken in? the papers publish a detailed account of an interview between the president and an anti-slavery deputation from chicago. the deputation asked for stringent measures in the spirit of the law of congress, which orders the emancipation of the slaves held by the rebels. the president combated the reasons alleged by the deputation, and tried to establish the danger and the inefficiency of the measure. a few days after the above-mentioned debate, the president issued the proclamation of september . are his heart, his soul, and his convictions to be looked for in the debate, or in the proclamation? the immense majority of the people, from the inmost of its heart, greets the proclamation--a proof how deeply and ardently was felt its necessity. the gratitude shown to mr. lincoln for having thus executed the will of his master,--this gratitude is the best evidence how this whole people is better, has a loftier comprehension of right and duty, than have its elected servants. mcclellan already speaks that the campaign is finished, and the army is to go into winter quarters. if the people, if the administration, and if the army will stand this, then they will justly deserve the scorn of the whole civilized and uncivilized world. but with such civil and military chiefs all is possible, all may be expected to be included in their programme of--vigorous operations. _sept. ._--for some weeks i watch a conspiracy of the west pointers, of the commanders-in-chief, of the staffs, and of the double know-nothing cliques united against sigel. the aim seems to be to put sigel and his purposely-reduced and disorganized forces in such a condition and position that he may be worsted or destroyed by the enemy. to avoid dishonoring the forces under him, to avoid exposing them to slaughter, and to avoid being thus himself dishonored, sigel ought to resign, and make public the reasons of his resignation. a few days ago, i wrote and warned the evening post; but--but-- the richmond papers confirm what i supposed concerning the motives which pushed the rebel army across the potomac. as the marylanders rose not in arms, and joined not the rebel army, the invaders had nothing else to do but to retreat and to recross the potomac. mcclellan ought to have thrown them into the river, which hooker, if not wounded, would have done, or if he had the command of our army. the rebels would have retreated into virginia, even without being attacked by mcclellan, even if he only followed them, say at one day's distance. not having destroyed the rebels, mcclellan, in reality, and from the military stand point, accomplished very little--near to nothing. hooker estimates the rebel force, at the utmost, at eighty thousand men, and that is all that they could have. mcclellan had about one hundred and twenty thousand. and--and he is to be considered the savior of maryland and of pennsylvania. o, good american people! the genuine napoleon won all his great battles against armies which considerably outnumbered his. mr. seward menaces england with issuing _letters of marque_ against the southern privateers. the menace is ridiculous, because it will not be carried out, and, if carried out, it will become still more ridiculous; it would be a very poor compliment to the navy to use the whole power of private enterprise against a few rovers, and it would be an official recognition of the rebels in the condition of belligerents. _quousque tandem_--o seward--_abutere patientiam nostram?_ _sept. ._--nearly three weeks after the battle of antietam, general mcclellan publishes what he and they call a report of his operations in maryland; in all not twenty lines, and devoted principally to establish--on probabilities--the numerical losses of the enemy. the report is a fit _pendant_ to his bulletins; is excellent for bunkum, and to make other people justly laugh at us. october, . costly infatuation -- the do-nothing strategy -- cavalry on lame horses -- bayonet charges -- antietam -- effect of the proclamation -- disasters in the west -- the abolitionists not originally hostile to mcclellan -- helplessness in the war department -- devotedness of the people -- mcclellan and the proclamation -- wilkes -- colonel key -- routine engineers -- rebel raid into pennsylvania -- stanton's sincerity -- o, unfighting strategians! -- the administration a success -- _de gustibus_ -- stuart's raid -- west point -- st. domingo -- the president's letter to mcclellan -- broad church -- the elections -- the republican party gone -- the remedy at the polls -- mcclellan wants to be relieved -- mediation -- compromise -- the rhetors. -- the optimists -- the foreigners -- scott and buchanan -- gladstone -- foreign opinion and action -- both the extremes to be put down -- spain -- fremont's campaign against jackson -- seward's circular -- general scott's gift -- "o, could i go to a camp!" -- mcclellan crosses the potomac -- prays for rain -- fevers decimate the regiments -- martindale and fitz john porter -- the political balance to be preserved -- new regiments -- o, poor country! with what a bloody sacrifice of men this people pays for its infatuation in mcclellan, for the moral cowardice of its official leaders, and the intrigues and the imbecility of the regulars, of some among the west pointers, of traitors led by the new york herald, by the world, and by certain unionists on the outside, and secessionists at heart! all these combined nourish the infatuation. all things compared, napoleon cost not so much to the french people, and at least napoleon paid it in glory. mind and heart sicken to witness all this here. the question to-day is, not to strengthen other generals, as heintzelman and sigel, and to take the enemy in the rear, but to give a _chance_ to mcclellan to win the ever-expected, and not yet by him won, _great battle_. mcclellan continually calls for more men; all the vital forces of the people are absorbed by him; and when he has large numbers, he is incapable of using and handling them; so it was at the chickahominy, so it was at antietam. in the way that mcclellan acts now, he may use up all the available forces of the people, if nobody has the courage to speak out; besides, any warning voice is drowned in the treacherous intrigues of the clique, in imbecility and infatuation. at the meeting of the governors, at the various public conventions, in the thus called public resolutions--platforms, in one word--wherever, in any way. north, west, and east, the public life of the people has made its voice heard: _a vigorous prosecution of the war_ was, and is, earnestly recommended to the administration. all this will be of no avail. by this time, by bloody and bitter experience, the american people ought to have learned it. with his civil and military aids and lieutenants, as the mcclellans, the hallecks, the sewards, mr. lincoln has been at work; and at the best, they have shown their utter incapacity, if not ill-will, to carry the war on vigorously and upon strictly military principles. many persons in washington know that mr. seward last winter firmly backed the _do-nothing_ strategy, in the firm belief that the rebels would be worried out, and submit without fighting. to those statesmen and napoleons, carnots, &c., it is as impossible to manoeuvre with rapidity, to strike boldly and decidedly, as to dance on their _well-furnished_ heads. only such a good-natured people as the americans can expect _something_ from that whole _caterva_. to expect from mr. lincoln's napoleons, carnots, &c., vigorous and rapid military operations, is the same as to mount cavalry on thoroughly lame horses, and order it to charge _à fond de train_. the worshippers of mcclellan peddle that the antietam victory became neutralized because the enemy fell back on its second and third line. whatever may be in this falling back on lines, and accepting all as it is represented, one thing is certain, that when commanders win victories, generally they give no time to the enemy to fall back in order on its second and third lines. but every thing gets a new stamp under the new napoleon. a few hours after the antietam battle, general mcclellan telegraphed that he "_knew not_ if the enemy retreated into the interior or to the potomac." o, o! many from among the european officers here have some experience of the manoeuvring of large bodies--experience acquired on fields of battle, and on reviews, and those camp manoeuvres annually practised all over europe. in this way the european officers, more or less, have the _coup d'oeil_ for space and for the _terrain_, so necessary when an army is to be put in positions on a field of battle, and which _coup d'oeil_ few young american officers had the occasion to acquire. if judiciously selected for the duties of the staffs, such european officers would be of use and support to generals but for jealousy and the west point cliques. during this whole war i hear every body, but above all the west point wiseacres and strategians, assert that charges with the bayonet and hand-to-hand fighting are exceedingly rare occurrences in the course of any campaign. it is useless to speak to all those great judges of experience and of history. in the account of the battles of ligny and of waterloo, thiers mentions four charges with the bayonet and hand-to-hand fighting at ligny, and nine at waterloo, wherein one was made by the english, one was made by prussians and by french, and one by the french with bayonet against english cavalry. in the poles used the bayonet more than it was used in any one campaign known in history. o, west point! it deserves to be noticed that the conspirators against pope and mcdowell, and the pet pretorians of september and , distinguished themselves not very much in the battle of antietam. hooker commanded mcdowell's corps. to the number of evils inflicted upon this country by the mcclellan infatuation, must be added the fact that many young men, with otherwise sound intellects, have been taken in, stultified, poisoned beyond cure, by high-sounding words, as strategy, all-embracing scientific combinations, &c.--words identified with incapacity, defeats, and intrigue. in all probability, hooker alone, when he fought, had a fixed plan at the antietam battle. as for a general plan, aiming either to throw the enemy into the river, or to cut him from the river, or to accomplish something final and decisive, seemingly no such plan existed. it looks as if they had ignored, at the headquarters, what kind of positions were occupied by the enemy; and the only purpose seems to have been to fight, but without having any preconceived plan. this, at least, is the conclusion from the manner in which the battle was fought. if any plan had existed, the brave army would have executed it; but the enemy retreated in order, and rather unmolested. _as always, so this time, the bravery of the army did every thing; and, as a matter of course, the generalship did--nothing._ _oct. ._--the proclamation of september may not produce in europe the effect and the enthusiasm which it might have evoked if issued a year ago, as an act of justice and of self-conscientious force, as an utterance of the lofty, pure, and ardent aspirations and will of a high-minded people. europe may see now in the proclamation an action of despair made in the duress of events; (and so it is in reality for mr. lincoln, seward, and their squad.) and in this way, a noble deed, outpouring from the soul of the people, is reduced to pygmy and mean proportions by ----. the name is on every body's lips. but it was impossible to issue this proclamation last year; at that time the master-spirit of mr. lincoln's administration emphatically assured the diplomats that the union will be preserved, _were slavery--to rule in boston_. the continued disasters in the west can easily be explained by the fact, that those rotten skeletons, crittenden, davis, and wickliffe control the operations of the generals. _among the countless lies peddled by mcclellan's worshippers, the most enormous and the most impudent is that one by which they attempt to explain, what in their lingo they call, the hostility of the abolitionists towards mcclellan. concerning this matter, i can speak with perfect knowledge of almost all the circumstances._ _not one abolitionist of whatever hue, not one republican whatever, was in any way troubled or thought about the political convictions of general mcclellan at the time when he was put at the head of the army. all the abolitionists and republicans, who then earnestly wished, and now wish, to have the rebellion crushed, expected general mcclellan to do it by quick, decisive, soldier-like, military operations, manoeuvres, and fights. senators wade, chandler, trumbull, &c., in october, , principally aided mcclellan to become independent of general scott. when, however, weeks and months elapsed without any soldier-like action, manifestation, or enterprise whatever, all those who were in earnest began to feel uneasy, began to murmur, not in reference to any political opinions, whatever, held by general mcclellan, but solely and exclusively on account of his military supineness. all those who ardently wished, and wish, that neither slaveholders nor slavery be hurt in any way, such ones early grouped themselves around general mcclellan, believing to have found in him the man after their own heart. that cesspool of all infamies, the new york herald, became the mouthpiece of all the like hypocrites. they and the herald were the first to pervert and to misrepresent the indignation evoked by the do-nothing or nobody-hurt strategy, and to call it the abolition outcry against their fetish._ scarcely will it be believed what disorder, what helplessness, and what incapacity rule paramount in the expedition of any current business in the strictly military part of the war department. it is worse than any imaginable red-tape and circumlocution. and all this, being considered a speciality and a technicality, is in the exclusive hands of the adjutant general, a master spirit among the west pointers. generally, all relating to the thus celebrated organization of the army is an exclusive work of the west point wisdom--is handled by west pointers; and, nevertheless, the general comprehension of all details in relation to an army, how it is to be handled, all the military details of responsibility, of higher discipline, &c., all this is confusion, and strikes with horror any one either familiar with such matters or using freely his sound sense. a narrow routine which may have been innocuous with an army of sixteen thousand with general scott and in peace, became highly mischievous when the army increased more than fifty times, and the war raged furiously. all this confusion is specially produced by the wiseacres and doctors of routine. undoubtedly it reacts on the army, and shows of what use for the country is, and was, that whole old nursery. wherever one turns his eyes, every where a deep line separates the patriotic activity of the people from the official activity. with the people all is sacrifice, devotion, grandeur, and purity of purpose, by great and small, by rich and poor, and with the poor, if possible, even more than with the rich. with the highest and higher officials it is either weakness, or egotism, or coolness, or intrigue, or ignorance, or helplessness. the exceptions are few, and have been repeatedly pointed out. _oct. ._--general mcclellan's order to the army concerning the president's proclamation shows up the man. not a word about the object in the proclamation, but rather unveiled insinuations that the army is dissatisfied with emancipation, and that it may mutiny. the army ought to feel highly honored by such insinuations in that lengthy disquisition about his (mcclellan's) position and the duties of the army. for the honor of the brave, armed citizen-patriots it can be emphatically asserted that the patriotic volunteers better know their duties than do those who preach to them. some suspect that mr. seward drew the paper for mcclellan, but i am sure this cannot be. it may have been done by bennett or some other of the herald, or by barlow. if this order is the result of mr. lincoln's visit to the camp, and of a transaction with mac-napoleon, then the president has not thereby increased the dignity of his presidential character. wilkes's spirit of the times incommensurably towers above the new york press by its dauntless patriotism; by its clear, broad, and deep comprehension of the condition of the country. colonel key's disclosures concerning the mcclellan-halleck programme, not to destroy the rebels and the rebellion until the next presidential election, are throttled by the dismissal of the colonel. but what he said, if put by the side of the words of the order to the army, that "the remedy for political errors, if any are committed, is to be found only in the action of the people at the polls,"--all this ought to open even the most obtuse intellects. poor (carlyle fashion) old greeley hurrahs for mcclellan and for the order no. to the army. o for new and young men to swim among new and young events! _oct. ._--will any body in this country have the patriotic courage to reform the army? that is, to dismiss from the service the west point clique in washington and in the army of the potomac. such a proof of strong will cannot be expected from the president; but perhaps congress may show it. those first and second scholars or graduates from west point are all routine engineers; and who ever heard of whole armies commanded, moved, and manoeuvred by engineers? american invention; but not to be patented for europe. _oct. ._--the rebel raid into pennsylvania, under the nose of mcclellan. is there any thing in the world capable of opening this people's eyes? i doubt if at any time, and in the life of any great or small people, there existed such a galaxy of civil and military rulers, chiefs, and leaders, stripped of nobler manhood, as are the _great men_ here. the blush of honor never burned their cheeks! o, the low politicians! some persons doubt stanton's sincerity in his dealings with individuals. i am not a judge thereof; but were it so, it can easily be forgiven if he only remains sincere and true to the cause. one is amazed and even aghast at the impudence of the mcclellan and west point cliques. in their lingo, heroes like kearney, like hooker and heintzelman, all such are superciliously mentioned as _only fighting generals_. o, unfighting strategians! stuart's brilliant raid was executed the day of mcclellan's bombastic proclamation about his having cleared pennsylvania and maryland of the enemy. on the same day mcclellan and other generals straggled about the country, visiting cities hundreds of miles distant from the camp. and such generals complain of straggling! make the army fight! inspire with confidence the soldier--then he will not straggle. the evening post, october , demonstrates that up to this day mr. lincoln's administration is "a grand and brilliant success." well, _de gustibus non est disputandum_. others may rightly think that the achievements enumerated by the evening post are exclusively due to the people; that by the people they were forced upon the administration, (stanton and the navy excepted;) and that the numerous failures, the waste of human life, of money, and of time, are to be logically and directly traced to the administration. o, subserviency! the mcclellanites are indignant against the pennsylvanians for not having caught stuart and his three thousand horses. bravo! and what is the army for? and, above all, what are the so expensive commander and his staff for? it is perhaps natural that many from among the republican leaders attempt to prop up the reputation of mr. lincoln's administrative capacity, to kindle a halo around his name, and to sponge the waste of blood, of means, and of time, from the tracks of his seward-scott-blair administration; but stern historical justice shall not, and cannot, do it. whatever be the high _military and scientific prowess_ shown by the first west point graduates and scholars, all this in no way compensates for the _summum_ of perverted notions which are reared there, and for the mock, sham, and clownish aristocracy by which a high-toned west pointer is easily recognized. of course many and many are the exceptions; many west point pupils are animated by the noblest and purest american spirit; but the genuine west point spirit consists in sneering and looking down with contempt at the mother and nurse; that is, at the purely republican, purely democratic political institutions, at the broad political and intellectual freedom to which those clown-aristocrats owe their rearing, their little bit of information, and those shoulder-stripes by which they are so mightily inflated. what silly talk, to compare the st. domingo insurrection with the eventual results of emancipation in the south! in st. domingo the slaves were obliged to tear their liberty from the slaveholding planter, and from a government siding with the oppressor. here the lawful government gives liberty to a peaceful laborer, and the planter is an outlawed traitor. but the genuine pro-slavery democrat is stupidly obtuse. _oct. ._--a few days ago the president wrote a letter to mcclellan, with ability and lucidity, exposing to view the military urgency of a movement on the enemy with an army of one hundred and forty thousand men, as has now mcclellan at harper's ferry. but the letter ends by saying that all that it contains is _not_ to be considered by mcnapoleon as being an order. of course mac obeys--the last injunction of the letter. mr. lincoln wishes not to hurt the great napoleon's feelings; as for hurting the country, the people, the cause, this is of--no consequence! ah! to witness all this is to be chained, and to die of thirst within the reach of the purest water. reverend dr. unitarian sensation's broad church, admirer of the southern gentleman, and a jeremy diddler. _oct. ._--the elections in several of the states evidence the deep imprint upon the country of lincoln-seward disorganizing, because from the first day vacillating, undecided, both-ways policy. the elections reverberate the moral, the political, and the belligerent condition in which the country is dragged and thrown by those two _master spirits_. no decided principle inspires them and their administration, and no principle leads and has a decided majority in the elections; neither the democrats nor the republicans prevail; neither freedom nor submission is the watchword; and finally, neither the north nor the south is decidedly the master on the fields of battle. all is confusion! scarcely one genuine republican was, or is, in the cabinet; the republican party is completely on the wane--and perhaps beyond redemption; all this is a logical result, and was easily to be foreseen by any body,--only not by the wiseacres of the party, not by the republican papers in new york, as the times, the tribune, and the evening post, only not by the sumners, doolittles, and many of the like leaders, all of whom, when, about a year ago, warned against such a cataclysm, self-confidently smiled; but who soon will cry more bitter tears than did the daughters of judah over the ruins of jerusalem. and now likewise the phrase in mcclellan's order no. , about "the remedy at the polls," the disclosures made by colonel key, receive their fullest, but ominous and cursed, signification; and now the blind can see that it is policy, and not altogether incapacity, in mcclellan to have made a war to preserve slavery and the rebels. and thus mcclellan outwitted mr. lincoln. in general, human nature is passionately attracted, nay, is subdued, by energy, above all by civic intrepidity. it would have been so easy for mr. lincoln to carry the masses, and to avoid those disasters at the polls! but stubbornness is not energy. from a very reliable source i learn that a few days after the battle of antietam, general mcclellan, or at least general or colonel marcy, of mcclellan's staff, insinuated to the president that general mcclellan would wish to be relieved from the command of the army, and be assigned to quiet duties in washington--very likely to supersede halleck. and the president seized not by the hairs the occasion to get rid of the nation's nightmare, together with the pets of the commander of the army of the potomac. mcclellan acted honestly in making the above insinuation; he is now, in part at least, irresponsible for any future disaster and blood. _oct. ._--i have strong indications that european powers, as england and france, are very sanguine to mediate, but would do it only if, and when, _asked_ by our government. those two governments, or some other half-friendly, may, semi-officially, insinuate to mr. seward to make such a demand. a few months ago, already mr. dayton wrote from paris something about such a step. mr. seward is desperate, downcast, and may believe he can serve his country by committing the cabinet to some such combination. i must warn stanton and others. in the express and in the world the new york herald found its masters in ignominy. more or less mean, contemptible ambition among the helmsmen, but patriotism, patriotic ambition are below zero--here in washington. for the sake and honor of human nature, i pray to destiny stanton may not fail, and still count among the wadsworths, the wades, and the like pure patriots. the democratic elections and majorities united to mr. seward may enforce a compromise, and god knows if mr. lincoln will oppose it to the last. then the only seeming salvation of the north will be the indomitable decision of the rebels not to accept any terms except a full recognition. _oct. ._--the incapacity of the military wiseacres borders on idiotism, if not on something worse. to do nothing mcclellan absorbs every man, and keeps one hundred and forty thousand men on the maryland side of the potomac. sigel has only a small command of twelve thousand men, in a position where, with one quarter of what is useless under mcclellan, with his skill, his activity, and the _truly_ patriotic devotion of his troops, of his officers, and of the commanders under him, sigel would force the rebels to retreat from winchester, and otherwise damage them far more than _will_ or can do such mcclellans, hallecks, and all this c----e. one of the greatest misfortunes for the american people is to have considered as statesmen the rhetors, the petty politicians, and the speech-makers. now, those rhetors, petty politicians, and speech-makers are at the helm, are in the senate, and--ruin the country. the optimists and the subservients still console themselves and confuse the people by asserting that mr. lincoln will yet _come out_ as a man and a statesman. previous to such a happy change the country's honor and the country's political and material vitality will _run out_. more than a year ago mr. seward said to the prince salm and to me, that this war ought to be fought out by foreigners; that the americans fought the revolutionary war, but now they are devoted to peaceful pursuits; and that it is the duty of europeans to save this refuge from the thraldoms in the old world. now, i see that mr. seward was right, although in a sense different from that in which he uttered the above sentence. the irish excepted, all the other foreign-born americans, but preëminently the germans, are more in communion with the lofty, pure, and humane element in the thus called american principle, are therefore more in communion with the creed of the immense majority of americans, than are they, the present dabblers in politics, the would-be leaders, (civil and military,) the would-be statesmen, all of whom are eaten up by the admixture into what is vital and perennial in the signification of america, of all that in itself is local, muddy, petty, accidental, and transient. _oct. ._--the recent publication of general scott's letter, and of a writing to president buchanan, confirms my opinion that "the highest military authority in the land" faltered after march , , and inaugurated that defensive warfare wherein we _stick_ on the potomac until this day. pseudo-liberal right-honorable gladstone asserts that jeff. davis "has made the south a nation;" then abraham lincoln, with w. h. seward and g. b. mcclellan, have destroyed a noble and generous nation. england may now recognize the south, france may join in it, but other great european powers, as russia, spain, prussia, austria, will not follow in such a wake. the recognition will not materially improve the condition of the rebels, nor raise the blockade. but as soon as recognized, jeff. d. may ask for a mediation, which the people--if not mr. seward--will spurn. an armed mediation remains to be applied, wherein, likewise, the other european powers will not concur. an armed mediation between the two principles will be the _summum_ of infamy to which english aristocracy and english mercantilism can degrade itself; if louis napoleon joins therein, then his crown is not worth two years lease, provided the orleans have ---- if we should succumb under the united efforts of imbecility, of pro-slavery treason, of anglo-franco-european and of american perjury, then ultima coelestis terram astræa reliquit. _oct. ._--only two or three days ago, in a conversation with a diplomat, mr. seward asserted that both the extreme parties will be mastered--that is, the secessionists and the abolitionists. so mr. seward confesses the _credo_ and the gospel of the new york herald, the world, the journal of commerce, the national intelligencer, and other similar organs of secession. notwithstanding the numerous complications naturally generated by the vicinity of cuba to secessia, the spanish government, count serrano, the captain-general of cuba, and tassara, the spanish minister here, all have maintained the most loyal relations towards the federal government. it were to be very much regretted if a drunkard or a brute, as in the affair of the montgomery, should disturb such relations. _oct. ._--mcclellan-blair-seward tactics are crowned with splendid success. by his _simplicity_ mr. lincoln aided therein as much as he could. the bad season is in; any successful campaign impossible. the rebels will be safe, and gladstone justified. it is so difficult to find out the truth concerning fremont's campaign against jackson, that some generalship may, after all, be credited to him. at any rate fremont is a better general than mcclellan and the pets in command under him, and fremont is with his heart and soul in the cause, of which the mcclellanites cannot be accused, all of them, their fetish included, having no heart and no soul. old europe, and, above all, official europe, and even the gladstones, must be vindicated. official europe generally appreciates nations by their leaders. europe demands from such leaders actions and proofs of statesmanship, of high capacity, if not of heroism. the attempt to astonish europe by speeches, by oratory, and, still worse, by second-rate legal arguments, by what is called papers here, and in europe diplomatic circulars and despatches, is the same as the attempt to eclipse bright sunlight with a burning candle. but our orators, and, above all, mr. seward, flooded the european and the english statesmen with their, at the best, indifferent productions. official europe was favored with a shower of three various editions of _papers relating to foreign relations_ in , issued by the _state department_, together with the sanfords, the weeds, the hugheses, _et hoc genus omne_. undoubtedly, the traitor mason shows in england more of fire than does the cold, stiff, prickly, and dignified son and grandson of presidents; and then the average of our press! o, jemima! in his circular, september , to our agents in europe, mr. seward belies not himself. the emancipation is rather coldly announced, and it is visible that neither mr. seward's heart nor soul is in it. the president has now the most reliable information that when corinth was invested by halleck, the rebel troops were wholly demoralized, and the enemy was astonished not to be attacked, as very little resistance would have been made. so much for general scott's gift in halleck. the almost daily occurrences here long ago would have exasperated the hot-headed and warm-hearted nations in europe, and treason would have become their watchword. o american people! thou art warm-hearted, but of _unparallelled endurance_! no european nation, not even the turks, would patiently bear such a condition of affairs. every where the sovereign would have been forced to change, or to modify, the _personnel_ of his ministers and advisers; and mr. lincoln is in the hands of messrs. seward and blair, both worse even than mcclellan, and--cannot shake them off. now, for the first time in my life, i realize why, during the last stages of the dissolution of the roman empire, honest men escaped into monasteries, or why, at certain epochs of the great french revolution, the best men went to the army. ah! to witness here the meanest egotism, imbecility, and intrigue, coolly, one by one, destroy the honor and the future of this noble people. curse upon my old age! above all, curse upon my obesity! curse upon my poverty! what a cesspool! what a mire! only legal slaughterers all around! o, could i go to a camp! but, of course, not to one under mcclellan. sigel's camp. sigel's men are not soulless; they fight for an idea, without an eye to the white house. the rhetors, the stump-speakers, the politicians, and the intriguers hold the power, and--humanity and history shudder at the results. _oct. ._--mcclellan, with his wonted intrepidity and rapidity, crossed the potomac from all directions, pushes on winchester, and--will find there wherefrom every animal willingly discharges itself. a foreign diplomat, one of the most eminent in the whole _corps_, said yesterday, "no living being so ardently prays for rain as does mcclellan; rain will prevent fighting, marching, &c." such is the estimation of our hero. fevers decimated many regiments at harper's ferry. if mcclellan would have marched only five miles a day, fighting even such battles without any generalship, as he did at antietam, the army would be healthier, and by this time would be in richmond. the decision of the court of inquiry between a patriot and the incarnation of west point mcclellanism, between martindale and that fitz-john porter, ought to open the eyes of any one, but--not those of mr. lincoln. only two days ago mr. lincoln declared, that the reason why mcclellan and his pets are not removed is, not any confidence in mcclellan's capacity, but to preserve the political balance between the republican and the democratic parties. if there exist such spiritual creations as providence, genii, or angels watching over the destinies of nations, then, at the sight of lincoln-seward-blair doings, providence, angels, genii avert their faces in despair. _oct. ._--new regiments coming in. it cuts into the deepest of the heart to see such noble and devoted fellows going to be again wantonly slaughtered by the combined military and civic inefficiency of mcclellan-lincoln-seward, and, above all, by their utter heartlessness. when the rebels invaded maryland, the _fighting_ generals, as heintzelman, advised to mass the troops between the rebels and the potomac, cut them from their bases and communications, push them towards the north without a possibility of escape, instead of throwing them back on the potomac. harper's ferry would have been saved. every progress made by the rebels in a northern direction would have assured their ruin; soon their ammunition would have been exhausted, and surrender was inevitable. but this bold plan of a _fighting_ general could not be comprehended by pets and pretorians. since, daily and daily occasions occur to destroy the rebels; but that is not the game. instead of cutting the rebels from gordonsville and richmond, which could have been done any time during the last five weeks if heintzelman and sigel were not so thoroughly weakened by an ignorant, or worse, distribution of troops, mcclellan with all his might pushes the rebels back to richmond, back on their bases and their resources. o, poor country! even i feel humiliated to continually ascertain, by various direct and indirect sources from europe, in what little estimation--if not worse--is held our administration by the principal statesmen and governments of the old world. november, . empty rhetoric -- the future dark and terrible -- wadsworth defeated -- the official bunglers blast every thing they touch -- great and holy day! mcclellan gone overboard! -- the planters -- burnside -- mcclellan nominated for president -- awful events approaching -- dictatorship dawns on the horizon -- the catastrophe. o god, o god! to witness how, by the hands of lincoln-seward-mcclellan, this noblest human structure is crumbled--and, perhaps, soon pulvere vix tactæ poterunt monstrare ruinæ. may god preserve this people--those noble patriots, of which wadsworth, wade, potter of wisconsin, stanton, governor andrew, and many others are the types, when the country will be ruined and rended by the firm, lincoln-seward-mcclellan, to realize the pang,-- nessun maggior' dolor' che ricordarsi dell tempo felice nella miseria. o, i know what it is! mr. seward's letter, october , to messrs. connover and palmer, is a display of that empty rhetoric whose dust he is wont to throw into the eyes of the good-natured masses. his plea for united action--of course with him--is the most bitter irony on himself. mr. seward's policy and action are at the helm, and he piloted "our noble ship of state" on worse breakers than those "of eighteen months ago." mr. seward's letter is dumb on the object of the cooper meeting. of course, mr. seward would rather swallow a viper than applaud the abolition of slavery. _nov. ._--lincoln-seward politically slaughtered the republican party, and with it the country's honor. the future looks dark and terrible. i shudder. dishonor on all sides. lincoln will not understand to use the lease of power left to him--or to fall as a man. but to be candid, most of the thus called leaders prepared this defeat, and most of them at the last moment may lack decision and dignity. how repeatedly i warned the sumners, wilsons, and other wiseacres, that such will be the end, that the people at large will become exasperated by lincoln's administration! the issue brought before the people was all but dignified. it would have been better to make a straightforward issue against the incapacity and the democratic ill-will of mcclellan, than to dodge the question, and force honest and noble men to speak against their convictions. the issue, as made, was concocted by journalists, by politicians; but not by statesmen, not by genuine great leaders. seward triumphs. his insincerity preëminently contributed to defeat wadsworth. mephisto-like, he rejoices in thus having humbled the pure and radical patriots. at any rate, i shall try to expose seward. _arrive que pourra._ but for him the sacred cause would have been victorious, and now--horror! horror! the pro-romanist clergy is more furiously and savagely pro-slavery than are the rhetts, the yanceys, in the south; the poor africo-americans are, if not the truest christians in this country, at any rate their christianity is sublime when compared with the pro-romanism. o, for civic intrepidity, or all is lost! high-minded, intrepid, self-forgetful civism and abnegation alone can avert the catastrophe. such is the mass of the people--but its leaders! _nov. ._--hooker has the military instinct in him which lights the fire, and the inspiration of the god of battles; as halleck has nothing of the one and of the other, and as mr. lincoln is--mr. lincoln, so hooker is not to be put in command of the army. lincoln and halleck will find out their man. _similis simili gaudet_, or, _przywitala sie dupa z wiechciem_. _nov. ._--the official bunglers have blasted every thing they touched: the people's virgin enthusiasm and unparalleled devotion; they have endangered the country's safety. it is to hope for a miracle to expect any thing for the better at the hands of the bunglers. will the shallow rhetors, will the would-be leaders in the congress, be as subservient to the bunglers as they have been up to this hour? _nov. ._--great and holy day! mcclellan gone overboard! better late than never. but this belated act of justice to the country cannot atone for all the deadly disasters, will not remove the fearful responsibility from lincoln-seward-blair, for having so long sustained this horrible vampire. now is seward's turn to jump. it must be acknowledged, in justice to the average of the better class of planters, that the superficial, sociable intercourse with them is more easy, and what is commonly considered more european, than is similar intercourse with any corresponding class in the north. therein consists the whole attraction exercised by the southerners on europeans visiting america--the diplomats included. i, for one, am always uneasy, anxious, as if touching hot iron, when in intercourse here with men with whom i am very intimate, (on the outside,) and who now are in power. i never felt so out of the track when--once--in intercourse with sovereigns, and with eminent men in europe. _nov. ._--general burnside succeeds to mcclellan--gives a military ovation to his predecessor. in his order of the day, burnside pays homage to mcclellan, and thus implicitly condemns the government. burnside permits mcclellan to issue such a parting word as must shake the army and the country. _nov. ._--the democrats nominate mcclellan for the next presidency. thus mr. lincoln's helplessness, seward's hatred of the republican creed, the treason, the imbecility, the intrigues of various others, the lack of civic energy in the new york republican press and in the republican politicians, except some repeatedly mentioned in this diary,--all this combined has built up a pedestal for such a mcclellan! strange and awful events may occur even before the end of mr. lincoln's administration. the democratic leaders are perverse, unprincipled, reckless, daring beyond conception; success is their creed, and no conscience, no honor restrain them; and in the management of the public opinion and of their party the democrats have evidenced a skill far above that of the republican leaders; further, the democrats evoke the vilest, the most brutish passions dormant in the masses; the democrats are supported by all that is brutal, savage, ignorant, and sordid; and, to crown and strengthen all, the democrats, united to romanist priesthood, rule over the irishry. and thus the relentless hatred with which the democrats persecute any elevated, noble, humane aspiration; the helplessness, the incapacity of the official and unofficial leaders of the republican party: both these agencies combined may deal such a blow to the pure and humane republican creed that it may not recover therefrom during the next twenty-five years. to sum up,-- _dictatorship with mcclellan_ seems to dawn upon the horizon; the smallest disaster--burnside, ah!--will precipitate the catastrophe. i pray to god (and for the first time) that i may be mistaken. the journey to the polar sea by sir john franklin everyman, i will go with thee, and be thy guide, in thy most need to go by thy side. (this is number of everyman's library) introduction by captain r.f. scott. john franklin, born in . many naval experiences, including trafalgar, before heading an expedition across northern canada in . elected f.r.s. and knighted after a second expedition. lieutenant-governor of van diemen's land, to . last expedition, , was lost, and franklin died in near the arctic. subsequent investigations have established him as the discoverer of the north-west passage. the journey to the polar sea. sir john franklin. introduction. in days of hurried action i have been astonished at the depth of interest which a re-perusal of this wonderful old narrative has held for me. wonderful it is in its simplicity and its revelation of the simplicity of character and faith of the man who wrote it. it is old only by comparison--scarcely ninety years have elapsed since the adventures it described were enacted--yet such a period has never held a fuller measure of change or more speedily passed current events into the limbo of the past. nothing could more vividly impress this change than the narrative itself. we are told that mr. beck missed his ship at yarmouth but succeeded in rejoining her at stromness, having travelled "nine successive days almost without rest." what a vision of post-chaises, sweating horses and heavy roads is suggested! and if the contrast with present-day conditions in our own islands is great, how much greater is it in that vast dominion through which franklin directed his pioneer footsteps. as he followed the lonely trails to fort cumberland, or sailed along the solitary shores of lake winnipeg, how little could he guess that in less than a century a hundred thousand inhabitants would dwell by the shore of the great lake, or that its primeval regions would one day provide largely the bread of his countrymen. there civilisation has followed fast indeed, and ever it presses forward on the tracks of the pioneer. but even today if we follow franklin we must come again to the wild--to the great barren lands and to the ice-bound limit of a continent--regions where for ninety years season has succeeded season without change--where few have passed since his day and nature alone holds sway. for those who would know what is as well as for those who would know what has been, this narrative still holds its original interest; all must appreciate that it records the work of a great traveller and a gallant man whose fame deserves to live. r.f. scott. ... sir john franklin's voyages into the polar seas: f.w. beechey: voyage of discovery toward the north pole in h.m. ships dorothea and trent (with summary of earlier attempts to reach the pacific by the north) . narrative of a journey to the shores of the polar sea, in the years to , by john franklin, , . narrative of a second expedition to the shores of the polar sea in the years to , by john franklin, . publications concerning the search for sir john franklin: report of the committee appointed by the lords commissioners of the admiralty to inquire into and report on the recent arctic expeditions in search of sir john franklin, . papers relative to the recent arctic expeditions in search of sir john franklin and the crews of h.m.s. erebus and terror, . further papers relative to the search, . r. king, the franklin expedition from first to last, . r. huish, recent expeditions to the polar regions, including all the voyages in search of sir j. franklin, . e.k. kane, arctic explorations, the second grinnell expedition in search of sir john franklin, . macclintock, the voyage of the fox in the arctic seas. a narrative of the discovery of the fate of sir john franklin, , , , . sir j. leslie, discovery and adventure in the polar seas, with a narrative of the recent expeditions in search of sir john franklin, . j.a. browne, the north-west passage, and the fate of sir john franklin, . sir allen m. young, the search for sir john franklin, etc., . schwatka's search, sledging in the arctic in search of franklin records, . the search for franklin. american expedition under lieutenant schwatka, to , . j.h. skewes, the true secret of the discovery of the fate of sir john franklin, . life: s. osborn, career, last voyage and fate of sir john franklin (once a week, ) . a brave man and his belongings, by a niece of the first mrs. franklin, . a.h. beesley, sir john franklin; the narrative of his life (the new plutarch) . a.h. markham (the world's great explorers) . g.b. smith, sir john franklin and the romance of the north-west passage, . h.d. traill, . h. harbour, arctic explorers, . e.c. buley, into the polar seas; the story of sir j. franklin, etc., . ... contents. introduction. chapter . departure from england. transactions at stromness. enter davis straits. perilous situation on the shore of resolution island. land on the coast of labrador. esquimaux of savage islands. york factory. preparations for the journey into the interior. chapter . passage up hayes, steel and hill rivers. cross swampy lake. jack river. knee lake and magnetic islet. trout river. holy lake. weepinapannis river. windy lake. white fall lake and river. echemamis and sea rivers. play green lakes. lake winnipeg. river saskatchewan. cross, cedar and pine island lakes. cumberland house. chapter . dr. richardson's residence at cumberland house. his account of the cree indians. chapter . leave cumberland house. mode of travelling in winter. arrival at carlton house. stone indians. visit to a buffalo pound. goitres. departure from carlton house. isle a la crosse. arrival at fort chipewyan. chapter . transactions at fort chipewyan. arrival of dr. richardson and mr. hood. preparations for our journey to the northward. chapter . mr. hood's journey to the basquiau hill. sojourns with an indian party. his journey to chipewyan. chapter . departure from chipewyan. difficulties of the various navigations of the rivers and lakes, and of the portages. slave lake and fort providence. scarcity of provisions, and discontent of the canadian voyagers. difficulties with regard to the indian guides. refusal to proceed. visit of observation to the upper part of copper-mine river. return to the winter quarters of fort enterprise. chapter . transactions at fort enterprise. mr. back's narrative of his journey to chipewyan, and return. chapter . continuation of proceedings at fort enterprise. some account of the copper indians. preparations for the journey to the northward. chapter . departure from fort enterprise. navigation of the copper-mine river. visit to the copper mountain. interview with the esquimaux. departure of the indian hunters. arrangements made with them for our return. chapter . navigation of the polar sea, in two canoes, as far as cape turnagain, to the eastward, a distance exceeding five hundred and fifty miles. observations on the probability of a north-west passage. chapter . journey across the barren grounds. difficulty and delay in crossing copper-mine river. melancholy and fatal results thereof. extreme misery of the whole party. murder of mr. hood. death of several of the canadians. desolate state of fort enterprise. distress suffered at that place. dr. richardson's narrative. mr. back's narrative. conclusion. ... introduction. his majesty's government having determined upon sending an expedition from the shores of hudson's bay by land to explore the northern coast of america from the mouth of the copper-mine river to the eastward, i had the honour to be appointed to this service by earl bathurst, on the recommendation of the lords commissioners of the admiralty; who at the same time nominated doctor john richardson, a surgeon in the royal navy, mr. george back, and mr. robert hood, two admiralty midshipmen, to be joined with me in the enterprise. my instructions in substance informed me that the main object of the expedition was that of determining the latitudes and longitudes of the northern coast of north america, and the trending of that coast from the mouth of the copper-mine river to the eastern extremity of that continent; that it was left for me to determine according to circumstances whether it might be most advisable to proceed at once directly to the northward till i arrived at the sea-coast, and thence westerly towards the copper-mine river; or advance in the first instance by the usual route to the mouth of the copper-mine river, and from thence easterly till i should arrive at the eastern extremity of that continent; that in the adoption of either of these plans i was to be guided by the advice and information which i should receive from the wintering servants of the hudson's bay company, who would be instructed by their employers to cooperate cordially in the prosecution of the objects of the expedition, and who would provide me with the necessary escort of indians to act as guides, interpreters, game-killers, etc.; and also with such articles of clothing, ammunition, snowshoes, presents, etc., as should be deemed expedient for me to take. that as another principal object of the expedition was to amend the very defective geography of the northern part of north america i was to be very careful to ascertain correctly the latitude and longitude of every remarkable spot upon our route, and of all the bays, harbours, rivers, headlands, etc., that might occur along the northern shore of north america. that in proceeding along the coast i should erect conspicuous marks at places where ships might enter, or to which a boat could be sent; and to deposit information as to the nature of the coast for the use of lieutenant parry. that in the journal of our route i should register the temperature of the air at least three times in every twenty-four hours; together with the state of the wind and weather and any other meteorological phenomena. that i should not neglect any opportunity of observing and noting down the dip and variation of the magnetic needle, and the intensity of the magnetic force; and should take particular notice whether any, and what kind or degree of, influence the aurora borealis might appear to exert on the magnetic needle; and to notice whether that phenomenon were attended with any noise; and to make any other observations that might be likely to tend to the further development of its cause and the laws by which it is governed. mr. back and mr. hood were to assist me in all the observations above-mentioned, and to make drawings of the land, of the natives, and of the various objects of natural history; and particularly of such as dr. richardson who, to his professional duties was to add that of naturalist, might consider to be most curious and interesting. i was instructed, on my arrival at or near the mouth of the copper-mine river, to make every inquiry as to the situation of the spot whence native copper had been brought down by the indians to the hudson's bay establishment, and to visit and explore the place in question; in order that dr. richardson might be enabled to make such observations as might be useful in a commercial point of view, or interesting to the science of mineralogy. from joseph berens, esquire, the governor of the hudson's bay company, and the gentlemen of the committee i received all kinds of assistance and information, communicated in the most friendly manner previous to my leaving england; and i had the gratification of perusing the orders to their agents and servants in north america, containing the fullest directions to promote by every means the progress of the expedition. i most cheerfully avail myself of this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to these gentlemen for their personal kindness to myself and the other officers, as well as for the benefits rendered by them to the expedition; and the same sentiment is due towards the gentlemen of the north-west company, both in england and america, more particularly to simon mcgillivray, esquire, of london, from whom i received much useful information and cordial letters of recommendation to the partners and agents of that company resident on our line of route. a short time before i left london i had the pleasure and advantage of an interview with the late sir alexander mackenzie who was one of the two persons who had visited the coast we were to explore. he afforded me, in the most open and kind manner, much valuable information and advice. the provisions, instruments, and other articles, of which i had furnished a list by direction of the lords commissioners of the admiralty, were embarked on board the hudson's bay company's ship prince of wales, appointed by the committee to convey the expedition to york factory, their principal establishment in hudson's bay. it will be seen in the course of the narrative how much reason i had to be satisfied with, and how great my obligations are to, all the gentlemen who were associated with me in the expedition, whose kindness, good conduct, and cordial cooperation have made an impression which can never be effaced from my mind. the unfortunate death of mr. hood is the only drawback which i feel from the otherwise unalloyed pleasure of reflecting on that cordial unanimity which at all times prevailed among us in the days of sunshine, and in those of sickness and sorrow. to dr. richardson in particular the exclusive merit is due of whatever collections and observations have been made in the department of natural history; and i am indebted to him in no small degree for his friendly advice and assistance in the preparation of the present narrative. the charts and drawings were made by lieutenant back and the late lieutenant hood. both these gentlemen cheerfully and ably assisted me in making the observations and in the daily conduct of the expedition. the observations made by mr. hood on the various phenomena presented by the aurora borealis* will it is presumed present to the reader some new facts connected with this meteor. mr. back was mostly prevented from turning his attention to objects of science by the many severe duties which were required of him and which obliged him to travel almost constantly every winter that we passed in america; to his personal exertions, indeed, our final safety is mainly to be attributed. and here i must be permitted to pay the tribute due to the fidelity, exertion and uniform good conduct in the most trying situations of john hepburn, an english seaman and our only attendant, to whom in the latter part of our journey we owe, under divine providence, the preservation of the lives of some of the party. (*footnote. given in the appendix to the quarto edition.) i ought perhaps to crave the reader's indulgence towards the defective style of this work, which i trust will not be refused when it is considered that mine has been a life of constant employment in my profession from a very early age. i have been prompted to venture upon the task solely by an imperious sense of duty when called upon to undertake it. in the ensuing narrative the notices of the moral condition of the indians as influenced by the conduct of the traders towards them refer entirely to the state in which it existed during our progress through the country; but lest i should have been mistaken respecting the views of the hudson's bay company on these points i gladly embrace the opportunity which a second edition affords me of stating that the junction of the two companies has enabled the directors to put in practice the improvements which i have reason to believe they had long contemplated. they have provided for religious instruction by the appointment of two clergymen of the established church under whose direction schoolmasters and mistresses are to be placed at such stations as afford the means of support for the establishment of schools. the offspring of the voyagers and labourers are to be educated chiefly at the expense of the company; and such of the indian children as their parents may wish to send to these schools are to be instructed, clothed, and maintained at the expense of the church missionary society which has already allotted a considerable sum for these purposes and has also sent out teachers who are to act under the superintendence of the reverend mr. west, the principal chaplain of the company. we had the pleasure of meeting this gentleman at york factory, and witnessed with peculiar delight that great benefit which already marked his zealous and judicious conduct. many of the traders and of the servants of the company had been induced to marry the women with whom they had cohabited; a material step towards the improvement of the females in that country. mr. west, under the sanction of the directors, has also promoted a subscription for the distribution of the bible in every part of the country where the company's fur trade has extended, and which has met with very general support from the resident chief factors, traders, and clerks. the directors of the company are continuing to reduce the distribution of spirits gradually among the indians, as well as towards their own servants, with a view to the entire disuse of them as soon as this most desirable object can be accomplished. they have likewise issued orders for the cultivation of the ground at each of the posts, by which means the residents will be far less exposed to famine whenever, through the scarcity of animals, the sickness of the indians, or any other cause, their supply of meat may fail. it is to be hoped that intentions, so dear to every humane and pious mind, will, through the blessing of god, meet with the utmost success. ... franklin's journey to the polar sea. chapter . departure from england. transactions at stromness. enter davis straits. perilous situation on the shore of resolution island. land on the coast of labrador. esquimaux of savage islands. york factory. preparations for the journey into the interior. departure from england. may, . on sunday the rd of may the whole of our party embarked at gravesend on board the ship prince of wales, belonging to the hudson's bay company, just as she was in the act of getting under weigh with her consorts the eddystone and wear. the wind being unfavourable on the ebb tide being finished, the vessels were again anchored; but they weighed in the night and beat down as far as the warp, where they were detained two days by a strong easterly wind. having learned from some of the passengers, who were the trading officers of the company, that the arrival of the ships at either of the establishments in hudson's bay gives full occupation to all the boatmen in their service, who are required to convey the necessary stores to the different posts in the interior; that it was very probable a sufficient number of men might not be procured from this indispensable duty; and, considering that any delay at york factory would materially retard our future operations, i wrote to the under secretary of state requesting his permission to provide a few well-qualified steersmen and bowmen at stromness to assist our proceedings in the former part of our journey into the interior. may . the easterly wind, which had retarded the ship's progress so much that we had only reached hollesley bay after a week's beating about, changed to west-south-west soon after that anchorage had been gained. the vessels instantly weighed and, by carrying all sail, arrived in yarmouth roads at seven p.m.; the pilots were landed and our course was continued through the anchorage. at midnight the wind became light and variable and gradually drew round to the north-west and, as the sky indicated unsettled weather and the wind blew from an unfavourable quarter for ships upon that coast, the commander bore up again for yarmouth and anchored at eight a.m. this return afforded us at least the opportunity of comparing the longitude of yarmouth church, as shown by our chronometers, with its position as laid down by the ordnance trigonometrical survey; and it was satisfactory to find, from the small difference in their results, that the chronometers had not experienced any alteration in their rates in consequence of their being changed from a horizontal position in a room to that of being carried in the pocket. an untoward circumstance while at this anchorage cast a damp on our party at this early period of the voyage. emboldened by the decided appearance of the north-west sky, several of our officers and passengers ventured on shore for a few hours; but we had not been long in the town before the wind changed suddenly to south-east, which caused instant motion in the large fleet collected at this anchorage. the commander of our ship intimated his intention of proceeding to sea by firing guns; and the passengers hastened to embark. mr. back however had unfortunately gone upon some business to a house two or three miles distant from yarmouth along the line of the coast; from whence he expected to be able to observe the first symptoms of moving which the vessels might make. by some accident however he did not make his appearance before the captain was obliged to make sail that he might get the ships through the intricate passage of the cockle gat before it was dark. fortunately, through the kindness of lieutenant hewit of the protector, i was enabled to convey a note to our missing companion, desiring him to proceed immediately by the coach to the pentland firth, and from thence across the passage to stromness, which appeared to be the only way of proceeding by which he could rejoin the party. transactions at stromness. june . the wind continuing favourable after leaving yarmouth, about nine this morning we passed the rugged and bold projecting rock termed johnny groat's house and soon afterwards duncansby head, and then entered the pentland firth. a pilot came from the main shore of scotland and steered the ship in safety between the different islands to the outer anchorage at stromness, though the atmosphere was too dense for distinguishing any of the objects on the land. almost immediately after the ship had anchored the wind changed to north-west, the rain ceased and a sight was then first obtained of the neighbouring islands and of the town of stromness, the latter of which from this point of view and at this distance presented a pleasing appearance. mr. geddes, the agent of the hudson's bay company at this place, undertook to communicate my wish for volunteer boatmen to the different parishes by a notice on the church door, which he said was the surest and most direct channel for the conveyance of information to the lower classes in these islands as they invariably attend divine service there every sunday. he informed me that the kind of men we were in want of would be difficult to procure on account of the very increased demand for boatmen for the herring fishery which had recently been established on the shores of these islands; that last year sixty boats and four hundred men only were employed in this service whereas now there were three hundred boats and twelve hundred men engaged; and that owing to this unexpected addition to the fishery he had been unable to provide the number of persons required for the service of the hudson's bay company. this was unpleasant information as it increased the apprehension of our being detained at york factory the whole winter if boatmen were not taken from hence. i could not therefore hesitate in requesting mr. geddes to engage eight or ten men well adapted for our service on such terms as he could procure them, though the secretary of state's permission had not yet reached me. next to a supply of boatmen our attention was directed towards the procuring of a house conveniently situated for trying the instruments and examining the rates of the chronometers. mr. geddes kindly offered one of his which, though in an unfinished state, was readily accepted, being well situated for our purpose as it was placed on an eminence, had a southern aspect, and was at a sufficient distance from the town to secure us from frequent interruption. another advantage was its proximity to the manse, the residence of the reverend mr. clouston, the worthy and highly respected minister of stromness whose kind hospitality and the polite attention of his family the party experienced almost daily during their stay. for three days the weather was unsettled and few observations could be made except for the dip of the needle which was ascertained to be degrees minutes seconds, on which occasion a difference of eight degrees and a half was perceived between the observations when the face of the instrument was changed from the east to the west, the amount being the greatest when it was placed with the face to the west. but on the th a westerly wind caused a cloudless sky which enabled us to place the transit instrument in the meridian and to ascertain the variation of the compass to be degrees minutes west. the sky becoming cloudy in the afternoon prevented our obtaining the corresponding observations to those gained in the morning; and the next day an impervious fog obscured the sky until noon. on the evening of this day we had the gratification of welcoming our absent companion mr. back. his return to our society was hailed with sincere pleasure by everyone and removed a weight of anxiety from my mind. it appears that he had come down to the beach at caistor just as the ships were passing by and had applied to some boatmen to convey him on board, which might have been soon accomplished but they, discovering the emergency of his case, demanded an exorbitant reward which he was not at the instant prepared to satisfy; and in consequence they positively refused to assist him. though he had travelled nine successive days, almost without rest, he could not be prevailed upon to withdraw from the agreeable scene of a ballroom in which he joined us until a late hour. on the th, the rain having ceased, the observations for ascertaining the dip of the needle were repeated; and the results compared with the former ones gave a mean of degrees minutes seconds. nearly the same differences were remarked in reversing the face of the instrument as before. an attempt was also made to ascertain the magnetic force but the wind blew too strong for procuring the observation to any degree of accuracy. the fineness of the following day induced us to set up the different instruments for examination and to try how nearly the observations made by each of them would agree; but a squall passed over just before noon, accompanied by heavy rain, and the hoped-for favourable opportunity was entirely lost. in the intervals between the observations, and at every opportunity, my companions were occupied in those pursuits to which their attention had been more particularly directed in my instructions. whilst dr. richardson was collecting and examining the various specimens of marine plants, of which these islands furnish an abundant and diversified supply, mr. back and mr. hood took views and sketches of the surrounding scenery which is extremely picturesque in many parts, and wants only the addition of trees to make it beautiful. the hills present the bold character of rugged sterility, whilst the valleys at this season are clothed with luxuriant verdure. it was not till the th that, by appointment, the boatmen were to assemble at the house of mr. geddes to engage to accompany the expedition. several persons collected but, to my great mortification, i found they were all so strongly possessed with the fearful apprehension either that great danger would attend the service, or that we should carry them further than they would agree to go, that not a single man would engage with us; some of them however said they would consider the subject and give me an answer on the following day. this indecisive conduct was extremely annoying to me especially as the next evening was fixed for the departure of the ships. at the appointed time on the following morning four men only presented themselves and these, after much hesitation, engaged to accompany the expedition to fort chipewyan if they should be required so far. the bowmen and steersmen were to receive forty pounds wages annually and the middle men thirty-five pounds. they stipulated to be sent back to the orkney islands free of expense and to receive their pay until the time of their arrival. only these few men could be procured although our requisition had been sent to almost every island, even as far as the northernmost point of ronaldsha. i was much amused with the extreme caution these men used before they would sign the agreement; they minutely scanned all our intentions, weighed every circumstance, looked narrowly into the plan of our route, and still more circumspectly to the prospect of return. such caution on the part of the northern mariners forms a singular contrast with the ready and thoughtless manner in which an english seaman enters upon any enterprise, however hazardous, without inquiring or desiring to know where he is going or what he is going about. the brig harmony, belonging to the moravian missionary society and bound to their settlement at nain on the coast of labrador, was lying at anchor. with the view of collecting some esquimaux words and sentences, or gaining any information respecting the manners and habits of that people, doctor richardson and myself paid her a visit. we found the passengers who were going out as missionaries extremely disposed to communicate; but as they only spoke the german and esquimaux languages, of which we were ignorant, our conversation was necessarily much confined; by the aid however of an esquimaux and german dictionary some few words were collected which we considered might be useful. there were on board a very interesting girl and a young man who were natives of disco in old greenland; both of them had fair complexions, rather handsome features, and a lively manner; the former was going to be married to a resident missionary and the latter to officiate in that character. the commander of the vessel gave me a translation of the gospel of st. john in the esquimaux language printed by the moravian society in london. june . the wind being unfavourable for sailing i went on shore with dr. richardson and took several lunar observations at the place of our former residence. the result obtained was latitude degrees minutes seconds north; longitude degrees minutes seconds west; variation degrees minutes west; dip of the magnetic needle degrees minutes seconds. in the afternoon the wind changed in a squall some points towards the north and the prince of wales made the preparatory signal for sea. at three p.m. the ships weighed, an hour too early for the tide; as soon as this served we entered into the passage between hoy and pomona, and had to beat through against a very heavy swell which the meeting of a weather tide and a strong breeze had occasioned. some dangerous rocks lie near the pomona shore and on this side also the tide appeared to run with the greatest strength. on clearing the outward projecting points of hoy and pomona we entered at once into the atlantic and commenced our voyage to hudson's bay, having the eddystone, wear and harmony, missionary brig, in company. the comparisons of the chronometers this day indicated that arnold's numbers and had slightly changed their rates since they had been brought on board; fortunately the rate of the former seems to have increased nearly in the same ratio as the other has lost, and the mean longitude will not be materially affected. being now fairly launched into the atlantic i issued a general memorandum for the guidance of the officers during the prosecution of the service on which we were engaged, and communicated to them the several points of information that were expected from us by my instructions. i also furnished them with copies of the signals which had been agreed upon between lieutenant parry and myself to be used in the event of our reaching the northern coast of america and falling in with each other. at the end of the month of june our progress was found to have been extremely slow owing to a determined north-west wind and much sea. we had numerous birds hovering round the ship; principally fulmars (procellaria glacialis) and shearwaters (procellaria puffinus) and not unfrequently saw shoals of grampusses sporting about, which the greenland seamen term finners from their large dorsal fin. some porpoises occasionally appeared and whenever they did the crew were sanguine in their expectation of having a speedy change in the wind which had been so vexatiously contrary but they were disappointed in every instance. thursday, july . the month of july set in more favourably; and aided by fresh breezes we advanced rapidly to the westward, attended daily by numerous fulmars and shearwaters. the missionary brig had parted company on the nd of june. we passed directly over that part of the ocean where the sunken land of buss is laid down in the old, and continued in the admiralty charts. mr. bell, the commander of the eddystone, informed me that the pilot who brought his ship down the thames told him that he had gained soundings in twelve feet somewhere hereabout; and i am rather inclined to attribute the very unusual and cross sea we had in this neighbourhood to the existence of a bank than to the effect of a gale of wind which we had just before experienced; and i cannot but regret that the commander of the ship did not try for soundings at frequent intervals. enter davis straits. by the th july we had opened the entrance of davis straits and in the afternoon spoke the andrew marvell, bound to england with a cargo of fourteen fish. the master informed us that the ice had been heavier this season in davis straits than he had ever recollected, and that it lay particularly close to the westward, being connected with the shore to the northward of resolution island and extending from thence within a short distance of the greenland coast; that whales had been abundant but the ice so extremely cross that few could be killed. his ship, as well as several others, had suffered material injury, and two vessels had been entirely crushed between vast masses of ice in latitude degrees minutes north, but the crews were saved. we inquired anxiously but in vain for intelligence respecting lieutenant parry and the ships under his command; but as he mentioned that the wind had been blowing strong from the northward for some time, which would probably have cleared baffin's bay of ice, we were disposed to hope favourably of his progress. the clouds assumed so much the appearance of icebergs this evening as to deceive most of the passengers and crew; but their imaginations had been excited by the intelligence we had received from the andrew marvell that she had only parted from a cluster of them two days previous to our meeting. on the th, being in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west and the weather calm, we tried our soundings but did not reach the bottom. the register thermometer was attached to the line just above the lead, and is supposed to have descended six hundred and fifty fathoms. a well-corked bottle was also fastened to the line two hundred fathoms above the lead and went down four hundred and fifty fathoms. the change in temperature shown by the register thermometer during the descent was from to . degrees; and it stood at the latter point when taken out of the tin case. the temperature of the water brought up in the bottle was degrees, being half a degree higher at four hundred and fifty than at six hundred and fifty fathoms and four degrees colder than the water at the surface which was then at degrees, whilst that of the air was degrees. this experiment in showing the water to be colder at a great depth than at the surface, and in proportion to the increase of the descent, coincides with the observations of captain ross and lieutenant parry on their late voyage to these seas, but is contrary to the results obtained by captain buchan and myself on our recent voyage to the north between spitzbergen and greenland, in which sea we invariably found the water brought from any great depth to be warmer than that at the surface. on the th we tacked to avoid an extensive stream of sailing ice. the temperature of the water fell to . degrees when we were near it, but was at degrees when at the distance of half a mile. the thermometer in the air remained steadily at degrees. thus the proximity of this ice was not so decidedly indicated by the decrease of the temperature of either the air or water as i have before witnessed, which was probably owing to the recent arrival of the stream at this point and its passing at too quick a rate for the effectual diffusion of its chilling influence beyond a short distance. still the decrease in both cases was sufficient to have given timely warning for a ship's performing any evolution that would have prevented the coming in contact with it had the thickness of the weather precluded a distant view of the danger. the approach to ice would be more evidently pointed out in the atlantic, or wherever the surface is not so continually chilled by the passing and the melting of ice as in this sea; and i should strongly recommend a strict hourly attention to the thermometrical state of the water at the surface in all parts where ships are exposed to the dangerous concussion of sailing icebergs, as a principal means of security. the following day our ship came near another stream of ice and the approach to it was indicated by a decrease of the temperature of the water at the surface from to degrees. a small pine-tree was picked up much shattered by the ice. in the afternoon of the th a very dense fog came on; and about six p.m. when sailing before a fresh breeze we were suddenly involved in a heavy stream of ice. considerable difficulty was experienced in steering through the narrow channels between the different masses in this foggy weather, and the ship received several severe blows. the water, as usual in the centre of the stream, was quite smooth, but we heard the waves beating violently against the outer edge of the ice. there was some earthy matter on several of the pieces, and the whole body bore the appearance of recent separation from the land. in the space of two hours we again got into the open sea, but had left our two consorts far behind; they followed our track by the guns we discharged. the temperature of the surface water was degrees when amongst the ice, degrees when just clear of it, and . degrees at two miles distant. on the th of august, when in latitude degrees minutes north, longitude degrees minutes west, we first fell in with large icebergs; and in the evening were encompassed by several of considerable magnitude, which obliged us to tack the ship in order to prevent our getting entangled amongst them. the estimated distance from the nearest part of the labrador coast was then eighty-eight miles; here we tried for soundings without gaining the bottom. the ship passed through some strong ripplings, which evidently indicated a current, but its direction was not ascertained. we found however by the recent observations that the ship had been set daily to the southward since we had opened davis straits. the variation of the compass was observed to be degrees minutes west. at nine p.m. brilliant coruscations of the aurora borealis appeared, of a pale ochre colour with a slight tinge of red, in an arched form, crossing the zenith from north-west to south-east, but afterwards they assumed various shapes and had a rapid motion. on the th of august a party of the officers endeavoured to get on one of the larger icebergs, but ineffectually, owing to the steepness and smoothness of its sides and the swell produced by its undulating motion. this was one of the largest we saw, and mr. hood ascertained its height to be one hundred and forty-nine feet; but these masses of ice are frequently magnified to an immense size through the illusive medium of a hazy atmosphere, and on this account their dimensions have often been exaggerated by voyagers. perilous situation on the shore of resolution island. in the morning of the th the island of resolution was indistinctly seen through the haze but was soon afterwards entirely hidden by a very dense fog. the favourable breeze subsided into a perfect calm and left the ship surrounded by loose ice. at this time the eddystone was perceived to be driving with rapidity towards some of the larger masses; the stern-boats of this ship and of the wear were despatched to assist in towing her clear of them. at ten a momentary clearness presented the land distinctly at the distance of two miles; the ship was quite unmanageable and under the sole governance of the currents which ran in strong eddies between the masses of ice. our consorts were also seen, the wear being within hail and the eddystone at a short distance from us. two attempts were ineffectually made to gain soundings, and the extreme density of the fog precluded us from any other means of ascertaining the direction in which we were driving until half-past twelve when we had the alarming view of a barren rugged shore within a few yards towering over the mastheads. almost instantly afterwards the ship struck violently on a point of rocks projecting from the island; and the ship's side was brought so near to the shore that poles were prepared to push her off. this blow displaced the rudder and raised it several inches but it fortunately had been previously confined by tackles. a gentle swell freed the ship from this perilous situation but the current hurried us along in contact with the rocky shore and the prospect was most alarming. on the outward bow was perceived a rugged and precipitous cliff whose summit was hid in the fog, and the vessel's head was pointed towards the bottom of a small bay into which we were rapidly driving. there now seemed to be no probability of escaping shipwreck, being without wind and having the rudder in its present useless state; the only assistance was that of a boat employed in towing which had been placed in the water between the ship and the shore at the imminent risk of its being crushed. the ship again struck in passing over a ledge of rocks and happily the blow replaced the rudder, which enabled us to take advantage of a light breeze and to direct the ship's head without the projecting cliff. but the breeze was only momentary and the ship was a third time driven on shore on the rocky termination of the cliff. here we remained stationery for some seconds and with little prospect of being removed from this perilous situation; but we were once more extricated by the swell from this ledge also and carried still farther along the shore. the coast became now more rugged and our view of it was terminated by another high projecting point on the starboard bow. happily, before we had reached it, a light breeze enabled us to turn the ship's head to seaward and we had the gratification to find, when the sails were trimmed, that she drew off the shore. we had made but little progress however when she was violently forced by the current against a large iceberg lying aground. our prospect was now more alarming than at any preceding period; and it would be difficult for me to portray the anxiety and dismay depicted on the countenances of the female passengers and children who were rushing on deck in spite of the endeavours of the officers to keep them below, out of the danger which was apprehended if the masts should be carried away. after the first concussion the ship was driven along the steep and rugged side of this iceberg with such amazing rapidity that the destruction of the masts seemed inevitable, and everyone expected we should again be forced on the rocks in the most disabled state; but we providentially escaped this perilous result, which must have been decisive. the dense fog now cleared away for a short time and we discovered the eddystone close to some rocks, having three boats employed in towing; but the wear was not visible. our ship received water very fast; the pumps were instantly manned and kept in continual use, and signals of distress were made to the eddystone, whose commander promptly came on board and then ordered to our assistance his carpenter and all the men he could spare together with the carpenter and boat's crew of the wear, who had gone on board the eddystone in the morning and were prevented from returning to their own vessel by the fog. as the wind was increasing and the sky appeared very unsettled it was determined the eddystone should take the ship in tow, that the undivided attention of the passengers and crew might be directed to pumping and clearing the holds to examine whether there was a possibility of stopping the leak. we soon had reason to suppose the principal injury had been received from a blow near the stern-post, and after cutting away part of the ceiling the carpenters endeavoured to stop the rushing in of the water by forcing oakum between the timbers; but this had not the desired effect and the leak, in spite of all our efforts at the pumps, increased so much that parties of the officers and passengers were stationed to bail out the water in buckets at different parts of the hold. a heavy gale came on, blowing from the land, as the night advanced; the sails were split, the ship was encompassed by heavy ice and, in forcing through a closely-connected stream, the tow-rope broke and obliged us to take a portion of the seamen from the pumps and appoint them to the management of the ship. fatigue indeed had caused us to relax in our exertions at the pumps during a part of the night of the th, and on the following morning upwards of five feet of water was found in the well. renewed exertions were now put forth by every person, and before eight a.m. the water was so much reduced as to enable the carpenters to get at other defective places; but the remedies they could apply were insufficient to repress the water from rushing in, and our labours could but just keep the ship in the same state throughout the day until six p.m.; when the strength of everyone began to fail the expedient of thrusting in felt, as well as oakum, was resorted to, and a plank nailed over all. after this operation a perceptible diminution in the water was made and, being encouraged by the change, we put forth our utmost exertion in bailing and pumping; and before night to our infinite joy the leak was so overpowered that the pumps were only required to be used at intervals of ten minutes. a sail covered with every substance that could be carried into the leaks by the pressure of the water was drawn under the quarter of the ship and secured by ropes on each side. as a matter of precaution in the event of having to abandon the ship, which was for some time doubtful, the elderly women and children were removed to the eddystone when the wind was moderate this afternoon, but the young women remained to assist at the pumps, and their services were highly valuable, both for their personal labour and for the encouragement their example and perseverance gave to the men. at daylight on the th every eye was anxiously cast around the horizon in search of the wear but in vain; and the recollection of our own recent peril caused us to entertain considerable apprehensions for her safety. this anxiety quickened our efforts to exchange our shattered sails for new ones that the ship might be got as speedily as possible near to the land, which was but just in sight, and a careful search be made for her along the coast. we were rejoiced to find that our leak did not increase by carrying sail, and we ventured in the evening to remove the sail which had been placed under the part where the injury had been received as it greatly impeded our advance. we passed many icebergs on the th and in the evening we tacked from a level field of ice which extended northward as far as the eye could reach. our leak remained in the same state; the pumps discharged in three minutes the quantity of water which had been received in fifteen. land on the coast of labrador. the ship could not be got near to the land before the afternoon of the th. at four p.m. we hove to, opposite to and about five miles distant from the spot on which we had first struck on saturday. every glass was directed along the shore (as they had been throughout the day) to discover any trace of our absent consort; but as none was seen our solicitude respecting her was much increased, and we feared the crew might be wrecked on this inhospitable shore. guns were frequently fired to apprise any who might be near of our approach; but as no one appeared and no signal was returned and the loose ice was setting down towards the ship we bore up to proceed to the next appointed rendezvous. at eight p.m. we were abreast of the south-west end of the island called cape resolution, which is a low point but indicated at a distance by a lofty round-backed hill that rises above it. we entered hudson's straits soon afterwards. the coast of resolution island should be approached with caution as the tides appear to be strong and uncertain in their course. some dangerous rocks lie above and below the water's edge at the distance of five or six miles from east bluff bearing south degrees east. august . having had a fresh gale through the night we reached saddleback island by noon--the place of rendezvous; and looked anxiously but in vain for the wear. several guns were fired, supposing she might be hid from our view by the land; but as she did not appear captain davidson, having remained two hours, deemed further delay inexpedient and bore up to keep the advantage of the fair wind. the outline of this island is rugged; the hummock on its northern extremity appeared to me to resemble a decayed martello tower more than a saddle. azimuths were obtained this evening that gave the variation degrees minutes west, which is greater than is laid down in the charts, or than the officers of hudson's bay ships have been accustomed to allow. esquimaux of savage islands. we arrived abreast of the upper savage island early in the morning and, as the breeze was moderate, the ship was steered as near to the shore as the wind would permit to give the esquimaux inhabitants an opportunity of coming off to barter, which they soon embraced. their shouts at a distance intimated their approach some time before we descried the canoes paddling towards us; the headmost of them reached us at eleven; these were quickly followed by others, and before noon about forty canoes, each holding one man, were assembled around the two ships. in the afternoon when we approached nearer to the shore five or six larger ones containing the women and children came up. the esquimaux immediately evinced their desire to barter and displayed no small cunning in making their bargains, taking care not to exhibit too many articles at first. their principal commodities were oil, sea-horse teeth, whalebone, seal-skin dresses, caps and boots, deerskins and horns, and models of their canoes; and they received in exchange small saws, knives, nails, tin-kettles, and needles. it was pleasing to behold the exultation and to hear the shouts of the whole party when an acquisition was made by any one; and not a little ludicrous to behold the eagerness with which the fortunate person licked each article with his tongue on receiving it, as a finish to the bargain and an act of appropriation. they in no instance omitted this strange practice, however small the article; the needles even passed individually through the ceremony. the women brought imitations of men, women, animals, and birds, carved with labour and ingenuity out of sea-horse teeth. the dresses and the figures of the animals were not badly executed, but there was no attempt at the delineation of the countenances; and most of the figures were without eyes, ears and fingers, the execution of which would perhaps have required more delicate instruments than they possess. the men set most value on saws; kutteeswabak, the name by which they distinguish them, was a constant cry. knives were held next in estimation. an old sword was bartered from the eddystone and i shall long remember the universal burst of joy on the happy man's receiving it. it was delightful to witness the general interest excited by individual acquisitions. there was no desire shown by anyone to over-reach his neighbour, or to press towards any part of the ship where a bargain was making until the person in possession of the place had completed his exchange and removed; and if any article happened to be demanded from the outer canoes the men nearest assisted willingly in passing the thing across. supposing the party to belong to one tribe the total number of the tribe must exceed two hundred persons, as there were probably one hundred and fifty around the ships, and few of these were elderly persons or male children. their faces were broad and flat, the eyes small. the men were in general stout. some of the younger women and the children had rather pleasing countenances, but the difference between these and the more aged of that sex bore strong testimony to the effects which a few years produce in this ungenial climate. most of the party had sore eyes, all of them appeared of a plethoric habit of body; several were observed bleeding at the nose during their stay near the ship. the men's dresses consisted of a jacket of seal-skin, the trousers of bear-skin, and several had caps of the white fox-skin. the female dresses were made of the same materials but differently shaped, having a hood in which the infants were carried. we thought their manner very lively and agreeable. they were fond of mimicking our speech and gestures; but nothing afforded them greater amusement than when we attempted to retaliate by pronouncing any of their words. the canoes were of seal-skin and similar in every respect to those used by the esquimaux in greenland; they were generally new and very complete in their appointments. those appropriated to the women are of ruder construction and only calculated for fine weather; they are however useful vessels, being capable of containing twenty persons with their luggage. an elderly man officiates as steersman and the women paddle, but they have also a mast which carries a sail made of dressed whale-gut. when the women had disposed of all their articles of trade they resorted to entreaty; and the putting in practice many enticing gestures was managed with so much address as to procure them presents of a variety of beads, needles, and other articles in great demand among females. it is probable these esquimaux go from this shore to some part of labrador to pass the winter, as parties of them have been frequently seen by the homeward-bound hudson's bay ships in the act of crossing the strait. they appear to speak the same language as the tribe of esquimaux who reside near to the moravian settlements in labrador: for we perceived they used several of the words which had been given to us by the missionaries at stromness. towards evening the captain, being desirous to get rid of his visitors, took an effectual method by tacking from the shore; our friends then departed apparently in high glee at the harvest they had reaped. they paddled away very swiftly and would doubtless soon reach the shore though it was distant ten or twelve miles. not having encountered any of the ice which usually arrests the progress of ships in their outward passage through the straits, and being consequently deprived of the usual means of replenishing our stock of water which had become short, the captain resolved on going to the coast of labrador for a supply. dr. richardson and i gladly embraced this opportunity to land and examine this part of the coast. i was also desirous to observe the variation on shore as the azimuths which had been taken on board both ships since our entrance into the straits had shown a greater amount than we had been led to expect; but unluckily the sun became obscured. the beach consisted of large rolled stones of gneiss and sienite, amongst which many pieces of ice had grounded, and it was with difficulty that we effected a landing in a small cove under a steep cliff. these stones were worn perfectly smooth; neither in the interstices nor at the bottom of the water, which was very clear, were there any vestiges of seaweed. the cliff was from forty to fifty feet high and quite perpendicular, and had at its base a small slip of soil formed of the debris of a bed of clay-slate. from this narrow spot dr. richardson collected specimens of thirty different species of plants; and we were about to scramble up a shelving part of the rock and go into the interior when we perceived the signal of recall which the master had caused to be made in consequence of a sudden change in the appearance of the weather. on the evening of the th we passed digge's islands, the termination of hudson's strait. here the eddystone parted company, being bound to moose factory at the bottom of the bay. a strong north wind came on, which prevented our getting round the north end of mansfield; and as it continued to blow with equal strength for the next five days we were most vexatiously detained in beating along the labrador coast and near the dangerous chain of islands, the sleepers, which are said to extend from the latitude of degrees minutes to degrees minutes north. the press of sail which of necessity we carried caused the leak to increase and the pumps were kept in constant use. a favouring wind at length enabled us on the th to shape our course across hudson's bay. nothing worthy of remark occurred during this passage except the rapid decrease in the variation of the magnetic needle. the few remarks respecting the appearance of the land which we were able to make in our quick passage through these straits were transmitted to the admiralty; but as they will not be interesting to the general reader, and may not be sufficiently accurate for the guidance of the navigator, they are omitted in this narrative. york factory. on the th we discovered the land to the southward of cape tatnam, which is so extremely low that the tops of the trees were first discerned; the soundings at the time were seventeen fathoms, which gradually decreased to five as the shore was approached. cape tatnam is not otherwise remarkable than as being the point from which the coast inclines rather more to the westward towards york factory. the opening of the morning of the th presented to our view the anchorage at york flats, and the gratifying sight of a vessel at anchor, which we recognised after an anxious examination to be the wear. a strong breeze blowing from the direction of the flats caused the water to be more shallow than usual on the sandy bar which lies on the seaward side of the anchorage, and we could not get over it before two p.m. when the tide was nearly at its height. immediately after our arrival mr. williams, the governor of the hudson's bay company's posts, came on board accompanied by the commander of the wear. the pleasure we felt in welcoming the latter gentleman can easily be imagined when it is considered what reason we had to apprehend that he and his crew had been numbered with the dead. we learned that one of the larger masses of ice had providentially drifted between the vessel's side and the rocks just at the time he expected to strike, to which he secured it until a breeze sprang up and enabled him to pursue his voyage. preparations for the journey into the interior. the governor acquainted me that he had received information from the committee of the hudson's bay company of the equipment of the expedition, and that the officers would come out in their first ship. in the evening dr. richardson, mr. hood, and i accompanied him to york factory which we reached after dark; it is distant from the flats seven miles. early next morning the honour of a salute was conferred on the members of the expedition. having communicated to the governor the objects of the expedition, and that i had been directed to consult with him and the senior servants of the company as to the best mode of proceeding towards the execution of the service, i was gratified by his assurance that his instructions from the committee directed that every possible assistance should be given to forward our progress, and that he should feel peculiar pleasure in performing this part of his duty. he introduced me at once to messrs. charles, swaine, and snodie, masters of districts who, from long residence in the country, were perfectly acquainted with the different modes of travelling, and the obstructions which might be anticipated. at the desire of these gentlemen i drew up a series of questions respecting the points on which we required information; to which two days afterwards they had the kindness to return very explicit and satisfactory answers; and on receiving them i requested the governor to favour me with his sentiments on the same subject in writing, which he delivered to me on the following day. having learned that messrs. shaw, mctavish, and several other partners of the north-west company were under detention at this place we took the earliest opportunity of visiting them; when, having presented the general circular and other introductory letters with which i had been furnished by their agent mr. simon mcgillivray, we received from them the most friendly and full assurance of the cordial endeavours of the wintering partners of their company to promote the interests of the expedition. the knowledge we had now gained of the state of the violent commercial opposition existing in the country rendered this assurance highly gratifying; and these gentlemen added to the obligation by freely communicating that information respecting the interior of the country which their intelligence and long residence so fully qualified them to give. i deemed it expedient to issue a memorandum to the officers of the expedition strictly prohibiting any interference whatever in the existing quarrels, or any that might arise, between the two companies; and on presenting it to the principals of both the parties they expressed their satisfaction at the step i had taken. the opinions of all the gentlemen were so decidedly in favour of the route by cumberland house and through the chain of posts to the great slave lake that i determined on pursuing it, and immediately communicated my intention to the governor with a request that he would furnish me with the means of conveyance for the party as speedily as possible. it was suggested in my instructions that we might probably procure a schooner at this place to proceed north as far as wager bay; but the vessel alluded to was lying at moose factory, completely out of repair; independently of which the route directly to the northward was rendered impracticable by the impossibility of procuring hunters and guides on the coast. i found that, as the esquimaux inhabitants had left churchill a month previous to our arrival, no interpreter from that quarter could be procured before their return in the following spring. the governor however undertook to forward to us, next season, the only one amongst them who understood english, if he could be induced to go. the governor selected one of the largest of the company's boats for our use on the journey, and directed the carpenters to commence refitting it immediately; but he was only able to furnish us with a steersman; and we were obliged to make up the rest of the crew with the boatmen brought from stromness and our two attendants. york factory, the principal depot of the hudson's bay company, stands on the west bank of hayes river, about five miles above its mouth, on the marshy peninsula which separates the hayes and nelson rivers. the surrounding country is flat and swampy and covered with willows, poplars, larch, spruce, and birch-trees; but the requisition for fuel has expended all the wood in the vicinity of the fort and the residents have now to send for it to a considerable distance. the soil is alluvial clay and contains imbedded rolled stones. though the bank of the river is elevated about twenty feet it is frequently overflown by the spring floods, and large portions are annually carried away by the disruption of the ice which, grounding in the stream, have formed several muddy islands. these interruptions, together with the various collection of stones that are hid at high-water, render the navigation of the river difficult; but vessels of two hundred tons burden may be brought through the proper channels as high as the factory. the principal buildings are placed in the form of a square having an octagonal court in the centre; they are two storeys in height and have flat roofs covered with lead. the officers dwell in one portion of this square, and in the other parts the articles of merchandise are kept: the workshops, storehouses for the furs, and the servants' houses are ranged on the outside of the square, and the whole is surrounded by a stockade twenty feet high. a platform is laid from the house to the pier on the bank for the convenience of transporting the stores and furs, which is the only promenade the residents have on this marshy spot during the summer season. the few indians who now frequent this establishment belong to the swampy crees. there were several of them encamped on the outside of the stockade. their tents were rudely constructed by tying twenty or thirty poles together at the top, and spreading them out at the base so as to form a cone; these were covered with dressed moose-skins. the fire is placed in the centre and a hole is left for the escape of the smoke. the inmates had a squalid look and were suffering under the combined afflictions of the whooping-cough and measles; but even these miseries did not keep them from an excessive indulgence in spirits, which they unhappily can procure from the traders with too much facility; and they nightly serenaded us with their monotonous drunken songs. their sickness at this time was particularly felt by the traders, this being the season of the year when the exertion of every hunter is required to procure their winter's stock of geese, which resort in immense flocks to the extensive flats in this neighbourhood. these birds during the summer retire far to the north and breed in security; but when the approach of winter compels them to seek a more southern climate they generally alight on the marshes of this bay and fatten there for three weeks or a month before they take their final departure from the country. they also make a short halt at the same spots in their progress northwards in the spring. their arrival is welcomed with joy, and the goose hunt is one of the most plentiful seasons of the year. the ducks frequent the swamps all the summer. the weather was extremely unfavourable for celestial observations during our stay, and it was only by watching the momentary appearances of the sun that we were enabled to obtain fresh rates for the chronometers and allow for their errors from greenwich time. the dip of the needle was observed to be degrees minutes seconds, and the difference produced by reversing the face of the instrument was degrees minutes seconds. a succession of fresh breezes prevented our ascertaining the intensity of the magnetic force. the position of york factory by our observations is in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes west. the variation of the compass degrees minutes seconds east. chapter . passage up hayes, steel and hill rivers. cross swampy lake. jack river. knee lake and magnetic islet. trout river. holy lake. weepinapannis river. windy lake. white fall lake and river. echemamis and sea rivers. play green lakes. lake winnipeg. river saskatchewan. cross, cedar and pine island lakes. cumberland house. passage up hayes, steel, and hill rivers. september . on the th of september, our boat being completed, arrangements were made for our departure as soon as the tide should serve. but when the stores were brought down to the beach it was found that the boat would not contain them all. the whole therefore of the bacon and part of the flour, rice, tobacco, and ammunition were returned into the store. the bacon was too bulky an article to be forwarded under any circumstances; but the governor undertook to forward the rest next season. in making the selection of articles to carry with us i was guided by the judgment of governor williams who assured me that tobacco, ammunition, and spirits could be procured in the interior, otherwise i should have been very unwilling to have left these essential articles behind. we embarked at noon and were honoured with a salute of eight guns and three cheers from the governor and all the inmates of the fort who had assembled to witness our departure. we gratefully returned their cheers and then made sail, much delighted at having now commenced our voyage into the interior of america. the wind and tide failing us at the distance of six miles above the factory, and the current being too rapid for using oars to advantage, the crew had to commence tracking, or dragging the boat by a line to which they were harnessed. this operation is extremely laborious in these rivers. our men were obliged to walk along the steep declivity of a high bank, rendered at this season soft and slippery by frequent rains, and their progress was often further impeded by fallen trees which, having slipped from the verge of the thick wood above, hung on the face of the bank in a great variety of directions. notwithstanding these obstacles we advanced at the rate of two miles an hour, one-half of the crew relieving the other at intervals of an hour and a half. the banks of the river and its islands, composed of alluvial soil, are well covered with pines, larches, poplars, and willows. the breadth of the stream some distance above the factory is about half a mile, and its depth during this day's voyage varied from three to nine feet. at sunset we landed and pitched the tent for the night, having made a progress of twelve miles. a large fire was quickly kindled, supper speedily prepared and as readily despatched, when we retired with our buffalo robes on and enjoyed a night of sound repose. it may here be stated that the survey of the river was made by taking the bearings of every point with a pocket compass, estimating the distances, and making a connected eye-sketch of the whole. this part of the survey was allotted to messrs. back and hood conjointly: mr. hood also protracted the route every evening on a ruled map, after the courses and distances had been corrected by observations for latitude and longitude taken by myself as often as the weather would allow. the extraordinary talent of this young officer in this line of service proved of the greatest advantage to the expedition, and he continued to perform that duty until his lamented death with a degree of zeal and accuracy that characterised all his pursuits. the next morning our camp was in motion at five a.m., and we soon afterwards embarked with the flattering accompaniment of a fair wind: it proved however too light to enable us to stem the stream, and we were obliged to resume the fatiguing operation of tracking; sometimes under cliffs so steep that the men could scarcely find a footing, and not unfrequently over spots rendered so miry by the small streams that trickled from above as to be almost impassable. in the course of the day we passed the scene of a very melancholy accident. some years ago two families of indians, induced by the flatness of a small beach which lay betwixt the cliff and the river, chose it as the site of their encampment. they retired quietly to rest, not aware that the precipice, detached from the bank and urged by an accumulation of water in the crevice behind, was tottering to its base. it fell during the night and the whole party was buried under its ruins. the length of our voyage today was in a direct line sixteen miles and a quarter on a south-south-west course. we encamped soon after sunset and the tent was scarcely pitched when a heavy rain began, which continued all night. sixteen miles on the th and five on the following morning brought us to the commencement of hayes river which is formed by the confluence of the shamattawa and steel rivers. our observations place this spot in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minute seconds west. it is forty-eight miles and a half from york factory including the windings of the river. steel river, through which our course lay, is about three hundred yards wide at its mouth; its banks have more elevation than those of hayes river, but they shelve more gradually down to the stream and afford a tolerably good towing path, which compensates in some degree for the rapids and frequent shoals that impede its navigation. we succeeded in getting about ten miles above the mouth of the river before the close of day compelled us to disembark. we made an effort on the morning of the th to stem the current under sail but, as the course of the river was very serpentine, we found that greater progress could be made by tracking. steel river presents much beautiful scenery; it winds through a narrow but well wooded valley which at every turn disclosed to us an agreeable variety of prospect, rendered more picturesque by the effect of the season on the foliage, now ready to drop from the trees. the light yellow of the fading poplars formed a fine contrast to the dark evergreen of the spruce, whilst the willows of an intermediate hue served to shade the two principal masses of colour into each other. the scene was occasionally enlivened by the bright purple tints of the dogwood, blended with the browner shades of the dwarf birch and frequently intermixed with the gay yellow flowers of the shrubby cinquefoil. with all these charms the scene appeared desolate from the want of human species. the stillness was so great that even the twittering of the whiskey-johneesh, or cinereous crow caused us to start. our voyage today was sixteen miles on a south-west course. september . we had much rain during the night and also in the morning, which detained us in our encampment later than usual. we set out as soon as the weather cleared up and in a short time arrived at the head of steel river where it is formed by the junction of fox and hill rivers. these two rivers are nearly of equal width but the latter is the most rapid. mr. mcdonald, on his way to red river in a small canoe manned by two indians, overtook us at this place. it may be mentioned as a proof of the dexterity of the indians and the skill with which they steal upon their game that they had on the preceding day, with no other arms than a hatchet, killed two deer, a hawk, a curlew, and a sturgeon. three of the company's boats joined us in the course of the morning and we pursued our course up hill river in company. the water in this river was so low and the rapids so bad that we were obliged several times in the course of the day to jump into the water and assist in lifting the boat over the large stones which impeded the navigation. the length of our voyage today was only six miles and three-quarters. the four boats commenced operations together at five o'clock the following morning but, our boat being overladen, we soon found that we were unable to keep pace with the others; and therefore proposed to the gentlemen in charge of the company's boats that they should relieve us of part of our cargo. this they declined doing under the plea of not having received orders to that effect, notwithstanding that the circular with which i was furnished by governor williams strictly enjoined all the company's servants to afford us every assistance. in consequence of this refusal we dropped behind, and our steersman, who was inexperienced, being thus deprived of the advantage of observing the route followed by the guide, who was in the foremost boat, frequently took a wrong channel. the tow-line broke twice and the boat was only prevented from going broadside down the stream and breaking to pieces against the stones by the officers and men leaping into the water and holding her head to the current until the line could be carried again to the shore. it is but justice to say that in these trying situations we received much assistance from mr. thomas swaine who with great kindness waited for us with the boat under his charge at such places as he apprehended would be most difficult to pass. we encamped at sunset, completely jaded with toil. our distance made good this day was twelve miles and a quarter. the labours of the th commenced at half-past five, and for some time the difficulty of getting the boats over the rapids was equal to what we experienced the day before. having passed a small brook however, termed halfway creek, the river became deeper and although rapid it was smooth enough to be named by our orkney boatmen stillwater. we were further relieved by the company's clerks consenting to take a few boxes of our stores into their boats. still we made only eleven miles in the course of the day. the banks of hill river are higher and have a more broken outline than those of steel or hayes rivers. the cliffs of alluvial clay rose in some places to the height of eighty or ninety feet above the stream and were surmounted by hills about two hundred feet high, but the thickness of the wood prevented us from seeing far beyond the mere banks of the river. september . about half-past five in the morning we commenced tracking and soon came to a ridge of rock which extended across the stream. from this place the boat was dragged up several narrow rocky channels until we came to the rock portage where the stream, pent in by a range of small islands, forms several cascades. in ascending the river the boats with their cargoes are carried over one of the islands, but in the descent they are shot down the most shelving of the cascades. having performed the operations of carrying, launching, and restowing the cargo we plied the oars for a short distance and landed at a depot called rock house. here we were informed that the rapids in the upper parts of hill river were much worse and more numerous than those we had passed, particularly in the present season owing to the unusual lowness of the water. this intelligence was very mortifying, especially as the gentlemen in charge of the company's boats declared that they were unable to carry any part of our stores beyond this place; and the traders, guides, and most experienced of the boatmen were of opinion that, unless our boat was still further lightened, the winter would put a stop to our progress before we could reach cumberland house or any eligible post. sixteen pieces we therefore necessarily left with mr. bunn, the gentleman in charge of the post, to be forwarded by the athabasca canoes next season, this being their place of rendezvous. after this we recommenced our voyage and, having pulled nearly a mile, arrived at borrowick's fall, where the boat was dragged up with a line after part of the cargo had been carried over a small portage. from this place to the mud portage, a distance of a mile and three-quarters, the boats were pushed on with poles against a very rapid stream. here we encamped, having come seven miles during the day on a south-west course. we had several snow showers in the course of the day and the thermometer at bedtime stood at degrees. on the morning of the th the country was clothed in the livery of winter, a heavy fall of snow having taken place during the night. we embarked at the usual hour and in the course of the day crossed the point of rocks and brassa portages and dragged the boats through several minor rapids. in this tedious way we only made good about nine miles. on sunday the th we hauled the boats up several short rapids or, as the boatmen term them, expressively enough, spouts, and carried them over the portages of lower burntwood and morgan's rocks, on the latter of which we encamped, having proceeded during the whole day only one mile and three-quarters. the upper part of hill river swells out considerably, and at morgan's rocks where it is three-quarters of a mile wide we were gratified with a more extensive prospect of the country than any we had enjoyed since leaving york factory. the banks of the river here, consisting of low flat rocks with intermediate swamps, permitted us to obtain views of the interior, the surface of which is broken into a multitude of cone-shaped hills. the highest of these hills, which gives a name to the river, has an elevation not exceeding six hundred feet. from its summit thirty-six lakes are said to be visible. the beauty of the scenery, dressed in the tints of autumn, called forth our admiration and was the subject of mr. hood's accurate pencil. on the th we passed upper burntwood and rocky ledge portages besides several strong spouts; and in the evening arrived at smooth rock portage where we encamped, having come three miles and a half. it is not easy for any but an eye-witness to form an adequate idea of the exertions of the orkney boatmen in the navigation of this river. the necessity they are under of frequently jumping into the water to lift the boats over the rocks compels them to remain the whole day in wet clothes at a season when the temperature is far below the freezing-point. the immense loads too which they carry over the portages is not more a matter of surprise than the alacrity with which they perform these laborious duties. cross swampy lake. at six on the morning of the st we left our encampment and soon after arrived at the mossy portage where the cargoes were carried through a deep bog for a quarter of a mile. the river swells out above this portage to the breadth of several miles and as the islands are numerous there are a great variety of channels. night overtook us before we arrived at the second portage, so named from its being the second in the passage down the river. our whole distance this day was one mile and a quarter. on the nd our route led us amongst many wooded islands which, lying in long vistas, produced scenes of much beauty. in the course of the day we crossed the upper portage, surmounted the devil's landing place, and urged the boat with poles through groundwater creek. at the upper end of this creek, our bowman having given the boat too great a sheer to avoid a rock, it was caught on the broadside by the current and in defiance of our utmost exertions hurried down the rapid. fortunately however it grounded against a rock high enough to prevent the current from oversetting it, and the crews of the other boats having come to our assistance we succeeded after several trials in throwing a rope to them with which they dragged our almost sinking vessel stern foremost up the stream and rescued us from our perilous situation. we encamped in the dusk of evening amidst a heavy thunderstorm, having advanced two miles and three-quarters. about ten in the morning of the rd we arrived at the dramstone which is hailed with pleasure by the boats' crews as marking the termination of the laborious ascent of hill river. we complied with the custom from whence it derives its name and soon after landing upon sail island prepared breakfast. in the meantime our boatmen cut down and rigged a new mast, the old one having been thrown overboard at the mouth of steel river, where it ceased to be useful. we left sail island with a fair wind and soon afterwards arrived at a depot situated on swampy lake where we received a supply of mouldy pemmican.* mr. calder and his attendant were the only tenants of this cheerless abode, and their only food was the wretched stuff with which they supplied us, the lake not yielding fish at this season. (*footnote. buffalo meat, dried and pounded and mixed with melted fat.) jack river. after a short delay at this post we sailed through the remainder of swampy lake and slept at the lower portage in jack river; the distance sailed today being sixteen miles and a half. jack river is only eight miles long but, being full of bad rapids, it detained us considerably. at seven in the morning of the th we crossed the long portage where the woods, having caught fire in the summer, were still smoking. this is a common accident owing to the neglect of the indians and voyagers in not putting out their fires, and in a dry season the woods may be seen blazing to the extent of many miles. we afterwards crossed the second, or swampy, portage and in the evening encamped on the upper portage, where we were overtaken by an indian bringing an answer from governor williams to a letter i had written to him on the th in which he renewed his injunctions to the gentlemen of the boats accompanying us to afford us every assistance in their power. the aurora borealis appeared this evening in form of a bright arch extending across the zenith in a north-west and south-east direction. the extent of our voyage today was two miles. knee lake and magnetic islet. about noon on the th we entered knee lake which has a very irregular form and near its middle takes a sudden turn from whence it derives its names. it is thickly studded with islands and its shores are low and well wooded. the surrounding country as far as we could see is flat, being destitute even of the moderate elevations which occur near the upper part of hill river. the weather was remarkably fine and the setting sun threw the richest tints over the scene that i remember ever to have witnessed. about half a mile from the bend, or knee, of the lake there is a small rocky islet composed of magnetic iron ore which affects the magnetic needle at a considerable distance. having received previous information respecting this circumstance we watched our compasses carefully and perceived that they were affected at the distance of three hundred yards both on the approach to and departure from the rock: on decreasing the distance they became gradually more and more unsteady and on landing they were rendered quite useless; and it was evident that the general magnetic influence was totally overpowered by the local attraction of the ore. when kater's compass was held near to the ground on the north-west side of the island the needle dipped so much that the card could not be made to traverse by any adjustment of the hand; but on moving the same compass about thirty yards to the west part of the islet the needle became horizontal, traversed freely, and pointed to the magnetic north. the dipping needle, being landed on the south-west point of the islet, was adjusted as nearly as possible on the magnetic meridian by the sun's bearings, and found to vibrate freely when the face of the instrument was directed to the east or west. the mean dip it gave was degrees minutes seconds. when the instrument was removed from the north-west to the south-east point about twenty yards distant and placed on the meridian the needle ceased to traverse but remained steady at an angle of degrees. on changing the face of the instrument so as to give a south-east and north-west direction to the needle it hung vertically. the position of the slaty strata of the magnetic ore is also vertical. their direction is extremely irregular, being much contorted. knee lake towards its upper end becomes narrower and its rocky shores are broken into conical and rounded eminences, destitute of soil, and of course devoid of trees. we slept at the western extremity of the lake, having come during the day nineteen miles and a half on a south-west course. trout river. we began the ascent of trout river early in the morning of the th and in the course of the day passed three portages and several rapids. at the first of these portages the river falls between two rocks about sixteen feet and it is necessary to launch the boat over a precipitous rocky bank. this cascade is named the trout fall, and the beauty of the scenery afforded a subject for mr. hood's pencil. the rocks which form the bed of this river are slaty and present sharp fragments by which the feet of the boatmen are much lacerated. the second portage in particular obtains the expressive name of knife portage. the length of our voyage today was three miles. holy lake. on the th we passed through the remainder of trout river; and at noon arrived at oxford house on holy lake. this was formerly a post of some consequence to the hudson's bay company but at present it exhibits unequivocal signs of decay. the indians have of late years been gradually deserting the low or swampy country and ascending the saskatchewan where animals are more abundant. a few crees were at this time encamped in front of the fort. they were suffering under whooping-cough and measles and looked miserably dejected. we endeavoured in vain to prevail on one of them to accompany us for the purpose of killing ducks which were numerous but too shy for our sportsmen. we had the satisfaction however of exchanging the mouldy pemmican obtained at swampy lake for a better kind, and received moreover a small but very acceptable supply of fish. holy lake, viewed from an eminence behind oxford house, exhibits a pleasing prospect; and its numerous islands, varying much in shape and elevation, contribute to break that uniformity of scenery which proves so palling to a traveller in this country. trout of a great size, frequently exceeding forty pounds' weight, abound in this lake. we left oxford house in the afternoon and encamped on an island about eight miles distant, having come during the day nine miles and a quarter. weepinapannis river. at noon on the th, after passing through the remainder of holy lake, we entered the weepinapannis, a narrow grassy river which runs parallel to the lake for a considerable distance and forms its south bank into a narrow peninsula. in the morning we arrived at the swampy portage where two of the boats were broken against the rocks. the length of the day's voyage was nineteen miles and a half. in consequence of the accident yesterday evening we were detained a considerable time this morning until the boats were repaired, when we set out and, after ascending a strong rapid, arrived at the portage by john moore's island. here the river rushes with irresistible force through the channels formed by two rocky islands; and we learned that last year a poor man, in hauling a boat up one of these channels, was, by the breaking of the line, precipitated into the stream and hurried down the cascade with such rapidity that all efforts to save him were ineffectual. his body was afterwards found and interred near the spot. the weepinapannis is composed of several branches which separate and unite again and again, intersecting the country in a great variety of directions. windy lake. we pursued the principal channel and, having passed the crooked spout with several inferior rapids and crossed a small piece of water named windy lake, we entered a smooth deep stream about three hundred yards wide which has got the absurd appellation of the rabbit ground. the marshy banks of this river are skirted by low barren rocks behind which there are some groups of stunted trees. as we advanced the country, becoming flatter, gradually opened to our view and we at length arrived at a shallow, reedy lake, the direct course through which leads to the hill portage. this route has however of late years been disused and we therefore turned towards the north and, crossing a small arm of the lake, arrived at hill gates by sunset; having come this day eleven miles. october . hill gates is the name imposed on a romantic defile whose rocky walls, rising perpendicularly to the height of sixty or eighty feet, hem in the stream for three-quarters of a mile, in many places so narrowly that there is a want of room to ply the oars. in passing through this chasm we were naturally led to contemplate the mighty but probably slow and gradual effects of the water in wearing down such vast masses of rock; but in the midst of our speculations the attention was excited anew to a grand and picturesque rapid which, surrounded by the most wild and majestic scenery, terminated the defile. the brown fishing-eagle had built its nest on one of the projecting cliffs. white fall lake and river. in the course of the day we surmounted this and another dangerous portage called the upper and lower hill gate portages, crossed a small sheet of water, termed the white fall lake and, entering the river of the same name, arrived at the white fall about an hour after sunset, having come fourteen miles on a south-west course. the whole of the nd of october was spent in carrying the cargoes over a portage of thirteen hundred yards in length and in launching the empty boats over three several ridges of rock which obstruct the channel and produce as many cascades. i shall long remember the rude and characteristic wildness of the scenery which surrounded these falls; rocks piled on rocks hung in rude and shapeless masses over the agitated torrents which swept their bases, whilst the bright and variegated tints of the mosses and lichens that covered the face of the cliffs, contrasting with the dark green of the pines which crowned their summits, added both beauty and grandeur to the scene. our two companions, back and hood, made accurate sketches of these falls. at this place we observed a conspicuous lop-stick, a kind of landmark which i have not hitherto noticed, notwithstanding its great use in pointing out the frequented routes. it is a pine-tree divested of its lower branches and having only a small tuft at the top remaining. this operation is usually performed at the instance of some individual emulous of fame. he treats his companions with rum and they in return strip the tree of its branches and ever after designate it by his name. in the afternoon, whilst on my way to superintend the operations of the men, a stratum of loose moss gave way under my feet and i had the misfortune to slip from the summit of a rock into the river betwixt two of the falls. my attempts to regain the bank were for a time ineffectual owing to the rocks within my reach having been worn smooth by the action of the water; but after i had been carried a considerable distance down the stream i caught hold of a willow by which i held until two gentlemen of the hudson's bay company came in a boat to my assistance. the only bad consequence of this accident was an injury sustained by a very valuable chronometer (number ) belonging to daniel moore, esquire, of lincoln's inn. one of the gentlemen to whom i delivered it immediately on landing in his agitation let it fall, whereby the minutehand was broken, but the works were not in the smallest degree injured and the loss of the hand was afterwards supplied. during the night the frost was severe; and at sunrise on the rd the thermometer stood at degrees. after leaving our encampment at the white fall we passed through several small lakes connected with each other by narrow, deep, grassy streams, and at noon arrived at the painted stone. numbers of muskrats frequent these streams; and we observed in the course of the morning many of their mud-houses rising in a conical form to the height of two or three feet above the grass of the swamps in which they were built. the painted stone is a low rock, ten or twelve yards across, remarkable for the marshy streams which arise on each side of it, taking different courses. on the one side the watercourse which we had navigated from york factory commences. this spot may therefore be considered as one of the smaller sources of hayes river. echemamis and sea rivers. on the other side of the stone the echemamis rises and, taking a westerly direction, falls into nelson river. it is said that there was formerly a stone placed near the centre of this portage on which figures were annually traced and offerings deposited by the indians; but the stone has been removed many years and the spot has ceased to be held in veneration. here we were overtaken by governor williams who left york factory on the th of last month in an indian canoe. he expressed much regret at our having been obliged to leave part of our stores at the rock depot, and would have brought them up with him had he been able to procure and man a boat, or a canoe, of sufficient size. having launched the boats over the rock we commenced the descent of the echemamis. this small stream has its course through a morass and in dry seasons its channel contains, instead of water, merely a foot or two of thin mud. on these occasions it is customary to build dams that it may be rendered navigable by the accumulation of its waters. as the beavers perform this operation very effectually endeavours have been made to encourage them to breed in this place, but it has not hitherto been possible to restrain the indians from killing that useful animal whenever they discover its retreats. on the present occasion there was no want of water, the principal impediment we experienced being from the narrowness of the channel, which permitted the willows of each bank to meet over our heads and obstruct the men at the oars. after proceeding down the stream for some time we came to a recently-constructed beaver dam through which an opening was made sufficient to admit the boat to pass. we were assured that the breach would be closed by the industrious creature in a single night. we encamped about eight miles from the source of the river, having come during the day seventeen miles and a half. on the th we embarked amidst a heavy rain and pursued our route down the echemamis. in many parts of the morass by which the river is nourished and through which it flows, is intersected by ridges of rock which cross the channel and require the boat to be lifted over them. in the afternoon we passed through a shallow piece of water overgrown with bulrushes and hence named hairy lake; and in the evening encamped on the banks of blackwater creek, by which this lake empties itself into sea river; having come during the day twenty miles and three-quarters. on the morning of the th we entered sea river, one of the many branches of nelson river. it is about four hundred yards wide and its waters are of a muddy white colour. after ascending the stream for an hour or two and passing through carpenter's lake, which is merely an expansion of the river to about a mile in breadth, we came to the sea river portage where the boat was launched across a smooth rock to avoid a fall of four or five feet. play green lakes. reembarking at the upper end of the portage we ran before a fresh gale through the remainder of sea river, the lower part of play green lake and, entering little jack river, landed and pitched our tents. here there is a small log hut, the residence of a fisherman who supplies norway house with trout and sturgeon. he gave us a few of these fish which afforded an acceptable supper. our voyage this day was thirty-four miles. october . little jack river is the name given to a channel that winds among several large islands which separate upper and lower play green lakes. at the lower end of this channel big jack river, a stream of considerable magnitude, falls into the lake. play green is a translation of the appellation given to that lake by two bands of indians who met and held a festival on an island situated near its centre. after leaving our encampment we sailed through upper play green lake and arrived at norway point in the forenoon. lake winnipeg. the waters of lake winnipeg and of the rivers that run into it, the saskatchewan in particular, are rendered turbid by the suspension of a large quantity of white clay. play green lake and nelson river, being the discharges of the winnipeg, are equally opaque, a circumstance that renders the sunken rocks, so frequent in these waters, very dangerous to boats in a fresh breeze. owing to this one of the boats that accompanied us, sailing at the rate of seven miles an hour, struck upon one of these rocks. its mast was carried away by the shock but fortunately no other damage sustained. the indians ascribe the muddiness of these lakes to an adventure of one of their deities, a mischievous fellow, a sort of robin puck, whom they hold in very little esteem. this deity, who is named weesakootchaht, possesses considerable power but makes a capricious use of it and delights in tormenting the poor indians. he is not however invincible and was foiled in one of his attempts by the artifice of an old woman who succeeded in taking him captive. she called in all the women of the tribe to aid in his punishment, and he escaped from their hands in a condition so filthy that it required all the waters of the great lake to wash him clean; and ever since that period it has been entitled to the appellation of winnipeg, or muddy water. norway point forms the extremity of a narrow peninsula which separates play green and winnipeg lakes. buildings were first erected here by a party of norwegians who were driven away from the colony at red river by the commotions which took place some time ago. it is now a trading post belonging to the hudson's bay company. on landing at norway house we met with lord selkirk's colonists who had started from york factory the day before us. these poor people were exceedingly pleased at meeting with us again in this wild country; having accompanied them across the atlantic they viewed us in the light of old acquaintances. this post was under the charge of mr. james sutherland, to whom i am indebted for replacing a minutehand on the chronometer which was broken at the white fall, and i had afterwards the satisfaction of finding that it went with extraordinary regularity. the morning of the th october was beautifully clear and the observations we obtained place norway house in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, and longitude degrees minute seconds west; the variation of the magnetic needle degrees minutes seconds east, and its dip degrees minutes seconds. though our route from york factory has rather inclined to the south-west the dip, it will be perceived, has gradually increased. the difference produced by reversing the face of the instrument was degrees minutes. there was too much wind to admit of our observing with any degree of accuracy the quantity of the magnetic force. we left norway house soon after noon and, the wind being favourable, sailed along the northern shore of lake winnipeg the whole of the ensuing night; and on the morning of the th landed on a narrow ridge of sand which, running out twenty miles to the westward, separates limestone bay from the body of the lake. when the wind blows hard from the southward it is customary to carry boats across this isthmus and to pull up under its lee. from norwegian point to limestone bay the shore consists of high clay cliffs against which the waves beat with violence during strong southerly winds. when the wind blows from the land and the waters of the lake are low a narrow sandy beach is uncovered and affords a landing-place for boats. the shores of limestone bay are covered with small fragments of calcareous stones. during the night the aurora borealis was quick in its motions and various and vivid in its colours. after breakfasting we reembarked and continued our voyage until three p.m., when a strong westerly wind arising we were obliged to shelter ourselves on a small island which lies near the extremity of the above-mentioned peninsula. this island is formed of a collection of small rolled pieces of limestone and was remembered by some of our boatman to have been formerly covered with water. for the last ten or twelve years the waters of the lake have been low, but our information did not enable us to judge whether the decrease was merely casual, or going on continually, or periodical. the distance of this island from norway house is thirty-eight miles and a half. river saskatchewan. the westerly winds detained us all the morning of the th but at two p.m. the wind chopped round to the eastward; we immediately embarked and the breeze afterwards freshening we reached the mouth of the saskatchewan at midnight having run thirty-two miles. sunday, october . the whole of this day was occupied in getting the boats from the mouth of the river to the foot of the grand rapid, a distance of two miles. there are several rapids in this short distance during which the river varies its breadth from five hundred yards to half a mile. its channel is stony. at the grand rapid the saskatchewan forms a sudden bend from south to east and works its way through a narrow channel deeply worn into the limestone strata. the stream, rushing with impetuous force over a rocky and uneven bottom, presents a sheet of foam and seems to bear with impatience the straightened confinement of its lofty banks. a flock of pelicans and two or three brown fishing-eagles were fishing in its agitated waters, seemingly with great success. there is a good sturgeon fishery at the foot of the rapid. several golden plovers, canadian grosbeaks, crossbills, woodpeckers and pin-tailed grouse were shot today; and mr. back killed a small striped marmot. this beautiful little animal was busily employed in carrying in its distended pouches the seeds of the american vetch to its winter hoards. the portage is eighteen hundred yards long and its western extremity was found to be in degrees minutes seconds north latitude and degrees minutes seconds west longitude. the route from canada to the athabasca joins that from york factory at the mouth of the saskatchewan, and we saw traces of a recent encampment of the canadian voyagers. our companions in the hudson's bay boats, dreading an attack from their rivals in trade, were on the alert at this place. they examined minutely the spot of encampment to form a judgment of the number of canoes that had preceded them; and they advanced, armed, and with great caution, through the woods. their fears however on this occasion were fortunately groundless. by noon on the th, the boats and their cargoes having been conveyed across the portage, we embarked and pursued our course. the saskatchewan becomes wider above the grand rapid and the scenery improves. the banks are high, composed of white clay and limestone, and their summits are richly clothed with a variety of firs, poplars, birches and willows. the current runs with great rapidity and the channel is in many places intricate and dangerous from broken ridges of rock jutting into the stream. we pitched our tents at the entrance of cross lake, having advanced only five miles and a half. cross, cedar and pine island lakes. cross lake is extensive, running towards the north-east it is said for forty miles. we crossed it at a narrow part and, pulling through several winding channels formed by a group of islands, entered cedar lake which, next to lake winnipeg, is the largest sheet of fresh water we had hitherto seen. ducks and geese resort hither in immense flocks in the spring and autumn. these birds are now beginning to go off owing to its muddy shores having become quite hard through the nightly frosts. at this place the aurora borealis was extremely brilliant in the night, its coruscations darting at times over the whole sky and assuming various prismatic tints of which the violet and yellow were predominant. after pulling, on the th, seven miles and a quarter on the lake, a violent wind drove us for shelter to a small island, or rather a ridge of rolled stones thrown up by the frequent storms which agitate this lake. the weather did not moderate the whole day and we were obliged to pass the night on this exposed spot. the delay however enabled us to obtain some lunar observations. the wind having subsided we left our resting place the following morning, crossed the remainder of the lake, and in the afternoon arrived at muddy lake which is very appropriately named as it consists merely of a few channels winding amongst extensive mudbanks which are overflowed during the spring floods. we landed at an indian tent which contained two numerous families amounting to thirty souls. these poor creatures were badly clothed and reduced to a miserable condition by the whooping-cough and measles. at the time of our arrival they were busy in preparing a sweating-house for the sick. this is a remedy which they consider, with the addition of singing and drumming, to be the grand specific for all diseases. our companions having obtained some geese in exchange for rum and tobacco, we proceeded a few more miles and encamped on devil's drum island, having come during the day twenty miles and a half. a second party of indians were encamped on an adjoining island, a situation chosen for the purpose of killing geese and ducks. on the th we proceeded eighteen miles up the saskatchewan. its banks are low, covered with willows, and lined with drift timber. the surrounding country is swampy and intersected by the numerous arms of the river. after passing for twenty or thirty yards through the willow thicket on the banks of the stream we entered an extensive marsh, varied only by a distant line of willows which marks the course of a creek or branch of the river. the branch we navigated today is almost five hundred yards wide. the exhalations from the marshy soil produced a low fog although the sky above was perfectly clear. in the course of the day we passed an indian encampment of three tents whose inmates appeared to be in a still more miserable condition than those we saw yesterday. they had just finished the ceremony of conjuration over some of their sick companions; and a dog which had been recently killed as a sacrifice to some deity was hanging to a tree where it would be left (i was told) when they moved their encampment. we continued our voyage up the river to the th with little variation of scenery or incident, travelling in that time about thirty miles. the near approach of winter was marked by severe frosts which continued all day unless when the sun chanced to be unusually bright and the geese and ducks were observed to take a southerly course in large flocks. on the morning of the th we came to a party of indians encamped behind the bank of the river on the borders of a small marshy lake for the purpose of killing waterfowl. here we were gratified with the view of a very large tent. its length was about forty feet, its breadth eighteen, and its covering was moose-deer leather with apertures for the escape of the smoke from the fires which are placed at each end; a ledge of wood was placed on the ground on both sides the whole length of the tent, within which were the sleeping-places, arranged probably according to families; and the drums and other instruments of enchantment were piled up in the centre. amongst the indians there were a great many half-breeds who led an indian life. governor williams gave a dram and a piece of tobacco to each of the males of the party. on the morning of the st a heavy fall of snow took place which lasted until two in the afternoon. in the evening we left the saskatchewan and entered the little river, one of the two streams by which pine island lake discharges its waters. we advanced today fourteen miles and a quarter. on the nd the weather was extremely cold and stormy and we had to contend against a strong head wind. the spray froze as it fell and the oars were so loaded with ice as to be almost unmanageable. the length of our voyage this day was eleven miles. cumberland house. the following morning was very cold; we embarked at daylight and pulled across a part of pine island lake about three miles and a half to cumberland house. the margin of the lake was so encrusted with ice that we had to break through a considerable space of it to approach the landing-place. when we considered that this was the effect of only a few days' frost at the commencement of winter we were convinced of the impractibility of advancing further by water this season, and therefore resolved on accepting governor williams' kind invitation to remain with him at this post. we immediately visited mr. connolly, the resident partner of the north-west company, and presented to him mr. mcgillivray's circular letter. he assured us that he should be most desirous to forward our progress by every means in his power, and we subsequently had ample proofs of his sincerity and kindness. the unexpected addition of our party to the winter residents at this post rendered an increase of apartments necessary; and our men were immediately appointed to complete and arrange an unfinished building as speedily as possible. november . some mild weather succeeded to the severe frosts we had at our arrival; and the lake had not been entirely frozen before the th; but this morning the ice was sufficiently firm to admit of sledges crossing it. the dogs were harnessed at a very early hour and the winter operations commenced by sending for a supply of fish from swampy river where men had been stationed to collect it just before the frost set in. both men and dogs appeared to enjoy the change; they started in full glee and drove rapidly along. an indian who had come to the house on the preceding evening to request some provision for his family, whom he represented to be in a state of starvation, accompanied them. his party had been suffering greatly under the epidemic diseases of whooping-cough and measles; and the hunters were still in too debilitated a state to go out and provide them with meat. a supply was given to him and the men were directed to bring his father, an old and faithful hunter, to the house, that he might have the comforts of nourishment and warmth. he was brought accordingly but these attentions were unavailing as he died a few days afterwards. two days before his death i was surprised to observe him sitting for nearly three hours, in a piercingly sharp day, in the saw-pit, employed in gathering the dust and throwing it by handfuls over his body, which was naked to the waist. as the man was in possession of his mental faculties i conceived he was performing some devotional act preparatory to his departure, which he felt to be approaching and, induced by the novelty of the incident, i went twice to observe him more closely; but when he perceived that he was noticed he immediately ceased his operation, hung down his head and, by his demeanour, intimated that he considered my appearance an intrusion. the residents at the fort could give me no information on the subject and i could not learn that the indians in general observe any particular ceremony on the approach of death. november . the sky had been overcast during the last week; the sun shone forth once only and then not sufficiently for the purpose of obtaining observations. faint coruscations of the aurora borealis appeared one evening but their presence did not in the least affect the electrometer or the compass. the ice daily became thicker in the lake and the frost had now nearly overpowered the rapid current of the saskatchewan river; indeed parties of men who were sent from both the forts to search for the indians and procure whatever skins and provisions they might have collected crossed that stream this day on the ice. the white partridges made their first appearance near the house, which birds are considered as the infallible harbingers of severe weather. monday, november . the saskatchewan and every other river were now completely covered with ice except a small stream not far from the fort through which the current ran very powerfully. in the course of the week we removed into the house our men had prepared since our arrival. we found it at first extremely cold notwithstanding that a good fire was kept in each apartment and we frequently experienced the extremes of heat and cold on opposite sides of the body. november . we obtained observations for the dip of the needle and intensity of the magnetic force in a spare room. the dip was degrees minutes seconds and the difference produced by reversing the face of the instrument degrees minutes seconds. when the needle was faced to the west it hung nearly perpendicular. the aurora borealis had been faintly visible for a short time the preceding evening. some indians arrived in search of provision having been totally incapacitated from hunting by sickness; the poor creatures looked miserably ill and they represented their distress to have been extreme. few recitals are more affecting than those of their sufferings during unfavourable seasons and in bad situations for hunting and fishing. many assurances have been given me that men and women are yet living who have been reduced to feed upon the bodies of their own family to prevent actual starvation; and a shocking case was cited to us of a woman who had been principal agent in the destruction of several persons, and amongst the number her husband and nearest relatives, in order to support life. november . the atmosphere had been clear every day during the last week, about the end of which snow fell, when the thermometer rose from degrees below to degrees above zero. the aurora borealis was twice visible but faint on both occasions. its appearance did not affect the electrometer nor could we perceive the compass to be disturbed. the men brought supplies of moose meat from the hunter's tent which is pitched near the basquiau hill, forty or fifty miles from the house and whence the greatest part of the meat is procured. the residents have to send nearly the same distance for their fish and on this service horse-sledges are used. nets are daily set in pine island lake which occasionally procure some fine sturgeon, tittameg and trout, but not more than sufficient to supply the officers' table. december . this day was so remarkably fine that we procured another set of observations for the dip of the needle in the open air; the instrument being placed firmly on a rock the results gave degrees minutes seconds. the change produced by reversing the face of the instrument was degrees minutes seconds. there had been a determined thaw during the last three days. the ice on the saskatchewan river and some parts of the lake broke up and the travelling across either became dangerous. on this account the absence of wilks, one of our men, caused no small anxiety. he had incautiously undertaken the conduct of a sledge and dogs in company with a person going to swampy river for fish. on their return, being unaccustomed to driving, he became fatigued and seated himself on his sledge where his companion left him, presuming that he would soon rise and hasten to follow his track. he however returned safe in the morning and reported that, foreseeing night would set in before he could get across the lake, he prudently retired into the woods before dark where he remained until daylight, when the men who had been despatched to look for him met him returning to the house, shivering with cold, he having been unprovided with the materials for lighting a fire, which an experienced voyager never neglects to carry. we had mild weather until the th of december. on the th there had been a decided thaw that caused the saskatchewan, which had again frozen, to reopen and the passage across it was interrupted for two days. we now received more agreeable accounts from the indians who were recovering strength and beginning to hunt a little; but it was generally feared that their spirits had been so much depressed by the loss of their children and relatives that the season would be far advanced before they could be roused to any exertion in searching for animals beyond what might be necessary for their own support. it is much to be regretted that these poor men, during their long intercourse with europeans, have not been taught how pernicious is the grief which produces total inactivity, and that they have not been furnished with any of the consolations which the christian religion never fails to afford. this however could hardly have been expected from persons who have permitted their own offspring the half-casts to remain in lamentable ignorance on a subject of such vital importance. it is probable however that an improvement will soon take place among the latter class, as governor williams proposes to make the children attend a sunday school and has already begun to have divine service performed at his post. the conversations which i had with the gentlemen in charge of these posts convinced me of the necessity of proceeding during the winter into the athabasca department, the residents of which are best acquainted with the nature and resources of the country to the north of the great slave lake; and whence only guides, hunters and interpreters can be procured. i had previously written to the partners of the north-west company in that quarter requesting their assistance in forwarding the expedition and stating what we should require. but, on reflecting upon the accidents that might delay these letters on the road, i determined on proceeding to the athabasca as soon as i possibly could, and communicated my intention to governor williams and mr. connolly with a request that i might be furnished by the middle of january with the means of conveyance for three persons, intending that mr. back and hepburn should accompany me whilst dr. richardson and mr. hood remained till the spring at cumberland house. after the th of december the weather became cold, the thermometer constantly below zero. christmas day was particularly stormy but the gale did not prevent the full enjoyment of the festivities which are annually given at cumberland house on this day. all the men who had been despatched to different parts in search of provision or furs returned to the fort on the occasion and were regaled with a substantial dinner and a dance in the evening. january , . the new year was ushered in by repeated discharges of musketry; a ceremony which has been observed by the men of both the trading companies for many years. our party dined with mr. connolly and were treated with a beaver which we found extremely delicate. in the evening his voyagers were entertained with a dance in which the canadians exhibited some grace and much agility; and they contrived to infuse some portion of their activity and spirits into the steps of their female companions. the half-breed women are passionately fond of this amusement but a stranger would imagine the contrary on witnessing their apparent want of animation. on such occasions they affect a sobriety of demeanour which i understand to be very opposite to their general character. january . this day i wrote to governor williams and mr. connolly requesting them to prepare two canoes with crews and appointments for the conveyance of dr. richardson and mr. hood, with our stores, to chipewyan as soon as the navigation should open, and had the satisfaction of receiving from both these gentlemen renewed assurances of their desire to promote the objects of the expedition. i conceived it to be necessary, previous to my departure, to make some arrangement respecting the men who were engaged at stromness. only one of them was disposed to extend his engagement and proceed beyond the athabasca lake and, as there was much uncertainty whether the remaining three could get from the athabasca to york factory sufficiently early to secure them a passage in the next hudson's bay ship, i resolved not to take them forward unless dr. richardson and mr. hood should fail in procuring other men from these establishments next spring, but to despatch them down to york to bring up our stores to this place: after which they might return to the coast in time to secure their passage in the first ship. i delivered to dr. richardson and mr. hood a memorandum containing the arrangements which had been made with the two companies respecting their being forwarded in the spring, and some other points of instruction for their guidance in my absence together with directions to forward the map of our route which had been finished, since our arrival, by mr. hood, the drawing and the collections of natural history by the first opportunity to york factory for conveyance to england.* (*footnote. as samuel wilks, who had accompanied the expedition from england, proved to be quite unequal to the fatigue of the journey i directed him to be discharged in the spring and sent to england by the next ship.) the houses of the two companies at this post are situated close to each other at the upper extremity of a narrow island which separates pine island lake from the saskatchewan river, and are about two miles and three-quarters from the latter in a northern direction. they are log-houses, built without much regard to comfort, surrounded by lofty stockades and flanked with wooden bastions. the difficulty of conveying glass into the interior has precluded its use in the windows where its place is poorly supplied by parchment, imperfectly made by the native women from the skin of the reindeer. should this post however continue to be the residence of governor williams it will be much improved in a few years, as he is devoting his attention to that point. the land around cumberland house is low but the soil, from having a considerable intermixture of limestone, is good and capable of producing abundance of corn and vegetables of every description. many kinds of pot-herbs have already been brought to some perfection and the potatoes bid fair to equal those of england. the spontaneous productions of nature would afford ample nourishment for all the european animals. horses feed extremely well even during the winter and so would oxen if provided with hay which might be easily done.* pigs also improve but require to be kept warm in the winter. hence it appears that the residents might easily render themselves far less dependent on the indians for support and be relieved from the great anxiety which they too often suffer when the hunters are unsuccessful. the neighbourhood of the houses has been much cleared of wood from the great demand for fuel; there is therefore little to admire in the surrounding scenery, especially in its winter garb; few animated objects occur to enliven the scene; an occasional fox, marten, rabbit or wolf and a few birds contribute the only variety. the birds which remained were ravens, magpies, partridges, crossbills and woodpeckers. in this universal stillness the residents at a post feel little disposed to wander abroad except when called forth by their occupations; and as ours were of a kind best performed in a warm room we imperceptibly acquired a sedentary habit. in going out however we never suffered the slightest inconvenience from the change of temperature though the thermometer in the open air stood occasionally thirty degrees below zero. (*footnote. the wild buffalo scrapes away the snow with its feet to get at the herbage beneath, and the horse, which was introduced by the spanish invaders of mexico and may be said to have become naturalised, does the same; but it is worthy of remark that the ox more lately brought from europe has not yet acquired an art so necessary for procuring its food. extract from dr. richardson's journal.) the tribe of indians who reside in the vicinity and frequent these establishments is that of the crees, or knisteneaux. they were formerly a powerful and numerous nation which ranged over a very extensive country and were very successful in their predatory excursions against their neighbours, particularly the northern indians and some tribes on the saskatchewan and beaver rivers; but they have long ceased to be held in any fear and are now perhaps the most harmless and inoffensive of the whole indian race. this change is entirely to be attributed to their intercourse with europeans; and the vast reduction in their numbers occasioned, i fear, principally by the injudicious introduction of ardent spirits. they are so passionately fond of this poison that they will make any sacrifice to obtain it. they are good hunters and in general active. having laid the bow and arrow altogether aside and the use of snares, except for rabbits and partridges, they depend entirely on the europeans for the means of gaining subsistence as they require guns and a constant supply of powder and shot; so that these indians are probably more completely under the power of the trader than any of the other tribes. as i only saw a few straggling parties of them during short intervals, and under unfavourable circumstances of sickness and famine, i am unable to give from personal observation any detail of their manners and customs; and must refer the reader to dr. richardson's account of them in the following chapter. that gentleman during his longer residence at the post had many opportunities of seeing them and acquiring their language. january . this morning the sporting part of our society had rather a novel diversion: intelligence having been brought that a wolf had borne away a steel trap in which he had been caught, a party went in search of the marauder and took two english bulldogs and a terrier which had been brought into the country this season. on the first sight of the animal the dogs became alarmed and stood barking at a distance, and probably would not have ventured to advance had they not seen the wolf fall by a shot from one of the gentlemen; they then however went up and behaved courageously, and were enraged by the bites they received. the wolf soon died of its wounds and the body was brought to the house where a drawing of it was taken by mr. hood and the skin preserved by dr. richardson. its general features bore a strong resemblance to many of the dogs about the fort, but it was larger and had a more ferocious aspect. mr. back and i were too much occupied in preparing for our departure on the following day to join this excursion. the position of cumberland house by our observations is latitude degrees minutes seconds north; longitude degrees minutes seconds west by the chronometers; variations degrees minutes seconds east; dip of the needle degrees minutes seconds. the whole of the travelling distance between york factory and cumberland house is about six hundred and ninety miles. chapter . dr. richardson's residence at cumberland house. his account of the cree indians. dr. richardson's residence at cumberland house. january , . from the departure of messrs. franklin and back on the th of january for chipewyan until the opening of the navigation in the spring the occurrences connected with the expedition were so much in the ordinary routine of a winter's residence at fort cumberland that they may be perhaps appropriately blended with the following general but brief account of that district and its inhabitants. cumberland house was originally built by hearne, a year or two after his return from the copper-mine river, and has ever since been considered by the hudson's bay company as a post of considerable importance. previous to that time the natives carried their furs down to the shores of hudson's bay or disposed of them nearer home to the french canadian traders who visited this part of the country as early as the year . the cumberland house district, extending about one hundred and fifty miles from east to west along the banks of the saskatchewan, and about as far from north to south, comprehends, on a rough calculation, upwards of twenty thousand square miles, and is frequented at present by about one hundred and twenty indian hunters. of these a few have several wives but the majority only one; and as some are unmarried we shall not err greatly in considering the number of married women as only slightly exceeding that of the hunters. the women marry very young, have a custom of suckling their children for several years, and are besides exposed constantly to fatigue and often to famine; hence they are not prolific, bearing upon an average not more than four children, of whom two may attain the age of puberty. upon these data the amount of each family may be stated at five, and the whole indian population in the district at five hundred. this is but a small population for such an extent of country, yet their mode of life occasionally subjects them to great privations. the winter of our residence at cumberland house proved extremely severe to the indians. the whooping-cough made its appearance amongst them in the autumn, and was followed by the measles which, in the course of the winter, spread through the tribe. many died and most of the survivors were so enfeebled as to be unable to pursue the necessary avocations of hunting and fishing. even those who experienced only a slight attack, or escaped the sickness altogether, dispirited by the scenes of misery which environed them, were rendered incapable of affording relief to their distressed relations and spent their time in conjuring and drumming to avert the pestilence. those who were able came to the fort and received relief, but many who had retired with their families to distant corners to pursue their winter hunts experienced all the horrors of famine. one evening early in the month of january a poor indian entered the north-west company's house, carrying his only child in his arms and followed by his starving wife. they had been hunting apart from the other bands, had been unsuccessful and, whilst in want, were seized with the epidemical disease. an indian is accustomed to starve and it is not easy to elicit from him an account of his sufferings. this poor man's story was very brief; as soon as the fever abated he set out with his wife for cumberland house, having been previously reduced to feed on the bits of skin and offal which remained about their encampment. even this miserable fare was exhausted and they walked several days without eating, yet exerting themselves far beyond their strength that they might save the life of the infant. it died almost within sight of the house. mr. connolly, who was then in charge of the post, received them with the utmost humanity and instantly placed food before them; but no language can describe the manner in which the miserable father dashed the morsel from his lips and deplored the loss of his child. misery may harden a disposition naturally bad but it never fails to soften the heart of a good man. his account of the cree indians. the origin of the crees, to which nation the cumberland house indians belong, is, like that of the other aborigines of america, involved in obscurity; but the researches now making into the nature and affinities of the languages spoken by the different indian tribes may eventually throw some light on the subject. indeed the american philologists seem to have succeeded already in classing the known dialects into three languages: . the floridean, spoken by the creeks, chickesaws, choctaws, cherokees, pascagoulas, and some other tribes who inhabit the southern parts of the united states. . the iroquois, spoken by the mengwe, or six nations, the wyandots, the nadowessies, and asseeneepoytuck. . the lenni-lenape, spoken by a great family more widely spread than the other two and from which, together with a vast number of other tribes, are sprung our crees. mr. heckewelder, a missionary who resided long amongst these people and from whose paper (published in the transactions of the american philosophical society) the above classification is taken, states that the lenape have a tradition amongst them of their ancestors having come from the westward and taken possession of the whole country from the missouri to the atlantic, after driving away or destroying the original inhabitants of the land whom they termed alligewi. in this migration and contest, which endured for a series of years, the mengwe, or iroquois, kept pace with them, moving in a parallel but more northerly line, and finally settling on the banks of the st. lawrence and the great lakes from whence it flows. the lenape, being more numerous, peopled not only the greater part of the country at present occupied by the united states, but also sent detachments to the northward as far as the banks of the river mississippi and the shores of hudson's bay. the principal of their northern tribes are now known under the names of saulteurs or chippeways, and crees; the former inhabiting the country betwixt lakes winnipeg and superior, the latter frequenting the shores of hudson's bay from moose to churchill, and the country from thence as far to the westward as the plains which lie betwixt the forks of the saskatchewan. the crees, formerly known by the french canadian traders under the appellation of knisteneaux, generally designate themselves as eithinyoowuc (men) or, when they wish to discriminate themselves from the other indian nations, as nathehwywithinyoowuc (southern-men).* (*footnote. much confusion has arisen from the great variety of names applied without discrimination to the various tribes of saulteurs and crees. heckewelder considers the crees of moose factory to be a branch of that tribe of the lenape which is named minsi, or wolf tribe. he has been led to form this opinion from the similarity of the name given to these people by monsieur jeremie, namely, monsonies; but the truth is that their real name is mongsoaeythinyoowuc, or moose-deer indians; hence the name of the factory and river on which it is built. the name knisteneaux, kristeneaux, or killisteneaux, was anciently applied to a tribe of crees, now termed maskegons, who inhabit the river winnipeg. this small tribe still retains the peculiarities of customs and dress for which it was remarkable many years ago, as mentioned by mr. henry in the interesting account of his journeys in these countries. they are said to be great rascals. the great body of the crees were at that time named opimmitish ininiwuc, or men of the woods. it would however be an endless task to attempt to determine the precise people designated by the early french writers. every small band naming itself from its hunting grounds was described as a different nation. the chippeways who frequented the lake of the woods were named from a particular act of pillage pilliers, or robbers: and the name saulteurs, applied to a principal band that frequented the sault st. marie, has been by degrees extended to the whole tribe. it is frequently pronounced and written sotoos.) the original character of the crees must have been much modified by their long intercourse with europeans; hence it is to be understood that we confine ourselves in the following sketch to their present condition, and more particularly to the crees of cumberland house. the moral character of a hunter is acted upon by the nature of the land he inhabits, the abundance or scarcity of food, and we may add, in the present case, his means of access to spiritous liquors. in a country so various in these respects as that inhabited by the crees the causes alluded to must operate strongly in producing a considerable difference of character amongst the various hordes. it may be proper to bear in mind also that we are about to draw the character of a people whose only rule of conduct is public opinion and to try them by a morality founded on divine revelation, the only standard that can be referred to by those who have been educated in a land to which the blessings of the gospel have extended. bearing these considerations in mind then we may state the crees to be a vain, fickle, improvident, and indolent race, and not very strict in their adherence to truth, being great boasters; but on the other hand they strictly regard the rights of property,* are susceptible of the kinder affections, capable of friendship, very hospitable, tolerably kind to their women, and withal inclined to peace. (*footnote. this is perhaps true of the cumberland house crees alone: many of the other tribes of crees are stated by the traders to be thieves.) much of the faulty part of their character no doubt originates in their mode of life; accustomed as a hunter to depend greatly on chance for his subsistence the cree takes little thought of tomorrow; and the most offensive part of his behaviour--the habit of boasting--has been probably assumed as a necessary part of his armour which operates upon the fears of his enemies. they are countenanced however in this failing by the practice of the ancient greeks, and perhaps by that of every other nation in its ruder state. every cree fears the medical or conjuring powers of his neighbour, but at the same time exalts his own attainments to the skies. "i am god-like," is a common expression amongst them, and they prove their divinity-ship by eating live coals and by various tricks of a similar nature. a medicine bag is an indispensable part of a hunter's equipment. it is generally furnished with a little bit of indigo, blue vitriol, vermilion, or some other showy article, and is, when in the hands of a noted conjurer, such an object of terror to the rest of the tribe that its possessor is enabled to fatten at his ease upon the labours of his deluded countrymen. a fellow of this description came to cumberland house in the winter of . notwithstanding the then miserable state of the indians the rapacity of this wretch had been preying upon their necessities, and a poor hunter was actually at the moment pining away under the influence of his threats. the mighty conjurer, immediately on his arrival at the house, began to trumpet forth his powers, boasting among other things that, although his hands and feet were tied as securely as possible yet, when placed in a conjuring house, he would speedily disengage himself by the aid of two or three familiar spirits who were attendant on his call. he was instantly taken at his word and, that his exertions might not be without an aim, a capot or great coat was promised as the reward of his success. a conjuring-house having been erected in the usual form, that is by sticking four willows in the ground and tying their tops to a hoop at the height of six or eight feet, he was fettered completely by winding several fathoms of rope round his body and extremities and placed in its narrow apartment, not exceeding two feet in diameter. a moose-skin being then thrown over the frame secluded him from our view. he forthwith began to chant a kind of hymn in a very monotonous tone. the rest of the indians, who seemed in some doubt respecting the powers of a devil when put in competition with those of a white man, ranged themselves around and watched the result with anxiety. nothing remarkable occurred for a long time. the conjurer continued his song at intervals and it was occasionally taken up by those without. in this manner an hour and a half elapsed; but at length our attention, which had begun to flag, was roused by the violent shaking of the conjuring-house. it was instantly whispered round the circle that at least one devil had crept under the moose-skin. but it proved to be only the "god-like man" trembling with cold. he had entered the lists stripped to the skin and the thermometer stood very low that evening. his attempts were continued however with considerable resolution for half an hour longer, when he reluctantly gave in. he had found no difficulty in slipping through the noose when it was formed by his countrymen; but in the present instance the knot was tied by governor williams who is an expert sailor. after this unsuccessful exhibition his credit sunk amazingly, and he took the earliest opportunity of sneaking away from the fort. about two years ago a conjurer paid more dearly for his temerity. in a quarrel with an indian he threw out some obscure threats of vengeance which passed unnoticed at the time but were afterwards remembered. they met in the spring at carlton house after passing the winter in different parts of the country, during which the indian's child died. the conjurer had the folly to boast that he had caused its death and the enraged father shot him dead on the spot. it may be remarked however that both these indians were inhabitants of the plains and had been taught, by their intercourse with the turbulent stone indians, to set but comparatively little value on the life of a man. it might be thought that the crees have benefited by their long intercourse with civilised nations. that this is not so much the case as it ought to be is not entirely their own fault. they are capable of being and, i believe, willing to be, taught; but no pains have hitherto been taken to inform their minds,* and their white acquaintances seem in general to find it easier to descend to the indian customs and modes of thinking, particularly with respect to women, than to attempt to raise the indians to theirs. indeed such a lamentable want of morality has been displayed by the white traders in their contests for the interests of their respective companies that it would require a long series of good conduct to efface from the minds of the native population the ideas they have formed of the white character. notwithstanding the frequent violations of the rights of property they have witnessed and but too often experienced in their own persons, these savages, as they are termed, remain strictly honest. during their visits to a post they are suffered to enter every apartment in the house without the least restraint and, although articles of value to them are scattered about, nothing is ever missed. they scrupulously avoid moving anything from its place although they are often prompted by curiosity to examine it. in some cases indeed they carry this principle to a degree of self-denial which would hardly be expected. it often happens that meat which has been paid for (if the poisonous draught it procures them can be considered as payment) is left at their lodges until a convenient opportunity occurs of carrying it away. they will rather pass several days without eating than touch the meat thus entrusted to their charge, even when there exists a prospect of replacing it. (*footnote. since these remarks were written the union of the rival companies has enabled the gentlemen who have now the management of the fur trade to take some decided steps for the religious instruction and improvement of the natives and half-breed indians, which have been more particularly referred to in the introduction.) the hospitality of the crees is unbounded. they afford a certain asylum to the half-breed children when deserted by their unnatural white fathers; and the infirm, and indeed every individual in an encampment, share the provisions of a successful hunter as long as they last. fond too as a cree is of spiritous liquors he is not happy unless all his neighbours partake with him. it is not easy however to say what share ostentation may have in the apparent munificence in the latter article; for when an indian, by a good hunt, is enabled to treat the others with a keg of rum he becomes the chief of the night, assumes no little stateliness of manner, and is treated with deference by those who regale at his expense. prompted also by the desire of gaining a name they lavish away the articles they purchase at the trading posts and are well satisfied if repaid in praise. gaming is not uncommon amongst the crees of all the different districts, but it is pursued to greater lengths by those bands who frequent the plains and who, from the ease with which they obtain food, have abundant leisure. the game most in use amongst them, termed puckesann, is played with the stones of a species of prunus which, from this circumstance, they term puckesann-meena. the difficulty lies in guessing the number of stones which are tossed out of a small wooden dish and the hunters will spend whole nights at the destructive sport, staking their most valuable articles, powder and shot. it has been remarked by some writers that the aboriginal inhabitants of america are deficient in passion for the fair sex. this is by no means the case with the crees; on the contrary their practice of seducing each other's wives proves the most fertile source of their quarrels. when the guilty pair are detected the woman generally receives a severe beating, but the husband is for the most part afraid to reproach the male culprit until they get drunk together at the fort; then the remembrance of the offence is revived, a struggle ensues and the affair is terminated by the loss of a few handfuls of hair. some husbands however feel more deeply the injury done to their honour and seek revenge even in their sober moments. in such cases it is not uncommon for the offended party to walk with great gravity up to the other and, deliberately seizing his gun or some other article of value, to break it before his face. the adulterer looks on in silence, afraid to make any attempt to save his property. in this respect indeed the indian character seems to differ from the european that an indian, instead of letting his anger increase with that of his antagonist, assumes the utmost coolness lest he should push him to extremities. although adultery is sometimes punished amongst the crees in the manner above described yet it is no crime provided the husband receives a valuable consideration for his wife's prostitution. neither is chastity considered as a virtue in a female before marriage, that is before she becomes the exclusive property of one hunter. the cree women are not in general treated harshly by their husbands and possess considerable influence over them. they often eat and even get drunk in consort with the men; a considerable portion of the labour however falls to the lot of the wife. she makes the hut, cooks, dresses the skins, and for the most part carries the heaviest load: but when she is unable to perform her task the husband does not consider it beneath his dignity to assist her. in illustration of this remark i may quote the case of an indian who visited the fort in winter. this poor man's wife had lost her feet by the frost and he was compelled not only to hunt and do all the menial offices himself but in winter to drag his wife with their stock of furniture from one encampment to another. in the performance of this duty as he could not keep pace with the rest of the tribe in their movements he more than once nearly perished of hunger. these indians however, capable as they are of behaving thus kindly, affect in their discourse to despise the softer sex and on solemn occasions will not suffer them to eat before them or even come into their presence. in this they are countenanced by the white residents, most of whom have indian or half-breed wives but seem afraid of treating them with the tenderness or attention due to every female lest they should themselves be despised by the indians. at least this is the only reason they assign for their neglect of those whom they make partners of their beds and mothers of their children. both sexes are fond of and excessively indulgent to their children. the father never punishes them and if the mother, more hasty in her temper, sometimes bestows a blow or two on a troublesome child her heart is instantly softened by the roar which follows and she mingles her tears with those that streak the smoky face of her darling. it may be fairly said then that restraint or punishment forms no part of the education of an indian child, nor are they early trained to that command over their temper which they exhibit in after years. the discourse of the parents is never restrained by the presence of their children, every transaction between the sexes being openly talked of before them. the crees, having early obtained arms from the european traders, were enabled to make harassing inroads on the lands of their neighbours and are known to have made war excursions as far to the westward as the rocky mountains, and to the northward as far as mackenzie's river; but their enemies being now as well armed as themselves the case is much altered. they show great fortitude in the endurance of hunger and the other evils incident to a hunter's life; but any unusual accident dispirits them at once, and they seldom venture to meet their enemies in open warfare or to attack them even by surprise unless with the advantage of superiority of numbers. perhaps they are much deteriorated in this respect by their intercourse with europeans. their existence at present hangs upon the supplies of ammunition and clothing they receive from the traders and they deeply feel their dependent situation. but their character has been still more debased by the passion for spiritous liquors so assiduously fostered among them. to obtain the noxious beverage they descend to the most humiliating entreaties and assume an abjectness of behaviour which does not seem natural to them and of which not a vestige is to be seen in their intercourse with each other. their character has sunk among the neighbouring nations. they are no longer the warriors who drove before them the inhabitants of the saskatchewan and missinippi. the cumberland house crees in particular have been long disused to war. betwixt them and their ancient enemies, the slave nations, lie the extensive plains of saskatchewan, inhabited by the powerful asseeneepoytuck or stone indians who, having whilst yet a small tribe entered the country under the patronage of the crees, now render back the protection they received. the manners and customs of the crees have, probably since their acquaintance with europeans, undergone a change at least equal to that which has taken place in their moral character; and although we heard of many practises peculiar to them yet they appeared to be nearly as much honoured in the breach as the observance. we shall however briefly notice a few of the most remarkable customs. when a hunter marries his first wife he usually takes up his abode in the tent of his father-in-law and of course hunts for the family; but when he becomes a father the families are at liberty to separate or remain together as their inclinations prompt them. his second wife is for the most part the sister of the first but not necessarily so for an indian of another family often presses his daughter upon a hunter whom he knows to be capable of maintaining her well. the first wife always remains the mistress of the tent and assumes an authority over the others which is not in every case quietly submitted to. it may be remarked that whilst an indian resides with his wife's family it is extremely improper for his mother-in-law to speak or even look at him; and when she has a communication to make it is the etiquette that she should turn her back upon him and address him only through the medium of a third person. this singular custom is not very creditable to the indians if it really had its origin in the cause which they at present assign for it namely that a woman's speaking to her son-in-law is a sure indication of her having conceived a criminal affection for him. it appears also to have been an ancient practice for an indian to avoid eating or sitting down in the presence of the father-in-law. we received no account of the origin of this custom and it is now almost obsolete amongst the cumberland house crees, though still partially observed by those who frequent carlton. tattooing is almost universal with the crees. the women are in general content with having one or two lines drawn from the corners of the mouth towards the angles of the lower jaw; but some of the men have their bodies covered with a great variety of lines and figures. it seems to be considered by most rather as a proof of courage than an ornament, the operation being very painful and, if the figures are numerous and intricate, lasting several days. the lines on the face are formed by dextrously running an awl under the cuticle and then drawing a cord, dipped in charcoal and water, through the canal thus formed. the punctures on the body are formed by needles of various sizes set in a frame. a number of hawk bells attached to this frame serve by their noise to cover the suppressed groans of the sufferer and, probably for the same reason, the process is accompanied with singing. an indelible stain is produced by rubbing a little finely-powdered willow-charcoal into the punctures. a half-breed whose arm i amputated declared that tattooing was not only the most painful operation of the two but rendered infinitely more difficult to bear by its tediousness having lasted in his case three days. a cree woman at certain periods is laid under considerable restraint. they are far however from carrying matters to the extremities mentioned by hearne in his description of the chipewyans, or northern indians. she lives apart from her husband also for two months if she has borne a boy and for three if she has given birth to a girl. many of the cree hunters are careful to prevent a woman from partaking of the head of a moose-dear lest it should spoil their future hunts; and for the same reason they avoid bringing it to a fort, fearing lest the white people should give the bones to the dogs. the games or sports of the crees are various. one termed the game of the mitten is played with four balls, three of which are plain and one marked. these being hid under as many mittens the opposite party is required to fix on that which is marked. he gives or receives a feather according as he guesses right or wrong. when the feathers, which are ten in number, have all passed into one hand a new division is made, but when one of the parties obtains possession of them thrice he seizes on the stakes. the game of platter is more intricate and is played with the claws of a bear or some other animal marked with various lines and characters. these dice which are eight in number and cut flat at their large end are shook together in a wooden dish, tossed into the air and caught again. the lines traced on such claws as happen to alight on the platter in an erect position indicate what number of counters the caster is to receive from his opponent. they have however a much more manly amusement termed the cross although they do not engage even in it without depositing considerable stakes. an extensive meadow is chosen for this sport and the articles staked are tied to a post or deposited in the custody of two old men. the combatants, being stripped and painted and each provided with a kind of battledore or racket, in shape resembling the letter p with a handle about two feet long and a head loosely wrought with network so as to form a shallow bag, range themselves on different sides. a ball being now tossed up in the middle each party endeavours to drive it to their respective goals and much dexterity and agility is displayed in the contest. when a nimble runner gets the ball in his cross he sets off towards the goal with the utmost speed and is followed by the rest who endeavour to jostle him and shake it out; but, if hard pressed, he discharges it with a jerk, to be forwarded by his own party or bandied back by their opponents until the victory is decided by its passing the goal. of the religious opinions of the crees it is difficult to give a correct account, not only because they show a disinclination to enter upon the subject but because their ancient traditions are mingled with the information they have more recently obtained by their intercourse with europeans. none of them ventured to describe the original formation of the world but they all spoke of a universal deluge caused by an attempt of the fish to drown woesackootchacht, a kind of demigod with whom they had quarrelled. having constructed a raft he embarked with his family and all kinds of birds and beasts. after the flood had continued for some time he ordered several waterfowl to dive to the bottom; they were all drowned but a muskrat, having been despatched on the same errand, was more successful and returned with a mouthful of mud out of which woesackootchacht, imitating the mode in which the rats construct their houses, formed a new earth. first a small conical hill of mud appeared above the water; by and by, its base gradually spreading out, it became an extensive bank which the rays of the sun at length hardened into firm land. notwithstanding the power that woesackootchacht here displayed his person is held in very little reverence by the indians; and in return he seizes every opportunity of tormenting them. his conduct is far from being moral and his amours and the disguises he assumes in the prosecution of them are more various and extraordinary than those of the grecian jupiter himself; but as his adventures are more remarkable for their eccentricity than their delicacy it is better to pass them over in silence. before we quit him however we may remark that he converses with all kinds of birds and beasts in their own languages, constantly addressing them by the title of brother but, through an inherent suspicion of his intentions, they are seldom willing to admit of his claims of relationship. the indians make no sacrifices to him, not even to avert his wrath. they pay a kind of worship however and make offerings to a being whom they term kepoochikawn. this deity is represented sometimes by rude images of the human figure but more commonly merely by tying the tops of a few willow bushes together; and the offerings to him consist of everything that is valuable to an indian; yet they treat him with considerable familiarity, interlarding their most solemn speeches with expostulations and threats of neglect if he fails in complying with their requests. as most of their petitions are for plenty of food they do not trust entirely to the favour of kepoochikawn but endeavour at the same time to propitiate the animal, an imaginary representative of the whole race of larger quadrupeds that are objects of the chase. in the month of may whilst i was at carlton house the cree hunter engaged to attend that post resolved upon dedicating several articles to kepoochikawn and, as i had made some inquiries of him respecting their modes of worship, he gave me an invitation to be present. the ceremony took place in a sweating-house or, as it may be designated from its more important use, a temple which was erected for the occasion by the worshipper's two wives. it was framed of arched willows, interlaced so as to form a vault capable of containing ten or twelve men ranged closely side by side, and high enough to admit of their sitting erect. it was very similar in shape to an oven or the kraal of a hottentot and was closely covered with moose-skins except at the east end which was left open for a door. near the centre of the building there was a hole in the ground which contained ten or twelve red-hot stones having a few leaves of the taccohaymenan, a species of prunus, strewed around them. when the women had completed the preparations the hunter made his appearance, perfectly naked, carrying in his hand an image of kepoochikawn, rudely carved and about two feet long. he placed his god at the upper end of the sweating-house with his face towards the door and proceeded to tie round its neck his offerings, consisting of a cotton handkerchief, a looking-glass, a tin pan, a piece of riband, and a bit of tobacco which he had procured the same day at the expense of fifteen or twenty skins. whilst he was thus occupied several other crees who were encamped in the neighbourhood, having been informed of what was going on arrived and, stripping at the door of the temple, entered and ranged themselves on each side; the hunter himself squatted down at the right hand of kepoochikawn. the atmosphere of the temple having become so hot that none but zealous worshippers would venture in the interpreter and myself sat down on the threshold and the two women remained on the outside as attendants. the hunter who throughout officiated as high priest commenced by making a speech to kepoochikawn in which he requested him to be propitious, told him of the value of the things now presented, and cautioned him against ingratitude. this oration was delivered in a monotonous tone and with great rapidity of utterance, and the speaker retained his squatting posture but turned his face to his god. at its conclusion the priest began a hymn of which the burden was, "i will walk with god, i will go with the animal"; and at the end of each stanza the rest joined in an insignificant chorus. he next took up a calumet filled with a mixture of tobacco and bear-berry leaves and, holding its stem by the middle in a horizontal position over the hot stones, turned it slowly in a circular manner, following the course of the sun. its mouth-piece being then with much formality held for a few seconds to the face of kepoochikawn it was next presented to the earth, having been previously turned a second time over the hot stones; and afterwards with equal ceremony pointed in succession to the four quarters of the sky then, drawing a few whiffs from the calumet himself, he handed it to his left-hand neighbour by whom it was gravely passed round the circle; the interpreter and myself, who were seated at the door, were asked to partake in our turn but requested to keep the head of the calumet within the threshold of the sweating-house. when the tobacco was exhausted by passing several times round the hunter made another speech, similar to the former but was if possible still more urgent in his requests. a second hymn followed and, a quantity of water being sprinkled on the hot stones, the attendants were ordered to close the temple, which they did by very carefully covering it up with moose-skins. we had no means of ascertaining the temperature of the sweating-house; but before it was closed not only those within but also the spectators without were perspiring freely. they continued in the vapour bath for thirty-five minutes, during which time a third speech was made and a hymn was sung and water occasionally sprinkled on the stones which still retained much heat, as was evident from the hissing noise they made. the coverings were then thrown off and the poor half-stewed worshippers exposed freely to the air; but they kept their squatting postures until a fourth speech was made in which the deity was strongly reminded of the value of the gifts and exhorted to take an early opportunity of showing his gratitude. the ceremony concluded by the sweaters scampering down to the river and plunging into the stream. it may be remarked that the door of the temple and of course the face of the god was turned to the rising sun; and the spectators were desired not to block up entirely the front of the building but to leave a lane for the entrance or exit of some influence of which they could not give me a correct description. several indians, who lay on the outside of the sweating-house as spectators, seemed to regard the proceedings with very little awe and were extremely free in the remarks and jokes they passed upon the condition of the sweaters and even of kepoochikawn himself. one of them made a remark that the shawl would have been much better bestowed upon himself than upon kepoochikawn, but the same fellow afterwards stripped and joined in the ceremony. i did not learn that the indians worship any other god by a specific name. they often refer however to the keetchee-maneeto, or great master of life, and to an evil spirit, or maatche-maneeto. they also speak of weettako, a kind of vampire or devil into which those who have fed on human flesh are transformed. whilst at carlton i took an opportunity of asking a communicative old indian of the blackfoot nation his opinion of a future state; he replied that they had heard from their fathers that the souls of the departed have to scramble with great labour up the sides of a steep mountain, upon attaining the summit of which they are rewarded with the prospect of an extensive plain, abounding in all sorts of game and interspersed here and there with new tents pitched in agreeable situations. whilst they are absorbed in the contemplation of this delightful scene they are descried by the inhabitants of the happy land who, clothed in new skin-dresses, approach and welcome with every demonstration of kindness those indians who have led good lives, but the bad indians, who have imbrued their hands in the blood of their countrymen, are told to return from whence they came and, without more ceremony, precipitated down the steep sides of the mountain. women who have been guilty of infanticide never reach the mountain at all but are compelled to hover round the seats of their crimes with branches of trees tied to their legs. the melancholy sounds which are heard in the still summer evenings and which the ignorance of the white people considers as the screams of the goat-sucker are really, according to my informant, the moanings of these unhappy beings. the crees have somewhat similar notions but, as they inhabit a country widely different from the mountainous lands of the blackfoot indians, the difficulty of their journey lies in walking along a slender and slippery tree laid as a bridge across a rapid stream of stinking and muddy water. the night owl is regarded by the crees with the same dread that it has been viewed by other nations. one small species, which is known to them by its melancholy nocturnal hootings (for as it never appears in the day few even of the hunters have ever seen it) is particularly ominous. they call it the cheepai-peethees, or death bird, and never fail to whistle when they hear its note. if it does not reply to the whistle by its hootings the speedy death of the inquirer is augured. when a cree dies that part of his property which he has not given away before his death is burned with him, and his relations take care to place near the grave little heaps of firewood, food, pieces of tobacco, and such things as he is likely to need in his journey. similar offerings are made when they revisit the grave, and as kettles and other articles of value are sometimes offered they are frequently carried off by passengers, yet the relations are not displeased provided sufficient respect has been shown to the dead by putting some other article, although of inferior value, in the place of that which has been taken away. the crees are wont to celebrate the returns of the seasons by religious festivals but we are unable to describe the ceremonial in use on these joyous occasions from personal observation. the following brief notice of a feast which was given by an old cree chief according to his annual custom on the first croaking of the frogs is drawn up from the information of one of the guests. a large oblong tent or lodge was prepared for the important occasion by the men of the party, none of the women being suffered to interfere. it faced the setting sun and great care was taken that everything about it should be as neat and clean as possible. three fireplaces were raised within it at equal distances and little holes were dug in the corners to contain the ashes of their pipes. in a recess at its upper end one large image of kepoochikawn and many smaller ones were ranged with their faces towards the door. the food was prepared by the chief's wife and consisted of marrow pemmican, berries boiled with fat, and various other delicacies that had been preserved for the occasion. the preparations being completed and, a slave whom the chief had taken in war having warned the guests to the feast by the mysterious word peenasheway, they came, dressed out in their best garments, and ranged themselves according to their seniority, the elders seating themselves next the chief at the upper end and the young men near the door. the chief commenced by addressing his deities in an appropriate speech in which he told them that he had hastened as soon as summer was indicated by the croaking of the frogs to solicit their favour for himself and his young men, and hoped that they would send him a pleasant and plentiful season. his oration was concluded by an invocation to all the animals in the land and, a signal being given to the slave at the door, he invited them severally by their names to come and partake of the feast. the cree chief having by this very general invitation displayed his unbounded hospitality next ordered one of the young men to distribute a mess to each of the guests. this was done in new dishes of birch bark, and the utmost diligence was displayed in emptying them, it being considered extremely improper in a man to leave any part of that which is placed before him on such occasions. it is not inconsistent with good manners however but rather considered as a piece of politeness that a guest who has been too liberally supplied should hand the surplus to his neighbour. when the viands had disappeared each filled his calumet and began to smoke with great assiduity, and in the course of the evening several songs were sung to the responsive sounds of the drum and seeseequay, their usual accompaniments. the cree drum is double-headed but, possessing very little depth, it strongly resembles a tambourine in shape. its want of depth is compensated however by its diameter which frequently exceeds three feet. it is covered with moose-skin parchment, painted with rude figures of men and beasts having various fantastic additions, and is beat with a stick. the seeseequay is merely a rattle formed by enclosing a few grains of shot in a piece of dried hide. these two instruments are used in all their religious ceremonies except those which take place in a sweating-house. a cree places great reliance on his drum and i cannot adduce a stronger instance than that of the poor man who is mentioned in a preceding page as having lost his only child by famine, almost within sight of the fort. notwithstanding his exhausted state he travelled with an enormous drum tied to his back. many of the crees make vows to abstain from particular kinds of food either for a specific time or for the remainder of their life, esteeming such abstinence to be a certain means of acquiring some supernatural powers, or at least of entailing upon themselves a succession of good fortune. one of the wives of the carlton hunter, of whom we have already spoken as the worshipper of kepoochikawn, made a determination not to eat of the flesh of the wawaskeesh or american stag; but during our abode at that place she was induced to feed heartily upon it, through the intentional deceit of her husband who told her that it was buffalo meat. when she had finished her meal her husband told her of the trick and seemed to enjoy the terror with which she contemplated the consequences of the involuntary breach of her vow. vows of this nature are often made by a cree before he joins a war party, and they sometimes, like the eastern bonzes, walk for a certain number of days on all fours or impose upon themselves some other penance equally ridiculous. by such means the cree warrior becomes god-like; but unless he kills an enemy before his return his newly-acquired powers are estimated to be productive in future of some direful consequence to himself. as we did not witness any of the cree dances ourselves we shall merely mention that, like the other north american nations, they are accustomed to practice that amusement on meeting with strange tribes before going to war and on other solemn occasions. the habitual intoxication of the cumberland house crees has induced such a disregard of personal appearance that they are squalid and dirty in the extreme; hence a minute description of their clothing would be by no means interesting. we shall therefore only remark in a general manner that the dress of the male consists of a blanket thrown over the shoulders, a leathern shirt or jacket, and a piece of cloth tied round the middle. the women have in addition a long petticoat; and both sexes wear a kind of wide hose which, reaching from the ankle to the middle of the thigh, are suspended by strings to the girdle. these hose or, as they are termed, indian stockings, are commonly ornamented with beads or ribands, and from their convenience have been universally adopted by the white residents as an essential part of their winter clothing. their shoes, or rather short boots for they tie round the ankle, are made of soft dressed moose-skins, and during the winter they wrap several pieces of blanket round their feet. they are fond of european articles of dress, considering it as mean to be dressed entirely in leather, and the hunters are generally furnished annually with a capot or great coat, and the women with shawls, printed calicoes, and other things very unsuitable to their mode of life but which they wear in imitation of the wives of the traders; all these articles, however showy they may be at first, are soon reduced to a very filthy condition by the indian custom of greasing the face and hair with soft fat or marrow instead of washing them with water. this practice they say preserves the skin soft and protects it from cold in the winter and the mosquitoes in summer, but it renders their presence disagreeable to the olfactory organs of an european, particularly when they are seated in a close tent and near a hot fire. the only peculiarity which we observed in their mode of rearing children consists in the use of a sort of cradle extremely well adapted to their mode of life. the infant is placed in the bag having its lower extremities wrapped up in soft sphagnum or bog-moss, and may be hung up in the tent or to the branch of a tree without the least danger of tumbling out; or in a journey suspended on the mother's back by a band which crosses the forehead so as to leave her hands perfectly free. it is one of the neatest articles of furniture they possess, being generally ornamented with beads and bits of scarlet cloth, but it bears a very strong resemblance in its form to a mummy case. the sphagnum in which the child is laid forms a soft elastic bed which absorbs moisture very readily and affords such a protection from the cold of a rigorous winter that its place would be ill supplied by cloth. the mothers are careful to collect a sufficient quantity in autumn for winter use; but when through accident their stock fails they have recourse to the soft down of the typha, or reed mace, the dust of rotten wood, or even feathers, although none of these articles are so cleanly or so easily changed as the sphagnum. the above is a brief sketch of such parts of the manners, character and customs of the crees as we could collect from personal observation or from the information of the most intelligent half-breeds we met with; and we shall merely add a few remarks on the manner in which the trade is conducted at the different inland posts of the fur companies. the standard of exchange in all mercantile transactions with the natives is a beaver skin, the relative value of which as originally established by the traders differs considerably from the present worth of the articles it represents; but the indians are averse to change. three marten, eight muskrat, or a single lynx or wolverine skin, are equivalent to one beaver; a silver fox, white fox, or otter, are reckoned two beavers, and a black fox or large black bear are equal to four; a mode of reckoning which has very little connection with the real value of these different furs in the european market. neither has any attention been paid to the original cost of european articles in fixing the tariff by which they are sold to the indians. a coarse butcher's knife is one skin, a woollen blanket or a fathom of coarse cloth eight, and a fowling-piece fifteen. the indians receive their principal outfit of clothing and ammunition on credit in the autumn to be repaid by their winter hunts; the amount entrusted to each of the hunters varying with their reputations for industry and skill from twenty to one hundred and fifty skins. the indians are generally anxious to pay off the debt thus incurred but their good intentions are often frustrated by the arts of the rival traders. each of the companies keeps men constantly employed travelling over the country during the winter to collect the furs from the different bands of hunters as fast as they are procured. the poor indian endeavours to behave honestly and, when he has gathered a few skins, sends notice to the post from whence he procured his supplies but, if discovered in the meantime by the opposite party, he is seldom proof against the temptation to which he is exposed. however firm he may be in his denials at first his resolutions are enfeebled by the sight of a little rum and, when he has tasted the intoxicating beverage, they vanish like smoke and he brings forth his store of furs which he has carefully concealed from the scrutinising eyes of his visitors. this mode of carrying on the trade not only causes the amount of furs collected by either of the two companies to depend more upon the activity of their agents, the knowledge they possess of the motions of the indians, and the quantity of rum they carry, than upon the liberality of the credits they give, but is also productive of an increasing deterioration of the character of the indians and will probably ultimately prove destructive to the fur trade itself. indeed the evil has already in part recoiled upon the traders; for the indians, long deceived, have become deceivers in their turn, and not unfrequently, after having incurred a heavy debt at one post, move off to another to play the same game. in some cases the rival posts have entered into a mutual agreement to trade only with the indians they have respectively fitted out, but such treaties, being seldom rigidly adhered to, prove a fertile subject for disputes and the differences have been more than once decided by force of arms. to carry on the contest the two companies are obliged to employ a great many servants whom they maintain often with much difficulty and always at a considerable expense.* (*footnote. as the contending parties have united the evils mentioned in this and the two preceding pages are now in all probability at an end.) there are thirty men belonging to the hudson's bay fort at cumberland and nearly as many women and children. the inhabitants of the north-west company's house are still more numerous. these large families are fed during the greatest part of the year on fish which are principally procured at beaver lake, about fifty miles distant. the fishery, commencing with the first frosts in autumn, continues abundant till january, and the produce is dragged over the snow on sledges, each drawn by three dogs and carrying about two hundred and fifty pounds. the journey to and from the lake occupies five days and every sledge requires a driver. about three thousand fish averaging three pounds apiece were caught by the hudson's bay fishermen last season; in addition to which a few sturgeon were occasionally caught in pine island lake; and towards the spring a considerable quantity of moose meat was procured from the basquiau hill, sixty or seventy miles distant. the rest of our winter's provision consisted of geese, salted in the autumn, and of dried meats and pemmican obtained from the provision posts on the plains of the saskatchewan. a good many potatoes are also raised at this post and a small supply of tea and sugar is brought from the depot at york factory. the provisions obtained from these various sources were amply sufficient in the winter of - ; but through improvidence this post has in former seasons been reduced to great straits. many of the labourers and a great majority of the agents and clerks employed by the two companies have indian or half-breed wives, and the mixed offspring thus produced has become extremely numerous. these metifs, or, as the canadians term them, bois brules, are upon the whole a good-looking people and, where the experiment has been made, have shown much aptness in learning and willingness to be taught; they have however been sadly neglected. the example of their fathers has released them from the restraint imposed by the indian opinions of good and bad behaviour; and generally speaking no pains have been taken to fill the void with better principles. hence it is not surprising that the males, trained up in a high opinion of the authority and rights of the company to which their fathers belonged and, unacquainted with the laws of the civilised world, should be ready to engage in any measure whatever that they are prompted to believe will forward the interests of the cause they espouse. nor that the girls, taught a certain degree of refinement by the acquisition of an european language, should be inflamed by the unrestrained discourse of their indian relations, and very early give up all pretensions to chastity. it is however but justice to remark that there is a very decided difference in the conduct of the children of the orkney men employed by the hudson's bay company and those of the canadian voyagers. some trouble is occasionally bestowed in teaching the former and it is not thrown away, but all the good that can be said of the latter is that they are not quite so licentious as their fathers are. many of the half-breeds both male and female are brought up amongst and intermarry with the indians; and there are few tents wherein the paler children of such marriages are not to be seen. it has been remarked, i do not know with what truth, that half-breeds show more personal courage than the pure crees.* (*footnote. a singular change takes place in the physical constitution of the indian females who become inmates of a fort, namely they bear children more frequently and longer but at the same time are rendered liable to indurations of the mammae and prolapsus of the uterus, evils from which they are in a great measure exempt whilst they lead a wandering and laborious life.) the girls at the forts, particularly the daughters of canadians, are given in marriage very young; they are very frequently wives at twelve years of age and mothers at fourteen. nay, more than once instance came under our observation of the master of a post having permitted a voyager to take to wife a poor child that had scarcely attained the age of ten years. the masters of posts and wintering partners of the companies deemed this criminal indulgence to the vices of their servants necessary to stimulate them to exertion for the interest of their respective concerns. another practice may also be noticed as showing the state of moral feeling on these subjects amongst the white residents of the fur countries. it was not very uncommon amongst the canadian voyagers for one woman to be common to and maintained at the joint expense of two men; nor for a voyager to sell his wife, either for a season or altogether, for a sum of money proportioned to her beauty and good qualities but always inferior to the price of a team of dogs. the country around cumberland house is flat and swampy and is much intersected by small lakes. limestone is found everywhere under a thin stratum of soil and it not unfrequently shows itself above the surface. it lies in strata generally horizontal but in one spot near the fort dipping to the northward at an angle of degrees. some portions of this rock contain very perfect shells. with respect to the vegetable productions of the district the populus trepida, or aspen, which thrives in moist situations, is perhaps the most abundant tree on the banks of the saskatchewan and is much prized as firewood, burning well when cut green. the populus balsamifera or taccamahac, called by the crees matheh meteos, or ugly poplar, in allusion to its rough bark and naked stem, crowned in an aged state with a few distorted branches, is scarcely less plentiful. it is an inferior firewood and does not been well unless when cut in the spring and dried during the summer; but it affords a great quantity of potash. a decoction of its resinous buds has been sometimes used by the indians with success in cases of snow-blindness, but its application to the inflamed eye produces much pain. of pines the white spruce is the most common here: the red and black spruce, the balsam of gilead fir, and banksian pine also occur frequently. the larch is found only in swampy spots and is stunted and unhealthy. the canoe birch attains a considerable size in this latitude but from the great demand for its wood to make sledges it has become rare. the alder abounds on the margin of the little grassy lakes so common in the neighbourhood. a decoction of its inner bark is used as an emetic by the indians who also extract from it a yellow dye. a great variety of willows occur on the banks of the streams and the hazel is met with sparingly in the woods. the sugar maple, elm, ash, and the arbor vitae,* termed by the canadian voyagers cedar, grow on various parts of the saskatchewan but that river seems to form their northern boundary. two kinds of prunus also grow here, one of which,** a handsome small tree, produces a black fruit having a very astringent taste whence the term choke-cherry applied to it. the crees call it tawquoymeena, and esteemed it to be when dried and bruised a good addition to pemmican. the other species*** is a less elegant shrub but is said to bear a bright red cherry of a pleasant sweet taste. its cree name is passeeaweymeenan, and it is known to occur as far north as great slave lake. (*footnote. thuya occidentalis.) (**footnote. prunus virginiana.) (***footnote. prunus pensylvanica.) the most esteemed fruit of the country however is the produce of the aronia ovalis. under the name of meesasscootoomena it is a favourite dish at most of the indian feasts and, mixed with pemmican, it renders that greasy food actually palatable. a great variety of currants and gooseberries are also mentioned by the natives under the name of sappoommeena but we only found three species in the neighbourhood of cumberland house. the strawberry, called by the crees oteimeena, or heart-berry, is found in abundance and rasps are common on the sandy banks of the rivers. the fruits hitherto mentioned fall in the autumn but the following berries remained hanging on the bushes in the spring and are considered as much mellowed by exposure to the colds in winter. the red whortleberry (vaccinium vitis idea) is found everywhere but is most abundant in rocky places. it is aptly termed by the crees weesawgummeena, sour-berry. the common cranberry (oxycoccos palustris) is distinguished from the preceding by its growing on moist sphagnous spots and is hence called maskoegomeena, swamp-berry. the american guelder rose whose fruit so strongly resembles the cranberry is also common. there are two kinds of it (viburnum oxycoccos and edule) one termed by the natives peepoonmeena, winter-berry, and the other mongsoameena, moose-berry. there is also a berry of a bluish white colour, the produce of the white cornel tree, which is named musquameena, bear-berry, because these animals are said to fatten on it. the dwarf canadian cornel bears a corymb of red berries which are highly ornamental to the woods throughout the country but are not otherwise worthy of notice for they have an insipid farinaceous taste and are seldom gathered. the crees extract some beautiful colours from several of their native vegetables. they dye their porcupine quills a beautiful scarlet with the roots of two species of bed-straw (galium tinctorium and boreale) which they indiscriminately term sawoyan. the roots, after being carefully washed, are boiled gently in a clean copper kettle, and a quantity of the juice of the moose-berry, strawberry, cranberry, or arctic raspberry, is added together with a few red tufts of pistils of the larch. the porcupine quills are plunged into the liquor before it becomes quite cold and are soon tinged of a beautiful scarlet. the process sometimes fails and produces only a dirty brown, a circumstance which ought probably to be ascribed to the use of an undue quantity of acid. they dye black with an ink made of elder bark and a little bog-iron-ore, dried and pounded, and they have various modes of producing yellow. the deepest colour is obtained from the dried root of a plant which from their description appears to be cowbane (cicuta virosa). an inferior colour is obtained from the bruised buds of the dutch myrtle and they have discovered methods of dyeing with various lichens. the quadrupeds that are hunted for food in this part of the country are the moose and the reindeer, the former termed by the crees mongsoa, or moosoa, the latter attekh. the buffalo or bison (moostoosh) the red-deer or american stag (wawaskeeshoo) the apeesee-mongsoos, or jumping deer, the kinwaithoos, or long-tailed deer, and the apistat-chaekoos, a species of antelope; animals that frequent the plains above the forks of the saskatchewan are not found in the neighbourhood of cumberland house. of fur-bearing animals various kinds of foxes (makkeeshewuc) are found in the district, distinguished by the traders under the names of black, silver, cross, red, and blue foxes. the two former are considered by the indians to be the same kind, varying accidentally in the colour of the pelt. the black foxes are very rare and fetch a high price. the cross and red foxes differ from each other only in colour being of the same shape and size. their shades of colour are not disposed in any determinate manner, some individuals approaching in that respect very nearly to the silver fox, others exhibiting every link of the chain down to a nearly uniform deep or orange-yellow, the distinguishing colour of a pure red fox. it is reported both by indians and traders that all the varieties have been found in the same litter. the blue fox is seldom seen here and is supposed to come from the southward. the gray wolf (mahaygan) is common here. in the month of march the females frequently entice the domestic dog from the forts although at other seasons a strong antipathy seemed to subsist between them. some black wolves are occasionally seen. the black and red varieties of the american bear (musquah) are also found near cumberland house though not frequently; a black bear often has red cubs, and vice versa. the grizzly bear, so much dreaded by the indians for its strength and ferocity, inhabits a track of country nearer the rocky mountains. it is extraordinary that although i made inquiries extensively amongst the indians i met with but one who said that he had killed a she-bear with young in the womb. the wolverine, in cree okeekoohawgees, or ommeethatsees, is an animal of great strength and cunning and is much hated by the hunters on account of the mischief it does to their marten-traps. the canadian lynx (peeshew) is a timid but well-armed animal which preys upon the american hare. its fur is esteemed. the marten (wapeestan) is one of the most common furred animals in the country. the fisher, notwithstanding its name, is an inhabitant of the land, living like the common marten principally on mice. it is the otchoek of the crees, and the pekan of the canadians. the mink (atjackash) has been often confounded by writers with the fisher. it is a much smaller animal, inhabits the banks of rivers, and swims well; its prey is fish. the otter (neekeek) is larger than the english species and produces a much more valuable fur. the muskrat (watsuss, or musquash) is very abundant in all the small grassy lakes. they build small conical houses with a mixture of hay and earth, those which build early raising their houses on the mud of the marshes, and those which build later in the season founding their habitations upon the surface of the ice itself. the house covers a hole in the ice which permits them to go into the water in search of the roots on which they feed. in severe winters when the small lakes are frozen to the bottom and these animals cannot procure their usual food they prey upon each other. in this way great numbers are destroyed. the beaver (ammisk) furnish the staple fur of the country. many surprising stories have been told of the sagacity with which this animal suits the form of its habitation, retreats, and dam, to local circumstances; and i compared the account of its manners given by cuvier in his regne animal with the reports of the indians and found them to agree exactly. they have been often seen in the act of constructing their houses in the moonlight nights, and the observers agree that the stones, wood, or other materials are carried in their teeth and generally leaning against the shoulder. when they have placed it to their mind they turn round and give it a smart blow with their flat tail. in the act of diving they give a similar stroke to the surface of the water. they keep their provision of wood under water in front of the house. their favourite food is the bark of the aspen, birch and willow; they also eat the alder, but seldom touch any of the pine tribe unless from necessity; they are fond of the large roots of the nuphar lutea, and grow fat upon it but it gives their flesh a strong rancid taste. in the season of love their call resembles a groan, that of the male being the hoarsest, but the voice of the young is exactly like the cry of a child. they are very playful as the following anecdote will show: one day a gentleman, long resident in this country, espied five young beavers sporting in the water, leaping upon the trunk of a tree, pushing one another off and playing a thousand interesting tricks. he approached softly under cover of the bushes and prepared to fire on the unsuspecting creatures, but a nearer approach discovered to him such a similitude betwixt their gestures and the infantile caresses of his own children that he threw aside his gun. this gentleman's feelings are to be envied but few traders in fur would have acted so feelingly. the muskrat frequently inhabits the same lodge with the beaver and the otter also thrusts himself in occasionally; the latter however is not always a civil guest as he sometimes devours his host. these are the animals most interesting in an economical point of view. the american hare and several kinds of grouse and ptarmigan also contribute towards the support of the natives; and the geese, in their periodical flights in the spring and autumn, likewise prove a valuable resource both to the indians and white residents; but the principal article of food after the moose-deer is fish; indeed it forms almost the sole support of the traders at some of the posts. the most esteemed fish is the coregonus albus, the attihhawmeg of the crees and the white-fish of the americans. its usual weight is between three and four pounds, but it has been known to reach sixteen or eighteen pounds. three fish of the ordinary size is the daily allowance to each man at the fort and is considered as equivalent to two geese or eight pounds of solid moose-meat. the fishery for the attihhawmeg lasts the whole year but is most productive in the spawning season from the middle of september to the middle of october. the ottonneebees (coregonus artedi) closely resembles the last. three species of carp (catastomus hudsonius, c. forsterianus, and c. lesueurii) are also found abundantly in all the lakes, their cree names are namaypeeth, meethquawmaypeeth, and wapawhawkeeshew. the occuw, or river perch, termed also horn-fish, piccarel, or dore, is common, but is not so much esteemed as the attihhawmeg. it attains the length of twenty inches in these lakes. the methy is another common fish; it is the gadus lota, or burbot, of europe. its length is about two feet, its gullet is capacious and it preys upon fish large enough to distend its body to nearly twice its proper size. it is never eaten, not even by the dogs, unless through necessity but its liver and roe are considered as delicacies. the pike is also plentiful and, being readily caught in the wintertime with the hook, is so much prized on that account by the natives as to receive from them the name of eithinyoocannooshoeoo, or indian fish. the common trout, or nammoecous, grows here to an enormous size, being caught in particular lakes, weighing upwards of sixty pounds; thirty pounds is no uncommon size at beaver lake, from whence cumberland house is supplied. the hioden clodalis, oweepeetcheesees, or gold-eye, is a beautiful small fish which resembles the trout in its habits. one of the largest fish is the mathemegh, cat-fish, or barbue. it belongs to the genus silurus. it is rare but is highly prized as food. the sturgeon (accipenser ruthenus) is also taken in the saskatchewan and lakes communicating with it and furnishes an excellent but rather rich article of food. chapter . leave cumberland house. mode of travelling in winter. arrival at carlton house. stone indians. visit to a buffalo pound. goitres. departure from carlton house. isle a la crosse. arrival at fort chipewyan. leave cumberland house. january , . this day we set out from cumberland house for carlton house but, previously to detailing the events of the journey, it may be proper to describe the necessary equipments of a winter traveller in this region which i cannot do better than by extracting the following brief but accurate account of it from mr. hood's journal: mode of travelling in winter. a snowshoe is made of two light bars of wood fastened together at their extremities and projected into curves by transverse bars. the side bars have been so shaped by a frame and dried before a fire that the front part of the shoe turns up like the prow of a boat and the part behind terminates in an acute angle; the spaces between the bars are filled up with a fine netting of leathern thongs except that part behind the main bar which is occupied by the feet; the netting is there close and strong, and the foot is attached to the main bar by straps passing round the heel but only fixing the toes so that the heel rises after each step, and the tail of the shoe is dragged on the snow. between the main bar and another in front of it a small space is left, permitting the toes to descend a little in the act of raising the heel to make the step forward, which prevents their extremities from chafing. the length of a snowshoe is from four to six feet and the breadth one foot and a half, or one and three-quarters, being adapted to the size of the wearer. the motion of walking in them is perfectly natural for one shoe is level with the snow when the edge of the other is passing over it. it is not easy to use them among bushes without frequent overthrows, nor to rise afterwards without help. each shoe weighs about two pounds when unclogged with snow. the northern indian snowshoes differ a little from those of the southern indians, having a greater curvature on the outside of each shoe, one advantage of which is that when the foot rises the over-balanced side descends and throws off the snow. all the superiority of european art has been unable to improve the native contrivance of this useful machine. sledges are made of two or three flat boards curving upwards in front and fastened together by transverse pieces of wood above. they are so thin that, if heavily laden, they bend with the inequalities of the surface over which they pass. the ordinary dog-sledges are eight or ten feet long and very narrow, but the lading is secured to a lacing round the edges. the cariole used by the traders is merely a covering of leather for the lower part of the body, affixed to the common sledge which is painted and ornamented according to the taste of the proprietor. besides snowshoes each individual carries his blanket, hatchet, steel, flint, and tinder, and generally firearms. ... the general dress of the winter traveller is a capot, having a hood to put up under the fur cap in windy weather or in the woods to keep the snow from his neck, leathern trousers and indian stockings which are closed at the ankles round the upper part of his moccasins or indian shoes to prevent the snow from getting into them. over these he wears a blanket or leathern coat which is secured by a belt round his waist to which his fire-bag, knife, and hatchet are suspended. mr. back and i were accompanied by the seaman john hepburn; we were provided with two carioles and two sledges, their drivers and dogs being furnished in equal proportions by the two companies. fifteen days' provision so completely filled the sledges that it was with difficulty we found room for a small sextant, one suit of clothes, and three changes of linen, together with our bedding. notwithstanding we thus restricted ourselves and even loaded the carioles with part of the luggage instead of embarking in them ourselves we did not set out without considerable grumbling from the voyagers of both companies respecting the overlading of their dogs. however we left the matter to be settled by our friends at the fort who were more conversant with winter travelling than ourselves. indeed the loads appeared to us so great that we should have been inclined to listen to the complaints of the drivers. the weight usually placed upon a sledge drawn by three dogs cannot at the commencement of a journey be estimated at less than three hundred pounds, which however suffers a daily diminution from the consumption of provisions. the sledge itself weighs about thirty pounds. when the snow is hard frozen or the track well trodden the rate of travelling is about two miles and a half an hour, including rests, or about fifteen miles a day. if the snow be loose the speed is necessarily much less and the fatigue greater. at eight in the morning of the th we quitted the fort and took leave of our hospitable friend governor williams whose kindness and attention i shall ever remember with gratitude. dr. richardson, mr. hood, and mr. connolly accompanied us along the saskatchewan until the snow became too deep for their walking without snowshoes. we then parted from our associates with sincere regret at the prospect of a long separation. being accompanied by mr. mackenzie of the hudson's bay company who was going to isle a la crosse with four sledges under his charge we formed quite a procession, keeping in an indian file on the track of the man who preceded the foremost dogs; but as the snow was deep we proceeded slowly on the surface of the river, which is about three hundred and fifty yards wide, for the distance of six miles which we went this day. its alluvial banks and islands are clothed with willows. at the place of our encampment we could scarcely find sufficient pine branches to floor the hut, as the orkney men term the place where travellers rest. its preparation however consists only in clearing away the snow to the ground and covering that space with pine branches, over which the party spread their blankets and coats and sleep in warmth and comfort by keeping a good fire at their feet without any other canopy than the heaven, even though the thermometer should be far below zero. the arrival at the place of encampment gives immediate occupation to every one of the party; and it is not until the sleeping-place has been arranged and a sufficiency of wood collected as fuel for the night that the fire is allowed to be kindled. the dogs alone remain inactive during this busy scene, being kept harnessed to their burdens until the men have leisure to unstow the sledges and hang upon the trees every species of provision out of their reach. we had ample experience before morning of the necessity of this precaution as they contrived to steal a considerable part of our stores almost from underneath hepburn's head, notwithstanding their having been well fed at supper. this evening we found the mercury of our thermometer had sunk into the bulb and was frozen. it rose again into the tube on being held to the fire but quickly redescended into the bulb on being removed into the air; we could not therefore ascertain by it the temperature of the atmosphere either then or during our journey. the weather was perfectly clear. january . we rose this morning after the enjoyment of a sound and comfortable repose and recommenced our journey at sunrise but made slow progress through the deep snow. the task of beating the track for the dogs was so very fatiguing that each of the men took the lead in turn for an hour and a half. the scenery of the banks of the river improved as we advanced today; some firs and poplars were intermixed with the willows. we passed through two creeks formed by islands, and encamped on a pleasant spot on the north shore, having only made six miles and three-quarters actual distance. the next day we pursued our course along the river; the dogs had the greatest difficulty in dragging their heavy burdens through the snow. we halted to refresh them at the foot of sturgeon river and obtained the latitude degrees minutes seconds north. this is a small stream which issues from a neighbouring lake. we encamped near to mosquito point having walked nine miles. the termination of the day's journey was a great relief to me who had been suffering during the greater part of it in consequence of my feet having been galled by the snowshoes; this however is an evil which few escape on their initiation to winter travelling. it excites no pity from the more experienced companions of the journey who travel on as fast as they can regardless of your pain. mr. isbester and an orkney man joined us from cumberland house and brought some pemmican that we had left behind, a supply which was very seasonable after our recent loss. the general occupation of mr. isbester during the winter is to follow or find out the indians and collect their furs, and his present journey will appear adventurous to persons accustomed to the certainty of travelling on a well-known road. he was going in search of a band of indians of whom no information had been received since last october, and his only guide for finding them was their promise to hunt in a certain quarter; but he looked at the jaunt with indifference and calculated on meeting them in six or seven days, for which time only he had provision. few persons in this country suffer more from want of food than those occasionally do who are employed on this service. they are furnished with a sufficiency of provision to serve until they reach the part where the indians are expected to be; but it frequently occurs that on their arrival at the spot they have gone elsewhere, and that a recent fall of snow has hidden their track, in which case the voyagers have to wander about in search of them; and it often happens when they succeed in finding the indians that they are unprovided with meat. mr. isbester had been placed in this distressing situation only a few weeks ago and passed four days without either himself or his dogs tasting food. at length when he had determined on killing one of the dogs to satisfy his hunger he happily met with a beaten track which led him to some indian lodges where he obtained food. the morning of the st was cold but pleasant for travelling. we left mr. isbester and his companion and crossed the peninsula of mosquito point to avoid a detour of several miles which the river makes. though we put up at an early hour we gained eleven miles this day. our encampment was at the lower extremity of tobin's falls. the snow being less deep on the rough ice which enclosed this rapid we proceeded on the nd at a quicker pace than usual but at the expense of great suffering to mr. back, myself and hepburn, whose feet were much galled. after passing tobin's falls the river expands to the breadth of five hundred yards, and its banks are well wooded with pines, poplars, birch and willow. many tracks of moose-deer and wolves were observed near the encampment. on the rd the sky was generally overcast and there were several snow showers. we saw two wolves and some foxes cross the river in the course of the day and passed many tracks of the moose and red-deer. soon after we had encamped the snow fell heavily which was an advantage to us after we had retired to rest by its affording an additional covering to our blankets. the next morning at breakfast time two men arrived from carlton on their way to cumberland. having the benefit of their track we were enabled, to our great joy, to march at a quick pace without snowshoes. my only regret was that the party proceeded too fast to allow of mr. back's halting occasionally to note the bearings of the points and delineate the course of the river* without being left behind. as the provisions were getting short i could not therefore with propriety check the progress of the party; and indeed it appeared to me less necessary as i understood the river had been carefully surveyed. in the afternoon we had to resume the encumbrance of the snowshoes and to pass over a rugged part where the ice had been piled over a collection of stones. the tracks of animals were very abundant on the river, particularly near the remains of an old establishment called the lower nippeween. (*footnote. this was afterwards done by dr. richardson during a voyage to carlton in the spring.) so much snow had fallen on the night of the th that the track we intended to follow was completely covered and our march today was very fatiguing. we passed the remains of two red-deer lying at the bases of perpendicular cliffs from the summits of which they had probably been forced by the wolves. these voracious animals, who are inferior in speed to the moose or red-deer, are said frequently to have recourse to this expedient in places where extensive plains are bounded by precipitous cliffs. whilst the deer are quietly grazing the wolves assemble in great numbers and, forming a crescent, creep slowly towards the herd so as not to alarm them much at first but, when they perceive that they have fairly hemmed in the unsuspecting creatures and cut off their retreat across the plain, they move more quickly and with hideous yells terrify their prey and urge them to flight by the only open way, which is that towards the precipice, appearing to know that when the herd is once at full speed it is easily driven over the cliff, the rearmost urging on those that are before. the wolves then descend at their leisure and feast on the mangled carcasses. one of these animals passed close to the person who was beating the track but did not offer any violence. we encamped at sunset after walking thirteen miles. on the th we were rejoiced at passing the halfway point between cumberland and carlton. the scenery of the river is less pleasing beyond this point as there is a scarcity of wood. one of our men was despatched after a red-deer that appeared on the bank. he contrived to approach near enough to fire twice, though without success, before the animal moved away. after a fatiguing march of seventeen miles we put up at the upper nippeween, a deserted establishment, and performed the comfortable operations of shaving and washing for the first time since our departure from cumberland, the weather having been hitherto too severe. we passed an uncomfortable and sleepless night and agreed next morning to encamp in future in the open air as preferable to the imperfect shelter of a deserted house without doors or windows. the morning was extremely cold but fortunately the wind was light which prevented our feeling it severely; experience indeed had taught us that the sensation of cold depends less upon the state of temperature than the force of the wind. an attempt was made to obtain the latitude which failed in consequence of the screw that adjusts the telescope of the sextant being immovably fixed from the moisture upon it having frozen. the instrument could not be replaced in its case before the ice was thawed by the fire in the evening. in the course of the day we passed the confluence of the south branch of the saskatchewan, which rises from the rocky mountains near the sources of the northern branch of the missouri. at coles falls, which commence a distance from the branch, we found the surface of the ice very uneven and many spots of open water. we passed the ruins of an establishment which the traders had been compelled to abandon in consequence of the intractable conduct and pilfering habits of the assineboine or stone indians; and we learned that all the residents at a post on the south branch had been cut off by the same tribe some years ago. we travelled twelve miles today. the wolves serenaded us through the night with a chorus of their agreeable howling but none of them ventured near the encampment. but mr. back's repose was disturbed by a more serious evil: his buffalo robe caught fire and the shoes on his feet being contracted by the heat gave him such pain that he jumped up in the cold and ran into the snow as the only means of obtaining relief. on the th we had a strong and piercing wind from north-west in our faces and much snow-drift; we were compelled to walk as quick as we could and to keep constantly rubbing the exposed parts of the skin to prevent their being frozen, but some of the party suffered in spite of every precaution. we descried three red-deer on the banks of the river and were about to send the best marksmen after them when they espied the party and ran away. a supply of meat would have been very seasonable as the men's provision had become scanty and the dogs were without food except a little burnt leather. owing to the scarcity of wood we had to walk until a late hour before a good spot for an encampment could be found and had then attained only eleven miles. the night was miserably cold; our tea froze in the tin pots before we could drink it and even a mixture of spirits and water became quite thick by congelation; yet after we lay down to rest we felt no inconvenience and heeded not the wolves though they were howling within view. the th was also very cold until the sun burst forth when the travelling became pleasant. the banks of the river are very scantily supplied with wood through the part we passed today. a long track on the south shore called holms plains is destitute of anything like a tree and the opposite bank has only stunted willows; but after walking sixteen miles we came to a spot better wooded and encamped opposite to a remarkable place called by the voyagers the neck of land. a short distance below our encampment, on the peninsula formed by the confluence of the net-setting river with the saskatchewan, there stands a representation of kepoochikawn which was formerly held in high veneration by the indians and is still looked upon with some respect. it is merely a large willow bush having its tops bound into a bunch. many offerings of value such as handsome dresses, hatchets, and kettles, used to be made to it, but of late its votaries have been less liberal. it was mentioned to us as a signal instance of its power that a sacrilegious moose-deer, having ventured to crop a few of its tender twigs, was found dead at the distance of a few yards. the bush having now grown old and stunted is exempted from similar violations. on the th we directed our course round the neck of land which is well clothed with pines and firs; though the opposite or western bank is nearly destitute of wood. this contrast between the two banks continued until we reached the commencement of what our companions called the barren grounds when both the banks were alike bare. vast plains extend behind the southern bank which afford excellent pasturage for the buffalo and other grazing animals. in the evening we saw a herd of the former but could not get near to them. after walking fifteen miles we encamped. the men's provision having been entirely expended last night we shared our small stock with them. the poor dogs had been toiling some days on the most scanty fare; their rapacity in consequence was unbounded; they forced open a deal box containing tea, etc. to get at a small piece of meat which had been incautiously placed in it. arrival at carlton house. as soon as daylight permitted the party commenced their march in expectation of reaching carlton house to breakfast, but we did not arrive before noon although the track was good. we were received by mr. prudens, the gentleman in charge of the post, with that friendly attention which governor williams' circular was calculated to ensure at every station; and were soon afterwards regaled with a substantial dish of buffalo steaks which would have been excellent under any circumstances but were particularly relished by us after our travelling fare of dried meat and pemmican, though eaten without either bread or vegetables. after this repast we had the comfort of changing our travelling dresses which had been worn for fourteen days; a gratification which can only be truly estimated by those who have been placed under similar circumstances. i was still in too great pain from swellings in the ankles to proceed to la montee, the north-west company's establishment distant about three miles; but mr. hallet, the gentleman in charge, came the following morning and i presented to him the circular from mr. s. mcgillivray. he had already been furnished however with a copy of it from mr. connolly, and was quite prepared to assist us in our advance to the athabasca. mr. back and i, having been very desirous to see some of the stone indians who reside on the plains in this vicinity, learned with regret that a large band of them had left the house on the preceding day, but our curiosity was amply gratified by the appearance of some individuals on the following and every subsequent day during our stay. the looks of these people would have prepossessed me in their favour but for the assurances i had received from the gentlemen of the posts of their gross and habitual treachery. their countenances are affable and pleasing; their eyes large and expressive, nose aquiline, teeth white and regular, the forehead bold, the cheek-bones rather high. their figure is usually good, above the middle size with slender but well proportioned limbs. their colour is a light copper and they have a profusion of very black hair which hangs over the ears and shades the face. their dress, which i think extremely neat and convenient, consists of a vest and trousers of leather fitted to the body; over these a buffalo robe is thrown gracefully. these dresses are in general cleaned with white-mud, a sort of marl, though some use red-earth, a kind of bog-iron-ore; but this colour neither looks so light nor forms such an agreeable contrast as the white with the black hair of the robe. their quiver hangs behind them and in the hand is carried the bow with an arrow always ready for attack or defence, and sometimes they have a gun; they also carry a bag containing materials for making a fire, some tobacco, the calumet or pipe, and whatever valuables they possess. this bag is neatly ornamented with porcupine quills. thus equipped the stone indian bears himself with an air of perfect independence. the only articles of european commerce they require in exchange for the meat they furnish to the trading post are tobacco, knives, ammunition, and spirits, and occasionally some beads, but more frequently buttons which they string in their hair as ornaments. a successful hunter will probably have two or three dozen of them hanging at equal distances on locks of hair from each side of the forehead. at the end of these locks small coral bells are sometimes attached which tinkle at every motion of the head, a noise which seems greatly to delight the wearer; sometimes strings of buttons are bound round the head like a tiara; and a bunch of feathers gracefully crowns the head. the stone indians steal whatever they can, particularly horses; these animals they maintain are common property sent by the almighty for the general use of man and therefore may be taken wherever met with; still they admit the right of the owners to watch them and to prevent theft if possible. this avowed disposition on their part calls forth the strictest vigilance at the different posts; notwithstanding which the most daring attacks are often made with success, sometimes on parties of three or four but oftener on individuals. about two years ago a band of them had the audacity to attempt to take away some horses which were grazing before the gate of the north-west company's fort and, after braving the fire from the few people then at the establishment through the whole day and returning their shots occasionally, they actually succeeded in their enterprise. one man was killed on each side. they usually strip defenceless persons whom they meet of all their garments, but particularly of those which have buttons, and leave them to travel alone in that state, however severe the weather. if resistance be expected they not unfrequently murder before they attempt to rob. the traders when they travel invariably keep some men on guard to prevent surprise whilst the others sleep; and often practise the stratagem of lighting a fire at sunset, which they leave burning, and move on after dark to a more distant encampment--yet these precautions do not always baffle the depredators. such is the description of men whom the traders of this river have constantly to guard against. it must require a long residence among them and much experience of their manners to overcome the apprehensions their hostility and threats are calculated to excite. through fear of having their provisions and supplies entirely cut off the traders are often obliged to overlook the grossest offences, even murder, though the delinquents present themselves with unblushing effrontery almost immediately after the fact and perhaps boast of it. they do not on detection consider themselves under any obligation to deliver up what they have stolen without receiving an equivalent. stone indians. the stone indians keep in amity with their neighbours the crees from motives of interest; and the two tribes unite in determined hostility against the nations dwelling to the westward which are generally called slave indians--a term of reproach applied by the crees to those tribes against whom they have waged successful wars. the slave indians are said greatly to resemble the stone indians, being equally desperate and daring in their acts of aggression and dishonesty towards the traders. these parties go to war almost every summer and sometimes muster three or four hundred horsemen on each side. their leaders, in approaching the foe, exercise all the caution of the most skilful generals; and whenever either party considers that it has gained the best ground, or finds it can surprise the other, the attack is made. they advance at once to close quarters and the slaughter is consequently great though the battle may be short. the prisoners of either sex are seldom spared but slain on the spot with wanton cruelty. the dead are scalped and he is considered the bravest person who bears the greatest number of scalps from the field. these are afterwards attached to his war dress and worn as proofs of his prowess. the victorious party during a certain time blacken their faces and every part of their dress in token of joy, and in that state they often come to the establishment, if near, to testify their delight by dancing and singing, bearing all the horrid insignia of war, to display their individual feats. when in mourning they completely cover their dress and hair with white mud. the crees in the vicinity of carlton house have the same cast of countenance as those about cumberland but are much superior to them in appearance, living in a more abundant country. these men are more docile, tractable, and industrious than the stone indians and bring greater supplies of provision and furs to the posts. their general mode of dress resembles that of the stone indians; but sometimes they wear cloth leggings, blankets, and other useful articles when they can afford to purchase them. they also decorate their hair with buttons. the crees procure guns from the traders and use them in preference to the bow and arrow; and from them the stone indians often get supplied either by stealth, gaming, or traffic. like the rest of their nation these crees are remarkably fond of spirits and would make any sacrifice to obtain them. i regretted to find the demand for this pernicious article had greatly increased within the last few years. the following notice of these indians is extracted from dr. richardson's journal: the asseenaboine, termed by the crees asseeneepoytuck or stone indians, are a tribe of sioux who speak a dialect of the iroquois, one of the great divisions under which the american philologists have classed the known dialects of the aborigines of north america. the stone indians or, as they name themselves, eascab, originally entered this part of the country under the protection of the crees and, in concert with them, attacked and drove to the westward the former inhabitants of the banks of the saskatchewan. they are still the allies of the crees but have now become more numerous than their former protectors. they exhibit all the bad qualities ascribed to the mengwe or iroquois, the stock whence they are sprung. of their actual number i could obtain no precise information but it is very great. the crees who inhabit the plains, being fur hunters, are better known to the traders. they are divided into two distinct bands, the ammiskwatchhethinyoowuc or beaver hill crees, who have about forty tents and the sackaweethinyoowuc or thick wood crees who have thirty-five. the tents average nearly ten inmates each, which gives a population of seven hundred and fifty to the whole. the nations who were driven to the westward by the eascab and crees are termed, in general, by the latter, yatcheethinyoowuc, which has been translated slave indians but more properly signifies strangers. they now inhabit the country around fort augustus, and towards the foot of the rocky mountains, and have increased in strength until they have become an object of terror to the eascab themselves. they rear a great number of horses, make use of firearms, and are fond of european articles, in order to purchase which they hunt the beaver and other furred animals, but they depend principally on the buffalo for subsistence. they are divided into five nations: first, the pawausticeythinyoowuc, or fall indians, so named from their former residence on the falls of the saskatchewan. they are the minetarres with whom captain lewis's party had a conflict on their return from the missouri. they have about four hundred and fifty or five hundred tents; their language is very guttural and difficult. second, the peganooeythinyoowuc pegans, or muddy river indians named in their own language peganoekoon, have four hundred tents. third, the meethcothinyoowuc, or blood indians, named by themselves kainoekoon, have three hundred tents. fourth, the cuskoetehwawthesseetuck, or blackfoot indians, in their own language saxoekoekoon, have three hundred and fifty tents. the last three nations or tribes, the pegans, blood indians, and blackfeet, speak the same language. it is pronounced in a slow and distinct tone, has much softness, and is easily acquired by their neighbours. i am assured by the best interpreters in the country that it bears no affinity to the cree, sioux, or chipewyan languages. lastly the sassees, or circees, have one hundred and fifty tents; they speak the same language with their neighbours, the snare indians, who are a tribe of the extensive family of the chipewyans.* (*footnote. as the subjects may be interesting to philologists i subjoin a few words of the blackfoot language: peestah kan: tobacco. moohksee: an awl. nappoeoohkee: rum. cook keet: give me. eeninee: buffalo. pooxapoot: come here. kat oetsits: none, i have none. keet sta kee: a beaver. naum: a bow. stooan: a knife. sassoopats: ammunition. meenee: beads. poommees: fat. miss ta poot: keep off. saw: no. stwee: cold; it is cold. pennakomit: a horse. ahseeu: good.) ... visit to a buffalo pound. on the th of february we accompanied mr. prudens on a visit to a cree encampment and a buffalo pound about six miles from the house; we found seven tents pitched within a small cluster of pines which adjoined the pound. the largest, which we entered, belonged to the chief who was absent but came in on learning our arrival. the old man (about sixty) welcomed us with a hearty shake of the hand and the customary salutation of "what cheer!" an expression which they have gained from the traders. as we had been expected they had caused the tent to be neatly arranged, fresh grass was spread on the ground, buffalo robes were placed on the side opposite the door for us to sit on, and a kettle was on the fire to boil meat for us. after a few minutes' conversation an invitation was given to the chief and his hunters to smoke the calumet with us as a token of our friendship: this was loudly announced through the camp and ten men from the other tents immediately joined our party. on their entrance the women and children withdrew, their presence on such occasions being contrary to etiquette. the calumet having been prepared and lighted by mr. prudens' clerk was presented to the chief who performed the following ceremony before he commenced smoking: he first pointed the stem to the south, then to the west, north, and east, and afterwards to the heavens, the earth and the fire, as an offering to the presiding spirits; he took three whiffs only and then passed the pipe to his next companion who took the same number of whiffs and so did each person as it went round. after the calumet had been replenished the person who then commenced repeated only the latter part of the ceremony, pointing the stem to the heavens, the earth and the fire. some spirits mixed with water were presented to the old man who before he drank demanded a feather which he dipped into the cup several times and sprinkled the moisture on the ground, pronouncing each time a prayer. his first address to the keetchee manitou, or great spirit, was that buffalo might be abundant everywhere and that plenty might come into their pound. he next prayed that the other animals might be numerous and particularly those which were valuable for their furs, and then implored that the party present might escape the sickness which was at that time prevalent and be blessed with constant health. some other supplications followed which we could not get interpreted without interrupting the whole proceeding; but at every close the whole indian party assented by exclaiming aha; and when he had finished the old man drank a little and passed the cup round. after these ceremonies each person smoked at his leisure and they engaged in a general conversation which i regretted not understanding as it seemed to be very humorous, exciting frequent bursts of laughter. the younger men in particular appeared to ridicule the abstinence of one of the party who neither drank nor smoked. he bore their jeering with perfect composure and assured them, as i was told, they would be better if they would follow his example. i was happy to learn from mr. prudens that this man was not only one of the best hunters but the most cheerful and contented of the tribe. four stone indians arrived at this time and were invited into the tent but one only accepted the invitation and partook of the fare. when mr. prudens heard the others refuse he gave immediate directions that our horses should be narrowly watched as he suspected these fellows wished to carry them off. having learned that these crees considered mr. back and myself to be war chiefs possessing great power and that they expected we should make some address to them i desired them to be kind to the traders, to be industrious in procuring them provision and furs, and to refrain from stealing their stores and horses; and i assured them that if i heard of their continuing to behave kindly i would mention their good conduct in the strongest terms to their great father across the sea (by which appellation they designate the king) whose favourable consideration they had been taught by the traders to value most highly. they all promised to follow my advice and assured me it was not they but the stone indians who robbed and annoyed the traders. the stone indian who was present heard this accusation against his tribe quite unmoved, but he probably did not understand the whole of the communication. we left them to finish their rum and went to look round the lodges and examine the pound. the greatest proportion of labour in savage life falls to the women; we now saw them employed in dressing skins, and conveying wood, water, and provision. as they have often to fetch the meat from some distance they are assisted in this duty by their dogs which are not harnessed in sledges but carry their burdens in a manner peculiarly adapted to this level country. two long poles are fastened by a collar to the dog's neck; their ends trail on the ground and are kept at a proper distance by a hoop which is lashed between them immediately behind the dog's tail; the hoop is covered with network upon which the load is placed. the boys were amusing themselves by shooting arrows at a mark and thus training to become hunters. the stone indians are so expert with the bow and arrow that they can strike a very small object at a considerable distance and will shoot with sufficient force to pierce through the body of a buffalo when near. the buffalo pound was a fenced circular space of about a hundred yards in diameter; the entrance was banked up with snow to a sufficient height to prevent the retreat of the animals that once have entered. for about a mile on each side of the road leading to the pound stakes were driven into the ground at nearly equal distances of about twenty yards; these were intended to represent men and to deter the animals from attempting to break out on either side. within fifty or sixty yards from the pound branches of trees were placed between these stakes to screen the indians who lie down behind them to await the approach of the buffalo. the principal dexterity in this species of chase is shown by the horsemen who have to manoeuvre round the herd in the plains so as to urge them to enter the roadway which is about a quarter of a mile broad. when this has been accomplished they raise loud shouts and, pressing close upon the animals, so terrify them that they rush heedlessly forward towards the snare. when they have advanced as far as the men who are lying in ambush they also rise and increase the consternation by violent shouting and firing guns. the affrighted beasts having no alternative run directly to the pound where they are quickly despatched either with an arrow or gun. there was a tree in the centre of the pound on which the indians had hung strips of buffalo flesh and pieces of cloth as tributary or grateful offerings to the great master of life; and we were told that they occasionally place a man in the tree to sing to the presiding spirit as the buffaloes are advancing who must keep his station until the whole that have entered are killed. this species of hunting is very similar to that of taking elephants on the island of ceylon but upon a smaller scale. the crees complained to us of the audacity of a party of stone indians who two nights before had stripped their revered tree of many of its offerings and had injured their pound by setting their stakes out of the proper places. other modes of killing the buffalo are practised by the indians with success; of these the hunting them on horseback requires most dexterity. an expert hunter, when well mounted, dashes at the herd and chooses an individual which he endeavours to separate from the rest. if he succeeds he contrives to keep him apart by the proper management of his horse though going at full speed. whenever he can get sufficiently near for a ball to penetrate the beast's hide he fires and seldom fails of bringing the animal down; though of course he cannot rest the piece against the shoulder nor take a deliberate aim. on this service the hunter is often exposed to considerable danger from the fall of his horse in the numerous holes which the badgers make in these plains, and also from the rage of the buffalo which when closely pressed often turns suddenly and, rushing furiously on the horse, frequently succeeds in wounding it or dismounting the rider. whenever the animal shows this disposition which the experienced hunter will readily perceive he immediately pulls up his horse and goes off in another direction. when the buffaloes are on their guard horses cannot be used in approaching them; but the hunter dismounts at some distance and crawls in the snow towards the herd, pushing his gun before him. if the buffaloes happen to look towards him he stops and keeps quite motionless until their eyes are turned in another direction; by this cautious proceeding a skilful person will get so near as to be able to kill two or three out of the herd. it will easily be imagined this service cannot be very agreeable when the thermometer stands or degrees below zero as sometimes happens in this country. as we were returning from the tents the dogs that were harnessed to three sledges, in one of which mr. back was seated, set off in pursuit of a buffalo-calf. mr. back was speedily thrown from his vehicle and had to join me in my horse-cariole. mr. heriot, having gone to recover the dogs, found them lying exhausted beside the calf which they had baited until it was as exhausted as themselves. mr. heriot, to show us the mode of hunting on horseback or as the traders term it, running of the buffalo, went in chase of a cow and killed it after firing three shots. the buffalo is a huge and shapeless animal quite devoid of grace or beauty; particularly awkward in running but by no means slow; when put to his speed he plunges through the deep snow very expeditiously; the hair is dark brown, very shaggy, curling about the head, neck, and hump, and almost covering the eye, particularly in the bull which is larger and more unsightly than the cow. the most esteemed part of the animal is the hump, called by the canadians bos, by the hudson's bay people the wig; it is merely a strong muscle on which nature at certain seasons forms a considerable quantity of fat. it is attached to the long spinous processes of the first dorsal vertebrae and seems to be destined to support the enormous head of the animal. the meat which covers the spinal processes themselves after the wig is removed is next in esteem for its flavour and juiciness and is more exclusively termed the hump by the hunters. the party was prevented from visiting a stone indian encampment by a heavy fall of snow, which made it impracticable to go and return the same day. we were dissuaded from sleeping at their tents by the interpreter at the north-west post who told us they considered the whooping-cough and measles, under which they were now suffering, to have been introduced by some white people recently arrived in the country, and that he feared those who had lost relatives, imagining we were the persons, might vent their revenge on us. we regretted to learn that these diseases had been so very destructive among the tribes along the saskatchewan as to have carried off about three hundred persons, crees and asseenaboines, within the trading circle of these establishments. the interpreter also informed us of another bad trait peculiar to the stone indians. though they receive a visitor kindly at their tents and treat him very hospitably during his stay yet it is very probable they will despatch some young men to waylay and rob him in going towards the post: indeed all the traders assured us it was more necessary to be vigilantly on our guard on the occasion of a visit to them than at any other time. carlton house (which our observations place in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east) is pleasantly situated about a quarter of a mile from the river's side on the flat ground under the shelter of the high banks that bound the plains. the land is fertile and produces with little trouble ample returns of wheat, barley, oats, and potatoes. the ground is prepared for the reception of these vegetables about the middle of april and when dr. richardson visited this place on may th the blade of wheat looked strong and healthy. there were only five acres in cultivation at the period of my visit. the prospect from the fort must be pretty in summer owing to the luxuriant verdure of this fertile soil; but in the uniform and cheerless garb of winter it has little to gratify the eye. beyond the steep bank behind the house commences the vast plain whose boundaries are but imperfectly known; it extends along the south branch of the saskatchewan and towards the sources of the missouri and asseenaboine rivers, being scarcely interrupted through the whole of this great space by hills or even rising grounds. the excellent pasturage furnishes food in abundance to a variety of grazing animals of which the buffalo, red-deer, and a species of antelope are the most important. their presence naturally attracts great hordes of wolves which are of two kinds, the large, and the small. many bears prowl about the banks of this river in summer; of these the grizzly bear is the most ferocious and is held in dread both by indians and europeans. the traveller in crossing these plains not only suffers from the want of food and water but is also exposed to hazard from his horse stumbling in the numerous badger-holes. in many large districts the only fuel is the dried dung of the buffalo; and when a thirsty traveller reaches a spring he has not unfrequently the mortification to find the water salt. carlton house and la montee are provision-posts, only an inconsiderable quantity of furs being obtained at either of them. the provisions are procured in the winter season from the indians in the form of dried meat and fat and, when converted by mixture into pemmican, furnish the principal support of the voyagers in their passages to and from the depots in summer. a considerable quantity of it is also kept for winter use at most of the fur-posts as the least bulky article that can be taken on a winter journey. the mode of making pemmican is very simple, the meat is dried by the indians in the sun or over a fire, and pounded by beating it with stones when spread on a skin. in this state it is brought to the forts where the admixture of hair is partially sifted out and a third part of melted fat incorporated with it, partly by turning the two over with a wooden shovel, partly by kneading them together with the hands. the pemmican is then firmly pressed into leathern bags, each capable of containing eighty-five pounds and, being placed in an airy place to cool, is fit for use. it keeps in this state if not allowed to get wet very well for one year and with great care it may be preserved good for two. between three and four hundred bags were made here by each of the companies this year. there were eight men besides mr. prudens and his clerk belonging to carlton house. at la montee there were seventy canadians and half-breeds and sixty women and children who consumed upwards of seven hundred pounds of buffalo meat daily, the allowance per diem for each man being eight pounds: a portion not so extravagant as may at first appear when allowance is made for bone and the entire want of farinaceous food or vegetables. there are other provision posts, fort augustus and edmonton farther up the river, from whence some furs are also procured. the stone indians have threatened to cut off the supplies in going up to these establishments to prevent their enemies from obtaining ammunition and other european articles; but as these menaces have been frequently made without being put in execution the traders now hear them without any great alarm though they take every precaution to prevent being surprised. mr. back and i were present when an old cree communicated to mr. prudens that the indians spoke of killing all the white people in that vicinity this year which information he received with perfect composure and was amused as well as ourselves with the man's judicious remark which immediately followed, "a pretty state we shall then be in without the goods you bring us." goitres. the following remarks on a well-known disease are extracted from dr. richardson's journal: bronchocele or goitre is a common disorder at edmonton. i examined several of the individuals afflicted with it and endeavoured to obtain every information on the subject from the most authentic sources. the following facts may be depended upon. the disorder attacks those only who drink the water of the river. it is indeed in its worst state confined almost entirely to the half-breed women and children who reside constantly at the fort and make use of river water drawn in the winter through a hole cut in the ice. the men, being often from home on journeys through the plain, when their drink is melted snow, are less affected; and if any of them exhibit during the winter some incipient symptoms of the complaint the annual summer voyage to the sea-coast generally effects a cure. the natives who confine themselves to snow-water in the winter and drink of the small rivulets which flow through the plains in the summer are exempt from the attacks of this disease. these facts are curious inasmuch as they militate against the generally received opinion that the disease is caused by drinking snow-water; an opinion which seems to have originated from bronchocele being endemial to subalpine districts. the saskatchewan at edmonton is clear in the winter and also in the summer except during the may and july floods. this distance from the rocky mountains (which i suppose to be of primitive formation) is upwards of one hundred and thirty miles. the neighbouring plains are alluvial, the soil is calcareous and contains numerous travelled fragments of limestone. at a considerable distance below edmonton the river, continuing its course through the plains, becomes turbid and acquires a white colour. in this state it is drunk by the inmates of carlton house where the disease is known only by name. it is said that the inhabitants of rocky mountain house, sixty miles nearer the source of the river are more severely affected than those at edmonton. the same disease occurs near the sources of the elk and peace rivers; but in those parts of the country which are distant from the rocky mountain chain it is unknown although melted snow forms the only drink of the natives for nine months of the year. a residence of a single year at edmonton is sufficient to render a family bronchocelous. many of the goitres acquire great size. burnt sponge has been tried and found to remove the disease but an exposure to the same cause immediately reproduces it. a great proportion of the children of women who have goitres are born idiots with large heads and the other distinguishing marks of cretins. i could not learn whether it was necessary that both parents should have goitres to produce cretin children: indeed the want of chastity in the half-breed women would be a bar to the deduction of any inference on this head. ... departure from carlton house. february . having recovered from the swellings and pains which our late march from cumberland had occasioned we prepared for the commencement of our journey to isle a la crosse, and requisitions were made on both the establishments for the means of conveyance and the necessary supply of provisions for the party which were readily furnished. on the th the carioles and sledges were loaded and sent off after breakfast; but mr. back and i remained till the afternoon as mr. prudens had offered that his horses should convey us to the encampment. at three p.m. we parted from our kind host and, in passing through the gate, were honoured with a salute of musketry. after riding six miles we joined the men at their encampment which was made under the shelter of a few poplars. the dogs had been so much fatigued in wading through the very deep snow with their heavy burdens, having to drag upwards of ninety pounds' weight each, that they could get no farther. soon after our arrival the snow began to fall heavily and it continued through the greater part of the night. our next day's march was therefore particularly tedious, the snow being deep and the route lying across an unvarying level, destitute of wood except one small cluster of willows. in the afternoon we reached the end of the plain and came to an elevation on which poplars, willows, and some pines grew, where we encamped, having travelled ten miles. we crossed three small lakes, two of fresh water and one of salt, near the latter of which we encamped and were in consequence obliged to use for our tea water made from snow which has always a disagreeable taste. we had scarcely ascended the hill on the following morning when a large herd of red-deer was perceived grazing at a little distance; and though we were amply supplied with provision our canadian companions could not resist the temptation of endeavouring to add to our stock. a half-breed hunter was therefore sent after them. he succeeded in wounding one but not so as to prevent its running off with the herd in a direction wide of our course. a couple of rabbits and a brace of wood partridges were shot in the afternoon. there was an agreeable variety of hill and dale in the scenery we passed through today, and sufficient wood for ornament but not enough to crowd the picture. the valleys were intersected by several small lakes and pools whose snowy covering was happily contrasted with the dark green of the pine-trees which surrounded them. after ascending a moderately high hill by a winding path through a close wood we opened suddenly upon lake iroquois and had a full view of its picturesque shores. we crossed it and encamped. though the sky was cloudless yet the weather was warm. we had the gratification of finding a beaten track soon after we started on the morning of the th and were thus enabled to walk briskly. we crossed at least twenty hills and found a small lake or pool at the foot of each. the destructive ravages of fire were visible during the greater part of the day. the only wood we saw for miles together consisted of pine-trees stripped of their branches and bark by this element: in other parts poplars alone were growing which we have remarked invariably to succeed the pine after a conflagration. we walked twenty miles today but the direct distance was only sixteen. the remains of an indian hut were found in a deep glen and close to it was placed a pile of wood which our companions supposed to cover a deposit of provision. our canadian voyagers, induced by their insatiable desire of procuring food, proceeded to remove the upper pieces and examine its contents when, to their surprise, they found the body of a female, clothed in leather, which appeared to have been recently placed there. her former garments, the materials for making a fire, a fishing-line, a hatchet, and a bark dish were laid beside the corpse. the wood was carefully replaced. a small owl, perched on a tree near to the spot, called forth many singular remarks from our companions as to its being a good or bad omen. we walked the whole of the th over flat meadow-land which is much resorted to by the buffalo at all seasons. some herds of them were seen which our hunters were too unskilful to approach. in the afternoon we reached the stinking lake which is nearly of an oval form. its shores are very low and swampy to which circumstances and not to the bad quality of the waters it owes its indian name. our observations place its western part in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. after a march of fifteen miles and a half we encamped among a few pines at the only spot where we saw sufficient wood for making our fire during the day. the next morning about an hour after we had commenced our march we came upon a beaten track and perceived recent marks of snowshoes. in a short time an iroquois joined us, who was residing with a party of cree indians, to secure the meat and furs they should collect for the north-west company. he accompanied us as far as the stage on which his meat was placed and then gave us a very pressing invitation to halt for the day and partake of his fare which, as the hour was too early, we declined, much to the annoyance of our canadian companions who had been cherishing the prospect of indulging their amazing appetites at this well-furnished store ever since the man had been with us. he gave them however a small supply previous to our parting. the route now crossed some ranges of hills on which fir, birch and poplar grew so thickly that we had much difficulty in getting the sledges through the narrow pathway between them. in the evening we descended from the elevated ground, crossed three swampy meadows, and encamped at their northern extremity within a cluster of large pine-trees, the branches of which were elegantly decorated with abundance of a greenish yellow lichen. our march was ten miles. the weather was very mild, almost too warm for the exercise we were taking. we had a strong gale from the north-west during the night which subsided as the morning opened. one of the sledges had been so much broken the day before in the woods that we had to divide its cargo among the others. we started after this had been arranged and, finding almost immediately a firm track, soon arrived at some indian lodges to which it led. the inhabitants were crees belonging to the posts on the saskatchewan from whence they had come to hunt beaver. we made but a short stay and proceeded through a swamp to pelican lake. our view to the right was bounded by a range of lofty hills which extended for several miles in a north and south direction which, it may be remarked, was that of all the hilly land we had passed since quitting the plain. pelican lake is of an irregular form, about six miles from east to west and eight from north to south; it decreases to the breadth of a mile towards the northern extremity and is there terminated by a creek. we went up this creek for a short distance and then struck into the woods and encamped among a cluster of the firs which the canadians term cypres (pinus banksiana) having come fourteen miles and a half. february . shortly after commencing the journey today we met an indian and his family who had come from the houses at green lake; they informed us the track was well beaten the whole way. we therefore put forth our utmost speed in the hope of reaching them by night but were disappointed, and had to halt at dark about twelve miles from them in a fisherman's hut which was unoccupied. frequent showers of snow fell during the day and the atmosphere was thick and gloomy. we started at an early hour the following morning and reached the hudson's bay company's post to breakfast, and were received very kindly by mr. macfarlane, the gentleman in charge. the other establishment, situated on the opposite side of the river, was under the direction of mr. dugald cameron, one of the partners of the north-west company on whom mr. back and i called soon after our arrival and were honoured with a salute of musketry. these establishments are small but said to be well situated for procuring furs; as the numerous creeks in their vicinity are much resorted to by the beaver, otter and musquash. the residents usually obtain a superabundant supply of provision. this season however they barely had sufficient for their own support, owing to the epidemic which has incapacitated the indians for hunting. the green lake lies nearly north and south, is eighteen miles in length and does not exceed one mile and a half of breadth in any part. the water is deep and it is in consequence one of the last lakes in the country that is frozen. excellent tittameg and trout are caught in it from march to december but after that time most of the fish remove to some larger lake. we remained two days awaiting the return of some men who had been sent to the indian lodges for meat and who were to go on with us. mr. back and i did not need this rest, having completely surmounted the pain occasioned by the snowshoes. we dined twice with mr. cameron and received from him many useful suggestions respecting our future operations. this gentleman, having informed us that provisions would probably be very scarce next spring in the athabasca department in consequence of the sickness of the indians during the hunting season, undertook at my request to cause a supply of pemmican to be conveyed from the saskatchewan to isle a la crosse for our use during the winter, and i wrote to apprise dr. richardson and mr. hood that they would find it at the latter post when they passed, and also to desire them to bring as much as the canoes would stow from cumberland. the atmosphere was clear and cold during our stay; observations were obtained at the hudson's bay fort, latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. february . having been equipped with carioles, sledges and provisions from the two posts, we this day recommenced our journey and were much amused by the novelty of the salute given at our departure, the guns being principally fired by the women in the absence of the men. our course was directed to the end of the lake and for a short distance along a small river; we then crossed the woods to the beaver river which we found to be narrow and very serpentine, having moderately high banks. we encamped about one mile and a half farther up among poplars. the next day we proceeded along the river; it was winding and about two hundred yards broad. we passed the mouths of two rivers whose waters it receives; the latter one we were informed is a channel by which the indians go to the lesser slave lake. the banks of the river became higher as we advanced and were adorned with pines, poplars and willows. though the weather was very cold we travelled more comfortably than at any preceding time since our departure from cumberland as we had light carioles which enabled us to ride nearly the whole day warmly covered up with a buffalo robe. we were joined by mr. mcleod of the north-west company who had kindly brought some things from green lake which our sledges could not carry. pursuing our route along the river we reached at an early hour the upper extremity of the grand rapid where the ice was so rough that the carioles and sledges had to be conveyed across a point of land. soon after noon we left the river, inclining north-east, and directed our course north-west until we reached long lake and encamped at its northern extremity, having come twenty-three miles. this lake is about fourteen miles long and from three-quarters to one mile and a half broad, its shores and islands low but well wooded. there were frequent snow-showers during the day. isle a la crosse. february . the night was very stormy but the wind became more moderate in the morning. we passed today through several nameless lakes and swamps before we came to train lake which received its name from being the place where the traders procured the birch to make their sledges or traineaux; but this wood has been all used and there only remain pines and a few poplars. we met some sledges laden with fish, kindly sent to meet us by mr. clark of the hudson's bay company on hearing of our approach. towards the evening the weather became much more unpleasant and we were exposed to a piercingly cold wind and much snowdrift in traversing the isle a la crosse lake; we were therefore highly pleased at reaching the hudson's bay house by six p.m. we were received in the most friendly manner by mr. clark and honoured by volleys of musketry. similar marks of attention were shown to us on the following day by mr. bethune, the partner in charge of the north-west company's fort. i found here the letters which i had addressed from cumberland in november last to the partners of the north-west company in the athabasca, which circumstance convinced me of the necessity of our present journey. these establishments are situated on the southern side of the lake and close to each other. they are forts of considerable importance being placed at a point of communication with the english river, the athabasca and columbia districts. the country around them is low and intersected with water, and was formerly much frequented by beavers and otters which however have been so much hunted by the indians that their number is greatly decreased. the indians frequenting these forts are the crees and some chipewyans; they scarcely ever come except in the spring and autumn, in the former season to bring their winter's collection of furs and in the latter to get the stores they require. three chipewyan lads came in during our stay to report what furs the band to which they belonged had collected and to desire they might be sent for, the indians having declined bringing either furs or meat themselves since the opposition between the companies commenced. mr. back drew a portrait of one of the boys. isle a la crosse lake receives its name from an island situated near the forts on which the indians formerly assembled annually to amuse themselves at the game of the cross. it is justly celebrated for abundance of the finest tittameg, which weigh from five to fifteen pounds. the residents live principally upon this most delicious fish which fortunately can be eaten a long time without disrelish. it is plentifully caught with nets throughout the year except for two or three months. march . we witnessed the aurora borealis very brilliant for the second time since our departure from cumberland. a winter encampment is not a favourable situation for viewing this phenomenon as the trees in general hide the sky. arrangements had been made for recommencing our journey today but the wind was stormy and the snow had drifted too much for travelling with comfort; we therefore stayed and dined with mr. bethune who promised to render every assistance in getting pemmican conveyed to us from the saskatchewan to be in readiness for our canoes when they might arrive in the spring; mr. clark also engaged to procure six bags for us and to furnish our canoes with any other supplies which might be wanted and could be spared from his post, and to contribute his aid in forwarding the pemmican to the athabasca if our canoes could not carry it all. i feel greatly indebted to this gentleman for much valuable information respecting the country and the indians residing to the north of slave lake and for furnishing me with a list of stores he supposed we should require. he had resided some years on mackenzie's river and had been once so far towards its mouth as to meet the esquimaux in great numbers. but they assumed such a hostile attitude that he deemed it unadvisable to attempt opening any communication with them and retreated as speedily as he could. the observations we obtained here showed that the chronometers had varied their rates a little in consequence of the jolting of the carioles, but their errors and rates were ascertained previous to our departure. we observed the position of this fort to be latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, by lunars reduced back from fort chipewyan, variation degrees minutes seconds west, dip degrees minutes seconds. march . we recommenced our journey this morning, having been supplied with the means of conveyance by both the companies in equal proportions. mr. clark accompanied us with the intention of going as far as the boundary of his district. this gentleman was an experienced winter traveller and we derived much benefit from his suggestions; he caused the men to arrange the encampment with more attention to comfort and shelter than our former companions had done. after marching eighteen miles we put up on gravel point in the deep river. at nine the next morning we came to the commencement of clear lake. we crossed its southern extremes and then went over a point of land to buffalo lake and encamped after travelling twenty-six miles. after supper we were entertained till midnight with paddling songs by our canadians who required very little stimulus beyond their natural vivacity to afford us this diversion. the next morning we arrived at the establishments which are situated on the western side of the lake near a small stream called the beaver river. they were small log buildings hastily erected last october for the convenience of the indians who hunt in the vicinity. mr. macmurray, a partner in the north-west company, having sent to isle a la crosse an invitation to mr. back and i, our carioles were driven to his post and we experienced the kindest reception. these posts are frequented by only a few indians, crees, and chipewyans. the country round is not sufficiently stocked with animals to afford support to many families and the traders subsist almost entirely on fish caught in the autumn prior to the lake being frozen but, the water being shallow, they remove to a deeper part as soon as the lake is covered with ice. the aurora borealis was brilliantly displayed on both the nights we remained here, but particularly on the th when its appearances were most diversified and the motion extremely rapid. its coruscations occasionally concealed from sight stars of the first magnitude in passing over them, at other times these were faintly discerned through them; once i perceived a stream of light to illumine the under surface of some clouds as it passed along. there was no perceptible noise. mr. macmurray gave a dance to his voyagers and the women; this is a treat which they expect on the arrival of any stranger at the post. we were presented by this gentleman with the valuable skin of a black fox which he had entrapped some days before our arrival; it was forwarded to england with other specimens. our observations place the north-west company's house in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. the shores of buffalo lake are of moderate height and well wooded but immediately beyond the bank the country is very swampy and intersected with water in every direction. at some distance from the western side there is a conspicuous hill which we hailed with much pleasure as being the first interruption to the tediously uniform scene we had for some time passed through. on the th we recommenced our journey after breakfast and travelled quickly as we had the advantage of a well-beaten track. at the end of eighteen miles we entered upon the river loche which has a serpentine course and is confined between alluvial banks that support stunted willows and a few pines; we encamped about three miles farther on and in the course of the next day's march perceived several holes on the ice and many unsafe places for the sledges. our companions said the ice of this river is always in the same insecure state, even during the most severe winter, which they attributed to warm springs. quitting the river we crossed a portage and came upon the methye lake and soon afterwards arrived at the trading posts on its western side. these were perfect huts which had been hastily built after the commencement of the last winter. we here saw two hunters who were chipewyan half-breeds and made many inquiries of them respecting the countries we expected to visit, but we found them quite ignorant of every part beyond the athabasca lake. they spoke of mr. hearne and of his companion matonnabee, but did not add to our stock of information respecting that journey. it had happened before their birth but they remembered the expedition of sir alexander mackenzie towards the sea. this is a picturesque lake about ten miles long and six broad and receives its name from a species of fish caught in it but not much esteemed; the residents never eat any part but the liver except through necessity, the dogs dislike even that. the tittameg and trout are also caught in the fall of the year. the position of the houses by our observations is latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. on the th we renewed our journey and parted from mr. clark to whom we were much obliged for his hospitality and kindness. we soon reached the methye portage and had a very pleasant ride across it in our carioles. the track was good and led through groups of pines, so happily placed that it would not have required a great stretch of imagination to fancy ourselves in a well-arranged park. we had now to cross a small lake and then gradually ascended hills beyond it until we arrived at the summit of a lofty chain of mountains commanding the most picturesque and romantic prospect we had yet seen in this country. two ranges of high hills run parallel to each other for several miles until the faint blue haze hides their particular characters, when they slightly change their course and are lost to the view. the space between them is occupied by nearly a level plain through which a river pursues a meandering course and receives supplies from the creeks and rills issuing from the mountains on each side. the prospect was delightful even amid the snow and though marked with all the cheerless characters of winter; how much more charming must it be when the trees are in leaf and the ground is arrayed in summer verdure! some faint idea of the difference was conveyed to my mind by witnessing the effect of the departing rays of a brilliant sun. the distant prospect however is surpassed in grandeur by the wild scenery which appeared immediately below our feet. there the eye penetrates into vast ravines two or three hundred feet in depth that are clothed with trees and lie on either side of the narrow pathway descending to the river over eight successive ridges of hills. at one spot termed the cockscomb the traveller stands insulated as it were on a small slip where a false step might precipitate him into the glen. from this place mr. back took an interesting and accurate sketch to allow time for which we encamped early, having come twenty-one miles. the methye portage is about twelve miles in extent and over this space the canoes and all their cargoes are carried, both in going to and from the athabasca department. it is part of the range of mountains which separates the waters flowing south from those flowing north. according to sir alexander mackenzie "this range of hills continues in a south-west direction until its local height is lost between the saskatchewan and elk rivers, close on the banks of the former in latitude degrees minutes north, longitude degrees minutes west, when it appears to take its course due north." observations taken in the spring by mr. hood place the north side of the portage in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east, dip degrees minutes seconds. at daylight on the th we began to descend the range of hills leading towards the river, and no small care was required to prevent the sledges from being broken in going down these almost perpendicular heights, or being precipitated into the glens on each side. as a precautionary measure the dogs were taken off and the sledges guided by the men, notwithstanding which they descended with amazing rapidity and the men were thrown into the most ridiculous attitudes in endeavouring to stop them. when we had arrived at the bottom i could not but feel astonished at the laborious task which the voyagers have twice in the year to encounter at this place in conveying their stores backwards and forwards. we went across the clear water river which runs at the bases of these hills, and followed an indian track along its northern bank, by which we avoided the white mud and good portages. we afterwards followed the river as far as the pine portage, when we passed through a very romantic defile of rocks which presented the appearance of gothic ruins, and their rude characters were happily contrasted with the softness of the snow and the darker foliage of the pines which crowned their summits. we next crossed the cascade portage which is the last on the way to the athabasca lake, and soon afterwards came to some indian tents containing five families belonging to the chipewyan tribe. we smoked the calumet in the chief's tent, whose name was the thumb, and distributed some tobacco and a weak mixture of spirits and water among the men. they received this civility with much less grace than the crees, and seemed to consider it a matter of course. there was an utter neglect of cleanliness and a total want of comfort in their tents; and the poor creatures were miserably clothed. mr. frazer, who accompanied us from the methye lake, accounted for their being in this forlorn condition by explaining that this band of indians had recently destroyed everything they possessed as a token of their great grief for the loss of their relatives in the prevailing sickness. it appears that no article is spared by these unhappy men when a near relative dies; their clothes and tents are cut to pieces, their guns broken, and every other weapon rendered useless if some person do not remove these articles from their sight, which is seldom done. mr. back sketched one of the children which delighted the father very much, who charged the boy to be very good since his picture had been drawn by a great chief. we learned that they prize pictures very highly and esteem any they can get, however badly executed, as efficient charms. they were unable to give us any information respecting the country beyond the athabasca lake which is the boundary of their peregrinations to the northward. having been apprised of our coming they had prepared an encampment for us; but we had witnessed too many proofs of their importunity to expect that we could pass the night near them in any comfort whilst either spirits, tobacco or sugar remained in our possession; and therefore preferred to go about two miles farther along the river and to encamp among a cluster of fine pine-trees after a journey of sixteen miles. on the morning of the th, in proceeding along the river, we perceived a strong smell of sulphur, and on the north shore found a quantity of it scattered, which seemed to have been deposited by some spring in the neighbourhood: it appeared very pure and good. we continued our course the whole day along the river, which is about four hundred yards wide, has some islands, and is confined between low land extending from the bases of the mountains on each side. we put up at the end of thirteen miles and were then joined by a chipewyan who came, as we supposed, to serve as our guide to pierre au calumet but, as none of the party could communicate with our new friend otherwise than by signs, we waited patiently until the morning to see what he intended to do. the wind blew a gale during the night and the snow fell heavily. the next day our guide led us to the pembina river which comes from the southward where we found traces of indians who appeared to have quitted this station the day before; we had therefore the benefit of a good track which our dogs much required as they were greatly fatigued, having dragged their loads through very deep snow for the last two days. a moose-deer crossed the river just before the party: this animal is plentiful in the vicinity. we encamped in a pleasant well-sheltered place, having travelled fourteen miles. a short distance on the following morning brought us to some indian lodges which belonged to an old chipewyan chief named the sun and his family consisting of five hunters, their wives and children. they were delighted to see us and, when the object of our expedition had been explained to them, expressed themselves much interested in our progress; but they could not give a particle of information respecting the countries beyond the athabasca lake. we smoked with them and gave each person a glass of mixed spirits and some tobacco. a canadian servant of the north-west company who was residing with them informed us that this family had lost numerous relatives, and that the destruction of property which had been made after their deaths was the only cause for the pitiable condition in which we saw them as the whole family were industrious hunters and therefore were usually better provided with clothes and other useful articles than most of the indians. we purchased from them a pair of snowshoes in exchange for some ammunition. the chipewyans are celebrated for making them good and easy to walk in; we saw some here upwards of six feet long and three broad. with these unwieldy clogs an active hunter, in the spring when there is a crust on the surface of the snow, will run down a moose or red-deer. we made very slow progress after leaving this party on account of the deep snow, but continued along the river until we reached its junction with the athabasca or elk river. we obtained observations on an island a little below the forks which gave longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. very little wood was seen during this day's march. the western shore near the forks is destitute of trees; it is composed of lofty perpendicular cliffs which were now covered with snow. the eastern shore supports a few pines. march . soon after our departure from the encampment we met two men from the establishment at pierre au calumet, who gave us correct information of its situation and distance. having the benefit of their track we marched at a tolerably quick pace and made twenty-two miles in the course of the day though the weather was very disagreeable for travelling, being stormy with constant snow. we kept along the river the whole time: its breadth is about two miles. the islands appear better furnished with wood than its banks, the summits of which are almost bare. soon after we had encamped our indian guide rejoined us; he had remained behind the day before without consulting us to accompany a friend on a hunting excursion. on his return he made no endeavour to explain the reason of his absence but sat down coolly and began to prepare his supper. this behaviour made us sensible that little dependence is to be placed on the continuance of an indian guide when his inclination leads him away. early the next morning we sent forward the indian and a canadian to apprise the gentleman in charge of pierre au calumet of our approach; and after breakfast the rest of the party proceeded along the river for that station which we reached in the afternoon. the senior partner of the north-west company in the athabasca department, mr. john stuart, was in charge of the post. though he was quite ignorant until this morning of our being in the country we found him prepared to receive us with great kindness and ready to afford every information and assistance agreeably to the desire conveyed in mr. simon mcgillivray's circular letter. this gentleman had twice traversed this continent and reached the pacific by the columbia river; he was therefore fully conversant with the different modes of travelling and with the obstacles that may be expected in passing through unfrequented countries. his suggestions and advice were consequently very valuable to us but, not having been to the northward of the great slave lake, he had no knowledge of that line of country except what he had gained from the reports of indians. he was of opinion however that positive information on which our course of proceedings might safely be determined could be procured from the indians that frequent the north side of the lake when they came to the forts in the spring. he recommended my writing to the partner in charge of that department, requesting him to collect all the intelligence he could and to provide guides and hunters from the tribe best acquainted with the country through which we proposed to travel. to our great regret mr. stuart expressed much doubt as to our prevailing upon any experienced canadian voyagers to accompany us to the sea in consequence of their dread of the esquimaux who, he informed us, had already destroyed the crew of one canoe which had been sent under mr. livingstone to open a trading communication with those who reside near the mouth of the mackenzie river; and he also mentioned that the same tribe had driven away the canoes under mr. clark's direction, going to them on a similar object, to which circumstance i have alluded in my remarks at isle a la crosse. this was unpleasant information but we were comforted by mr. stuart's assurance that himself and his partners would use every endeavour to remove their fears as well as to promote our views in every other way; and he undertook as a necessary part of our equipment in the spring to prepare the bark and other materials for constructing two canoes at this post. mr. stuart informed us that the residents at fort chipewyan, from the recent sickness of their indian hunters, had been reduced to subsist entirely on the produce of their fishing-nets, which did not yield more than a bare sufficiency for their support; and he kindly proposed to us to remain with him until the spring but, as we were most desirous to gain all the information we could as early as possible and mr. stuart assured us that the addition of three persons would not be materially felt in their large family at chipewyan, we determined on proceeding thither and fixed on the nd for our departure. pierre au calumet receives its name from the place where the stone is procured, of which many of the pipes used by the canadians and indians are made. it is a clayey limestone, impregnated with various shells. the house, which is built on the summit of a steep bank rising almost perpendicular to the height of one hundred and eighty feet, commands an extensive prospect along this fine river and over the plains which stretch out several miles at the back of it, bounded by hills of considerable height and apparently better furnished with wood than the neighbourhood of the fort where the trees grow very scantily. there had been an establishment belonging to the hudson's bay company on the opposite bank of the river but it was abandoned in december last, the residents not being able to procure provision from their hunters having been disabled by the epidemic sickness which has carried off one-third of the indians in these parts. they belong to the northern crees, a name given them from their residing in the athabasca department. there are now but few families of these men who formerly by their numbers and predatory habits spread terror among the natives of this part of the country. there are springs of bituminous matter on several of the islands near these houses; and the stones on the riverbank are much impregnated with this useful substance. there is also another place remarkable for the production of a sulphureous salt which is deposited on the surface of a round-backed hill about half a mile from the beach and on the marshy ground underneath it. we visited these places at a subsequent period of the journey and descriptions of them will appear in dr. richardson's mineralogical notices. the latitude of the north-west company's house is degrees minutes seconds north, but this was the only observation we could obtain, the atmosphere being cloudy. mr. stuart had an excellent thermometer which indicated the lowest state of temperature to be degrees below zero. he told me degrees was the lowest temperature he had ever witnessed at the athabasca or great slave lake after many years' residence. on the st it rose above zero and at noon attained the height of degrees; the atmosphere was sultry, snow fell constantly, and there was quite an appearance of a change in the season. on the nd we parted from our hospitable friend and recommenced our journey, but under the expectation of seeing him again in may, at which time the partners of the company usually assemble at fort chipewyan where we hoped the necessary arrangements for our future proceedings would be completed. we encamped at sunset at the end of fourteen miles, having walked the whole way along the river which preserves nearly a true north course and is from four hundred to six hundred yards broad. the banks are high and well clothed with the liard, spruce, fir, alder, birch-tree and willows. having come nineteen miles and a half on the rd we encamped among pines of a great height and girth. showers of snow fell until noon on the following day but we continued our journey along the river whose banks and islands became gradually lower as we advanced and less abundantly supplied with wood except willows. we passed an old canadian who was resting his wearied dogs during the heat of the sun. he was carrying meat from some indian lodges to fort chipewyan, having a burden exceeding two hundred and fifty pounds on his sledge which was dragged by two miserable dogs. he came up to our encampment after dark. we were much amused by the altercation that took place between him and our canadian companions as to the qualifications of their respective dogs. this however is such a general topic of conversation among the voyagers in the encampment that we should not probably have remarked it had not the old man frequently offered to bet the whole of his wages that his two dogs, poor and lean as they were, would drag their load to the athabasca lake in less time than any three of theirs. having expressed our surprise at his apparent temerity he coolly said the men from the lower countries did not understand the management of their dogs and that he depended on his superior skill in driving, and we soon gathered from his remarks that the voyagers of the athabasca department consider themselves very superior to any other. the only reasons which he could assign were that they had borne their burdens across the terrible methye portage and that they were accustomed to live harder and more precariously. march . having now the guidance of the old canadian we sent forward the indian and one of our men with letters to the gentleman at the athabasca lake. the rest of the party set off afterwards and kept along the river until ten when we branched off by portages into the embarras river, the usual channel of communication in canoes with the lake. it is a narrow and serpentine stream confined between alluvial banks which support pines, poplars and willows. we had not advanced far before we overtook the two men despatched by us this morning. the stormy weather had compelled them to encamp as there was too much drifting of the snow for any attempt to cross the lake. we were obliged, though most reluctantly, to follow their example but comforted ourselves with the reflection that this was the first time we had been stopped by the weather during our long journey which was so near at an end. the gale afterwards increased, the squalls at night became very violent, disburdened the trees of the snow and gave us the benefit of a continual fall of patches from them, in addition to the constant shower. we therefore quickly finished our suppers and retired under the shelter of our blankets. arrival at fort chipewyan. march . the boisterous weather continued through the night and it was not before six this morning that the wind became apparently moderate and the snow ceased. two of the canadians were immediately sent off with letters to the gentlemen at fort chipewyan. after breakfast we also started but our indian friend, having a great indisposition to move in such weather, remained by the fire. we soon quitted the river and, after crossing a portage, a small lake and a point of land, came to the borders of the mammawee lake. we then found our error as to the strength of the wind, and that the gale still blew violently and there was so much drifting of the snow as to cover the distant objects by which our course could be directed. we fortunately got a glimpse through this cloud of a cluster of islands in the direction of the houses, and decided on walking towards them; but in doing this we suffered very much from the cold and were obliged to halt under the shelter of them and await the arrival of our indian guide. he conducted us between these islands, over a small lake, and by a swampy river into the athabasca lake, from whence the establishments were visible. at four p.m. we had the pleasure of arriving at fort chipewyan and of being received by messrs. keith and black, the partners of the north-west company in charge, in the most kind and hospitable manner. thus terminated a winter's journey of eight hundred and fifty-seven miles, in the progress of which there was a great intermixture of agreeable and disagreeable circumstances. could the amount of each be balanced i suspect the latter would much preponderate; and amongst these the initiation into walking in snowshoes must be considered as prominent. the suffering it occasions can be but faintly imagined by a person who thinks upon the inconvenience of marching with a weight of between two and three pounds constantly attached to galled feet and swelled ankles. perseverance and practice only will enable the novice to surmount this pain. the next evil is the being constantly exposed to witness the wanton and unnecessary cruelty of the men to their dogs, especially those of the canadians who beat them unmercifully and habitually vent on them the most dreadful and disgusting imprecations. there are other inconveniences which, though keenly felt during the day's journey, are speedily forgotten when stretched out in the encampment before a large fire, you enjoy the social mirth of your companions who usually pass the evening in recounting their former feats in travelling. at this time the canadians are always cheerful and merry and the only bar to their comfort arises from the frequent interruption occasioned by the dogs who are constantly prowling about the circle and snatching at every kind of food that happens to be within their reach. these useful animals are a comfort to them afterwards by the warmth they impart when lying down by their side or feet as they usually do. but the greatest gratifications a traveller in these regions enjoys are derived from the hospitable welcome he receives at every trading post, however poor the means of the host may be; and from being disrobed even for a short time of the trappings of a voyager and experiencing the pleasures of cleanness. the following are the estimated distances in statute miles which mr. back and i had travelled since our departure from cumberland: from cumberland house to carlton house: . from carlton house to isle a la crosse: . from isle a la crosse to north side of the methye portage: . from the methye portage to fort chipewyan: . total: miles. chapter . transactions at fort chipewyan. arrival of dr. richardson and mr. hood. preparations for our journey to the northward. transactions at fort chipewyan. march , . on the day after our arrival at fort chipewyan we called upon mr. macdonald, the gentleman in charge of the hudson's bay establishment called fort wedderburne, and delivered to him governor williams' circular letter which desired that every assistance should be given to further our progress, and a statement of the requisitions which we should have to make on his post. our first object was to obtain some certain information respecting our future route and accordingly we received from one of the north-west company's interpreters, named beaulieu, a half-breed who had been brought up amongst the dog-ribbed and copper indians, some satisfactory information which we afterwards found tolerably correct respecting the mode of reaching the copper-mine river which he had descended a considerable way, as well as of the course of that river to its mouth. the copper indians however he said would be able to give us more accurate information as to the latter part of its course as they occasionally pursue it to the sea. he sketched on the floor a representation of the river and a line of coast according to his idea of it. just as he had finished an old chipewyan indian named black meat unexpectedly came in and instantly recognised the plan. he then took the charcoal from beaulieu and inserted a track along the sea-coast which he had followed in returning from a war excursion made by his tribe against the esquimaux. he detailed several particulars of the coast and the sea which he represented as studded with well-wooded islands and free from ice close to the shore in the month of july, but not to a great distance. he described two other rivers to the eastward of the copper-mine river which also fall into the northern ocean, the anatessy, which issues from the contwayto or rum lake, and the thloueeatessy or fish river, which rises near the eastern boundary of the great slave lake; but he represented both of them as being shallow and too much interrupted by barriers for being navigated in any other than small indian canoes. having received this satisfactory intelligence i wrote immediately to mr. smith of the north-west company and mr. mcvicar of the hudson's bay company, the gentlemen in charge of the posts at the great slave lake, to communicate the object of the expedition and our proposed route, and to solicit any information they possessed or could collect from the indians relative to the countries we had to pass through and the best manner of proceeding. as the copper indians frequent the establishment on the north side of the lake i particularly requested them to explain to that tribe the object of our visit and to endeavour to procure from them some guides and hunters to accompany our party. two canadians were sent by mr. keith with these letters. the month of april commenced with fine and clear but extremely cold weather; unfortunately we were still without a thermometer and could not ascertain the degrees of temperature. the coruscations of the aurora borealis were very brilliant almost every evening of the first week and were generally of the most variable kind. on the rd they were particularly changeable. the first appearance exhibited three illuminated beams issuing from the horizon in the north, east, and west points, and directed towards the zenith; in a few seconds these disappeared and a complete circle was displayed, bounding the horizon at an elevation of fifteen degrees. there was a quick lateral motion in the attenuated beams of which this zone was composed. its colour was a pale yellow with an occasional tinge of red. on the th of april the indians saw some geese in the vicinity of this lake but none of the migratory birds appeared near the houses before the th when some swans flew over. these are generally the first that arrive; the weather had been very stormy for the four preceding days and this in all probability kept the birds from venturing farther north than where the indians had first seen them. in the middle of the month the snow began to waste daily and by degrees it disappeared from the hills and the surface of the lake. on the th and th the aurora borealis appeared very brilliant in patches of light bearing north-west. an old cree indian having found a beaver-lodge near to the fort, mr. keith, back, and i accompanied him to see the method of breaking into it and their mode of taking those interesting animals. the lodge was constructed on the side of a rock in a small lake having the entrance into it beneath the ice. the frames were formed of layers of sticks, the interstices being filled with mud, and the outside was plastered with earth and stones which the frost had so completely consolidated that to break through required great labour with the aid of the ice chisel and the other iron instruments which the beaver hunters use. the chase however was unsuccessful as the beaver had previously vacated the lodge. on the st we observed the first geese that flew near the fort and some were brought to the house on the th but they were very lean. on the th flies were seen sporting in the sun and on the th the athabasca river, having broken up, overflowed the lake along its channel; but except where this water spread there was no appearance of decay in the ice. may. during the first part of this month the wind blew from the north-west and the sky was cloudy. it generally thawed during the day but froze at night. on the nd the aurora borealis faintly gleamed through very dense clouds. we had a long conversation with mr. dease of the north-west company who had recently arrived from his station at the bottom of the athabasca lake. this gentleman, having passed several winters on the mackenzie's river and at the posts to the northward of slave lake, possessed considerable information respecting the indians and those parts of the country to which our inquiries were directed, which he very promptly and kindly communicated. during our conversation an old chipewyan indian named the rabbit's head entered the room, to whom mr. dease referred for information on some point. we found from his answer that he was a stepson of the late chief matonnabee who had accompanied mr. hearne on his journey to the sea, and that he had himself been of the party but, being then a mere boy, he had forgotten many of the circumstances. he confirmed however the leading incidents related by hearne and was positive he reached the sea, though he admitted that none of the party had tasted the water. he represented himself to be the only survivor of that party. as he was esteemed a good indian i presented him with a medal which he received gratefully and concluded a long speech upon the occasion by assuring me he should preserve it carefully all his life. the old man afterwards became more communicative and unsolicited began to relate the tradition of his tribe respecting the discovery of the copper-mine, which we thought amusing: and as the subject is somewhat connected with our future researches i will insert the translation of it which was given at the time by mr. dease, though a slight mention of it has been made by hearne. the chipewyans suppose the esquimaux originally inhabited some land to the northward which is separated by the sea from this country; and that in the earliest ages of the world a party of these men came over and stole a woman from their tribe whom they carried to this distant country and kept in a state of slavery. she was very unhappy in her situation and effected her escape after many years residence among them. the forlorn creature wandered about for some days in a state of uncertainty what direction to take, when she chanced to fall upon a beaten path which she followed and was led to the sea. at the sight of the ocean her hope of being able to return to her native country vanished and she sat herself down in despair and wept. a wolf now advanced to caress her and, having licked the tears from her eyes, walked into the water, and she perceived with joy that it did not reach up to the body of the animal; emboldened by this appearance she instantly arose, provided two sticks to support herself, and determined on following the wolf. the first and second nights she proceeded on without finding any increase in the depth of the water and, when fatigued, rested herself on the sticks whose upper ends she fastened together for the purpose. she was alarmed on the third morning by arriving at a deeper part, but resolved on going forward at any risk rather than return; and her daring perseverance was crowned with success by her attaining her native shore on the fifth day. she fortunately came to a part where there was a beaten path which she knew to be the track made by the reindeer in their migrations. here she halted and prepared some sort of weapon for killing them; as soon as this was completed she had the gratification to behold several herds advancing along the road, and had the happiness of killing a sufficient number for her winter's subsistence, which she determined to pass at that place, and therefore formed a house for herself after the manner she had learned from the esquimaux. when spring came and she emerged from her subterraneous dwelling (for such the chipewyans suppose it to have been) she was astonished by observing a glittering appearance on a distant hill which she knew was not produced by the reflection of the sun and, being at a loss to assign any other cause for it, she resolved on going up to the shining object and then found the hill was entirely composed of copper. she broke off several pieces and, finding it yielded so readily to her beating, it occurred to her that this metal would be very serviceable to her countrymen if she should find them again. while she was meditating on what was to be done the thought struck her that it would be advisable to attach as many pieces of copper to her dress as she could and then proceed into the interior in search of some inhabitants who, she supposed, would give her a favourable reception on account of the treasure she had brought. it happened that she met her own relations and the young men, elated with the account she had given of the hill, made her instantly return with them, which she was enabled to do, having taken the precaution of putting up marks to indicate the path. the party reached the spot in safety but the story had a melancholy catastrophe. these youths, overcome by excess of joy, gave loose to their passions and offered the grossest insults to their benefactress. she powerfully resisted them for some time and, when her strength was failing, fled to the point of the mountain as the only place of security. the moment she had gained the summit the earth opened and ingulphed both herself and the mountain to the utter dismay of the men who were not more astonished at its sudden disappearance than sorrowful for this just punishment of their wickedness. ever since this event the copper has only been found in small detached pieces on the surface of the earth. ... on the th of may we were gratified by the appearance of spring though the ice remained firm on the lake. the anemone (pulsatilla, pasque flower) appeared this day in flower, the trees began to put forth their leaves, and the mosquitoes visited the warm rooms. on the th and th there were frequent showers of rain and much thunder and lightning. this moist weather caused the ice to waste so rapidly that by the th it had entirely disappeared from the lake. the gentlemen belonging to both the companies quickly arrived from the different posts in this department, bringing their winter's collection of furs which are forwarded from these establishments to the depots. i immediately waited on mr. colin robertson, the agent of the hudson's bay company, and communicated to him, as i had done before to the several partners of the north-west company, our plan and the requisitions we should have to make on each company, and i requested of all the gentlemen the favour of their advice and suggestions. as i perceived that the arrangement of their winter accounts and other business fully occupied them i forbore further pressing the subject of our concerns for some days until there was an appearance of despatching the first brigade of canoes. it then became necessary to urge their attention to them; but it was evident from the determined commercial opposition and the total want of intercourse between the two companies that we could not expect to receive any cordial advice or the assurance of the aid of both without devising some expedient to bring the parties together. i therefore caused a tent to be pitched at a distance from both establishments and solicited the gentlemen of both companies to meet mr. back and myself there for the purpose of affording us their combined assistance. with this request they immediately complied and on may th we were joined at the tent by mr. stuart and mr. grant of the north-west company and mr. colin robertson of the hudson's bay company, all of whom kindly gave very satisfactory answers to a series of questions which we had drawn up for the occasion and promised all the aid in their power. preparations for our journey to the northward. furnished with the information thus obtained we proceeded to make some arrangements respecting the obtaining of men and the stores we should require for their equipment as well as for presents to the indians; and on the following day a requisition was made on the companies for eight men each and whatever useful stores they could supply. we learned with regret that, in consequence of the recent lavish expenditure of their goods in support of the opposition, their supply to us would of necessity be very limited. the men too were backward in offering their services, especially those of the hudson's bay company who demanded a much higher rate of wages than i considered it proper to grant. june . mr. smith, a partner of the north-west company, arrived from the great slave lake bearing the welcome news that the principal chief of the copper indians had received the communication of our arrival with joy and given all the intelligence he possessed respecting the route to the sea-coast by the copper-mine river; and that he and a party of his men, at the instance of mr. wentzel, a clerk of the north-west company whom they wished might go along with them, had engaged to accompany the expedition as guides and hunters. they were to wait our arrival at fort providence on the north side of the slave lake. their information coincided with that given by beaulieu. they had no doubt of our being able to obtain the means of subsistence in travelling to the coast. this agreeable intelligence had a happy effect upon the canadian voyagers, many of their fears being removed: several of them seemed now disposed to volunteer; and indeed on the same evening two men from the north-west company offered themselves and were accepted. june . this day mr. back and i went over to fort wedderburne to see mr. robertson respecting his quota of men. we learned from him that, notwithstanding his endeavours to persuade them, his most experienced voyagers still declined engaging without very exorbitant wages. after some hesitation however six men engaged with us who were represented to be active and steady; and i also got mr. robertson's permission for st. germain, an interpreter belonging to this company, to accompany us from slave lake if he should choose. the bowmen and steersmen were to receive one thousand six hundred livres halifax per annum, and the middle men one thousand two hundred, exclusive of their necessary equipments; and they stipulated that their wages should be continued until their arrival in montreal or their rejoining the service of their present employers. i delivered to mr. robertson an official request that the stores we had left at york factory and the rock depot with some other supplies might be forwarded to slave lake by the first brigade of canoes which should come in. he also took charge of my letters addressed to the admiralty. five men were afterwards engaged from the north-west company for the same wages and under the same stipulations as the others, besides an interpreter for the copper indians; but this man required three thousand livres halifax currency which we were obliged to give him as his services were indispensable. the extreme scarcity of provision at the posts rendered it necessary to despatch all our men to the mammawee lake where they might procure their own subsistence by fishing. the women and children resident at the fort were also sent away for the same purpose; and no other families were permitted to remain at the houses after the departure of the canoes than those belonging to the men who were required to carry on the daily duty. the large party of officers and men which had assembled here from the different posts in the department was again quickly dispersed. the first brigade of canoes laden with furs was despatched to the depot on may th and the others followed in two or three days afterwards. mr. stuart, the senior partner of the north-west company, quitted us for the same destination on june th; mr. robertson for his depot on the next day; and on the th we parted with our friend mr. keith, to whose unremitting kindness we felt much indebted. i entrusted to his care a box containing some drawings by mr. back, the map of our route from cumberland house, and the skin of a black beaver (presented to the expedition by mr. smith) with my official letters addressed to the under-secretary of state. i wrote by each of these gentlemen to inform dr. richardson and mr. hood of the scarcity of stores at these posts and to request them to procure all they possibly could on their route. mr. smith was left in charge of this post during the summer; this gentleman soon evinced his desire to further our progress by directing a new canoe to be built for our use which was commenced immediately. june . this day an opportunity offered of sending letters to the great slave lake and i profited by it to request mr. wentzel would accompany the expedition agreeably to the desire of the copper indians, communicating to him that i had received permission for him to do so from the partners of the north-west company. should he be disposed to comply with my invitation i desired that he would go over to fort providence and remain near the indians whom he had engaged for our service. i feared lest they should become impatient at our unexpected delay and, with the usual fickleness of the indian character, remove from the establishment before we could arrive. it had been my intention to go to them myself, could the articles with which they expected to be presented on my arrival have been provided at these establishments; but as they could not be procured i was compelled to defer my visit until our canoes should arrive. mr. smith supposed that my appearance amongst them without the means of satisfying any of their desires would give them an unfavourable impression respecting the expedition which would make them indifferent to exertion if it did not even cause them to withdraw from their engagements. the establishments at this place, forts chipewyan and wedderburne, the chief posts of the companies in this department, are conveniently situated for communicating with the slave and peace rivers from whence the canoes assemble in the spring and autumn; on the first occasion they bring the collection of furs which has been made at the different outposts during the winter; and at the latter season they receive a supply of stores for the equipment of the indians in their vicinity. fort wedderburne is a small house which was constructed on coal island about five years ago when the hudson's bay company recommenced trading in this part of the country. fort chipewyan has been built many years and is an establishment of very considerable extent, conspicuously situated on a rocky point of the northern shore; it has a tower which can be seen at a considerable distance. this addition was made about eight years ago to watch the motions of the indians who intended, as it was then reported, to destroy the house and all its inhabitants. they had been instigated to this rash design by the delusive stories of one among them who had acquired great influence over his companions by his supposed skill in necromancy. this fellow had prophesied that there would soon be a complete change in the face of their country, that fertility and plenty would succeed to the present sterility, and that the present race of white inhabitants, unless they became subservient to the indians, would be removed and their place be filled by other traders who would supply their wants in every possible manner. the poor deluded wretches, imagining they would hasten this happy change by destroying their present traders, of whose submission there was no prospect, threatened to extirpate them. none of these menaces however were put in execution. they were probably deterred from the attempt by perceiving that a most vigilant guard was kept against them. the portion of this extensive lake which is near the establishments is called the lake of the hills, not improperly as the northern shore and the islands are high and rocky. the south side however is quite level, consisting of alluvial land, subject to be flooded, lying betwixt the different mouths of the elk river and much intersected by water. the rocks of the northern shore are composed of syenite over which the soil is thinly spread; it is however sufficient to support a variety of firs and poplars and many shrubs, lichens and mosses. the trees were now in full foliage, the plants generally in flower, and the whole scene quite enlivening. there can scarcely be a higher gratification than that which is enjoyed in this country in witnessing the rapid change which takes place in the course of a few days in the spring; scarcely does the snow disappear from the ground before the trees are clothed with thick foliage, the shrubs open their leaves and put forth their variegated flowers, and the whole prospect becomes animating. the spaces between the rocky hills, being for the most part swampy, support willows and a few poplars. these spots are the favourite resort of the mosquitoes, which incessantly torment the unfortunate persons who have to pass through them. some of the hills attain an elevation of five or six hundred feet at the distance of a mile from the house; and from their summits a very picturesque view is commanded of the lake and of the surrounding country. the land above the great point at the confluence of the main stream of the elk river is six or seven hundred feet high and stretches in a southern direction behind pierre au calumet. opposite to that establishment, on the west side of the river, at some distance in the interior, the bark mountain rises and ranges to the north-west until it reaches clear lake, about thirty miles to the southward of these forts, and then goes to the south-westward. the cree indians generally procure from this range their provision as well as the bark for making their canoes. there is another range of hills on the south shore which runs towards the peace river. the residents of these establishments depend for subsistence almost entirely on the fish which this lake affords; they are usually caught in sufficient abundance throughout the winter though at the distance of eighteen miles from the houses; on the thawing of the ice the fish remove into some smaller lakes and the rivers to the south shore. though they are nearer to the forts than in winter it frequently happens that high winds prevent the canoes from transporting them thither and the residents are kept in consequence without a supply of food for two or three days together. the fish caught in the net are the attihhawmegh, trout, carp, methye, and pike.* (*footnote. see above.) the traders also get supplied by the hunters with buffalo and moose-deer meat (which animals are found at some distance from the forts) but the greater part of it is either in a dried state or pounded ready for making pemmican and is required for the men whom they keep travelling during the winter to collect the furs from the indians, and for the crews of the canoes on their outward passage to the depots in spring. there was a great want of provision this season, and both the companies had much difficulty to provide a bare sufficiency for their different brigades of canoes. mr. smith assured me that after the canoes had been despatched he had only five hundred pounds of meat remaining for the use of the men who might travel from the post during the summer and that, five years preceding, there had been thirty thousand pounds in store under similar circumstances. he ascribed this amazing difference more to the indolent habits which the indians had acquired since the commercial struggle commenced than to their recent sickness, mentioning in confirmation of his opinion that they could now, by the produce of little exertion, obtain whatever they demanded from either establishment. at the opening of the water in spring the indians resort to the establishments to settle their accounts with the traders and to procure the necessaries they require for the summer. this meeting is generally a scene of much riot and confusion as the hunters receive such quantities of spirits as to keep them in a state of intoxication for several days. this spring however, owing to the great deficiency of spirits, we had the gratification of seeing them generally sober. they belong to the great family of the chipewyan or northern indians, dialects of their language being spoken in the peace and mackenzie's rivers and by the populous tribes in new caledonia, as ascertained by sir alexander mackenzie in his journey to the pacific. they style themselves generally dinneh men or indians, but each tribe or horde adds some distinctive epithet taken from the name of the river or lake on which they hunt, or the district from which they last migrated. those who come to fort chipewyan term themselves saweessawdinneh (indians from the rising sun or eastern indians) their original hunting grounds being between the athabasca and great slave lakes and churchill river. this district, more particularly termed the chipewyan lands or barren country, is frequented by numerous herds of reindeer which furnish easy subsistence and clothing to the indians, but the traders endeavour to keep them in the parts to the westward where the beavers resort. there are about one hundred and sixty hunters who carry their furs to the great slave lake, forty to hay river, and two hundred and forty to fort chipewyan. a few northern indians also resort to the posts at the bottom of the lake of the hills, on red deer lake, and to churchill. the distance however of the latter post from their hunting grounds and the sufferings to which they are exposed in going thither from want of food have induced those who were formerly accustomed to visit it to convey their furs to some nearer station. these people are so minutely described by hearne and mackenzie that little can be added by a passing stranger whose observations were made during short interviews and when they were at the forts, where they lay aside many of their distinguishing characteristics and strive to imitate the manners of the voyagers and traders. the chipewyans are by no means prepossessing in appearance: they have broad faces, projecting cheek-bones and wide nostrils; but they have generally good teeth and fine eyes. when at the fort they imitate the dress of the canadians except that instead of trousers they prefer the indian stockings, which only reach from the thigh to the ankle, and in place of the waistband they have a piece of cloth round the middle which hangs down loosely before and behind. their hunting dress consists of a leathern shirt and stockings over which a blanket is thrown, the head being covered with a fur cap or band. their manner is reserved and their habits are selfish; they beg with unceasing importunity for everything they see. i never saw men who either received or bestowed a gift with such bad grace; they almost snatch the thing from you in the one instance and throw it at you in the other. it could not be expected that such men should display in their tents the amiable hospitality which prevails generally amongst the indians of this country. a stranger may go away hungry from their lodges unless he possess sufficient impudence to thrust uninvited his knife into the kettle and help himself. the owner indeed never deigns to take any notice of such an act of rudeness except by a frown, it being beneath the dignity of a hunter to make disturbance about a piece of meat. as some relief to the darker shades of their character it should be stated that instances of theft are extremely rare amongst them. they profess strong affection for their children and some regard for their relations who are often numerous, as they trace very far the ties of consanguinity. a curious instance of the former was mentioned to us and so well authenticated that i shall venture to give it in the words of dr. richardson's journal: a young chipewyan had separated from the rest of his band for the purpose of trenching beaver when his wife, who was his sole companion and in her first pregnancy, was seized with the pains of labour. she died on the third day after she had given birth to a boy. the husband was inconsolable and vowed in his anguish never to take another woman to wife, but his grief was soon in some degree absorbed in anxiety for the fate of his infant son. to preserve its life he descended to the office of nurse, so degrading in the eyes of a chipewyan as partaking of the duties of a woman. he swaddled it in soft moss, fed it with broth made from the flesh of the deer and, to still its cries, applied it to his breast, praying earnestly to the great master of life to assist his endeavours. the force of the powerful passion by which he was actuated produced the same effect in his case as it has done in some others which are recorded: a flow of milk actually took place from his breast. he succeeded in rearing his child, taught him to be a hunter and, when he attained the age of manhood, chose him a wife from the tribe. the old man kept his vow in never taking a second wife himself but he delighted in tending his son's children and, when his daughter-in-law used to interfere, saying that it was not the occupation of a man, he was wont to reply that he had promised to the great master of life, if his child were spared, never to be proud like the other indians. he used to mention too, as a certain proof of the approbation of providence that, although he was always obliged to carry his child on his back while hunting, yet that it never roused a moose by its cries, being always particularly still at those times. our informant* added that he had often seen this indian in his old age and that his left breast even then retained the unusual size it had acquired in his occupation of nurse. (*footnote. mr. wentzel.) ... we had proof of their sensibility towards their relations in their declining to pitch their tents where they had been accustomed for many years, alleging a fear of being reminded of the happy hours they had formerly spent there in the society of the affectionate relatives whom the sickness had recently carried off. the change of situation however had not the effect of relieving them from sorrowful impressions, and they occasionally indulged in very loud lamentations as they sat in groups within and without their tents. unfortunately the spreading of a severe dysentery amongst them at this time gave occasion for the renewal of their grief. the medicinal charms of drumming and singing were plentifully applied and once they had recourse to conjuring over a sick person. i was informed however that the northern indians do not make this expedient for the cure of a patient so often as the crees; but when they do the conjurer is most assiduous and suffers great personal fatigue. particular persons only are trained in the mysteries of the art of conjuring to procure the recovery of the sick or to disclose future events. on extraordinary occasions the man remains in his narrow conjuring tents for days without eating before he can determine the matter to his satisfaction. when he is consulted about the sick the patient is shut up with him; but on other occasions he is alone and the poor creature often works his mind up to a pitch of illusion that can scarcely be imagined by one who has not witnessed it. his deluded companions seat themselves round his tent and await his communication with earnest anxiety, yet during the progress of his manoeuvres they often venture to question him as to the disposition of the great spirit. these artful fellows usually gain complete ascendancy over the minds of their companions. they are supported by voluntary contributions of provision that their minds may not be diverted by the labour of hunting from the peculiar duties of their profession. the chiefs among the chipewyans are now totally without power. the presents of a flag and a gaudy dress still bestowed upon them by the traders do not procure for them any respect or obedience except from the youths of their own families. this is to be attributed mainly to their living at peace with their neighbours and to the facility which the young men find in getting their wants supplied independent of the recommendation of the chiefs which was formerly required. in war excursions boldness and intrepidity would still command respect and procure authority; but the influence thus acquired would probably cease with the occasion that called it forth. the traders however endeavour to support their authority by continuing towards them the accustomed marks of respect hoisting the flag and firing a salute of musketry on their entering the fort. the chief halts at a distance from the house and despatches one of his young men to announce his approach and to bring his flag, which is carried before him when he arrives. the messenger carries back to him some vermilion to ornament the faces of his party, together with a looking-glass and comb, some tobacco, and a few rounds of ammunition that they may return the salute. these men paint round the eyes, the forehead, and the cheekbones. the northern indians evince no little vanity by assuming to themselves the comprehensive title of the people, whilst they designate all other nations by the name of their particular country. if men were seen at a distance and a chipewyan was asked who those persons were he would answer the people if he recognised them to belong to his tribe and never chipewyans; but he would give them their respective names if they were europeans, canadians, or cree indians. as they suppose their ancestors to come originally from the east those who happen to be born in the eastern part of their territory are considered to be of the purest race. i have been informed that all the indians who trade at the different posts in the north-west parts of america imagine that their forefathers came from the east, except the dog-ribs who reside between the copper indian islands and the mackenzie's river and who deduce their origin from the west, which is the more remarkable as they speak a dialect of the chipewyan language. i could gather no information respecting their religious opinions except that they have a tradition of the deluge. the chipewyans are considered to be less expert hunters than the crees, which probably arises from their residing much on the barren lands where the reindeer are so numerous that little skill is requisite. a good hunter however is highly esteemed among them. the facility of procuring goods since the commercial opposition commenced has given great encouragement to their native indolence of disposition, as is manifested by the difference in the amount of their collections of furs and provision between the late and former years. from six to eight hundred packs of furs used formerly to be sent from this department, now the return seldom exceeds half that amount. the decrease in the provision has been already mentioned. the northern indians suppose that they originally sprang from a dog; and about five years ago a superstitious fanatic so strongly impressed upon their minds the impropriety of employing these animals, to which they were related, for purposes of labour that they universally resolved against using them any more and, strange as it may seem, destroyed them. they now have to drag everything themselves on sledges. this laborious task falls most heavily on the women; nothing can more shock the feelings of a person accustomed to civilised life than to witness the state of their degradation. when a party is on a march the women have to drag the tent, the meat, and whatever the hunter possesses, whilst he only carries his gun and medicine case. in the evening they form the encampment, cut wood, fetch water, and prepare the supper; and then, perhaps, are not permitted to partake of the fare until the men have finished. a successful hunter sometimes has two or three wives; whoever happens to be the favourite assumes authority over the others and has the management of the tent. these men usually treat their wives unkindly and even with harshness; except indeed when they are about to increase the family and then they show them much indulgence. hearne charges the chipewyans with the dreadful practice of abandoning, in extremity, their aged and sick people. the only instance that came under our personal notice was attended with some palliating circumstances: an old woman arrived at fort chipewyan during our residence with her son, a little boy about ten years old, both of whom had been deserted by their relations and left in an encampment when much reduced by sickness: two or three days after their departure the woman gained a little strength and, with the assistance of the boy, was enabled to paddle a canoe to the fishing station of this post where they were supported for some days until they were enabled to proceed in search of some other relations who they expected would treat them with more kindness. i learned that the woman bore an extremely bad character, having even been guilty of infanticide and that her companions considered her offences merited the desertion. this tribe since its present intimate connection with the traders has discontinued its war excursions against the esquimaux, but they still speak of that nation in terms of the most inveterate hatred. we have only conversed with four men who have been engaged in any of those expeditions; all these confirm the statements of black meat respecting the sea-coast. our observations concerning the half-breed population in this vicinity coincided so exactly with those which have been given of similar persons in dr. richardson's account of the crees that any statement respecting them at this place is unnecessary. both the companies have wisely prohibited their servants from intermarrying with pure indian women, which was formerly the cause of many quarrels with the tribes. the weather was extremely variable during the month of june; we scarcely had two clear days in succession, and the showers of rain were frequent; the winds were often strong and generally blowing from the north-east quarter. on the evening of the th the aurora borealis was visible but after that date the nights were too light for our discerning it. the mosquitoes swarmed in great numbers about the house and tormented us so incessantly by their irritating stings that we were compelled to keep our rooms constantly filled with smoke which is the only means of driving them away: the weather indeed was now warm. having received one of dollond's eighteen-inch spirit thermometers from mr. stuart, which he had the kindness to send us from his post at pierre au calumet after he had learned that ours had been rendered useless, i observed the temperature at noon on the th of june to be degrees. on the following morning we made an excursion accompanied by mr. smith round the fishing stations on the south side of the lake for the purpose of visiting our men; we passed several groups of women and children belonging to both the forts, posted wherever they could find a sufficiently dry spot for an encampment. at length we came to our men, pitched upon a narrow strip of land situated between two rivers. though the portion of dry ground did not exceed fifty yards yet they appeared to be living very comfortably, having formed huts with the canoe's sail and covering, and were amply supported by the fish their nets daily furnished. they sometimes had a change in their fare by procuring a few ducks and other waterfowl which resort in great abundance to the marshes by which they were surrounded. july . the canoe which was ordered to be built for our use was finished. as it was constructed after the manner described by hearne and several of the american travellers a detail of the process will be unnecessary. its extreme length was thirty-two feet six inches, including the bow and stern pieces, its greatest breadth was four feet ten inches, but it was only two feet nine inches forward where the bowman sat, and two feet four inches behind where the steersman was placed, and its depth was one foot eleven and a quarter inches. there were seventy-three hoops of thin cedar and a layer of slender laths of the same wood within the frame. these feeble vessels of bark will carry twenty-five pieces of goods, each weighing ninety pounds exclusive of the necessary provision and baggage for the crew of five or six men, amounting in the whole to about three thousand three hundred pounds' weight. this great lading they annually carry between the depots and the posts in the interior; and it rarely happens that any accidents occur if they be managed by experienced bowmen and steersmen, on whose skill the safety of the canoe entirely depends in the rapids and difficult places. when a total portage is made these two men carry the canoe, and they often run with it though its weight is estimated at about three hundred pounds exclusive of the poles and oars which are occasionally left in where the distance is short. on the th we made an excursion for the purpose of trying our canoe. a heavy gale came on in the evening which caused a great swell in the lake and in crossing the waves we had the satisfaction to find that our birchen vessel proved an excellent sea-boat. july . this morning some men and their families, who had been sent off to search for indians with whom they intended to pass the summer, returned to the fort in consequence of a serious accident having befallen their canoe in the red deer river; when they were in the act of hauling up a strong rapid the line broke, the canoe was overturned, and two of the party narrowly escaped drowning; fortunately the women and children happened to be on shore or in all probability they would have perished in the confusion of the scene. nearly all their stores, their guns and fishing nets were lost, and they could not procure any other food for the last four days than some unripe berries. some gentlemen arrived in the evening with a party of chipewyan indians from hay river, a post between the peace river and the great slave lake. these men gave distressing accounts of sickness among their relatives and the indians in general along the peace river, and they said many of them have died. the disease was described as dysentery. on the th and th we had very sultry weather and were dreadfully tormented by mosquitoes. the highest temperature was degrees. arrival of dr. richardson and mr. hood. july . this morning mr. back and i had the sincere gratification of welcoming our long-separated friends, dr. richardson and mr. hood, who arrived in perfect health with two canoes, having made a very expeditious journey from cumberland notwithstanding they were detained near three days in consequence of the melancholy loss of one of their bowmen by the upsetting of a canoe in a strong rapid but, as the occurrences of this journey together with the mention of some other circumstances that happened previous to their departure from cumberland, which have been extracted from mr. hood's narrative, will appear in the following chapter, it will be unnecessary to enter further into these points now. the zeal and talent displayed by dr. richardson and mr. hood in the discharge of their several duties since my separation from them drew forth my highest approbation. these gentlemen had brought all the stores they could procure from the establishments at cumberland and isle a la crosse; and at the latter place they had received ten bags of pemmican from the north-west company, which proved to be mouldy and so totally unfit for use that it was left at the methye portage. they got none from the hudson's bay post. the voyagers belonging to that company, being destitute of provision, had eaten what was intended for us. in consequence of these untoward circumstances the canoes arrived with only one day's supply of this most essential article. the prospect of having to commence our journey from hence almost destitute of provision and scantily supplied with stores was distressing to us and very discouraging to the men. it was evident however that any unnecessary delay here would have been very imprudent as fort chipewyan did not at the present time furnish the means of subsistence for so large a party, much less was there a prospect of our receiving a supply to carry us forward. we therefore hastened to make the necessary arrangements for our speedy departure. all the stores were demanded that could possibly be spared from both the establishments; and we rejoiced to find that, when this collection was added to the articles that had been brought up by the canoes, we had a sufficient quantity of clothing for the equipment of the men who had been engaged here, as well as to furnish a present to the indians, besides some few goods for the winter's consumption; but we could not procure any ammunition which was the most essential article, or spirits, and but little tobacco. we then made a final arrangement respecting the voyagers who were to accompany the party; and fortunately there was no difficulty in doing this as dr. richardson and mr. hood had taken the very judicious precaution of bringing up ten men from cumberland who were engaged to proceed forward if their services were required. the canadians whom they brought were most desirous of being continued, and we felt sincere pleasure in being able to keep men who were so zealous in the cause and who had given proofs of their activity on their recent passage to this place by discharging those men who were less willing to undertake the journey; of these three were englishmen, one american, and three canadians. when the numbers were completed which we had been recommended by the traders to take as a protection against the esquimaux we had sixteen canadian voyagers and our worthy and only english attendant john hepburn, besides the two interpreters whom we were to receive at the great slave lake; we were also accompanied by a chipewyan woman. an equipment of goods was given to each of the men who had been engaged at this place similar to what had been furnished to the others at cumberland; and when this distribution had been made the remainder were made up into bales preparatory to our departure on the following day. we were cheerfully assisted in these and all our occupations by mr. smith who evinced an anxious desire to supply our wants as far as his means permitted. mr. hood having brought up the dipping needle from cumberland house, we ascertained the dip to be degrees minutes seconds, and the difference produced by reversing the face of the instrument was degrees minutes seconds. the intensity of the magnetic force was also observed. several observations had been procured on both sides of the moon during our residence at fort chipewyan, the result of which gave for its longitude degrees minutes seconds west, its latitude was observed to be degrees minutes seconds north, and the variation of the compass degrees minutes seconds east. fresh rates were procured for the chronometers and their errors determined for greenwich time by which the survey to the northward was carried on. chapter . mr. hood's journey to the basquiau hill. sojourns with an indian party. his journey to chipewyan. mr. hood's journey to the basquiau hill. march, . being desirous of obtaining a drawing of a moose-deer, and also of making some observation on the height of the aurora borealis, i set out on the rd to pass a few days at the basquiau hill. two men accompanied me with dogs and sledges who were going to the hill for meat. we found the saskatchewan open and were obliged to follow it several miles to the eastward. we did not then cross it without wading in water which had overflowed the ice, and our snowshoes were encumbered with a heavy weight for the remainder of the day. on the south bank of the saskatchewan were some poplars ten or twelve feet in circumference at the root. beyond the river we traversed an extensive swamp bounded by woods. in the evening we crossed the swan lake, about six miles in breadth and eight in length, and halted on its south side for the night, twenty-four miles south-south-west of cumberland house. at four in the morning of the th we continued the journey and crossed some creeks in the woods and another large swamp. these swamps are covered with water in summer to the depth of several feet which arises from the melted snow from the higher grounds. the tracks of foxes, wolves, wolverines and martens were very numerous. the people employed in carrying meat set traps on their way out and take possession of their captures at their return, for which they receive a sum from the company proportioned to the value of the fur. in the evening we crossed the goose lake which is a little longer than swan lake and afterwards the river sepanach, a branch of the saskatchewan forming an island extending thirty miles above and forty below cumberland house. we turned to the westward on the root river which enters the sepanach and halted on its banks, having made in direct distance not more than twenty miles since the rd. we passed the shoal lake on the th and then marched twelve miles through woods and swamps to a hunting tent of the indians. it was situated in a grove of large poplars and would have been no unpleasant residence if we could have avoided the smoke. a heavy gale from the westward with snow confined us for several days to this tent. on the th two indians arrived, one of whom, named the warrior, was well known at the house. we endeavoured to prevail upon them to set out in quest of moose which they agreed to do on receiving some rum. promises were of no avail; the smallest present gratification is preferred to the certainty of ample reward at another period; an unfailing indication of strong animal passions and a weak understanding. on our compliance with their demand they departed. the next day i went to the warrior's tent distant about eleven miles. the country was materially changed: the pine had disappeared and gentle slopes with clumps of large poplars formed some pleasing groups: willows were scattered over the swamps. when i entered the tent the indians spread a buffalo robe before the fire and desired me to sit down. some were eating, others sleeping, many of them without any covering except the breechcloth and a blanket over the shoulders, a state in which they love to indulge themselves till hunger drives them forth to the chase. besides the warrior's family there was that of another hunter named long-legs whose bad success in hunting had reduced him to the necessity of feeding on moose leather for three weeks when he was compassionately relieved by the warrior. i was an unwilling witness of the preparation of my dinner by the indian women. they cut into pieces a portion of fat meat, using for that purpose a knife and their teeth. it was boiled in a kettle and served in a platter made of birch bark from which, being dirty, they had peeled the surface. however the flavour of good moose meat will survive any process that it undergoes in their hands except smoking. having provided myself with some drawing materials i amused the indians with a sketch of the interior of the tent and its inhabitants. an old woman who was relating with great volubility an account of some quarrel with the traders at cumberland house broke off from her narration when she perceived my design, supposing perhaps that i was employing some charm against her; for the indians have been taught a supernatural dread of particular pictures. one of the young men drew with a piece of charcoal a figure resembling a frog on the side of the tent and, by significantly pointing at me, excited peals of merriment from his companions. the caricature was comic, but i soon fixed their attention by producing my pocket compass and affecting it with a knife. they have great curiosity which might easily be directed to the attainment of useful knowledge. as the dirt accumulated about these people was visibly of a communicative nature i removed at night into the open air where the thermometer fell to degrees below zero although it was the next day degrees above it. in the morning the warrior and his companion arrived; i found that, instead of hunting, they had passed the whole time in a drunken fit at a short distance from the tent. in reply to our angry questions the warrior held out an empty vessel as if to demand the payment of a debt before he entered into any new negotiation. not being inclined to starve his family we set out for another indian tent ten miles to the southward, but we found only the frame or tent poles standing when we reached the spot. the men, by digging where the fireplace had been, ascertained that the indians had quitted it the day before and, as their marches are short when encumbered with the women and baggage, we sought out their track and followed it. at an abrupt angle of it which was obscured by trees the men suddenly disappeared and, hastening forward to discover the cause, i perceived them both still rolling at the foot of a steep cliff over which they had been dragged while endeavouring to stop the descent of their sledges. the dogs were gazing silently with the wreck of their harness about them and the sledges deeply buried in the snow. the effects of this accident did not detain us long and we proceeded afterwards with greater caution. sojourns with an indian party. the air was warm at noon and the solitary but sweet notes of the jay, the earliest spring bird, were in every wood. late in the evening we descried the ravens wheeling in circles round a small grove of poplars and, according to our expectations, found the indians encamped there. the men were absent hunting and returned unsuccessful. they had been several days without provisions and, thinking that i could depend upon the continuance of their exertions, i gave them a little rum; the next day their set out and at midnight they swept by us with their dogs in close pursuit. in the morning we found that a moose had eaten the bark of a tree near our fire. the hunters however again failed; and they attributed the extreme difficulty of approaching the chase to the calmness of the weather, which enabled it to hear them at a great distance. they concluded, as usual when labouring under any affliction, that they were tormented by the evil spirit, and assembled to beat a large tambourine and sing an address to the manito or deity, praying for relief according to the explanation which i received; but their prayer consisted of only three words constantly repeated. one of the hunters yet remained abroad and, as the wind rose at noon, we had hopes that he was successful. in the evening he made his appearance and, announcing that he had killed a large moose, immediately secured the reward which had been promised. the tidings were received with apparent indifference by people whose lives are alternate changes from the extremity of want to abundance. but as their countenances seldom betray their emotions it cannot be determined whether their apathy is real or affected. however the women prepared their sledges and dogs with the design of dismembering and bringing home the carcass, a proceeding to which, in their necessitous condition, i could have had neither reasonable nor available objections without giving them a substitute. by much solicitation i obtained an audience and offered them our own provisions on condition of their suspending the work of destruction till the next day. they agreed to the proposition and we set out with some indians for the place where the animal was lying. the night advancing we were separated by a snowstorm and, not being skilful enough to follow tracks which were so speedily filled up, i was bewildered for several hours in the woods, when i met with an indian who led me back at such a pace that i was always in the rear, to his infinite diversion. the indians are vain of their local knowledge which is certainly very wonderful. our companions had taken out the entrails and young of the moose, which they buried in the snow. the indians then returned to the tents and one of my men accompanied them; he was the person charged with the management of the trade at the hunting tent; and he observed that the opportunity of making a bargain with the indians while they were drinking was too advantageous to be lost. it remained for us to prevent the wolves from mangling the moose; for which purpose we wrapped ourselves in blankets between its feet and placed the hatchets within our reach. the night was stormy and apprehension kept me long awake but, finding my companion in so deep a sleep that nothing could have roused him except the actual gripe of a wolf, i thought it advisable to imitate his example as much as was in my power rather than bear the burden of anxiety alone. at daylight we shook off the snow which was heaped upon us and endeavoured to kindle a fire, but the violence of the storm defeated all our attempts. at length two indians arrived with whose assistance we succeeded, and they took possession of it to show their sense of our obligations to them. we were ashamed of the scene before us; the entrails of the moose and its young, which had been buried at our feet, bore testimony to the nocturnal revel of the wolves during the time we had slept. this was a fresh subject of derision for the indians whose appetites however would not suffer them to waste long upon us a time so precious. they soon finished what the wolves had begun and with as little aid from the art of cookery, eating both the young moose and the contents of the paunch raw. i had scarcely secured myself by a lodge of branches from the snow and placed the moose in a position for my sketch when we were stormed by a troop of women and children with their sledges and dogs. we obtained another short respite from the indians but our blows could not drive, nor their caresses entice, the hungry dogs from the tempting feast before them. i had not finished my sketch before the impatient crowd tore the moose to pieces and loaded their sledges with meat. on our way to the tent a black wolf rushed out upon an indian who happened to pass near its den. it was shot and the indians carried away three black whelps to improve the breed of their dogs. i purchased one of them, intending to send it to england, but it perished for want of proper nourishment. the latitude of these tents was degrees minutes seconds north, and longitude by chronometers degrees minutes seconds west. on the th of april we set out for the hunting tent by our former track and arrived there in the evening. as the increasing warmth of the weather had threatened to interrupt communication by removing the ice orders had been sent from cumberland house to the people at the tent to quit it without delay, which we did on the th. some altitudes of the aurora borealis were obtained. we had a fine view at sunrise of the basquiau hill, skirting half the horizon with its white sides chequered by forests of pine. it is seen from pine island lake at the distance of fifty miles and cannot therefore be less than three-fourths of a mile in perpendicular height; probably the greatest elevation between the atlantic ocean and the rocky mountains. a small stream runs near the hunting tent, strongly impregnated with salt. there are several salt springs about it which are not frozen during the winter. the surface of the snow, thawing in the sun and freezing at night, had become a strong crust which sometimes gave way in a circle round our feet, immersing us in the soft snow beneath. the people were afflicted with snow blindness, a kind of ophthalmia occasioned by the reflection of the sun's rays in the spring. the miseries endured during the first journey of this nature are so great that nothing could induce the sufferer to undertake a second while under the influence of present pain. he feels his frame crushed by unaccountable pressure, he drags a galling and stubborn weight at his feet, and his track is marked with blood. the dazzling scene around him affords no rest to his eye, no object to divert his attention from his own agonising sensations. when he arises from sleep half his body seems dead till quickened into feeling by the irritation of his sores. but fortunately for him no evil makes an impression so evanescent as pain. it cannot be wholly banished nor recalled by the force of reality by any act of the mind, either to affect our determinations or to sympathise with another. the traveller soon forgets his sufferings and at every future journey their recurrence is attended with diminished acuteness. it was not before the th or th of april that the return of the swans, geese, and ducks gave certain indications of the advance of spring. the juice of the maple-tree began to flow and the women repaired to the woods for the purpose of collecting it. this tree which abounds to the southward is not i believe found to the northward of the saskatchewan. the indians obtain the sap by making incisions into the tree. they boil it down and evaporate the water, skimming off the impurities. they are so fond of sweets that after this simple process they set an extravagant price upon it. on the th fell the first shower of rain we had seen for six months, and on the th the thermometer rose to degrees in the shade. the whole face of the country was deluged by the melted snow. all the nameless heaps of dirt accumulated in the winter now floated over the very thresholds, and the long-imprisoned scents dilated into vapours so penetrating that no retreat was any security from them. the flood descended into the cellar below our house and destroyed a quantity of powder and tea; a loss irreparable in our situation. the noise made by the frogs which this inundation produced is almost incredible. there is strong reason to believe that they outlive the severity of winter. they have often been found frozen and revived by warmth, nor is it possible that the multitude which incessantly filled our ears with its discordant notes could have been matured in two or three days. the fishermen at beaver lake and the other detached parties were ordered to return to the post. the expedients to which the poor people were reduced to cross a country so beset with waters presented many uncouth spectacles. the inexperienced were glad to compromise with the loss of property for the safety of their persons and, astride upon ill-balanced rafts with which they struggled to be uppermost, exhibited a ludicrous picture of distress. happy were they who could patch up an old canoe though obliged to bear it half the way on their shoulders through miry bogs and interwoven willows. but the veteran trader, wedged in a box of skin with his wife, children, dogs, and furs, wheeled triumphantly through the current and deposited his heterogeneous cargo safely on the shore. the woods reechoed with the return of their exiled tenants. a hundred tribes, as gaily dressed as any burnished natives of the south, greeted our eyes in our accustomed walks, and their voices, though unmusical, were the sweetest that ever saluted our ears. from the th to the th the snow once more blighted the resuscitating verdure, but a single day was sufficient to remove it. on the th the saskatchewan swept away the ice which had adhered to its banks, and on the morrow a boat came down from carlton house with provisions. we received such accounts of the state of vegetation at that place that dr. richardson determined to visit it in order to collect botanical specimens, as the period at which the ice was expected to admit of the continuation of our journey was still distant. accordingly he embarked on the st of may. in the course of the month the ice gradually wore away from the south side of the lake but the great mass of it still hung to the north side with some snow visible on its surface. by the st the elevated grounds were perfectly dry and teeming with the fragrant offspring of the season. when the snow melted the earth was covered with the fallen leaves of the last year, and already it was green with the strawberry plant and the bursting buds of the gooseberry, raspberry, and rose bushes, soon variegated by the rose and the blossoms of the choke-cherry. the gifts of nature are disregarded and undervalued till they are withdrawn and in the hideous regions of the arctic zone she would make a convert of him for whom the gardens of europe had no charms or the mild beauties of a southern climate had bloomed in vain. mr. williams found a delightful occupation in his agricultural pursuits. the horses were brought to the plough and fields of wheat, barley, and indian corn promised to reward his labours. his dairy furnished us with all the luxuries of an english farm. on the th the ice departed from pine island lake. we were however informed that beaver lake, which was likewise in our route, would not afford a passage before the th of june. according to directions left by mr. franklin applications were made to the chiefs of the hudson's bay and north-west companies' posts for two canoes with their crews and a supply of stores for the use of the expedition. they were not in a condition to comply with this request till the arrival of their respective returns from isle a la crosse and the saskatchewan departments. of the six men whom we brought from england the most serviceable, john hepburn, had accompanied mr. franklin, and only one other desired to prosecute the journey with us. mr. franklin had made arrangements with mr. williams for the employment of the remaining five men in bringing to cumberland house the ammunition, tobacco, etc., left at york fort, which stores were if possible to be sent after us in the summer. on the th dr. richardson returned from carlton house, and on the st the boats arrived belonging to the hudson's bay company's saskatchewan department. we obtained a canoe and two more volunteers. on the st of june the saskatchewan, swelled by the melting of the snow near the rocky mountains, rose twelve feet and the current of the little rivers bounding pine island ran back into the lake, which it filled with mud. on the th the north-west company's people arrived and mr. connolly furnished us with a canoe and five canadians. they were engaged to attend us till mr. franklin should think fit to discharge them and bound under the usual penalties in case of disobedience or other improper conduct. these poor people entertained such dread of a ship of war that they stipulated not to be embarked in lieutenant parry's vessels if we should find them on the coast, a condition with which they would gladly have dispensed had that desirable event taken place. as we required a canadian foreman and steersman for the other canoe we were compelled to wait for the appearance of the isle a la crosse canoes under mr. clark. on the th mr. williams embarked for york fort. he gave us a circular letter addressed to the chiefs of the hudson's bay company's posts directing them to afford us all possible assistance on our route, and he promised to exert every endeavour to forward the esquimaux interpreter, upon whom the success of our journey so much depended. he was accompanied by eight boats. with him we sent our collections of plants, minerals, charts, and drawings to be transmitted to england by the hudson's bay ships. after this period our detention, though short, cost us more vexation than the whole time we had passed at cumberland house because every hour of the short summer was invaluable to us. on the th mr. clark arrived and completed our crews. he brought letters from mr. franklin dated march th at fort chipewyan where he was engaged procuring hunters and interpreters. a heavy storm of wind and rain from the north-east again delayed us till the morning of the th. the account we had received at york factory of the numerous stores at cumberland house proved to be very erroneous. the most material stores we received did not amount in addition to our own to more than two barrels of powder, a keg of spirits, and two pieces of tobacco, with pemmican for sixteen days. the crew of dr. richardson's canoe consisted of three englishmen and three canadians and the other carried five canadians; both were deeply laden and the waves ran high on the lake. no person in our party being well acquainted with the rivers to the northward, mr. connolly gave us a pilot on condition that we should exchange him when we met with the athabasca brigade of canoes. at four a.m. we embarked. we soon found that birchen-bark canoes were not calculated to brave rough weather on a large lake, for we were compelled to land on the opposite border to free them from the water which had already saturated their cargoes. the wind became more moderate and we were enabled, after traversing a chain of smaller lakes, to enter the mouth of the sturgeon river at sunset, where we encamped. the lading of the canoes is always if possible carried on shore at night and the canoes taken out of the water. the following evening we reached beaver lake and landed to repair some damages sustained by the canoes. a round stone will displace the lading of a canoe without doing any injury but a slight blow against a sharp corner penetrates the bark. for the purpose of repairing it, a small quantity of gum or pitch, bark and pine roots are embarked, and the business is so expeditiously performed that the speed of the canoe amply compensates for every delay. the sturgeon river is justly called by the canadians la riviere maligne from its numerous and dangerous rapids. against the strength of a rapid it is impossible to effect any progress by paddling and the canoes are tracked or, if the bank will not admit of it, propelled with poles, in the management of which the canadians show great dexterity. their simultaneous motions were strongly contrasted with the awkward confusion of the inexperienced englishmen, defended by the torrent, who sustained the blame of every accident which occurred. at sunset we encamped on an island in beaver lake and, at four a.m. the next morning, passed the first portage in the ridge river. beaver lake is twelve miles in length and six in breadth. the flat limestone country rises into bold rocks on its banks and at the mouth of the ridge river the limestone discontinues. the lake is very deep and has already been noticed for the number and excellence of its fish. the ridge river is rapid and shallow. we had emerged from the muddy channels through an alluvial soil, and the primitive rocks interrupted our way with frequent portages through the whole route to isle a la crosse lake. at two p.m. we passed the mouth of the hay river, running from the westward, and the ridge above its confluence takes the name of the great river, which rises at the height of land called frog portage. the thermometer was this day degrees in the sun and the heat was extremely oppressive from our constant exposure to it. we crossed three portages in the great river and encamped at the last; here we met the director of the north-west company's affairs in the north, mr. stuart, on his way to fort william in a light canoe. he had left the athabasca lake only thirteen days and brought letters from mr. franklin who desired that we would endeavour to collect stores of every kind at isle a la crosse and added a favourable account of the country to the northward of the slave lake. on the th at three a.m. we continued our course, the river increasing to the breadth of half a mile with many rapids between the rocky islands. the banks were luxuriantly clothed with pines, poplars, and birch trees, of the largest size, but the different shades of green were undistinguishable at a distance and the glow of autumnal colours was wanting to render the variety beautiful. having crossed two portages at the different extremities of the island lake we ran under sail through two extensive sheets of water called the heron and pelican lakes, the former of which is fifteen miles in length and the latter five; but its extent to the southward has not been explored. an intricate channel with four small portages conducted us to the woody lake. its borders were indeed walls of pines, hiding the face of steep and high rocks; and we wandered in search of a landing-place till ten p.m., when we were forced to take shelter from the impending storm on a small island where we wedged ourselves between the trees. but though we secured the canoes we incurred a personal evil of much greater magnitude in the torments inflicted by the mosquitoes, a plague which had grown upon us since our departure from cumberland house and which infested us during the whole summer; we found no relief from their attacks by exposing ourselves to the utmost violence of the wind and rain. our last resource was to plunge ourselves in the water, and from this uncomfortable situation we gladly escaped at daylight, and hoisted our sails. the woody lake is thirteen miles in length and a small grassy channel at its north-western extremity leads to the frog portage, the source of the waters descending by beaver lake to the saskatchewan. the distance to the missinippi or churchill river is only three hundred and eighty yards and, as its course crosses the height nearly at rightangles to the direction of the great river, it would be superfluous to compute the elevation at this place. the portage is in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, and longitude degrees minutes seconds west. its name according to sir alexander mackenzie is derived from the crees having left suspended a stretched frog's skin in derision of the northern indian mode of dressing the beaver. the part of the missinippi in which we embarked we should have mistaken for a lake had it not been for the rapidity of the current against which we made our way. at four p.m. we passed a long portage occasioned by a ledge of rocks three hundred yards in length over which the river falls seven or eight feet. after crossing another portage we encamped. on the th we had rain, wind, and thunder the whole day but this weather was much preferable to the heat we had borne hitherto. we passed three portages and at six p.m. encamped on the north bank. below the third portage is the mouth of the rapid river, flowing from a large lake to the southward, on which a post was formerly maintained by the north-west company. next morning we found ourselves involved in a confused mass of islands through the openings of which we could not discern the shore. the guide's knowledge of the river did not extend beyond the last portage, and our perplexity continued till we observed some foam floating on the water and took the direction from which it came. the noise of a heavy fall at the mountain portage reached our ears at the distance of four miles and we arrived there at eight a.m. the portage was a difficult ascent over a rocky island between which and the main shore were two cataracts and a third in sight above them, making another portage. we surprised a large brown bear which immediately retreated into the woods. to the northward of the second portage we again found the channels intricate but, the shores being sometimes visible, we ventured to proceed. the character of the country was new and more interesting than before. the mountainous and strong elevations receded from the bank and the woods crept through their openings to the valleys behind, the adventurous pine alone ascending their bases and braving storms unfelt below. at noon we landed at the otter portage where the river ran with great velocity for half a mile among large stones. having carried across the principal part of the cargo the people attempted to track the canoes along the edge of the rapid. with the first they succeeded but the other, in which were the foreman and steersman, was overset and swept away by the current. an account of this misfortune was speedily conveyed to the upper end of the portage and the men launched the remaining canoe into the rapid, though wholly unacquainted with the dangers of it. the descent was quickly accomplished and they perceived the bottom of the lost canoe above water in a little bay whither it had been whirled by the eddy. one man had reached the bank but no traces could be found of the foreman louis saint jean. we saved the canoe out of which two guns and a case of preserved meats had been thrown into the rapid.* so early a disaster deeply affected the spirits of the canadians, and their natural vivacity gave way to melancholy forebodings while they erected a wooden cross in the rocks near the spot where their companion perished. (*footnote. mr. hood himself was the first to leap into the canoe and incite the men to follow him and shoot the rapid to save the lives of their companions. dr. richardson's journal.) the loss of this man's services and the necessity of procuring a guide determined us to wait for the arrival of the north-west company's people from fort chipewyan and we encamped accordingly. the canoe was much shattered but, as the gunwales were not broken, we easily repaired it. in the evening a north-west canoe arrived with two of the partners. they gave us an account of mr. franklin's proceedings and referred us to the brigade following them for a guide. during the th it rained heavily and we passed the day in anxious suspense confined to our tents. a black bear came to the bank on the opposite side of the river and, on seeing us, glided behind the trees. late on the st mr. robertson of the hudson's bay company arrived and furnished us with a guide, but desired that he might be exchanged when we met the northern canoes. we took advantage of the remainder of the day to cross the next portage which was three-fourths of a mile in length. on the nd we crossed three small portages and encamped at the fourth. at one of them we passed some of the hudson's bay company's canoes and our application to them was unsuccessful. we began to suspect that isle a la crosse was the nearest place at which we might hope for assistance. however on the morning of the rd, as we were about to embark, we encountered the last brigades of canoes belonging to both the companies and obtained a guide and foreman from them. thus completely equipped we entered the black bear island lake, the navigation of which requires a very experienced pilot. its length is twenty-two miles and its breadth varies from three to five, yet it is so choked with islands that no channel is to be found through it exceeding a mile in breadth. at sunset we landed and encamped on an island, and at six a.m. on the th left the lake and crossed three portages into another which has probably several communications with the last, as that by which we passed is too narrow to convey the whole body of the missinippi. at one of these portages called the pin portage is a rapid about ten yards in length with a descent of ten or twelve feet and beset with rocks. light canoes sometimes venture down this fatal gulf to avoid the portage, unappalled by the warning crosses which overhang the brink, the mournful records of former failures. the hudson's bay company's people whom we passed on the rd going to the rock house with their furs were badly provided with food, of which we saw distressing proofs at every portage behind them. they had stripped the birch trees of their rind to procure the soft pulpy vessels in contact with the wood which are sweet but very insufficient to satisfy a craving appetite. the lake to the westward of the pin portage is called sandfly lake; it is seven miles long and a wide channel connects it with the serpent lake, the extent of which to the southward we could not discern. there is nothing remarkable in this chain of lakes except their shapes, being rocky basins filled by the waters of the missinippi, insulating the massy eminences and meandering with almost imperceptible current between them. from the serpent to the sandy lake it is again confined in a narrow space by the approach of its winding banks, and on the th we were some hours employed in traversing a series of shallow rapids where it was necessary to lighten the canoes. having missed the path through the woods we walked two miles in the water upon sharp stones, from which some of us were incessantly slipping into deep holes and floundering in vain for footing at the bottom, a scene highly diverting notwithstanding our fatigue. we were detained in sandy lake till one p.m. by a strong gale when, the wind becoming moderate, we crossed five miles to the mouth of the river and at four p.m. left the main branch of it and entered a little rivulet called the grassy river, running through an extensive reedy swamp. it is the nest of innumerable ducks which rear their young among the long rushes in security from beasts of prey. at sunset we encamped on the banks of the main branch. at three a.m. june th we embarked in a thick fog occasioned by a fall of the temperature of the air ten degrees below that of the water. having crossed knee lake which is nine miles in length and a portage at its western extremity we entered primeau lake with a strong and favourable wind, by the aid of which we ran nineteen miles through it and encamped at the river's mouth. it is shaped like the barb of an arrow with the point towards the north and its greatest breadth is about four miles. during the night a torrent of rain washed us from our beds accompanied with the loudest thunder i ever heard. this weather continued during the th and often compelled us to land and turn the canoes up to prevent them from filling. we passed one portage and the confluence of a river said to afford by other rivers beyond a height of land a shorter but more difficult route to the athabasca lake than that which is generally pursued. on the th we crossed the last portage and at ten a.m. entered the isle a la crosse lake. its long succession of woody points, both banks stretching towards the south till their forms were lost in the haze of the horizon, was a grateful prospect to us after our bewildered and interrupted voyage in the missinippi. the gale wafted us with unusual speed and as the lake increased in breadth the waves swelled to a dangerous height. a canoe running before the wind is very liable to burst asunder when on the top of a wave so that part of the bottom is out of the water, for there is nothing to support the weight of its heavy cargo but the bark and the slight gunwales attached to it. on making known our exigencies to the gentlemen in charge of the hudson's bay and north-west companies' forts they made up an assortment of stores amounting to five bales, for four of which we were indebted to mr. mcleod of the north-west company who shared with us the ammunition absolutely required for the support of his post, receiving in exchange an order for the same quantity upon the cargo which we expected to follow us from york factory. we had heard from mr. stuart that fort chipewyan was too much impoverished to supply the wants of the expedition and we found isle a la crosse in the same condition; which indeed we might have foreseen from the exhausted state of cumberland house but could not have provided against. we never had heard before our departure from york that the posts in the interior only received annually the stores necessary for the consumption of a single year. it was fortunate for us that mr. franklin had desired ten bags of pemmican to be sent from the saskatchewan across the plains to isle a la crosse for our use. this resource was untouched but we could not embark more than five pieces in our own canoes. however mr. mcleod agreed to send a canoe after us to the methye portage with the pemmican, and we calculated that the diminution of our provision would there enable us to receive it. the beaver river enters this lake on the south-east side, and another river which has not been named on the south-west. both these rivers are branches of the missinippi as it is the only outlet from the lake. the banks appeared to be rocky and the beach in many places sandy but its waters are yellow and muddy. it produces a variety of fish among which its white-fish are esteemed the best in the country. the only birds visible at this season are common to every part of the missinippi; gulls, ducks, pigeons, goatsuckers, and the raven; and geese and swans pay a momentary visit in passing to the north and returning. there was little in the forts differing from the establishments that we had before seen. the ground on which they are erected is sandy and favourable to cultivation. curiosity however was satisfied by the first experiment and utility alone has been unable to extend it. isle a la crosse is frequented by the crees and the chipewyans. it is not the dread of the indians but of one another that has brought the rival companies so close together at every trading post, each party seeking to prevent the other from engaging the affections of the natives and monopolising the trade. whenever a settlement is made by the one the other immediately follows, without considering the eligibility of the place, for it may injure its opponent though it cannot benefit itself, and that advantage, which is the first object of all other commercial bodies, becomes but the second with the fur traders. on the evening of the th we embarked and entered a wide channel to the northward of the forts and extending towards the north-west. it gradually decreased in breadth till it became a river which is the third fork of the missinippi and, its current being almost insensible, we entered the clear lake at ten a.m. on the st of july. of this lake, which is very large, no part is known except the south border, but its extent would lead us to conclude that its evaporation must be supplied by another river to the northward, especially as the small channel that communicates with buffalo lake is motionless. the existence of such a river is asserted by the indians, and a shorter passage might be found by it across the height of land to clear water river than the portage from the methye lake. in buffalo lake the wind was too strong for us to proceed and we therefore encamped upon a gravel beach thrown up by the waves. we embarked at three a.m. july nd and at four p.m. entered the mouth of the methye river. the lake is thirty-four miles in length and fourteen in breadth. it is probably very deep for we saw no islands on this wide expanse except at the borders. on the south-west side were two forts belonging to the companies and near them a solitary hill seven or eight hundred feet high. at eight p.m. we encamped in the methye river at the confluence of the river pembina. a route has been explored by it to the red willow river across the height of land, but the difficulties of it were so great that the ordinary route is preferred. on the rd we passed through the methye river and encamped on the borders of the methye lake. the soil from isle a la crosse to this place is sandy with some portion of clay and the trees numerous; but the methye river is stony and so shallow that, to lighten the canoes, we made two portages of five and two miles. the paths were overflowed with cold spring water and barricaded by fallen trees; we should have been contented to immerse ourselves wholly had the puddle been sufficiently deep for the mosquitoes devoured every part that was exposed to them. on the th we crossed the methye lake and landed at the portage on the north-west side in one of the sources of the missinippi. the lake is seventeen miles in length with a large island in the middle. we proceeded to the north side of the portage with two men carrying a tent and some instruments, leaving the canoes and cargoes to be transported by daily journeys of two or three miles. the distance is fourteen statute miles and there are two small lakes about five miles from the north side. several species of fish were found in them though they have no known communication with any other body of water, being situated on the elevation of the height. the road was a gentle ascent, miry from the late rainy weather and shaded by pines, poplars, birches, and cypresses, which terminated our view. on the north side we discovered through an opening in the trees that we were on a hill eight or nine hundred feet high and at the edge of a steep descent. we were prepared to expect an extensive prospect, but the magnificent scene before us was so superior to what the nature of the country had promised that it banished even our sense of suffering from the mosquitoes which hovered in clouds about our heads. two parallel chains of hills extended towards the setting sun, their various projecting outlines exhibiting the several gradations of distance and the opposite bases closing at the horizon. on the nearest eminence the objects were clearly defined by their dark shadows; the yellow rays blended their softening hues with brilliant green on the next, and beyond it all distinction melted into gray and purple. in the long valley between, the smooth and colourless clear water river wound its spiral course, broken and shattered by encroaching woods. an exuberance of rich herbage covered the soil and lofty trees climbed the precipice at our feet, hiding its brink with their summits. impatient as we were and blinded with pain we paid a tribute of admiration, which this beautiful landscape is capable of exciting unaided by the borrowed charms of a calm atmosphere, glowing with the vivid tints of evening. we descended to the banks of the clear water river and, having encamped, the two men returned to assist their companions. we had sometimes before procured a little rest by closing the tent and burning wood or flashing gunpowder within, the smoke driving the mosquitoes into the crannies of the ground. but this remedy was now ineffectual though we employed it so perseveringly as to hazard suffocation: they swarmed under our blankets, goring us with their envenomed trunks and steeping our clothes in blood. we rose at daylight in a fever and our misery was unmitigated during our whole stay. the mosquitoes of america resemble in shape those of africa and europe but differ essentially in size and other particulars. there are two distinct species, the largest of which is brown and the smallest black. where they are bred cannot easily be determined for they are numerous in every soil. they make their first appearance in may and the cold destroys them in september; in july they are most voracious and, fortunately for the traders, the journeys from the trading posts to the factories are generally concluded at that period. the food of the mosquito is blood which it can extract by penetrating the hide of a buffalo; and if it is not disturbed it gorges itself so as to swell its body into a transparent globe. the wound does not swell like that of the african mosquito, but it is infinitely more painful; and when multiplied a hundredfold and continued for so many successive days it becomes an evil of such magnitude that cold, famine, and every other concomitant of an inhospitable climate must yield the pre-eminence to it. it chases the buffalo to the plains, irritating him to madness; and the reindeer to the seashore, from which they do not return till the scourge has ceased. on the th the thermometer was degrees in the sun and on the th degrees. the mosquitoes sought the shade in the heat of the day. it was some satisfaction to us to see the havoc made among them by a large and beautiful species of dragonfly called the mosquito hawk, which wheeled through their retreats swallowing their prey without a momentary diminution of speed. but the temporary relief that we had hoped for was only an exchange of tormentors: our new assailant, the horsefly, or bulldog, ranged in the hottest glare of the sun and carried off a portion of flesh at each attack. another noxious insect, the smallest but not the least formidable, was the sandfly known in canada by the name of the brulot. to such annoyance all travellers must submit, and it would be unworthy to complain of that grievance in the pursuit of knowledge which is endured for the sake of profit. this detail of it has only been as an excuse for the scantiness of our observations on the most interesting part of the country through which we passed. the north side of the methye portage is in latitude degrees minutes seconds north and longitude degrees minutes seconds west. it is of course one hundred and twenty-four miles from isle a la crosse and considered as a branch of the missinippi, five hundred and ninety-two miles from the frog portage. the clear water river passing through the valley, described above, evidently rises not far to the eastward. the height, computed by the same mode as that of the echiamamis, by allowing a foot for each mile of distance and six feet on an average for each fall and rapid, is two thousand four hundred and sixty-seven feet above the level of the sea, admitting it to be nine hundred feet above the clear water river. the country in a line between it and the mouth of mackenzie's river is a continual descent, although to the eastward of that line there may be several heights between it and the arctic sea. to the eastward the lands descend to hudson's bay, and to the westward also, till the athabasca river cuts through it, from whence it ascends to the rocky mountains. daring was the spirit of enterprise that first led commerce with her cumbrous train from the waters of hudson's bay to those of the arctic sea, across an obstacle to navigation so stupendous as this; and persevering has been the industry which drew riches from a source so remote. his journey to chipewyan. on the th two men arrived and informed us that they had brought us our ten bags of pemmican from isle a la crosse, but that they were found to be rotten. thus were we unexpectedly deprived of the most essential of our stores for we knew fort chipewyan to be destitute of provisions and that mr. franklin depended upon us for a supply, whereas enough did not remain for our own use. on the th the canoes and cargoes reached the north side of the portage. our people had selected two bags of pemmican less mouldy than the rest which they left on the beach. its decay was caused by some defect in the mode of mixing it. on the th we embarked in the clear water river and proceeded down the current. the hills, the banks, and bed of the river were composed of fine yellow sand with some limestone rocks. the surface soil was alluvial. at eight a.m. we passed a portage on which the limestone rocks were singularly scattered through the woods, bearing the appearance of houses and turrets overgrown with moss. the earth emitted a hollow sound and the river was divided by rocks into narrow crooked channels, every object indicating that some convulsion had disturbed the general order of nature at this place. we had passed a portage above it and after two long portages below it we encamped. near the last was a small stream so strongly impregnated with sulphur as to taint the air to a great distance around it. we saw two brown bears on the hills in the course of the day. at daylight on the th we embarked. the hills continued on both sides of the mouth of the river, varying from eight hundred to one thousand feet in height. they declined to the banks in long green slopes diversified by woody mounds and copses. the pines were not here in thick impenetrable masses but perched aloft in single groups on the heights or shrouded by the livelier hues of the poplar and willow. we passed the mouth of the red willow river on the south bank flowing through a deep ravine. it is the continuation of the route by the pembina before mentioned. at noon we entered the majestic athabasca or elk river. its junction with the clear water river is called the forks. its banks were inaccessible cliffs, apparently of clay and stones about two hundred feet high, and its windings in the south were encircled by high mountains. its breadth exceeded half a mile and was swelled to a mile in many places by long muddy islands in the middle covered with trees. no more portages interrupted our course but a swift current hurried us towards the quarter in which our anticipated discoveries were to commence. the passing cliffs returned a loud confusion of echoes to the sprightly canoe song and the dashing paddles and the eagles, watching with half-closed eyes on the pine-tops, started from their airy rest and prepared their drowsy pinions for the flight. about twenty miles from the forks are some salt pits and plains, said to be very extensive. the height of the banks was reduced to twenty or thirty feet and the hills ranged themselves at an increased distance from the banks in the same variety as those of the clear water river. at sunset we encamped on a small sandy island but the next morning made a speedy retreat to the canoes, the water having nearly overflown our encampment. we passed two deserted settlements of the fur traders on opposite banks at a place called pierre au calumet. beyond it the hills disappeared and the banks were no longer visible above the trees. the river carries away yearly large portions of soil which increases its breadth and diminishes its depth, rendering the water so muddy as to be scarcely drinkable. whole forests of timber are drifted down the stream and choke up the channels between the islands at its mouth. we observed the traces of herds of buffaloes where they had crossed the river, the trees being trodden down and strewed as if by a whirlwind. at four p.m. we left the main branch of the athabasca, entering a small river called the embarras. it is narrow and muddy with pines of an enormous size on its banks. some of them are two hundred feet high and three or four feet in diameter. at nine p.m. we landed and encamped but, finding ourselves in a nest of mosquitoes, we continued our journey before daybreak; and at eight a.m. emerged into the athabasca lake. a strong wind agitated this sea of fresh water which however we crossed without any accident, and landed on the north side of it at fort chipewyan where we had the satisfaction of finding our companions in good health, and of experiencing that sympathy in our anxiety on the state of affairs, which was only to be expected from those who were to share our future fortunes. chapter . departure from chipewyan. difficulties of the various navigations of the rivers and lakes, and of the portages. slave lake and fort providence. scarcity of provisions, and discontent of the canadian voyagers. difficulties with regard to the indian guides. refusal to proceed. visit of observation to the upper part of copper-mine river. return to the winter quarters of fort enterprise. departure from chipewyan. july , . early this morning the stores were distributed to the three canoes. our stock of provision unfortunately did not amount to more than sufficient for one day's consumption exclusive of two barrels of flour, three cases of preserved meats, some chocolate, arrowroot, and portable soup, which we had brought from england and intended to reserve for our journey to the coast the next season. seventy pounds of moose meat and a little barley were all that mr. smith was enabled to give us. it was gratifying however to perceive that this scarcity of food did not depress the spirits of our canadian companions who cheerfully loaded their canoes and embarked in high glee after they had received the customary dram. at noon we bade farewell to our kind friend mr. smith. the crews commenced a lively paddling song on quitting the shore which was continued until we had lost sight of the houses. we soon reached the western boundary of the lakem and at two entered the stony river, one of the discharges of the athabasca lake into the slave lake and, having a favouring current, passed swiftly along. this narrow stream is confined between low swampy banks which support willows, dwarf birch, and alder. at five we passed its conflux with the peace river. the slave river, formed by the union of these streams, is about three-quarters of a mile wide. we descended this magnificent river with much rapidity and, after passing through several narrow channels, formed by an assemblage of islands, crossed a spot where the waters had a violent whirling motion which, when the river is low, is said to subside into a dangerous rapid; on the present occasion no other inconvenience was felt than the inability of steering the canoes which were whirled about in every direction by the eddies until the current carried them beyond their influence. we encamped at seven on the swampy bank of the river but had scarcely pitched the tents before we were visited by a terrible thunderstorm; the rain fell in torrents and the violence of the wind caused the river to overflow its banks so that we were completely flooded. swarms of mosquitoes succeeded the storm and their tormenting stings, superadded to other inconveniences, induced us to embark and, after taking a hasty supper, to pursue our voyage down the stream during the night. at six on the following morning we passed the reindeer islands and at ten reached the entrance of the dog river where we halted to set the fishing nets. these were examined in the evening but, to our mortification, we obtained only four small trout and were compelled to issue part of our preserved meats for supper. the latitude of the mouth of dog river was observed degrees minutes seconds north. difficulties of the various navigations of the rivers and lakes, and of the portages. the nets were taken up at daylight but they furnished only a solitary pike. we lost no time in embarking and crossed the crooked channel of the dog rapid when two of the canoes came in such violent contact with each other that the sternmost had its bow broken off. we were fortunately near the shore or the disabled canoe would have sunk. the injury being repaired in two hours we again embarked and, having descended another rapid, arrived at the cassette portage of four hundred and sixty paces, over which the cargoes and canoes were carried in about twenty-six minutes. we next passed through a narrow channel full of rapids, crossed the portage d'embarras of seventy yards, and the portage of the little rock of three hundred yards, at which another accident happened to one of the canoes by the bowman slipping and letting it fall upon a rock and breaking it in two. two hours were occupied in sewing the detached pieces together and covering the seam with pitch but, this being done, it was as effective as before. after leaving this place we soon came to the next portage of two hundred and seventy-three paces; and shortly afterwards to the mountain portage of one hundred and twenty, which is appropriately named as the path leads over the summit of a high hill. this elevated situation commands a very grand and picturesque view for some miles along the river which at this part is about a mile wide. we next crossed a portage of one hundred and twenty yards; and then the pelican portage of eight hundred paces. mr. back took an accurate sketch of the interesting scenery which the river presents at this place. after descending six miles farther we came to the last portage on the route to slave lake which we crossed and encamped in its lower end. it is called the portage of the drowned and it received that name from a melancholy accident which took place many years ago. two canoes arrived at the upper end of the portage in one of which there was an experienced guide. this man, judging from the height of the river, deemed it practicable to shoot the rapid and determined upon trying it. he accordingly placed himself in the bow of his canoe, having previously agreed that, if the passage was found easy, he should, on reaching the bottom of the rapid, fire a musket as a signal for the other canoe to follow. the rapid proved dangerous and called forth all the skill of the guide and the utmost exertion of his crew and they narrowly escaped destruction. just as they were landing an unfortunate fellow, seizing the loaded fowling-piece, fired at a duck which rose at the instant. the guide, anticipating the consequences, ran with the utmost haste to the other end of the portage but he was too late: the other canoe had pushed off and he arrived only to witness the fate of his comrades. they got alarmed in the middle of the rapid, the canoe was upset, and every man perished. the various rapids we passed this day are produced by an assemblage of islands and rocky ledges which obstruct the river and divide it into many narrow channels. two of these channels are rendered still more difficult by accumulations of drift timber, a circumstance which has given a name to one of the portages. the rocks which compose the bed of the river and the numerous islands belong to the granite formation. the distance made today was thirteen miles. july . we embarked at four a.m. and pursued our course down the river. the rocks ceased at the last portage and below it the banks are composed of alluvial soil which is held together by the roots of trees and shrubs that crown their summits. the river is about a mile wide and the current is greatly diminished. at eight we landed at the mouth of the salt river and pitched our tents, intending to remain there that and the next day for the purpose of fishing. after breakfast, which made another inroad on our preserved meats, we proceeded up the river in a light canoe to visit the salt springs, leaving a party behind to attend the nets. this river is about one hundred yards wide at its mouth. its waters did not become brackish until we had ascended it seven or eight miles but, when we had passed several rivulets of fresh water which flowed in, the main stream became very salt, at the same time contracting its width to fifteen or twenty yards. at a distance of twenty-two miles, including the windings of the river, the plains commence. having pitched the tent at this spot we set out to visit the principal springs and had walked about three miles when the mosquitoes compelled us to give up our project. we did not see the termination of the plains toward the east, but on the north and west they are bounded by an even ridge about six or seven hundred feet in height. several salt springs issue from the foot of this ridge and spread their waters over the plain which consists of tenacious clay. during the summer much evaporation takes place and large heaps of salt are left behind crystallised in the form of cubes. some beds of grayish compact gypsum were exposed on the sides of the hills. the next morning after filling some casks with salt for our use during winter we embarked to return, and had descended the river a few miles when, turning round a point, we perceived a buffalo plunge into the river before us. eager to secure so valuable a prize we instantly opened a fire upon him from four muskets and in a few minutes he fell, but not before he had received fourteen balls. the carcass was towed to the bank and the canoe speedily laden with meat. after this piece of good fortune we descended the stream merrily, our voyagers chanting their liveliest songs. on arrival at the mouth of the river we found that our nets had not produced more than enough to supply a scanty meal to the men whom we had left behind, but this was now of little importance as the acquisition of meat we had made would enable us to proceed without more delay to slave lake. the poisson inconnu mentioned by mackenzie is found here. it is a species of the genus salmo, and is said by the indians to ascend from the arctic sea but, being unable to pass the cascade of the slave river, is not found higher than this place. in the evening a violent thunderstorm came on with heavy rain, thermometer degrees. at a very early hour on the following morning we embarked and continued to paddle against a very strong wind and high waves under the shelter of the bank of the rivers until two p.m. when, having arrived at a more exposed part of the stream, the canoes took in so much water that we were obliged to disembark on a small island. the river here is from one mile and a quarter to one mile and three-quarters wide. its banks are of moderate height, sandy, and well wooded. slave lake and fort providence. july . we made more progress notwithstanding the continuance of the wind. the course of the river is very winding, making in one place a circuit of seven or eight miles round a peninsula which is joined to the west bank by a narrow isthmus. near the foot of this elbow a long island occupies the centre of the river which it divides into two channels. the longitude was obtained near to it degrees minutes seconds and variation degrees minutes seconds north, and the latitude degrees minutes seconds north, about four miles farther down. we passed the mouth of a broad channel leading to the north-east termed la grande riviere de jean, one of the two large branches by which the river pours its waters into the great slave lake; the flooded delta at the mouth of the river is intersected by several smaller channels through one of which, called the channel of the scaffold, we pursued our voyage on the following morning and by eight a.m. reached the establishment of the north-west company on moose-deer island. we found letters from mr. wentzel, dated fort providence, a station on the north side of the lake, which communicated to us that there was an indian guide waiting for us at that post; but that the chief and the hunters who were to accompany the party had gone to a short distance to hunt, having become impatient at our delay. soon after landing i visited the hudson's bay post on the same island and engaged pierre st. germain, an interpreter for the copper indians. we regretted to find the posts of both the companies extremely bare of provision but, as the gentlemen in charge had despatched men on the preceding evening to a band of indians in search of meat and they promised to furnish us with whatever should be brought, it was deemed advisable to wait for their return as the smallest supply was now of importance to us. advantage was taken of the delay to repair effectually the canoe which had been broken in the dog rapid. on the next evening the men arrived with the meat and enabled mr. mcleod of the north-west company to furnish us with four hundred pounds of dried provisions. mr. mcvicar of the hudson's bay company also supplied one hundred and fifty pounds. this quantity we considered would be sufficient until we could join the hunters. we also obtained three fishing-nets, a gun, and a pair of pistols, which were all the stores these posts could furnish, although the gentlemen in charge were much disposed to assist us. moose-deer island is about a mile in diameter and rises towards the centre about three hundred feet above the lake. its soil is in general sandy, in some parts swampy. the varieties of the northern berries grow abundantly on it. the north-west company's fort is in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, being two hundred and sixty statute miles distant from fort chipewyan by the river course. the variation of the compass is degrees minutes seconds east. the houses of the two companies are small and have a bleak northern aspect. there are vast accumulations of driftwood on the shores of the lake, brought down by the river, which afford plenty of fuel. the inhabitants live principally on the fish, which the lake at certain seasons furnishes in great abundance; of these the white-fish, trout, and poisson inconnu are considered the best. they also procure moose, buffalo, and reindeer meat occasionally from their hunters; but these animals are generally found at the distance of several days' walk from the forts. the indians who trade here are chipewyans. beavers, martens, foxes, and muskrats are caught in numbers in the vicinity of this great body of water. the mosquitoes here were still a serious annoyance to us but less numerous than before. they were in some degree replaced by a small sandfly, whose bite is succeeded by a copious flow of blood and considerable swelling but is attended with incomparably less irritation than the puncture of the mosquito. on the th of july we embarked at four a.m. and proceeded along the south shore of the lake through a narrow channel, formed by some islands, beyond the confluence of the principal branch of the slave river; and as far as stony island, where we breakfasted. this island is merely a rock of gneiss that rises forty or fifty feet above the lake and is precipitous on the north side. as the day was fine and the lake smooth we ventured upon paddling across to the reindeer islands, which were distant about thirteen miles in a northern direction, instead of pursuing the usual track by keeping farther along the south shore which inclines to the eastward from this point. these islands are numerous and consist of granite, rising from one hundred to two hundred feet above the water. they are for the most part naked; but towards the centres of the larger ones there is a little soil and a few groves of pines. at seven in the evening we landed upon one of them and encamped. on the following morning we ran before a strong breeze and a heavy swell for some hours, but at length were obliged to seek shelter on a large island adjoining to isle a la cache of mackenzie, where the following observations were obtained: latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, and variation degrees minutes seconds east. the wind and swell having subsided in the afternoon we reembarked and steered towards the western point of the big island of mackenzie and, when four miles distant from it, had forty-two fathoms soundings. passing between this island and a promontory of the main shore, termed big cape, we entered into a deep bay which receives the waters from several rivers that come from the northward; and we immediately perceived a decrease in the temperature of the waters from to degrees. we coasted along the eastern side of the bay, its western shore being always visible, but the canoes were exposed to the hazard of being broken by the numerous sunken rocks which were scattered in our track. we encamped for the night on a rocky island and by eight a.m. on the following morning arrived at fort providence which is situated twenty-one miles from the entrance of the bay. the post is exclusively occupied by the north-west company, the hudson's bay company having no settlement to the northward of great slave lake. we found mr. wentzel and our interpreter jean baptiste adam here with one of the indian guides: but the chief of the tribe and his hunters were encamped with their families some miles from the fort in a good situation for fishing. our arrival was announced to him by a fire on the top of a hill, and before night a messenger came to communicate his intention of seeing us next morning. the customary present of tobacco and some other articles was immediately sent to him. mr. wentzel prepared me for the first conference with the indians by mentioning all the information they had already given to him. the duties allotted to this gentleman were the management of the indians, the superintendence of the canadian voyagers, the obtaining and the general distribution of the provision, and the issue of the other stores. these services he was well qualified to perform, having been accustomed to execute similar duties during a residence of upwards of twenty years in this country. we also deemed mr. wentzel to be a great acquisition to our party as a check on the interpreters, he being one of the few traders who speak the chipewyan language. as we were informed that external appearances made lasting impressions on the indians we prepared for the interview by decorating ourselves in uniform and suspending a medal round each of our necks. our tents had been previously pitched and over one of them a silken union flag was hoisted. soon after noon on july th several indian canoes were seen advancing in a regular line and, on their approach, the chief was discovered in the headmost which was paddled by two men. on landing at the fort the chief assumed a very grave aspect and walked up to mr. wentzel with a measured and dignified step, looking neither to the right nor to the left at the persons who had assembled on the beach to witness his debarkation, but preserving the same immovability of countenance until he reached the hall and was introduced to the officers. when he had smoked his pipe, drank a small portion of spirits and water himself, and issued a glass to each of his companions, who had seated themselves on the floor, he commenced his harangue by mentioning the circumstances that led to his agreeing to accompany the expedition, an engagement which he was quite prepared to fulfil. he was rejoiced he said to see such great chiefs on his lands; his tribe were poor but they loved white men who had been their benefactors; and he hoped that our visit would be productive of much good to them. the report which preceded our arrival he said had caused much grief to him. it was at first rumoured that a great medicine chief accompanied us who was able to restore the dead to life; at this he rejoiced; the prospect of again seeing his departed relatives had enlivened his spirits, but his first communication with mr. wentzel had removed these vain hopes and he felt as if his friends had a second time been torn from him. he now wished to be informed exactly of the nature of our expedition. in reply to this speech, which i understood had been prepared for many days, i endeavoured to explain the objects of our mission in a manner best calculated to ensure his exertions in our service. with this view i told him that we were sent out by the greatest chief in the world who was the sovereign also of the trading companies in the country; that he was the friend of peace and had the interest of every nation at heart. having learned that his children in the north were much in want of articles of merchandise, in consequence of the extreme length and difficulty of the present route, he had sent us to search for a passage by the sea which, if found, would enable large vessels to transport great quantities of goods more easily to their lands. that we had not come for the purpose of traffic but solely to make discoveries for their benefit as well as that of every other people. that we had been directed to inquire into the nature of all the productions of the countries we might pass through and particularly respecting their inhabitants. that we desired the assistance of the indians in guiding us and providing us with food; finally that we were most positively enjoined by the great chief to recommend that hostilities should cease throughout this country, and especially between the indians and the esquimaux, whom he considered his children in common with other natives and, by way of enforcing the latter point more strongly, i assured him that a forfeiture of all the advantages which might be anticipated from the expedition would be a certain consequence if any quarrel arose between his party and the esquimaux. i also communicated to him that, owing to the distance we had travelled, we had now few more stores than was necessary for the use of our own party, a part of these, however, should be forthwith presented to him; on his return he and his party should be remunerated with cloth, ammunition, and tobacco, and some useful iron materials, besides having their debts to the north-west company discharged. the chief whose name is akaitcho or big-foot replied by a renewal of his assurances that he and his party would attend us to the end of our journey, and that they would do their utmost to provide us with the means of subsistence. he admitted that his tribe had made war upon the esquimaux but said they were now desirous of peace and unanimous in their opinion as to the necessity of all who accompanied us abstaining from every act of enmity against that nation. he added however that the esquimaux were very treacherous and therefore recommended that we should advance towards them with caution. the communications which the chief and the guides then gave respecting the route to the copper-mine river and its course to the sea coincided in every material point with the statements which were made by boileau and black meat at chipewyan, but they differed in their descriptions of the coast. the information however, collected from both sources, was very vague and unsatisfactory. none of his tribe had been more than three days' march along the sea-coast to the eastward of the river's mouth. as the water was unusually high this season the indian guides recommended our going by a shorter route to the copper-mine river than that they had first proposed to mr. wentzel, and they assigned as a reason for the change that the reindeer would be sooner found upon this track. they then drew a chart of the proposed route on the floor with charcoal, exhibiting a chain of twenty-five small lakes extending towards the north, about one-half of them connected by a river which flows into slave lake near fort providence. one of the guides named keskarrah drew the copper-mine river running through the upper lake in a westerly direction towards the great bear lake and then northerly to the sea. the other guide drew the river in a straight line to the sea from the above-mentioned place but, after some dispute, admitted the correctness of the first delineation. the latter was elder brother to akaitcho and he said that he had accompanied mr. hearne on his journey and, though very young at the time, still remembered many of the circumstances and particularly the massacre committed by the indians on the esquimaux. they pointed out another lake to the southward of the river, about three days' journey distant from it, on which the chief proposed the next winter's establishment should be formed as the reindeer would pass there in the autumn and spring. its waters contained fish and there was a sufficiency of wood for building as well as for the winter's consumption. these were important considerations and determined me in pursuing the route they now proposed. they could not inform us what time we should take in reaching the lake until they saw our manner of travelling in the large canoes, but they supposed we might be about twenty days, in which case i entertained the hope that, if we could then procure provision, we should have time to descend the copper-mine river for a considerable distance, if not to the sea itself, and return to the lake before the winter set in. it may here be proper to mention that it had been my original plan to descend the mackenzie's river and to cross the great bear lake, from the eastern side of which, boileau informed me, there is a communication with the copper-mine river by four small lakes and portages; but under our present circumstances this course could not be followed because it would remove us too far from the establishments at the great slave lake to receive the supplies of ammunition and some other stores in the winter which were absolutely necessary for the prosecution of our journey, or to get the esquimaux interpreter whom we expected. if i had not deemed these circumstances paramount i should have preferred the route by bear lake. akaitcho and the guides having communicated all the information they possessed on the different points to which our questions had been directed i placed my medal round the neck of the chief, and the officers presented theirs to an elder brother of his and the two guides, communicating to them that these marks of distinction were given as tokens of our friendship and as pledges of the sincerity of our professions. being conferred in the presence of all the hunters their acquisition was highly gratifying to them, but they studiously avoided any great expression of joy because such an exposure would have been unbecoming the dignity which the senior indians assume during a conference. they assured us however of their being duly sensible of these tokens of our regard and that they should be preserved during their lives with the utmost care. the chief evinced much penetration and intelligence during the whole of this conversation, which gave us a favourable opinion of his intellectual powers. he made many inquiries respecting the discovery ships under the command of captain parry which had been mentioned to him, and asked why a passage had not been discovered long ago, if one existed. it may be stated that we gave a faithful explanation to all his inquiries, which policy would have prompted us to do if a love of truth had not; for whenever these northern nations detect a falsehood in the dealings of the traders they make it an unceasing subject of reproach, and their confidence is irrecoverably lost. we presented to the chief, the two guides, and the seven hunters who had engaged to accompany us some cloth, blankets, tobacco, knives, daggers, besides other useful iron materials, and a gun to each; also a keg of very weak spirits and water which they kept until the evening as they had to try their guns before dark and make the necessary preparations for commencing the journey on the morrow. they however did not leave us so soon, as the chief was desirous of being present with his party at the dance which was given in the evening to our canadian voyagers. they were highly entertained by the vivacity and agility displayed by our companions in their singing and dancing, and especially by their imitating the gestures of a canadian who placed himself in the most ludicrous postures and, whenever this was done, the gravity of the chief gave way to violent bursts of laughter. in return for the gratification akaitcho had enjoyed he desired his young men to exhibit the dog-rib indian dance; and immediately they ranged themselves in a circle and, keeping their legs widely separated, began to jump simultaneously sideways; their bodies were bent, their hands placed on their hips, and they uttered forcibly the interjection tsa at each jump. devoid as were their attitudes of grace and their music of harmony we were much amused by the novelty of the exhibition. in the midst of this scene an untoward accident occurred which for a time interrupted our amusements. the tent, in which dr. richardson and i lodged having caught fire from some embers that had been placed in it to expel the mosquitoes, was entirely burnt. hepburn, who was sleeping within it close to some powder, most providentially awoke in time to throw it clear of the flame and rescue the baggage before any material injury had been received. we dreaded the consequences of this disaster upon the fickle minds of the indians and wished it not to be communicated to them. the chief however was soon informed of it by one of his people and expressed his desire that no future misfortune should be concealed from him. we found that he was most concerned to hear that the flag had been burnt, but we removed his anxiety on that point by the assurance that it could easily be repaired. we were advised by mr. wentzel to recommence the dancing after this event lest the indians should imagine, by our putting a stop to it, that we considered the circumstance as an unfavourable commencement of our undertaking. we were however deeply impressed with a grateful sense of the divine providence in averting the threatened destruction of our stores, which would have been fatal to every prospect of proceeding forward this season. august . this morning the indians set out, intending to wait for us at the mouth of the yellow-knife river. we remained behind to pack our stores in bales of eighty pounds each, an operation which could not be done in the presence of these indians as they are in the habit of begging for everything they see. our stores consisted of two barrels of gunpowder, one hundred and forty pounds of ball and small shot, four fowling-pieces, a few old trading guns, eight pistols, twenty-four indian daggers, some packages of knives, chisels, nails, and fastenings for a boat; a few yards of cloth, some blankets, needles, looking-glasses, and beads, together with nine fishing-nets, having meshes of different sizes. our provision was two casks of flour, two hundred dried reindeer tongues, some dried moose-meat, portable soup, and arrowroot, sufficient in the whole for ten days' consumption, besides two cases of chocolate, and two canisters of tea. we engaged another canadian voyager at this place and the expedition then consisted of twenty-eight persons, including the officers, and the wives of three of our voyagers, who were brought for the purpose of making shoes and clothes for the men at the winter establishment; there were also three children belonging to two of these women.* (*footnote. the following is the list of the officers and men who composed the expedition on its departure from fort providence: john franklin, lieutenant of the royal navy and commander. john richardson, m.d., surgeon of the royal navy. mr. george back, of the royal navy, admiralty midshipman. mr. robert hood, of the royal navy, admiralty midshipman. mr. frederick wentzel, clerk to the north-west company. john hepburn, english seaman. canadian voyagers: joseph peltier, matthew pelonquin, dit credit, solomon belanger, joseph benoit, joseph gagne, pierre dumas, joseph forcier, ignace perrault, francois samandre, gabriel beauparlant, vincenza fontano, registe vaillant, jean baptiste parent, jean baptiste belanger, jean baptiste belleau, emanuel cournoyee, michel teroahaute, an iroquois, interpreters: pierre st. germain, jean baptiste adam, chipewyan bois brules.) our observations place fort providence in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west; the variation of the compass is degrees minutes seconds east and the dip of the needle degrees minutes seconds. it is distant from moose-deer island sixty-six geographic miles. this is the last establishment of the traders in this direction, but the north-west company have two to the northward of it on the mackenzie river. it has been erected for the convenience of the copper and dog-rib indians who generally bring such a quantity of reindeer meat that the residents are enabled, out of their superabundance, to send annually some provision to the fort at moose-deer island. they also occasionally procure moose and buffalo meat, but these animals are not numerous on this side of the lake. few furs are collected. les poissons inconnus, trout, pike, carp, and white-fish are very plentiful, and on these the residents principally subsist. their great supply of fish is procured in the latter part of september and the beginning of october, but there are a few taken daily in the nets during the winter. the surrounding country consists almost entirely of coarse-grained granite, frequently enclosing large masses of reddish felspar. these rocks form hills which attain an elevation of three hundred or four hundred feet about a mile behind the house; their surface is generally naked but in the valleys between them grow a few spruce, aspen, and birch trees, together with a variety of shrubs and berry-bearing plants. on the afternoon of the nd of august we commenced our journey, having, in addition to our three canoes, a smaller one to convey the women; we were all in high spirits, being heartily glad that the time had at length arrived when our course was to be directed towards the copper-mine river and through a line of country which had not been previously visited by any european. we proceeded to the northward along the eastern side of a deep bay of the lake, passing through various channels formed by an assemblage of rocky islands; and at sunset encamped on a projecting point of the north main shore eight miles from fort providence. to the westward of this arm, or bay of the lake, there is another deep bay that receives the waters of a river which communicates with great marten lake where the north-west company had once a post established. the eastern shores of the great slave lake are very imperfectly known: none of the traders have visited them and the indians give such loose and unsatisfactory accounts that no estimation can be formed of its extent in that direction. these men say there is a communication from its eastern extremity by a chain of lakes with a shallow river which discharges its waters into the sea. this stream they call the thloueetessy, and report it to be navigable for indian canoes only. the forms of the south and western shores are better known from the survey of sir alexander mackenzie and in consequence of the canoes having to pass and repass along these borders annually between moose-deer island and mackenzie's river. our observations made the breadth of the lake between stony island and the north main shore sixty miles less than it is laid down in arrowsmith's map; and there is also a considerable difference in the longitude of the eastern side of the bay, which we entered. this lake, owing to its great depth, is seldom completely frozen over before the last week in november and the ice, which is generally seven feet thick, breaks up about the middle of june, three weeks later than that of the slave river. the only known outlet to this vast body of water which receives so many streams on its north and south shores is the mackenzie river. august . we embarked at three a.m. and proceeded to the entrance of the yellow-knife river of the traders, which is called by the natives begholodessy or river of the toothless fish. we found akaitcho and the hunters with their families encamped here. there were also several other indians of his tribe who intended to accompany us some distance into the interior. this party was quickly in motion after our arrival and we were soon surrounded by a fleet of seventeen indian canoes. in company with them we paddled up the river, which is one hundred and fifty yards wide, and in an hour came to a cascade of five feet where we were compelled to make a portage of one hundred and fifty-eight yards. we next crossed a dilatation of the river, about six miles in length, upon which the name of lake prosperous was bestowed. its shores, though scantily supplied with wood, are very picturesque. akaitcho caused himself to be paddled by his slave, a young man of the dog-rib nation whom he had taken by force from his friends; when he thought himself however out of reach of our observation he laid aside a good deal of his state and assisted in the labour; and after a few days' further acquaintance with us he did not hesitate to paddle in our presence or even carry his canoe on the portages. several of the canoes were managed by women who proved to be noisy companions, for they quarrelled frequently, and the weakest was generally profuse in her lamentations, which were not at all diminished when the husband attempted to settle the difference by a few blows from his paddle. an observation near the centre of the lake gave degrees minutes seconds west and degrees minutes seconds east variation. leaving the lake we ascended a very strong rapid and arrived at a range of three steep cascades situated in the bend of the river. here we made a portage of one thousand three hundred yards over a rocky hill which received the name of the bowstring portage from its shape. we found that the indians had greatly the advantage of us in this operation; the men carried their small canoes, the women and children the clothes and provisions, and at the end of the portage they were ready to embark, whilst it was necessary for our people to return four times before they could transport the weighty cargo with which we were burdened. after passing through another expansion of the river and over the steep portage of one hundred and fifteen yards we encamped on a small rocky isle, just large enough to hold our party, and the indians took possession of an adjoining rock. we were now thirty miles from fort providence. as soon as the tents were pitched the officers and men were divided into watches for the night, a precaution intended to be taken throughout the journey, not merely to prevent our being surprised by strangers but also to show our companions that we were constantly on our guard. the chief, who suffered nothing to escape his observation, remarked that he should sleep without anxiety among the esquimaux for he perceived no enemy could surprise us. after supper we retired to rest but our sleep was soon interrupted by the indians joining in loud lamentations over a sick child whom they supposed to be dying. dr. richardson however immediately went to the boy and administered some medicine which relieved his pain and put a stop to their mourning. the temperatures this day were at four a.m. degrees, three p.m. degrees, at seven p.m. degrees. on the th we crossed a small lake and passed in succession over the blueberry cascade and double fall portages where the river falls over ridges of rocks that completely obstruct the passages for canoes. we came to three strong rapids beyond these barriers, which were surmounted by the aid of the poles and lines, and then to a bend of the river in which the cascades were so frequent that to avoid them we carried the canoes into a chain of small lakes. we entered them by a portage of nine hundred and fifty paces, and during the afternoon traversed three other grassy lakes and encamped on the banks of the river, at the end of the yellow-knife portage, of three hundred and fifty paces. this day's work was very laborious to our men. akaitcho however had directed his party to assist them in carrying their burdens on the portages, which they did cheerfully. this morning mr. back caught several fish with a fly, a method of fishing entirely new to the indians, and they were not more delighted than astonished at his skill and success. the extremes of temperature today were and degrees. scarcity of provisions, and discontent of the canadian voyagers. on august th we continued the ascent of the river, which varied much in breadth, as did the current in rapidity. it flows between high rocky banks on which there is sufficient soil to support pines, birch, and poplars. five portages were crossed, then the rocky lake, and we finished our labours at the end of the sixth portage. the issue of dried meat for breakfast this morning had exhausted all our stock, and no other provision remained but the portable soups and a few pounds of preserved meat. at the recommendation of akaitcho the hunters were furnished with ammunition and desired to go forward as speedily as possible to the part where the reindeer were expected to be found, and to return to us with any provision they could procure. he also assured us that in our advance towards them we should come to some lakes abounding in fish. many of the indians, being likewise in distress for food, decided on separating from us and going on at a quicker pace than we could travel. akaitcho himself was always furnished with a portion at our meals as a token of regard which the traders have taught the chiefs to expect and which we willingly paid. the next morning we crossed a small lake and a portage before we entered the river; shortly afterwards the canoes and cargoes were carried a mile along its banks to avoid three very strong rapids, and over another portage into a narrow lake; we encamped on an island in the middle of it to set the nets; but they only yielded a few fish and we had a very scanty supper as it was necessary to deal out our provision sparingly. the longitude degrees minutes seconds west and variation degrees minutes seconds east were observed. we had the mortification of finding the nets entirely empty next morning, an untoward circumstance that discouraged our voyagers very much; and they complained of being unable to support the fatigue to which they were daily exposed on their present scanty fare. we had seen with regret that the portages were more frequent as we advanced to the northward and feared that their strength would fail if provision were not soon obtained. we embarked at six, proceeded to the head of the lake, and crossed a portage of two thousand five hundred paces leading over ridges of sandhills which nourished pines of a larger size than we had lately seen. this conducted us to mossy lake whence we regained the river after traversing another portage. the birch and poplar portages next followed, and beyond these we came to a part where the river takes a great circuit and its course is interrupted by several heavy falls. the guide therefore advised us to quit it and proceed through a chain of nine lakes extending to the north-east which we did and encamped on icy portage where the nets were set. the bottom of the valley through which the track across this portage led was covered with ice four or five feet thick, the remains of a large iceberg which is annually formed there by the snow drifting into the valley and becoming consolidated into ice by the overflowing of some springs that are warm enough to resist the winter's cold. the latitude is degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west. we were alarmed in the night by our fire communicating to the dry moss which, spreading by the force of a strong wind, encircled the encampment and threatened destruction to our canoes and baggage. the watch immediately aroused all the men who quickly removed whatever could be injured to a distant part and afterwards succeeded in extinguishing the flame. august . during this day we crossed five portages, passing over a very bad road. the men were quite exhausted with fatigue by five p.m. when we were obliged to encamp on the borders of the fifth lake, in which the fishing-nets were set. we began this evening to issue some portable soup and arrowroot which our companions relished very much; but this food is too unsubstantial to support their vigour under their daily exhausting labour, and we could not furnish them with a sufficient quantity even of this to satisfy their desires. we commenced our labours on the next day in a very wet uncomfortable state as it had rained through the night until four a.m. the fifth grassy lake was crossed and four others, with their intervening portages, and we returned to the river by a portage of one thousand four hundred and fifteen paces. the width of the stream here is about one hundred yards, its banks are moderately high and scantily covered with wood. we afterwards twice carried the cargoes along its banks to avoid a very stony rapid and then crossed the first carp portage in longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation of the compass degrees minutes seconds east, and encamped on the borders of lower carp lake. the chief having told us that this was a good lake for fishing we determined on halting for a day or two to recruit our men, of whom three were lame and several others had swelled legs. the chief himself went forward to look after the hunters and promised to make a fire as a signal if they had killed any reindeer. all the indians had left us in the course of yesterday and today to seek these animals except the guide keskarrah. august . the nets furnishing only four carp we embarked for the purpose of searching for a better spot and encamped again on the shores of the same lake. the spirits of the men were much revived by seeing some recent traces of reindeer at this place, which circumstance caused them to cherish the hope of soon getting a supply of meat from the hunters. they were also gratified by finding abundance of blueberries near the encampment, which made an agreeable and substantial addition to their otherwise scanty fare. we were teased by sandflies this evening although the thermometer did not rise above degrees. the country through which we had travelled for some days consists principally of granite, intermixed in some spots with mica-slate, often passing into clay-slate. but the borders of lower carp lake where the gneiss formation prevails are composed of hills having less altitude, fewer precipices, and more rounded summits. the valleys are less fertile, containing a gravelly soil and fewer trees, so that the country has throughout a more barren aspect. august . having caught sufficient trout, white-fish, and carp yesterday and this morning to afford the party two hearty meals, and the men having recovered from their fatigue, we proceeded on our journey, crossed the upper carp portage, and embarked on the lake of that name where we had the gratification of paddling for ten miles. we put up at its termination to fish by the advice of our guide and the following observations were then taken: longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation of the compass degrees minutes seconds east, dip degrees minutes seconds. at this place we first perceived the north end of our dipping-needle to pass the perpendicular line when the instrument was faced to the west. we had scarcely quitted the encampment next day before an indian met us with the agreeable communication that the hunters had made several fires which were certain indications of their having killed reindeer. this intelligence inspired our companions with fresh energy and they quickly traversed the next portage and paddled through the reindeer lake; at the north side of it we found the canoes of our hunters and learned from our guide that the indians usually leave their canoes here as the water communication on their hunting grounds is bad. the yellow-knife river had now dwindled into an insignificant rivulet and we could not trace it beyond the next lake except as a mere brook. the latitude of its source degrees minute seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, and its length is one hundred and fifty-six statute miles. though this river is of sufficient breadth and depth for navigating in canoes yet i conceive its course is too much interrupted by cascades and rapids for its ever being used as a channel for the conveyance of merchandise. whilst the crews were employed in making a portage over the foot of prospect hill we ascended to the top of it and, as it is the highest ground in the neighbourhood, its summit, which is about five hundred feet above the water, commands an extensive view. akaitcho who was here with his family pointed out to us the smoke of the distant fires which the hunters had made. the prospect is agreeably diversified by an intermixture of hill and valley and the appearance of twelve lakes in different directions. on the borders of these lakes a few thin pine groves occur, but the country in general is destitute of almost every vegetable except a few berry-bearing shrubs and lichens, and has a very barren aspect. the hills are composed of gneiss but their acclivities are covered with a coarse gravelly soil. there are many large loose stones both on their sides and summits composed of the same materials as the solid rock. we crossed another lake in the evening, encamped and set the nets. the chief made a large fire to announce our situation to the hunters. difficulties with regard to the indian guides. refusal to proceed. august . we caught twenty fish this morning but they were small and furnished but a scanty breakfast for the party. whilst this meal was preparing our canadian voyagers, who had been for some days past murmuring at their meagre diet and striving to get the whole of our little provision to consume at once, broke out into open discontent, and several of them threatened they would not proceed forward unless more food was given to them. this conduct was the more unpardonable as they saw we were rapidly approaching the fires of the hunters and that provision might soon be expected. i therefore felt the duty incumbent on me to address them in the strongest manner on the danger of insubordination and to assure them of my determination to inflict the heaviest punishment on any that should persist in their refusal to go on, or in any other way attempt to retard the expedition. i considered this decisive step necessary, having learned from the gentlemen most intimately acquainted with the character of the canadian voyagers that they invariably try how far they can impose upon every new master and that they will continue to be disobedient and intractable if they once gain any ascendancy over him. i must admit however that the present hardships of our companions were of a kind which few could support without murmuring, and no one could witness without a sincere pity for their sufferings. after this discussion we went forward until sunset. in the course of the day we crossed seven lakes and as many portages. just as we had encamped we were delighted to see four of the hunters arrive with the flesh of two reindeer. this seasonable supply, though only sufficient for this evening's and the next day's consumption, instantly revived the spirits of our companions and they immediately forgot all their cares. as we did not after this period experience any deficiency of food during this journey they worked extremely well and never again reflected upon us as they had done before for rashly bringing them into an inhospitable country where the means of subsistence could not be procured. several blue fish resembling the grayling were caught in a stream which flows out of hunter's lake. it is remarkable for the largeness of the dorsal fin and the beauty of its colours. august . having crossed the hunter's portage we entered the lake of the same name in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west; but soon quitted it by desire of the indian guide and diverged more to the eastward that we might get into the line upon which our hunters had gone. this was the only consideration that could have induced us to remove to a chain of small lakes connected by long portages. we crossed three of these and then were obliged to encamp to rest the men. the country is bare of wood except a few dwarf birch bushes which grow near the borders of the lakes, and here and there a few stunted pines, and our fuel principally consisted of the roots of decayed pines which we had some difficulty to collect in sufficient quantity for cooking. when this material is wanting the reindeer lichen and other mosses that grow in profusion on the gravelly acclivities of the hills are used as substitutes. three more of the hunters arrived with meat this evening which supply came very opportunely as our nets were unproductive. at eight p.m. a faint aurora borealis appeared to the southward, the night was cold, the wind strong from north-west. we were detained some time in the following morning before the fishing-nets, which had sunk in the night, could be recovered. after starting we first crossed the orkney lake, then a portage which brought us to sandy lake and here we missed one of our barrels of powder which the steersman of the canoe then recollected had been left the day before. he and two other men were sent back to search for it in the small canoe. the rest of the party proceeded to the portage on the north side of the grizzly-bear lake, where the hunters had made a deposit of meat, and there encamped to await their return which happened at nine p.m. with the powder. we perceived from the direction of this lake that considerable labour would have been spared if we had continued our course yesterday, instead of striking off at the guide's suggestion, as the bottom of this lake cannot be far separated from either hunter's lake or the one to the westward of it. the chief and all the indians went off to hunt accompanied by pierre st. germain the interpreter. they returned at night bringing some meat and reported that they had put the carcasses of several reindeer en cache. these were sent for early next morning and, as the weather was unusually warm, the thermometer at noon being degrees, we remained stationary all day that the women might prepare the meat for keeping by stripping the flesh from the bones and drying it in the sun over a slow fire. the hunters were again successful and by the evening we had collected the carcasses of seventeen deer. as this was a sufficient store to serve us until we arrived at winter lake the chief proposed that he and his hunters should proceed to that place and collect some provision against our arrival. he also requested that we would allow him to be absent ten days to provide his family with clothing as the skin of the reindeer is unfit for that purpose after the month of september. we could not refuse to grant such a reasonable request but caused st. germain to accompany him that his absence might not exceed the appointed time. previous to his departure the chief warned us to be constantly on our guard against the grizzly bears which he described as being numerous in this vicinity and very ferocious; one had been seen this day by an indian, to which circumstance the lake owes its appellation. we afterwards learned that the only bear in this part of the country is the brown bear and that this by no means possesses the ferocity which the indians, with their usual love of exaggeration, ascribe to it. the fierce grizzly bear which frequents the sources of the missouri is not found on the barren grounds. the shores of this lake and the neighbouring hills are principally composed of sand and gravel; they are much varied in their outline and present some picturesque scenery. the following observations were taken here: latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west; variation of the compass degrees minutes seconds east; and dip of the needle degrees minutes seconds. on august the th, having finished drying the meat which had been retarded by the heavy showers of rain that fell in the morning, we embarked at one p.m. and crossed two lakes and two portages. the last of these was two thousand and sixty-six paces long and very rugged so that the men were much fatigued. on the next day we received the flesh of four reindeer by the small canoe which had been sent for it and heard that the hunters had killed several more deer on our route. we saw many of these animals as we passed along; and our companions, delighted with the prospect of having food in abundance, now began to accompany their paddling with singing, which they had discontinued ever since our provisions became scarce. we passed from one small lake to another over four portages, then crossed a lake about six miles in diameter and encamped on its border where, finding pines, we enjoyed the luxury of a good fire, which we had not done for some days. at ten p.m. the aurora borealis appeared very brilliant in an arch across the zenith from north-west to south-east which afterwards gave place to a beautiful corona borealis. august . after crossing a portage of five hundred and ninety-five paces, a small lake and another portage of two thousand paces, which occupied the crews seven hours, we embarked on a small stream running towards the north-west which carried us to the lake where akaitcho proposed that we should pass the winter. the officers ascended several of the loftiest hills in the course of the day, prompted by a natural anxiety to examine the spot which was to be their residence for many months. the prospect however was not then the most agreeable as the borders of the lake seemed to be scantily furnished with wood and that of a kind too small for the purposes of building. we perceived the smoke of a distant fire which the indians suppose had been made by some of the dog-ribbed tribe who occasionally visit this part of the country. embarking at seven next morning we paddled to the western extremity of the lake and there found a small river which flows out of it to the south-west. to avoid a strong rapid at its commencement we made a portage and then crossed to the north bank of the river where the indians recommended that the winter establishment should be erected, and we soon found that the situation they had chosen possessed all the advantages we could desire. the trees were numerous and of a far greater size than we had supposed them to be in a distant view, some of the pines being thirty or forty feet high and two feet in diameter at the root. we determined on placing the house on the summit of the bank which commands a beautiful prospect of the surrounding country. the view in the front is bounded at the distance of three miles by round-backed hills; to the eastward and westward lie the winter and round-rock lakes which are connected by the winter river whose banks are well clothed with pines and ornamented with a profusion of mosses, lichens, and shrubs. in the afternoon we read divine service and offered our thanksgiving to the almighty for his goodness in having brought us thus far on our journey; a duty which we never neglected when stationary on the sabbath. the united length of the portages we had crossed since leaving fort providence is twenty-one statute miles and a half and, as our men had to traverse each portage four times, with a load of one hundred and eighty pounds, and return three times light, they walked in the whole upwards of one hundred and fifty miles. the total length of our voyage from chipewyan is five hundred and fifty-three miles.* (*footnote. stony and slave rivers: statute miles. slave lake: statute miles. yellow-knife river: . statute miles. barren country between the source of the yellow-knife river and fort enterprise: . statute miles. total: statute miles.) a fire was made on the south side of the river to inform the chief of our arrival, which, spreading before a strong wind, caught the whole wood, and we were completely enveloped in a cloud of smoke for the three following days. on the next morning our voyagers were divided into two parties, the one to cut the wood for the building of a storehouse and the other to fetch the meat as the hunters procured it. an interpreter was sent with keskarrah the guide to search for the indians who had made the fire seen on saturday, from whom we might obtain some supplies of provision. an indian was also despatched to akaitcho with directions for him to come to this place directly and bring whatever provision he had as we were desirous of proceeding without delay to the copper-mine river. in the evening our men brought in the carcasses of seven reindeer which two hunters had shot yesterday and the women commenced drying the meat for our journey. we also obtained a good supply of fish from our nets today. a heavy rain on the rd prevented the men from working either at the building or going for meat; but on the next day the weather was fine and they renewed their labours. the thermometer that day did not rise higher than degrees and it fell to degrees before midnight. on the morning of the th we were surprised by some early symptoms of the approach of winter; the small pools were frozen over and a flock of geese passed to the southward. in the afternoon however a fog came on which afterwards changed into rain and the ice quickly disappeared. we suffered great anxiety all the next day respecting john hepburn who had gone to hunt before sunrise on the th and had been absent ever since. about four hours after his departure the wind changed and a dense fog obscured every mark by which his course to the tents could be directed, and we thought it probable he had been wandering in an opposite direction to our situation as the two hunters who had been sent to look for him returned at sunset without having seen him. akaitcho arrived with his party and we were greatly disappointed at finding they had stored up only fifteen reindeer for us. st. germain informed us that, having heard of the death of the chief's brother-in-law, they had spent several days in bewailing his loss instead of hunting. we learned also that the decease of this man had caused another party of the tribe, who had been sent by mr. wentzel to prepare provision for us on the banks of the copper-mine river, to remove to the shores of the great bear lake, distant from our proposed route. mortifying as these circumstances were they produced less painful sensations than we experienced in the evening by the refusal of akaitcho to accompany us in the proposed descent of the copper-mine river. when mr. wentzel, by my direction, communicated to him my intention of proceeding at once on that service he desired a conference with me upon the subject which, being immediately granted, he began by stating that the very attempt would be rash and dangerous as the weather was cold, the leaves were falling, some geese had passed to the southward, and the winter would shortly set in and that, as he considered the lives of all who went on such a journey would be forfeited, he neither would go himself nor permit his hunters to accompany us. he said there was no wood within eleven days' march, during which time we could not have any fire as the moss which the indians use in their summer excursions would be too wet for burning in consequence of the recent rains; that we should be forty days in descending the copper-mine river, six of which would be expended in getting to its banks, and that we might be blocked up by the ice in the next moon; and during the whole journey the party must experience great sufferings for want of food as the reindeer had already left the river. he was now reminded that these statements were very different from the account he had given both at fort providence and on the route hither; and that up to this moment we had been encouraged by his conversation to expect that the party might descend the copper-mine river accompanied by the indians. he replied that at the former place he had been unacquainted with our slow mode of travelling and that the alteration in his opinion arose from the advance of winter. we now informed him that we were provided with instruments by which we could ascertain the state of the air and water and that we did not imagine the winter to be so near as he supposed; however we promised to return on discovering the first change in the season. he was also told that, all the baggage being left behind, our canoes would now of course travel infinitely more expeditiously than anything he had hitherto witnessed. akaitcho appeared to feel hurt that we should continue to press the matter further and answered with some warmth: "well, i have said everything i can urge to dissuade you from going on this service on which it seems you wish to sacrifice your own lives as well as the indians who might attend you: however if after all i have said you are determined to go some of my young men shall join the party because it shall not be said that we permitted you to die alone after having brought you hither; but from the moment they embark in the canoes i and my relatives shall lament them as dead." we could only reply to this forcible appeal by assuring him and the indians who were seated around him that we felt the most anxious solicitude for the safety of every individual and that it was far from our intention to proceed without considering every argument for and against the proposed journey. we next informed him that it would be very desirable to see the river at any rate, that we might give some positive information about its situation and size in our next letters to the great chief; and that we were very anxious to get on its banks for the purpose of observing an eclipse of the sun which we described to him and said would happen in a few days. he received this communication with more temper than the preceding, though he immediately assigned as a reason for his declining to go that "the indians must now procure a sufficient quantity of deer-skins for winter clothing for themselves, and dresses for the canadians who would need them if they had to travel in the winter." finding him so averse to proceed and feeling at the same time how essential his continuance with us was, not only to our future success but even to our existence during the winter, i closed the conversation here, intending to propose to him next morning some modification of the plan which might meet his approbation. soon after we were gone however he informed mr. wentzel, with whom he was in the habit of speaking confidentially, that, as his advice was neglected, his presence was useless and he should therefore return to fort providence with his hunters after he had collected some winter provision for us. mr. wentzel having reported this to me the night was passed in great anxiety and, after weighing all the arguments that presented themselves to my mind, i came reluctantly to the determination of relinquishing the intention of going any distance down the river this season. i had considered that, could we ascertain what were the impediments to the navigation of the copper-mine river, what wood grew on its banks, if fit for boat building, and whether drift timber existed where the country was naked, our operations next season would be much facilitated; but we had also cherished the hope of reaching the sea this year for the indians in their conversations with us had only spoken of two great rapids as likely to obstruct us. this was a hope extremely painful to give up for, in the event of success, we should have ascertained whether the sea was clear of ice and navigable for canoes, have learned the disposition of the esquimaux, and might have obtained other information that would have had great influence on our future proceedings. i must confess however that my opinion of the probability of our being able to attain so great a desideratum this season had been somewhat altered by the recent changes in the weather although, had the chief been willing to accompany us with his party, i should have made the attempt, with the intention however of returning immediately upon the first decided appearance of winter. on the morning of august th, having communicated my sentiments to the officers on the subject of the conference last evening, they all agreed that the descent to the sea this season could not be attempted without hazarding a complete rupture with the indians; but they thought that a party should be sent to ascertain the distance and size of the copper-mine river. these opinions being in conformity with my own i determined on despatching messrs. back and hood on that service in a light canoe as soon as possible. we witnessed this morning an instance of the versatility of our indian companions which gave us much uneasiness as it regarded the safety of our faithful attendant hepburn. when they heard on their arrival last night of his having been so long absent they expressed the greatest solicitude about him, and the whole party immediately volunteered to go in search of him as soon as daylight permitted. their resolutions however seem to have been changed in consequence of the subsequent conversation we had with the chief, and we found all of them indisposed to proceed on that errand this morning; and it was only by much entreaty that three of the hunters and a boy were prevailed upon to go. they fortunately succeeded in their search and we were infinitely rejoiced to see hepburn return with them in the afternoon, though much jaded by the fatigue he had undergone. he had got bewildered, as we had conjectured, in the foggy weather on the th, and had been wandering about ever since except during half an hour that he slept yesterday. he had eaten only a partridge and some berries for his anxiety of mind had deprived him of appetite; and of a deer which he had shot he took only the tongue, and the skin to protect himself from the wind and rain. this anxiety we learned from him was occasioned by the fear that the party which was about to descend the copper-mine river might be detained until he was found, or that it might have departed without him. he did not entertain any dread of the white bears of whose numbers and ferocious attacks the indians had been constantly speaking since we had entered the barren grounds. our fears for his safety however were in a considerable degree excited by the accounts we had received of these animals. having made a hearty supper he retired to rest, slept soundly, and arose next morning in perfect health. on the th of august akaitcho was informed of our intention to send a party to the river and of the reasons for doing so, of which he approved when he found that i had relinquished the idea of going myself, in compliance with the desire which he and the indians had expressed; and he immediately said two of the hunters should go to provide them with food on the journey and to serve as guides. during this conversation we gathered from him for the first time that there might still be some of his tribe near to the river from whom the party could get provision. our next object was to despatch the indians to their hunting-ground to collect provision for us, and to procure the fat of the deer for our use during the winter, and for making the pemmican we should require in the spring. they were therefore furnished with some ammunition, clothing, and other necessary articles, and directed to take their departure as soon as possible. akaitcho came into our tent this evening at supper and made several pertinent inquiries respecting the eclipse of which we had spoken last night. he desired to know the effect that would be produced and the cause of it, which we endeavoured to explain and, having gained this information, he sent for several of his companions that they might also have it repeated to them. they were most astonished at our knowing the time at which this event should happen and remarked that this knowledge was a striking proof of the superiority of the whites over the indians. we took advantage of this occasion to speak to them respecting the supreme being, who ordered all the operations of nature, and to impress on their minds the necessity of paying strict attention to their moral duties, in obedience to his will. they readily assented to all these points and akaitcho assured us that both himself and his young men would exert themselves in obtaining provision for us in return for the interesting communications we had just made to them. having received a supply of dried meat from the indian lodges we were enabled to equip the party for the copper-mine river, and at nine a.m. on the th mr. back and mr. hood embarked on that service in a light canoe with st. germain, eight canadians, and one indian. we could not furnish them with more than eight days' provision which, with their blankets, two tents, and a few instruments, composed their lading. mr. back, who had charge of the party, was directed to proceed to the river and, if when he arrived at its banks the weather should continue to be mild and the temperature of the water was not lower than degrees, he might embark and descend the stream for a few days to gain some knowledge of its course, but he was not to go so far as to risk his being able to return to this place in a fortnight with the canoe. but if the weather should be severe and the temperature of the water below degrees he was not to embark but return immediately and endeavour to ascertain the best track for our goods to be conveyed thither next spring. we had seen that the water decreases rapidly in temperature at this season and i feared that if he embarked to descend the river when it was below degrees the canoe might be frozen in and the crew have to walk back in very severe weather. as soon as the canoe had started akaitcho and the indians took their departure also, except two of the hunters who stayed behind to kill deer in our neighbourhood, and old keskarrah and his family who remained as our guests. the fishing-nets were this day transferred from the river in which they had been set since our arrival to winter lake, whither the fish had removed, and the fishermen built a log-hut on its borders to reside in that they might attend more closely to their occupation. the month of september commenced with very disagreeable weather. the temperature of the atmosphere ranged between and degrees during the first three days, and that of the water in the river decreased from to degrees. several reindeer and a large flight of white geese passed to the southward. these circumstances led us to fear for the comfort, if not for the safety, of our absent friends. on the th of september we commenced building our dwelling-house, having cut sufficient wood for the frame of it. in the afternoon of september the th we removed our tent to the summit of a hill about three miles distant for the better observing the eclipse, which was calculated to occur on the next morning. we were prevented however from witnessing it by a heavy snow-storm, and the only observation we could then make was to examine whether the temperature of the atmosphere altered during the eclipse, but we found that both the mercurial and spirit thermometers remained steadily at degrees for a quarter of an hour previous to its commencement, during its continuance, and for half an hour subsequent to its termination; we remarked the wind increased very much and the snow fell in heavier flakes just after the estimated time of its commencement. this boisterous weather continued until three p.m. when the wind abated and the snow changed to rain. visit of observation to the upper part of copper-mine river. as there was now no immediate occasion for my remaining on the spot, the eclipse being over and the indians having removed to their hunting grounds, dr. richardson and i determined on taking a pedestrian excursion to the copper-mine river, leaving mr. wentzel in charge of the men and to superintend the buildings. on the morning of september the th we commenced our journey under the guidance of old keskarrah, and accompanied by john hepburn and samandre, who carried our blankets, cooking utensils, hatchets, and a small supply of dried meat. our guide led us from the top of one hill to the top of another, making as straight a course to the northward as the numerous lakes with which the country is intersected, would permit. at noon we reached a remarkable hill with precipitous sides, named by the copper indians the dog-rib rock, and its latitude, degrees minutes seconds south, was obtained. the canoe-track passes to the eastward of this rock but we kept to the westward as being the more direct course. from the time we quitted the banks of the winter river we saw only a few detached clumps of trees; but after we passed the dog-rib rock even these disappeared and we travelled through a naked country. in the course of the afternoon keskarrah killed a reindeer and loaded himself with its head and skin, and our men also carried off a few pounds of its flesh for supper; but their loads were altogether too great to permit them to take much additional weight. keskarrah offered to us as a great treat the raw marrow from the hind legs of the animal, of which all the party ate except myself and thought it very good. i was also of the same opinion when i subsequently conquered my then too fastidious taste. we halted for the night on the borders of a small lake which washed the base of a ridge of sandhills about three hundred feet high, having walked in direct distance sixteen miles. there were four ancient pine-trees here which did not exceed six or seven feet in height but whose branches spread themselves out for several yards and we gladly cropped a few twigs to make a bed and to protect us from the frozen ground, still white from a fall of snow which took place in the afternoon. we were about to cut down one of these trees for firewood but our guide solicited us to spare them and made us understand by signs that they had been long serviceable to his nation and that we ought to content ourselves with a few of the smaller branches. as soon as we comprehended his request we complied with it and our attendants, having with some trouble grubbed up a sufficient quantity of roots of the dwarf birch to make a fire, we were enabled to prepare a comfortable supper of reindeer's meat which we despatched with the appetites which travelling in this country never fails to ensure. we then stretched ourselves out on the pine brush and, covered by a single blanket, enjoyed a night of sound repose. the small quantity of bed-clothes we carried induced us to sleep without undressing. old keskarrah followed a different plan; he stripped himself to the skin and, having toasted his body for a short time over the embers of the fire, he crept under his deer-skin and rags, previously spread out as smoothly as possible and, coiling himself up in a circular form, fell asleep instantly. this custom of undressing to the skin even when lying in the open air is common to all the indian tribes. the thermometer at sunset stood at degrees. resuming our journey next morning we pursued a northerly course but had to make a considerable circuit round the western ends of two lakes whose eastern extremities were hidden from our view. the march was very uncomfortable as the wind was cold and there was a constant fall of snow until noon; our guide too persisted in taking us over the summit of every hill that lay in the route so that we had the full benefit of the breeze. we forded two streams in the afternoon flowing between small lakes and, being wet, did not much relish having to halt whilst keskarrah pursued a herd of reindeer; but there was no alternative as he set off and followed them without consulting our wishes. the old man loaded himself with the skin and some meat of the animal he killed in addition to his former burden; but after walking two miles, finding his charge too heavy for his strength, he spread the skin on the rock and deposited the meat under some stones, intending to pick them up on our return. we put up at sunset on the borders of a large lake, having come twelve miles. a few dwarf birches afforded us but a scanty fire yet, being sheltered from the wind by a sandy bank, we passed the night comfortably though the temperature was degrees. a number of geese passed over us to the southward. we set off early next morning and marched at a tolerably quick pace. the atmosphere was quite foggy and our view was limited to a short distance. at noon the sun shone forth for a few minutes and the latitude degrees minutes seconds was observed. the small streams that we had hitherto crossed run uniformly to the southward. at the end of sixteen miles and a half we encamped amongst a few dwarf pines and were much rejoiced at having a good fire as the night was very stormy and cold. the thermometer fluctuated this day between and degrees. though the following morning was foggy and rainy we were not sorry to quit the cold and uncomfortable beds of rock upon which we had slept and commence our journey at an early hour. after walking about three miles we passed over a steep sandy ridge and found the course of the rivulets running towards the north and north-west. our progress was slow in the early part of the morning and we were detained for two hours on the summit of a hill exposed to a very cold wind whilst our guide went in an unsuccessful pursuit of some reindeer. after walking a few miles farther the fog cleared away and keskarrah pointed out the copper-mine river at a distance and we pushed towards it with all the speed we could put forth. at noon we arrived at an arm of point lake, an extensive expansion of the river, and observed the latitude degrees minutes seconds north. we continued our walk along the south end of this arm for about a mile farther and then halted to breakfast amidst a cluster of pines. here the longitude degrees minutes seconds was observed. after breakfast we set out and walked along the east side of the arm towards the main body of the lake, leaving samandre to prepare an encampment amongst the pines against our return. we found the main channel deep, its banks high and rocky, and the valleys on its borders interspersed with clusters of spruce-trees. the latter circumstance was a source of much gratification to us. the temperature of its surface water was degrees, that of the air being degrees. having gained all the information we could collect from our guide and from personal observation we retraced our steps to the encampment, and on the way back hepburn and keskarrah shot several waveys (anas hyperborea) which afforded us a seasonable supply, our stock of provision being nearly exhausted. these birds were feeding in large flocks on the crow-berries which grew plentifully on the sides of the hills. we reached the encampment after dark, found a comfortable hut prepared for our reception, made an excellent supper, and slept soundly though it snowed hard the whole night. the hills in this neighbourhood are higher than those about fort enterprise; they stand however in the same detached manner without forming connected ranges; and the bottom of every valley is occupied either by a small lake or a stony marsh. on the borders of such of these lakes as communicate with the copper-mine river there are a few groves of spruce-trees, generally growing on accumulations of sand on the acclivities of the hills. we did not quit the encampment on the morning of september th until nine o'clock in consequence of a constant fall of snow; but at that hour we set out on our return to fort enterprise and, taking a route somewhat different from the one by which we came, kept to the eastward of a chain of lakes. soon after noon the weather became extremely disagreeable; a cold northerly gale came on attended by snow and sleet, and the temperature fell very soon from to degrees. the waveys, alarmed at the sudden change, flew over our heads in great numbers to a milder climate. we walked as quickly as possible to get a place that would furnish some fuel and shelter; but the fog occasioned us to make frequent halts from the inability of our guide to trace his way. at length we came to a spot which afforded us plenty of dwarf birches but they were so much frozen and the snow fell so thick that upwards of two hours were wasted in endeavouring to make a fire, during which time our clothes were freezing upon us. at length our efforts were crowned with success and after a good supper we laid or rather sat down to sleep, for the nature of the ground obliged us to pass the night in a demi-erect position with our backs against a bank of earth. the thermometer was degrees at six p.m. after enjoying a more comfortable night's rest than we had expected we set off at daybreak, the thermometer then standing at degrees. the ground was covered with snow, the small lakes were frozen, and the whole scene had a wintry appearance. we got on but slowly at first owing to an old sprained ankle which had been very troublesome to me for the last three days and was this morning excessively painful. in fording a rivulet however the application of cold water gave me immediate relief and i walked with ease the remainder of the day. in the afternoon we rejoined our track outwards and came to the place where keskarrah had made his deposit of provision, which proved a very acceptable supply as our stock was exhausted. we then crossed some sandhills and encamped amidst a few small pines, having walked thirteen miles. the comfort of a good fire made us soon insensible to the fatigue we had experienced through the day in marching over the rugged stones whose surface was rendered slippery by the frost. the thermometer at seven p.m. stood at degrees. return to the winter quarters of fort enterprise. we set off at sunrise next morning and our provision being expended pushed on as fast as we could to fort enterprise where we arrived at eight p.m., almost exhausted by a harassing day's march of twenty-two miles. a substantial supper of reindeer steaks soon restored our vigour. we had the happiness of meeting our friends mr. back and mr. hood who had returned from their excursion on the day succeeding that on which we set out; and i received from them the following account of their journey. they proceeded up the winter river to the north end of the little marten lake and then the guide, being unacquainted with the route by water to the copper-mine river, proposed that the canoe should be left. upon this they ascended the loftiest hill in the neighbourhood to examine whether they could discover any large lakes or water communication in the direction where the guide described the river to be. they only saw a small rivulet which was too shallow for the canoe and also wide of the course and, as they perceived the crew would have to carry it over a rugged hilly track, they judiciously decided on leaving it and proceeding forward on foot. having deposited the canoe among a few dwarf birch bushes they commenced their march, carrying their tents, blankets, cooking utensils, and a part of the dried meat. st. germain however had previously delineated with charcoal a man and a house on a piece of bark which he placed over the canoe and the few things that were left to point out to the dog-ribs that they belonged to white people. the party reached the shores of point lake through which the copper-mine river runs on the st of september. the next day was too stormy for them to march but on the rd they proceeded along its shores to the westward round a mountainous promontory and, perceiving the course of the lake extending to the west-north-west, they encamped near some pines and then enjoyed the luxury of a good fire for the first time since their departure from us. the temperature of the water in the lake was degrees and of the air degrees, but the latter fell to degrees in the course of that night. as their principal object was to ascertain whether any arm of the lake branched nearer to fort enterprise than the part they had fallen upon, to which the transport of our goods could be more easily made next spring, they returned on its borders to the eastward, being satisfied by the appearance of the mountains between south and west that no further examination was necessary in that direction; and they continued their march until the th at noon without finding any part of the lake inclining nearer the fort. they therefore encamped to observe the eclipse which was to take place on the following morning but, a violent snowstorm rendering the observation impossible, they commenced their return and after a comfortless and laborious march regained their canoe on the th and, embarking in it, arrived the same evening at the house. point lake varied, as far as they traced, from one to three miles in width. its main course was nearly east and west, but several arms branched off in different directions. i was much pleased with the able manner in which these officers executed the service they had been despatched upon, and was gratified to learn from them that their companions had conducted themselves extremely well and borne the fatigues of their journey most cheerfully. they scarcely ever had more than sufficient fuel to boil the kettle and were generally obliged to lie down in their wet clothes and consequently suffered much from cold. the distance which the parties travelled in their journey to and from point lake may be estimated at one hundred and ten statute miles which, being added to the distances given in the preceding pages, amount to one thousand five hundred and twenty miles that the expedition travelled in up to the time of its residence at fort enterprise. chapter . transactions at fort enterprise. mr. back's narrative of his journey to chipewyan, and return. transactions at fort enterprise. september . during our little expedition to the copper-mine river mr. wentzel had made great progress in the erection of our winter-house having nearly roofed it in. but before proceeding to give an account of a ten months' residence at this place, henceforth designated fort enterprise, i may premise that i shall omit many of the ordinary occurrences of a north american winter as they have been already detailed in so able and interesting a manner by ellis* and confine myself principally to the circumstances which had an influence on our progress in the ensuing summer. the observations on the magnetic needle, the temperature of the atmosphere, the aurora borealis, and other meteorological phenomena, together with the mineralogical and botanical notices, being less interesting to the general reader, are omitted in this edition. (*footnote. voyage to hudson's bay in the dobbs and california.) the men continued to work diligently at the house and by the th of september had nearly completed it for our reception when a heavy fall of rain washed the greater part of the mud off the roof. this rain was remarked by the indians as unusual after what they had deemed so decided a commencement of winter in the early part of the month. the mean temperature for the month was / degrees, but the thermometer had sunk as low as degrees and on one occasion rose to degrees. besides the party constantly employed at the house two men were appointed to fish and others were occasionally sent for meat as the hunters procured it. this latter employment, although extremely laborious, was always relished by the canadians as they never failed to use a prescriptive right of helping themselves to the fattest and most delicate parts of the deer. towards the end of the month the reindeer began to quit the barren grounds and came into the vicinity of the house on their way to the woods and, the success of the hunters being consequently great, the necessity of sending for the meat considerably retarded the building of the house. in the meantime we resided in our canvas tents which proved very cold habitations although we maintained a fire in front of them and also endeavoured to protect ourselves from the piercing winds by a barricade of pine branches. on the th of october, the house being completed, we struck our tents and removed into it. it was merely a log building, fifty feet long and twenty-four wide, divided into a hall, three bedrooms and a kitchen. the walls and roof were plastered with clay, the floors laid with planks rudely squared with the hatchet, and the windows closed with parchment of deer-skin. the clay which, from the coldness of the weather, required to be tempered before the fire with hot water, froze as it was daubed on and afterwards cracked in such a manner as to admit the wind from every quarter yet, compared with the tents, our new habitation appeared comfortable and, having filled our capacious clay-built chimney with fagots, we spent a cheerful evening before the invigorating blaze. the change was peculiarly beneficial to dr. richardson who, having in one of his excursions incautiously laid down on the frozen side of a hill when heated with walking, had caught a severe inflammatory sore throat which became daily worse whilst we remained in the tents but began to mend soon after he was enabled to confine himself to the more equable warmth of the house. we took up our abode at first on the floor but our working party, who had shown such skill as house carpenters, soon proved themselves to be, with the same tools (the hatchet and crooked knife) excellent cabinetmakers and daily added a table, chair, or bedstead to the comforts of our establishment. the crooked knife generally made of an old file, bent and tempered by heat, serves an indian or canadian voyager for plane, chisel, and auger. with it the snowshoe and canoe-timbers are fashioned, the deals of their sledges reduced to the requisite thinness and polish, and their wooden bowls and spoons hollowed out. indeed though not quite so requisite for existence as the hatchet yet without its aid there would be little comfort in these wilds. on the th we were gratified by a sight of the sun after it had been obscured for twelve days. on this and several following days the meridian sun melted the light covering of snow or hoarfrost on the lichens which clothe the barren grounds, and rendered them so tender as to attract great herds of reindeer to our neighbourhood. on the morning of the th i estimated the numbers i saw during a short walk at upwards of two thousand. they form into herds of different sizes from ten to a hundred according as their fears or accident induce them to unite or separate. the females being at this time more lean and active usually lead the van. the haunches of the males are now covered to the depth of two inches or more with fat which is beginning to get red and high flavoured and is considered a sure indication of the commencement of the rutting season. their horns, which in the middle of august were yet tender, have now attained their proper size and are beginning to lose their hairy covering which hangs from them in ragged filaments. the horns of the reindeer vary not only with its sex and age but are otherwise so uncertain in their growth that they are never alike in any two individuals. the old males shed theirs about the end of december; the females retain them until the disappearance of the snow enables them to frequent the barren grounds which may be stated to be about the middle or end of may, soon after which period they proceed towards the sea-coast and drop their young. the young males lose their horns about the same time with the females or a little earlier, some of them as early as april. the hair of the reindeer falls in july and is succeeded by a short thick coat of mingled clove, deep reddish and yellowish browns; the belly and under parts of the neck, etc., remaining white. as the winter approaches the hair becomes longer and lighter in its colours and it begins to loosen in may, being then much worn on the sides from the animal rubbing itself against trees and stones. it becomes grayish and almost white before it is completely shed. the indians form their robes of the skins procured in autumn when the hair is short. towards the spring the larvae of the oestrus, attaining a large size, produce so many perforations in the skins that they are good for nothing. the cicatrices only of these holes are to be seen in august but a fresh set of ova have in the meantime been deposited.* (*footnote. "it is worthy of remark that in the month of may a very great number of large larvae exist under the mucous membrane at the root of the tongue and posterior part of the nares and pharynx. the indians consider them to belong to the same species with the oestrus that deposits its ova under the skin: to us the larvae of the former appeared more flattened than those of the latter. specimens of both kinds preserved in spirits were destroyed by the frequent falls they received on the portages." dr. richardson's journal.) the reindeer retire from the sea-coast in july and august, rut in october on the verge of the barren grounds and shelter themselves in the woods during the winter. they are often induced by a few fine days in winter to pay a transitory visit to their favourite pastures in the barren country, but their principal movement to the northward commences generally in the end of april when the snow first begins to melt on the sides of the hills and early in may, when large patches of the ground are visible, they are on the banks of the copper-mine river. the females take the lead in this spring migration and bring forth their young on the sea-coast about the end of may or beginning of june. there are certain spots or passes well-known to the indians, through which the deer invariably pass in their migrations to and from the coast and it has been observed that they always travel against the wind. the principal food of the reindeer in the barren grounds consists of the cetraria nivalis and cucullata, cenomyce rangiferina, cornicularia ochrileuca, and other lichens, and they also eat the hay or dry grass which is found in the swamps in autumn. in the woods they feed on the different lichens which hang from the trees. they are accustomed to gnaw their fallen antlers and are said also to devour mice. the weight of a full-grown barren-ground deer, exclusive of the offal, varies from ninety to one hundred and thirty pounds. there is however a much larger kind found in the woody parts of the country whose carcass weighs from two hundred to two hundred and forty pounds. this kind never leaves the woods but its skin is as much perforated by the gadfly as that of the others, a presumptive proof that the smaller species are not driven to the sea-coast solely by the attacks of that insect. there are a few reindeer occasionally killed in the spring whose skins are entire and these are always fat whereas the others are lean at that season. this insect likewise infests the red-deer (wawaskeesh) but its ova are not found in the skin of the moose or buffalo, nor, as we have been informed, of the sheep and goat that inhabit the rocky mountains, although the reindeer found in those parts (which are of an unusually large kind) are as much tormented by them as the barren-ground variety. the herds of reindeer are attended in their migrations by bands of wolves which destroy a great many of them. the copper indians kill the reindeer in the summer with the gun or, taking advantage of a favourable disposition of the ground, they enclose a herd upon a neck of land and drive them into a lake where they fall an easy prey but, in the rutting season and in the spring, when they are numerous on the skirts of the woods, they catch them in snares. the snares are simple nooses, formed in a rope made of twisted sinew, which are placed in the aperture of a slight hedge constructed of the branches of trees. this hedge is so disposed as to form several winding compartments and, although it is by no means strong, yet the deer seldom attempt to break through it. the herd is led into the labyrinth by two converging rows of poles and one is generally caught at each of the openings by the noose placed there. the hunter too, lying in ambush, stabs some of them with his bayonet as they pass by and the whole herd frequently becomes his prey. where wood is scarce a piece of turf turned up answers the purpose of a pole to conduct them towards the snares. the reindeer has a quick eye but the hunter, by keeping to leeward and using a little caution, may approach very near, their apprehensions being much more easily roused by the smell than the sight of any unusual object. indeed their curiosity often causes them to come close up and wheel around the hunter; thus affording him a good opportunity of singling out the fattest of the herd, and upon these occasions they often become so confused by the shouts and gestures of their enemy that they run backwards and forwards with great rapidity but without the power of making their escape. the copper indians find by experience that a white dress attracts them most readily and they often succeed in bringing them within shot by kneeling and vibrating the gun from side to side in imitation of the motion of a deer's horns when he is in the act of rubbing his head against a stone. the dog-rib indians have a mode of killing these animals which though simple is very successful. it was thus described by mr. wentzel who resided long amongst that people. the hunters go in pairs, the foremost man carrying in one hand the horns and part of the skin of the head of a deer and in the other a small bundle of twigs against which he from time to time rubs the horns, imitating the gestures peculiar to the animal. his comrade follows, treading exactly in his footsteps and holding the guns of both in a horizontal position so that the muzzles project under the arms of him who carries the head. both hunters have a fillet of white skin round their foreheads and the foremost has a strip of the same kind round his wrists. they approach the herd by degrees, raising their legs very slowly but setting them down somewhat suddenly after the manner of a deer, and always taking care to lift their right or left feet simultaneously. if any of the herd leave off feeding to gaze upon this extraordinary phenomenon it instantly stops and the head begins to play its part by licking its shoulders and performing other necessary movements. in this way the hunters attain the very centre of the herd without exciting suspicion and have leisure to single out the fattest. the hindmost man then pushes forward his comrade's gun, the head is dropped, and they both fire nearly at the same instant. the herd scampers off, the hunters trot after them; in a short time the poor animals halt to ascertain the cause of their terror, their foes stop at the same instant and, having loaded as they ran, greet the gazers with a second fatal discharge. the consternation of the deer increases, they run to and fro in the utmost confusion, and sometimes a great part of the herd is destroyed within the space of a few hundred yards. a party who had been sent to akaitcho returned bringing three hundred and seventy pounds of dried meat and two hundred and twenty pounds of suet, together with the unpleasant information that a still larger quantity of the latter article had been found and carried off, as he supposed, by some dog-ribs who had passed that way. the weather becoming daily colder all the lakes in the neighbourhood of the house were completely, and the river partially, frozen over by the middle of the month. the reindeer now began to quit us for more southerly and better-sheltered pastures. indeed their longer residence in our neighbourhood would have been of little service to us, for our ammunition was almost completely expended though we had dealt it of late with a very sparing hand to the indians. we had however already secured in the storehouse the carcasses of one hundred deer together with one thousand pounds of suet and some dried meat, and had moreover eighty deer stowed up at various distances from the house. the necessity of employing the men to build a house for themselves before the weather became too severe obliged us to put the latter en cache, as the voyagers term it, instead of adopting the more safe plan of bringing them to the house. putting a deer en cache means merely protecting it against the wolves and still more destructive wolverines by heavy loads of wood or stones; the latter animal however sometimes digs underneath the pile and renders the precautions abortive. on the th mr. back and mr. wentzel set out for fort providence accompanied by beauparlant, belanger, and two indians, akaiyazza and tholezzeh, with their wives, the little forehead and the smiling marten. mr. back had volunteered to go and make the necessary arrangements for transporting the stores we expected from cumberland house and to endeavour to obtain some additional supplies from the establishments at slave lake. if any accident should have prevented the arrival of our stores and the establishments at moose-deer island should be unable to supply the deficiency he was, if he found himself equal to the task, to proceed to chipewyan. ammunition was essential to our existence and a considerable supply of tobacco was also requisite, not only for the comfort of the canadians, who use it largely and had stipulated for it in their engagements, but also as a means of preserving the friendship of the indians. blankets, cloth, and iron-work were scarcely less indispensable to equip our men for the advance next season. mr. wentzel accompanied mr. back to assist him in obtaining from the traders, on the score of old friendship, that which they might be inclined to deny to our necessities. i forwarded by them letters to the colonial office and admiralty detailing the proceedings of the expedition up to this period. on the nd we were surprised by a visit from a dog; the poor animal was in low condition and much fatigued. our indians discovered by marks on his ears that he belonged to the dog-ribs. this tribe, unlike the chipewyans and copper indians, had preserved that useful associate of man although, from their frequent intercourse with the latter people, they were not ignorant of the prediction alluded to in a former page. one of our interpreters was immediately despatched with an indian to endeavour to trace out the dog-ribs, whom he supposed might be concealed in the neighbourhood from their dread of the copper indians; although we had no doubt of their coming to us were they aware of our being here. the interpreter however returned without having discovered any traces of strange indians, a circumstance which led us to conclude that the dog had strayed from his masters a considerable time before. towards the end of the month the men completed their house and took up their abode in it. it was thirty-four feet long and eighteen feet wide, was divided into two apartments and was placed at rightangles to the officers' dwelling and facing the storehouse, the three buildings forming three sides of a quadrangle. on the th akaitcho and his party arrived, the hunting in this neighbourhood being terminated for the season by the deer having retired southward to the shelter of the woods. the arrival of this large party was a serious inconvenience to us from our being compelled to issue them daily rates of provision from the store. the want of ammunition prevented us from equipping and sending them to the woods to hunt and, although they are accustomed to subsist themselves for a considerable part of the year by fishing or snaring the deer, without having recourse to firearms, yet on the present occasion they felt little inclined to do so and gave scope to their natural love of ease as long as our storehouse seemed to be well stocked. nevertheless as they were conscious of impairing our future resources they did not fail occasionally to remind us that it was not their fault, to express an ardent desire to go hunting, and to request a supply of ammunition although they knew that it was not in our power to give it. the summer birds had by this time entirely deserted us, leaving for our winter companions the raven, cinereous crow, ptarmigan, and snow-bird. the last of the waterfowl that quitted us was a species of diver of the same size with the colymbus arcticus but differing from it in the arrangement of the white spots on its plumage, and in having a yellowish-white bill. this bird was occasionally caught in our fishing-nets. the thermometer during the month of october at fort enterprise never rose above degrees or fell below degrees; the mean temperature for the month was degrees. in the beginning of october a party had been sent to the westward to search for birch to make snowshoe frames, and the indian women were afterwards employed in netting the shoes and preparing leather for winter clothing to the men. robes of reindeer skins were also obtained from the indians and issued to the men who were to travel as they were not only a great deal lighter than blankets but also much warmer and altogether better adapted for a winter in this climate. they are however unfit for summer use as the least moisture causes the skin to spoil and lose its hair. it requires the skins of seven deer to make one robe. the finest are made of the skins of young fawns. the fishing having failed as the weather became more severe was given up on the th. it had procured us about one thousand two hundred white-fish, from two to three pounds each. there are two other species of coregoni in winter lake, back's grayling and the round-fish; and a few trout, pike, methye, and red carp were also occasionally obtained from the nets. it may be worthy of notice here that the fish froze as they were taken out of the nets, in a short time became a solid mass of ice and, by a blow or two of the hatchet, were easily split open, when the intestines might be removed in one lump. if in this completely frozen state they were thawed before the fire they recovered their animation. this was particularly the case with the carp and we had occasion to observe it repeatedly as dr. richardson occupied himself with examining the structure of the different species of fish and was always in the winter under the necessity of thawing them before he could cut them. we have seen a carp recover so far as to leap about with much vigour after it had been frozen for thirty-six hours. from the th to the th we had fine and, for the season, warm weather; and the deer, which had not been seen since the th of october, reappeared in the neighbourhood of the house, to the surprise of the indians who attributed their return to the barren grounds to the unusual mildness of the season. on this occasion, by melting some of our pewter cups, we managed to furnish five balls to each of the hunters, but they were all expended unsuccessfully, except by akaitcho who killed two deer. by the middle of the month winter river was firmly frozen over except the small rapid at its commencement which remained open all the winter. the ice on the lake was now nearly two feet thick. after the th we had a succession of cold, snowy, and windy weather. we had become anxious to hear of the arrival of mr. back and his party at fort providence. the indians, who had calculated the period at which a messenger ought to have returned from thence to be already passed, became impatient when it had elapsed and, with their usual love of evil augury, tormented us by their melancholy forebodings. at one time they conjectured that the whole party had fallen through the ice; at another that they had been waylaid and cut off by the dog-ribs. in vain did we urge the improbability of the former accident, or the peaceable character of the dog-ribs, so little in conformity with the latter. "the ice at this season was deceitful," they said "and the dog-ribs, though unwarlike, were treacherous." these assertions, so often repeated, had some effect upon the spirits of our canadian voyagers who seldom weigh any opinion they adopt, but we persisted in treating their fears as chimerical for, had we seemed to listen to them for a moment, it is more than probable that the whole of our indians would have gone to fort providence in search of supplies, and we should have found it extremely difficult to have recovered them. the matter was put to rest by the appearance of belanger on the morning of the rd and the indians, now running into the opposite extreme, were disposed to give us more credit for our judgment than we deserved. they had had a tedious and fatiguing journey to fort providence and for some days were destitute of provisions. belanger arrived alone; he had walked constantly for the last six-and-thirty hours, leaving his indian companions encamped at the last woods, they being unwilling to accompany him across the barren grounds during the storm that had prevailed for several days and blew with unusual violence on the morning of his arrival. his locks were matted with snow and he was encrusted with ice from head to foot so that we scarcely recognised him when he burst in upon us. we welcomed him with the usual shake of the hand but were unable to give him the glass of rum which every voyager receives on his arrival at a trading post. as soon as his packet was thawed we eagerly opened it to obtain our english letters. the latest were dated on the preceding april. they came by way of canada and were brought up in september to slave lake by north-west company's canoes. we were not so fortunate with regard to our stores; of ten pieces, or bales of pounds weight, which had been sent from york factory by governor williams five of the most essential had been left at the grand rapid on the saskatchewan, owing, as far as we could judge from the accounts that reached us, to the misconduct of the officer to whom they were entrusted and who was ordered to convey them to cumberland house. being overtaken by some of the north-west company's canoes he had insisted on their taking half of his charge as it was intended for the service of government. the north-west gentlemen objected that their canoes had already got a cargo in and that they had been requested to convey our stores from cumberland house only, where they had a canoe waiting for the purpose. the hudson's bay officer upon this deposited our ammunition and tobacco upon the beach and departed without any regard to the serious consequences that might result to us from the want of them. the indians, who assembled at the opening of the packet and sat in silence watching our countenances, were necessarily made acquainted with the non-arrival of our stores and bore the intelligence with unexpected tranquillity. we took care however in our communications with them to dwell upon the more agreeable parts of our intelligence, and they seemed to receive particular pleasure on being informed of the arrival of two esquimaux interpreters at slave lake, on their way to join the party. the circumstance not only quieted their fears of opposition from the esquimaux on our descent to the sea next season, but also afforded a substantial proof of our influence in being able to bring two people of that nation from such a distance. akaitcho, who is a man of great penetration and shrewdness, duly appreciated these circumstances; indeed he has often surprised us by his correct judgment of the character of individuals amongst the traders of our own party, although his knowledge of their opinions was in most instances obtained through the imperfect medium of interpretation. he was an attentive observer however of every action, and steadily compared their conduct with their pretensions. by the newspapers we learned the demise of our revered and lamented sovereign george iii and the proclamation of george iv. we concealed this intelligence from the indians lest the death of their great father might lead them to suppose that we should be unable to fulfil our promises to them. the indians who had left fort providence with belanger arrived the day after him and, amongst other intelligence, informed akaitcho of some reports they had heard to our disadvantage. they stated that mr. weeks, the gentleman in charge of fort providence, had told them that, so far from our being what we represented ourselves to be, the officers of a great king, we were merely a set of dependent wretches whose only aim was to obtain subsistence for a season in the plentiful country of the copper indians, that out of charity we had been supplied with a portion of goods by the trading companies, but that there was not the smallest probability of our being able to reward the indians when their term of service was completed. akaitcho, with great good sense, instantly came to have the matter explained, stating at the same time that he could not credit it. i then pointed out to him that mr. wentzel, with whom they had long been accustomed to trade, had pledged the credit of his company for the stipulated rewards to the party that accompanied us, and that the trading debts due by akaitcho and his party had already been remitted, which was of itself a sufficient proof of our influence with the north-west company. i also reminded akaitcho that our having caused the esquimaux to be brought up at a great expense was evidence of our future intentions, and informed him that i should write to mr. smith, the senior trader in the department, on the subject when i had no doubt that a satisfactory explanation would be given. the indians retired from the conference apparently satisfied, but this business was in the end productive of much inconvenience to us, and proved very detrimental to the progress of the expedition. in conjunction also with other intelligence conveyed in mr. back's letters respecting the disposition of the traders towards us, particularly a statement of mr. weeks that he had been desired not to assist us with supplies from his post, it was productive of much present uneasiness to me. on the th st. germain the interpreter set out with eight canadian voyagers and four indian hunters to bring up our stores from fort providence. i wrote by him to mr. smith at moose-deer island and mr. keith at chipewyan, both of the north-west company, urging them in the strongest manner to comply with the requisition for stores which mr. back would present. i also informed mr. simpson, principal agent in the athabasca for the hudson's bay company who had proffered every assistance in his power, that we should gladly avail ourselves of the kind intentions expressed in a letter which i had received from him. we also sent a number of broken axes to slave lake to be repaired. the dog that came to us on the nd of october and had become very familiar followed the party. we were in hopes that it might prove of some use in dragging their loads but we afterwards learned that on the evening after their departure from the house they had the cruelty to kill and eat it although they had no reason to apprehend a scarcity of provision. a dog is considered to be delicate eating by the voyagers. the mean temperature of the air for november was minus . degrees. the greatest heat observed was degrees above and the least degrees below zero. on the st of december the sky was clear, a slight appearance of stratus only being visible near the horizon, but a kind of snow fell at intervals in the forenoon, its particles so minute as to be observed only in the sunshine. towards noon the snow became more apparent and the two limbs of a prismatic arch were visible, one on each side of the sun near its place in the heavens, the centre being deficient. we have frequently observed this descent of minute icy spiculae when the sky appears perfectly clear, and could even perceive that its silent but continued action added to the snowy covering of the ground. having received one hundred balls from fort providence by belanger we distributed them amongst the indians, informing the leader at the same time that the residence of so large a party as his at the house, amounting with women and children to forty souls, was producing a serious reduction in our stock of provision. he acknowledged the justice of the statement and promised to remove as soon as his party had prepared snowshoes and sledges for themselves. under one pretext or other however their departure was delayed until the th of the month when they left us, having previously received one of our fishing-nets and all the ammunition we possessed. the leader left his aged mother and two female attendants to our care, requesting that if she died during his absence she might be buried at a distance from the fort that he might not be reminded of his loss when he visited us. keskarrah the guide also remained behind with his wife and daughter. the old man has become too feeble to hunt and his time is almost entirely occupied in attendance upon his wife who has been long affected with an ulcer on the face which has nearly destroyed her nose. lately he made an offering to the water spirits whose wrath he apprehended to be the cause of her malady. it consisted of a knife, a piece of tobacco, and some other trifling articles which were tied up in a small bundle and committed to the rapid with a long prayer. he does not trust entirely however to the relenting of the spirits for his wife's cure, but comes daily to dr. richardson for medicine. upon one occasion he received the medicine from the doctor with such formality and wrapped it up in his reindeer robe with such extraordinary carefulness that it excited the involuntary laughter of mr. hood and myself. the old man smiled in his turn and, as he always seemed proud of the familiar way in which we were accustomed to joke with him, we thought no more upon the subject. but he unfortunately mentioned the circumstance to his wife who imagined in consequence that the drug was not productive of its usual good effects and they immediately came to the conclusion that some bad medicine had been intentionally given to them. the distress produced by this idea was in proportion to their former faith in the potency of the remedy and the night was spent in singing and groaning. next morning the whole family were crying in concert and it was not until the evening of the second day that we succeeded in pacifying them. the old woman began to feel better and her faith in the medicine was renewed. while speaking of this family i may remark that the daughter, whom we designated green-stockings from her dress, is considered by her tribe to be a great beauty. mr. hood drew an accurate portrait of her although her mother was averse to her sitting for it. she was afraid she said that her daughter's likeness would induce the great chief who resided in england to send for the original. the young lady however was undeterred by any such fear. she has already been an object of contest between her countrymen and, although under sixteen years of age, has belonged successively to two husbands and would probably have been the wife of many more if her mother had not required her services as a nurse. the weather during this month was the coldest we experienced during our residence in america. the thermometer sank on one occasion to degrees below zero and never rose beyond degrees above it; the mean for the month was minus . degrees. during these intense colds however the atmosphere was generally calm and the woodcutters and others went about their ordinary occupations without using any extraordinary precautions yet without feeling any bad effects. they had their reindeer shirts on, leathern mittens lined with blankets, and furred caps; but none of them used any defence for the face, or needed any. indeed we have already mentioned that the heat is abstracted most rapidly from the body during strong breezes and most of those who have perished from cold in this country have fallen a sacrifice to their being overtaken on a lake or other unsheltered place by a storm of wind. the intense colds were however detrimental to us in another way. the trees froze to their very centres and became as hard as stones and more difficult to cut. some of the axes were broken daily and by the end of the month we had only one left that was fit for felling trees. by entrusting it only to one of the party who had been bred a carpenter and who could use it with dexterity it was fortunately preserved until the arrival of our men with others from fort providence. a thermometer hung in our bedroom at the distance of sixteen feet from the fire but exposed to its direct radiation stood even in the daytime occasionally at degrees below zero, and was observed more than once previous to the kindling of the fire in the morning to be as low as degrees below zero. on two of these occasions the chronometers and which during the night lay under mr. hood's and dr. richardson's pillows stopped while they were dressing themselves. the rapid at the commencement of the river remained open in the severest weather although it was somewhat contracted in width. its temperature was degrees, as was the surface of the river opposite the house about a quarter of a mile lower down tried at a hole in the ice through which water was drawn for domestic purposes. the river here was two fathoms and a half deep and the temperature at its bottom was at least degrees above zero. this fact was ascertained by a spirit thermometer in which, probably from some irregularity in the tube, a small portion of the coloured liquid usually remained at degrees when the column was made to descend rapidly. in the present instance, the thermometer standing at degrees below zero with no portion of the fluid in the upper part of the tube, was let down slowly into the water but drawn cautiously and rapidly up again, when a red drop at plus degrees indicated that the fluid had risen to that point or above it. at this period the daily visits of the sun were very short and, owing to the obliquity of his rays, afforded us little warmth or light. it is half-past eleven before he peeps over a small ridge of hills opposite to the house, and he sinks in the horizon at half-past two. on the th mr. hood, in order to attain an approximation to the quantity of terrestrial refraction, observed the sun's meridian altitude when the thermometer stood at degrees below zero, at the imminent hazard of having his fingers frozen. he found the sextant had changed its error considerably, and that the glasses had lost their parallelism from the contraction of the brass. in measuring the error he perceived that the diameter of the sun's image was considerably short of twice the semi-diameter, a proof of the uncertainty of celestial observations made during these intense frosts. the results of this and another similar observation are given in the footnote.* (*footnote. the observed meridian altitude of sun upper limb was degrees minutes seconds. temperature of the air minus . degrees. by comparing this altitude, corrected by the mean refraction and parallax with that deduced from the latitude which was observed in autumn, the increase of refraction is found to be minutes seconds, the whole refraction therefore for the altitude degrees minutes seconds is minutes seconds. admitting that the refraction increases in the same ratio as that of the atmosphere at a mean state of temperature the horizontal refraction will be degrees seconds. but the diameter of the sun, measured immediately after the observation, was only minutes seconds, which shows an increase of refraction at the lower limb of minutes seconds. the horizontal refraction calculated with this difference and the above-mentioned ratio is minutes seconds at the temperature minus . degrees. so that in the parallel degrees minutes where, if there is no refraction, the sun would be invisible for thirty-four days, his upper limb with the refraction minutes seconds is in fact above the horizon at every noon. the wind was from the westward a moderate breeze and the air perfectly clear. january st, . observed meridian altitude of sun lower limb degrees minutes seconds, sun apparent diameter degrees minutes. for apparent altitude degrees minutes seconds the mean refraction is minutes seconds (mackay's tables) and the true, found as detailed above, is minutes seconds which, increasing in the same ratio as that of the atmosphere at a mean state of temperature, is minutes seconds at the horizon. but the difference of refraction at the upper and lower limbs increasing also in that ratio gives minutes seconds for the horizontal refraction. temperature of the air minus degrees. wind north, a light breeze, a large halo visible about the sun. january th, . observed an apparent meridian altitude sun lower limb degrees minutes seconds. sun apparent diameter minutes seconds. for apparent altitude degrees minutes seconds the mean refraction is minutes seconds (mackay's tables) and the true, found as detailed above, is minutes seconds which, increasing in the same ratio as that of the atmosphere at a mean state of temperature, is minutes seconds at the horizon. but the difference of refraction between the upper and lower limbs increasing also in that ratio gives minutes seconds for the horizontal refraction. temperature of the air minus degrees, a light air from the westward, very clear. the extreme coldness of the weather rendered these operations difficult and dangerous; yet i think the observations may be depended upon within seconds, as will appear by their approximate results in calculating the horizontal refraction, for it must be considered that an error of seconds in the refraction in altitude would make a difference of several minutes in the horizontal refraction. mr. hood's journal.) the aurora borealis appeared with more or less brilliancy on twenty-eight nights of this month and we were also gratified by the resplendent beauty of the moon which for many days together performed its circle round the heavens, shining with undiminished lustre and scarcely disappearing below the horizon during the twenty-four hours. during many nights there was a halo round the moon although the stars shone brightly and the atmosphere appeared otherwise clear. the same phenomenon was observed round the candles even in our bedrooms, the diameter of the halo increasing as the observer receded from the light. these halos, both round the moon and candles, occasionally exhibited faintly some of the prismatic colours. as it may be interesting to the reader to know how we passed our time at this season of the year i shall mention briefly that a considerable portion of it was occupied in writing up our journals. some newspapers and magazines that we had received from england with our letters were read again and again and commented upon at our meals; and we often exercised ourselves with conjecturing the changes that might take place in the world before we could hear from it again. the probability of our receiving letters and the period of their arrival were calculated to a nicety. we occasionally paid the woodmen a visit or took a walk for a mile or two on the river. in the evenings we joined the men in the hall and took part in their games which generally continued to a late hour; in short we never found the time to hang heavy upon our hands; and the peculiar occupations of each of the officers afforded them more employment than might at first be supposed. i recalculated the observations made on our route; mr. hood protracted the charts, and made those drawings of birds, plants and fishes, which cannot appear in this work but which have been the admiration of everyone who has seen them. each of the party sedulously and separately recorded their observations on the aurora borealis; and dr. richardson contrived to obtain from under the snow specimens of most of the lichens in the neighbourhood, and to make himself acquainted with the mineralogy of the surrounding country. the sabbath was always a day of rest with us; the woodmen were required to provide for the exigencies of that day on saturday and the party were dressed in their best attire. divine service was regularly performed and the canadians attended and behaved with great decorum although they were all roman catholics and but little acquainted with the language in which the prayers were read. i regretted much that we had not a french prayer-book but the lord's prayer and creed were always read to them in their own language. our diet consisted almost entirely of reindeer meat, varied twice a week by fish and occasionally by a little flour, but we had no vegetables of any description. on the sunday mornings we drank a cup of chocolate but our greatest luxury was tea (without sugar) of which we regularly partook twice a day. with reindeer's fat and strips of cotton shirts we formed candles; and hepburn acquired considerable skill in the manufacture of soap from the wood-ashes, fat and salt. the formation of soap was considered as rather a mysterious operation by our canadians and in their hands was always supposed to fail if a woman approached the kettle in which the ley was boiling. such are our simple domestic details. on the th two hunters came from the leader to convey ammunition to him as soon as our men should bring it from fort providence. the men at this time coated the walls of the house on the outside with a thin mixture of clay and water which formed a crust of ice that for some days proved impervious to the air; the dryness of the atmosphere however was such that the ice in a short time evaporated and gave admission to the wind as before. it is a general custom at the forts to give this sort of coating to the walls at christmas time. when it was gone we attempted to remedy its defect by heaping up snow against the walls. january , . this morning our men assembled and greeted us with the customary salutation on the commencement of the new year. that they might enjoy a holiday they had yesterday collected double the usual quantity of firewood and we anxiously expected the return of the men from fort providence with some additions to their comforts. we had stronger hope of their arrival before the evening as we knew that every voyager uses his utmost endeavour to reach a post upon or previous to the jour de l'an that he may partake of the wonted festivities. it forms, as christmas is said to have done among our forefathers, the theme of their conversation for months before and after the period of its arrival. on the present occasion we could only treat them with a little flour and fat; these were both considered as great luxuries but still the feast was defective from the want of rum although we promised them a little when it should arrive. the early part of january proved mild, the thermometer rose to degrees above zero, and we were surprised by the appearance of a kind of damp fog approaching very nearly to rain. the indians expressed their astonishment at this circumstance and declared the present to be one of the warmest winters they had ever experienced. some of them reported that it had actually rained in the woody parts of the country. in the latter part of the month however the thermometer again descended to minus degrees and the mean temperature for the month proved to be minus . degrees. owing to the fogs that obscured the sky the aurora borealis was visible only upon eighteen nights in the month. on the th seven of our men arrived from fort providence with two kegs of rum, one barrel of powder, sixty pounds of ball, two rolls of tobacco and some clothing. they had been twenty-one days on their march from slave lake and the labour they underwent was sufficiently evinced by their sledge-collars having worn out the shoulders of their coats. their loads weighed from sixty to ninety pounds each, exclusive of their bedding and provisions which at starting must have been at least as much more. we were much rejoiced at their arrival and proceeded forthwith to pierce the spirit cask and issue to each of the household the portion of rum which had been promised on the first day of the year. the spirits which were proof were frozen but, after standing at the fire for some time, they flowed out with the consistency of honey. the temperature of the liquid even in this state was so low as instantly to convert into ice the moisture which condensed on the surface of the dram-glass. the fingers also adhered to the glass and would doubtless have been speedily frozen had they been kept in contact with it; yet each of the voyagers swallowed his dram without experiencing the slightest inconvenience or complaining of toothache. after the men had retired an indian who had accompanied them from fort providence informed me that they had broached the cask on their way up and spent two days in drinking. this instance of breach of trust was excessively distressing to me; i felt for their privations and fatigues and was disposed to seize every opportunity of alleviating them but this, combined with many instances of petty dishonesty with regard to meat, showed how little confidence could be put in a canadian voyager when food or spirits were in question. we had been indeed made acquainted with their character on these points by the traders; but we thought that when they saw their officers living under equal if not greater privations than themselves they would have been prompted by some degree of generous feeling to abstain from those depredations which under ordinary circumstances they would scarcely have blushed to be detected in. as they were pretty well aware that such a circumstance could not long be concealed from us one of them came the next morning with an artful apology for their conduct. he stated that as they knew it was my intention to treat them with a dram on the commencement of the new year they had helped themselves to a small quantity on that day, trusting to my goodness for forgiveness and, being unwilling to act harshly at this period, i did forgive them after admonishing them to be very circumspect in their future conduct. the ammunition and a small present of rum were sent to akaitcho. on the th vaillant the woodman had the misfortune to break his axe. this would have been a serious evil a few weeks sooner but we had just received some others from slave lake. on the th mr. wentzel and st. germain arrived with the two esquimaux, attannoeuck and hoeootoerock (the belly and the ear). the english names which were bestowed upon them at fort churchill in commemoration of the months of their arrival there are augustus and junius. the former speaks english. we now learned that mr. back proceeded with beauparlant to fort chipewyan on the th of december to procure stores, having previously discharged j. belleau from our service at his own request and according to my directions. i was the more induced to comply with this man's desire of leaving us as he proved to be too weak to perform the duty of bowman which he had undertaken. four dogs were brought up by this party and proved a great relief to our wood-haulers during the remainder of the season. by the arrival of mr. wentzel who is an excellent musician and assisted us (con amore) in our attempts to amuse the men we were enabled to gratify the whole establishment with an occasional dance. of this amusement the voyagers were very fond and not the less so as it was now and then accompanied by a dram as long as our rum lasted. on the th of february two canadians came from akaitcho for fresh supplies of ammunition. we were mortified to learn that he had received some further unpleasant reports concerning us from fort providence and that his faith in our good intentions was somewhat shaken. he expressed himself dissatisfied with the quantity of ammunition we had sent him, accused us of an intention of endeavouring to degrade him in the eyes of his tribe, and informed us that mr. weeks had refused to pay some notes for trifling quantities of goods and ammunition that had been given to the hunters who accompanied our men to slave lake. some powder and shot and a keg of diluted spirits were sent to him with the strongest assurances of our regard. on the th another party of six men was sent to fort providence to bring up the remaining stores. st. germain went to akaitcho for the purpose of sending two of his hunters to join this party on its route. on comparing the language of our two esquimaux with a copy of st. john's gospel printed for the use of the moravian missionary settlements on the labrador coast it appeared that the esquimaux who resort to churchill speak a language essentially the same with those who frequent the labrador coast. the red knives too recognise the expression teyma, used by the esquimaux when they acost strangers in a friendly manner, as similarly pronounced by augustus and those of his race who frequent the mouth of the copper-mine river. the tribe to which augustus belongs resides generally a little to the northward of churchill. in the spring before the ice quits the shores they kill seal but during winter they frequent the borders of the large lakes near the coast where they obtain fish, reindeer, and musk-oxen. there are eighty-four grown men in the tribe only seven of whom are aged. six chiefs have each two wives; the rest of the men have only one; so that the number of married people may amount to one hundred and seventy. he could give me no certain data whereby i might estimate the number of children. two great chiefs or ackhaiyoot have complete authority in directing the movements of the party and in distributing provisions. the attoogawnoeuck or lesser chiefs are respected principally as senior men. the tribe seldom suffers from want of food if the chief moves to the different stations at the proper season. they seem to follow the eastern custom respecting marriage. as soon as a girl is born the young lad who wishes to have her for a wife goes to her father's tent and proffers himself. if accepted a promise is given which is considered binding and the girl is delivered to her betrothed husband at the proper age. they consider their progenitors to have come from the moon. augustus has no other idea of a deity than some confused notions which he has obtained at churchill. when any of the tribe are dangerously ill a conjurer is sent for and the bearer of the message carries a suitable present to induce his attendance. upon his arrival he encloses himself in the tent with the sick man and sings over him for days together without tasting food; but augustus as well as the rest of the uninitiated are ignorant of the purport of his songs and of the nature of the being to whom they are addressed. the conjurors practise a good deal of jugglery in swallowing knives, firing bullets through their bodies, etc., but they are at these times generally secluded from view and the bystanders believe their assertions without requiring to be eye-witnesses of the fact. sixteen men and three women amongst augustus' tribe are acquainted with the mysteries of the art. the skill of the latter is exerted only on their own sex. upon the map being spread before augustus he soon comprehended it and recognised chesterfield inlet to be the opening into which salt-waters enter at spring tides and which receives a river at its upper end. he termed it kannoeuck kleenoeuck. he has never been farther north himself than marble island, which he distinguishes as being the spot where the large ships were wrecked, alluding to the disastrous termination of barlow and knight's voyage of discovery.* he says however that esquimaux of three different tribes have traded with his countrymen and that they described themselves as having come across land from a northern sea. one tribe who named themselves ahwhacknanhelett he supposes may come from repulse bay; another designated ootkooseekkalingmoeoot or stone-kettle esquimaux reside more to the westward; and the third the kangorrmoeoot or white goose esquimaux describe themselves as coming from a great distance and mentioned that a party of indians had killed several of their tribe in the summer preceding their visit. upon comparing the dates of this murder with that of the last massacre which the copper indians have perpetrated on these harmless and defenceless people they appear to differ two years; but the lapse of time is so inaccurately recorded that this difference in their accounts is not sufficient to destroy their identity; besides, the chipewyans, the only other indians who could possibly have committed the deed, have long since ceased to go to war. if this massacre should be the one mentioned by the copper indians the kangorrmoeoot must reside near the mouth of the anatessy, or river of strangers. (footnote. see introduction to hearne's journey page .) the winter habitations of esquimaux who visit churchill are built of snow and, judging from one constructed by augustus today, they are very comfortable dwellings. having selected a spot on the river where the snow was about two feet deep and sufficiently compact he commenced by tracing out a circle twelve feet in diameter. the snow in the interior of the circle was next divided with a broad knife having a long handle into slabs three feet long, six inches thick, and two feet deep, being the thickness of the layer of snow. these slabs were tenacious enough to admit of being moved about without breaking or even losing the sharpness of their angles and they had a slight degree of curvature corresponding with that of the circle from which they were cut. they were piled upon each other exactly like courses of hewn stone around the circle which was traced out and care was taken to smooth the beds of the different courses with the knife, and to cut them so as to give the wall a slight inclination inwards, by which contrivance the building acquired the properties of a dome. the dome was closed somewhat suddenly and flatly by cutting the upper slabs in a wedge-form instead of the more rectangular shape of those below. the roof was about eight feet high, and the last aperture was shut up by a small conical piece. the whole was built from within and each slab was cut so that it retained its position without requiring support until another was placed beside it, the lightness of the slabs greatly facilitating the operation. when the building was covered in a little loose snow was thrown over it to close up every chink and a low door was cut through the walls with a knife. a bed-place was next formed and neatly faced up with slabs of snow, which was then covered with a thin layer of pine branches to prevent them from melting by the heat of the body. at each end of the bed a pillar of snow was erected to place a lamp upon, and lastly a porch was built before the door and a piece of clear ice was placed in an aperture cut in the wall for a window. the purity of the material of which the house was framed, the elegance of its construction, and the translucency of its walls which transmitted a very pleasant light, gave it an appearance far superior to a marble building and one might survey it with feelings somewhat akin to those produced by the contemplation of a grecian temple reared by phidias; both are triumphs of art, inimitable in their kinds. annexed there is a plan of a complete esquimaux snow-house and kitchen and other apartments copied from a sketch made by augustus with the names of the different places affixed. the only fireplace is in the kitchen, the heat of the lamps sufficing to keep the other apartments warm. (not included in this ebook.) references to the plan. a. ablokeyt, steps. b. pahloeuk, porch. c. wadl-leek, passage. d. haddnoeweek, for the reception of the sweepings of the house. e. g. tokheuook, antechamber, or passage. f. annarroeartoweek. h. eegah, cooking-house. i. eegah-natkah, passage. k. keidgewack, for piling wood upon. l. keek kloweyt, cooking side. m. keek loot, fireplace built of stone. n. eegloo, house. o. kattack, door. p. nattoeuck, clear space in the apartment. a. d. eekput, a kind of shelf where the candle stands; and b. c. a pit where they throw their bones and other offal of their provision. q. eegl-luck, bed-place. r. eegleeteoet, bedside or sitting-place. s. bed-place, as on the other side. t. kie'gn-nok, small pantry. u. hoergloack, storehouse for provisions. ... several deer were killed near the house and we received some supplies from akaitcho. parties were also employed in bringing in the meat that was placed en cache in the early part of the winter. more than one half of these caches however had been destroyed by the wolves and wolverines, a circumstance which, in conjunction with the empty state of our storehouse, led us to fear that we should be much straitened for provisions before the arrival of any considerable number of reindeer in this neighbourhood. a good many ptarmigan were seen at this time and the women caught some in snares, but not in sufficient quantity to make any further alteration in the rations of deers' meat that were daily issued. they had already been reduced from eight to the short allowance of five pounds. many wolves prowled nightly about the house and even ventured upon the roof of the kitchen, which is a low building, in search of food; keskarrah shot a very large white one, of which a beautiful and correct drawing was made by mr. hood. the temperature in february was considerably lower than in the preceding month although not so low as in december, the mean being minus . degrees. the greatest temperature was degree above zero and the lowest degrees below. on the th of march the people returned from slave lake bringing the remainder of our stores consisting of a cask of flour, thirty-six pounds of sugar, a roll of tobacco, and forty pounds of powder. i received a letter from mr. weeks wherein he denied that he had ever circulated any reports to our disadvantage, and stated that he had done everything in his power to assist us, and even discouraged akaitcho from leaving us when he had sent him a message saying that he wished to do so if he was sure of being well received at fort providence. we mentioned the contents of the letter to the indians who were at the house at the time, when one of the hunters, who had attended the men on their journey, stated that he had heard many of the reports against us from mr. weeks himself and expressed his surprise that he should venture to deny them. st. germain soon afterwards arrived from akaitcho and informed us that he left him in good humour and apparently not harbouring the slightest idea of quitting us. on the th we sent four men to fort providence, and on the th mr. back arrived from fort chipewyan, having performed since he left us a journey of more than one thousand miles on foot. i had every reason to be much pleased with his conduct on this arduous undertaking, but his exertions may be best estimated by the perusal of the following narrative. mr. back's narrative of his journey to chipewyan, and return. on quitting fort enterprise with mr. wentzel and two canadians, accompanied by two hunters and their wives, our route lay across the barren hills. we saw during the day a number of deer and occasionally a solitary white wolf, and in the evening halted near a small knot of pines. owing to the slow progress made by the wives of the hunters we only travelled the first day a distance of seven miles and a half. during the night we had a glimpse of the fantastic beauties of the aurora borealis and were somewhat annoyed by the wolves whose nightly howling interrupted our repose. early the next morning we continued our march, sometimes crossing small lakes (which were just frozen enough to bear us) and at other times going large circuits in order to avoid those which were open. the walking was extremely bad throughout the day for, independent of the general unevenness of the ground and the numberless large stones which lay scattered in every direction, the unusual warmth of the weather had dissolved the snow which not only kept us constantly wet but deprived us of a firm footing, so that the men with their heavy burdens were in momentary apprehension of falling. in the afternoon a fine herd of deer was descried and the indians, who are always anxious for the chase and can hardly be restrained from pursuing every animal they see, set out immediately. it was late when they returned, having had good success and bringing with them five tongues and the shoulder of a deer. we made about twelve miles this day. the night was fine and the aurora borealis so vivid that we imagined more than once that we heard a rustling noise like that of autumnal leaves stirred by the wind; but after two hours of attentive listening we were not entirely convinced of the fact. the coruscations were not so bright nor the transition from one shape and colour to another so rapid as they sometimes are, otherwise i have no doubt from the midnight silence which prevailed that we should have ascertained this yet undecided point. the morning of the th was so extremely hazy that we could not see ten yards before us; it was therefore late when we started and during our journey the hunters complained of the weather and feared they should lose the track of our route. towards the evening it became so thick that we could not proceed, consequently we halted in a small wood situated in a valley, having only completed a distance of six miles. the scenery consisted of high hills which were almost destitute of trees, and lakes appeared in the valleys. the cracking of the ice was so loud during the night as to resemble thunder and the wolves howled around us. we were now at the commencement of the woods and at an early hour on the st continued our journey over high hills for three miles, when the appearance of some deer caused us to halt and nearly the remainder of the day was passed in hunting them. in the evening we stopped within sight of prospect hill having killed and concealed six deer. a considerable quantity of snow fell during the night. the surrounding country was extremely rugged, the hills divided by deep ravines and the valleys covered with broken masses of rocks and stones; yet the deer fly (as it were) over these impediments with apparent ease, seldom making a false step, and springing from crag to crag with all the confidence of the mountain goat. after passing reindeer lake (where the ice was so thin as to bend at every step for nine miles) we halted, perfectly satisfied with our escape from sinking into the water. while some of the party were forming the encampment one of the hunters killed a deer, a part of which was concealed to be ready for use on our return. this evening we halted in a wood near the canoe track after having travelled a distance of nine miles. the wind was south-east and the night cloudy with wind and rain. on the th and th we underwent some fatigue from being obliged to go round the lakes which lay across our route and were not sufficiently frozen to bear us. several rivulets appeared to empty themselves into the lakes, no animals were killed and few tracks seen. the scenery consisted of barren rocks and high hills covered with lofty pine, birch, and larch trees. october . we continued our journey, sometimes on frozen lakes and at other times on high craggy rocks. when we were on the lakes we were much impeded in our journey by different parts which were unfrozen. there was a visible increase of wood, consisting of birch and larch, as we inclined to the southward. about ten a.m. we passed icy portage where we saw various tracks of the moose, bear and otter and, after a most harassing march through thick woods and over fallen trees, we halted a mile to the westward of fishing lake; our provisions were now almost expended; the weather was cloudy with snow. on the th we crossed two lakes and performed a circuitous route, frequently crossing high hills to avoid those lakes which were not frozen; during the day one of the women made a hole through the ice and caught a fine pike which she gave to us; the indians would not partake of it from the idea (as we afterwards learnt) that we should not have sufficient for ourselves: "we are accustomed to starvation," said they, "but you are not." in the evening we halted near rocky lake. i accompanied one of the indians to the summit of a hill where he showed me a dark horizontal cloud extending to a considerable distance along the mountains in the perspective, which he said was occasioned by the great slave lake and was considered as a good guide to all the hunters in the vicinity. on our return we saw two untenanted bears' dens. the night was cloudy with heavy snow, yet the following morning we continued our tedious march; many of the lakes remained still open and the rocks were high and covered with snow which continued to fall all day, consequently we effected but a trifling distance and that too with much difficulty. in the evening we halted, having only performed about seven miles. one of the indians gave us a fish which he had caught though he had nothing for himself; and it was with much trouble that he could be prevailed upon to partake of it. the night was again cloudy with snow. on the th we set out through deep snow and thick woods and after crossing two small lakes stopped to breakfast, sending the women on before as they had already complained of lameness and could not keep pace with the party. it was not long before we overtook them on the banks of a small lake which, though infinitely less in magnitude than many we had passed, yet had not a particle of ice on its surface. it was shoal, had no visible current, and was surrounded by hills. we had nothing to eat and were not very near an establishment where food could be procured; however as we proceeded the lakes were frozen and we quickened our pace, stopping but twice for the hunters to smoke. nevertheless the distance we completed was but trifling, and at night we halted near a lake, the men being tired and much bruised from constantly falling amongst thick broken wood and loose stones concealed under the snow. the night was blowing and hazy with snow. on the th we set out with the expectation of gaining the slave lake in the evening; but our progress was again impeded by the same causes as before so that the whole day was spent in forcing our way through thick woods and over snow-covered swamps. we had to walk over pointed and loose rocks which, sliding from under our feet, made our path dangerous and often threw us down several feet on sharp-edged stones lying beneath the snow. once we had to climb a towering and almost perpendicular rock which not only detained us but was the cause of great anxiety for the safety of the women who, being heavily laden with furs and one of them with a child at her back, could not exert themselves with the activity which such a task required. fortunately nothing serious occurred though one of them once fell with considerable violence. during the day one of the hunters broke through the ice but was soon extricated; when it became dark we halted near the bow string portage, greatly disappointed at not having reached the lake. the weather was cloudy, accompanied with thick mist and snow. the indians expected to have found here a bear in its den and to have made a hearty meal of its flesh, indeed it had been the subject of conversation all day and they had even gone so far as to divide it, frequently asking me what part i preferred, but when we came to the spot--oh! lamentable! it had already fallen a prey to the devouring appetites of some more fortunate hunters who had only left sufficient evidence that such a thing had once existed, and we had merely the consolation of realising an old proverb. one of our men however caught a fish which, with the assistance of some weed scraped from the rocks (tripe de roche) which forms a glutinous substance, made us a tolerable supper; it was not of the most choice kind yet good enough for hungry men. while we were eating it i perceived one of the women busily employed scraping an old skin, the contents of which her husband presented us with. they consisted of pounded meat, fat, and a greater proportion of indians' and deers' hair than either; and though such a mixture may not appear very alluring to an english stomach it was thought a great luxury after three days' privation in these cheerless regions of america. indeed had it not been for the precaution and generosity of the indians we must have gone without sustenance until we reached the fort. on the st of november our men began to make a raft to enable us to cross a river which was not even frozen at the edges. it was soon finished and three of us embarked, being seated up to the ankles in water. we each took a pine branch for a paddle and made an effort to gain the opposite shore in which, after some time (and not without strong apprehensions of drifting into the slave lake) we succeeded. in two hours the whole party was over, with a comfortable addition to it in the shape of some fine fish which the indians had caught: of course we did not forget to take these friends with us and, after passing several lakes, to one of which we saw no termination, we halted within eight miles to the fort. the great slave lake was not frozen. in crossing a narrow branch of the lake i fell through the ice but received no injury; and at noon we arrived at fort providence and were received by mr. weeks, a clerk of the north-west company in charge of the establishment. i found several packets of letters for the officers, which i was desirous of sending to them immediately but, as the indians and their wives complained of illness and inability to return without rest, a flagon of mixed spirits was given them and their sorrows were soon forgotten. in a quarter of an hour they pronounced themselves excellent hunters and capable of going anywhere; however their boasting ceased with the last drop of the bottle when a crying scene took place which would have continued half the night had not the magic of an additional quantity of spirits dried their tears and once more turned their mourning into joy. it was a satisfaction to me to behold these poor creatures enjoying themselves for they had behaved in the most exemplary and active manner towards the party, and with a generosity and sympathy seldom found even in the more civilised parts of the world, and the attention and affection which they manifested towards their wives evinced a benevolence of disposition and goodness of nature which could not fail to secure the approbation of the most indifferent observer. the accounts i here received of our goods were of so unsatisfactory a nature that i determined to proceed, as soon as the lake was frozen, to moose-deer island or if necessary to the athabasca lake, both to inform myself of the grounds of the unceremonious and negligent manner in which the expedition had been treated and to obtain a sufficient supply of ammunition and other stores to enable it to leave its present situation and proceed for the attainment of its ultimate object. november . i despatched to fort enterprise one of the men with the letters and a hundred musket-balls which mr. weeks lent me on condition that they should be returned the first opportunity. an indian and his wife accompanied the messenger. lieutenant franklin was made acquainted with the exact state of things, and i awaited with much impatience the freezing of the lake. november . a band of slave indians came to the fort with a few furs and some bear's grease. though we had not seen any of them it appeared that they had received information of our being in the country and knew the precise situation of our house, which they would have visited long ago but from the fear of being pillaged by the copper indians. i questioned the chief about the great bear and marten lakes, their distance from fort enterprise, etc., but his answers were so vague and unsatisfactory that they were not worth attention; his description of bouleau's route (which he said was the shortest and best and abundant in animals) was very defective though the relative points were sufficiently characteristic had we not possessed a better route. he had never been at the sea and knew nothing about the mouth of the copper-mine river. in the evening he made his young men dance and sometimes accompanied them himself. they had four feathers in each hand. one commenced moving in a circular form, lifting both feet at the same time, similar to jumping sideways. after a short time a second and third joined and afterwards the whole band was dancing, some in a state of nudity, others half dressed, singing an unmusical wild air with (i suppose) appropriate words, the particular sounds of which were ha! ha! ha! uttered vociferously and with great distortion of countenance and peculiar attitude of body, the feathers being always kept in a tremulous motion. the ensuing day i made the chief acquainted with the object of our mission and recommended him to keep at peace with his neighbouring tribes and to conduct himself with attention and friendship towards the whites. i then gave him a medal, telling him it was the picture of the king whom they emphatically term their great father. november . we observed two mock moons at equal distances from the central one, and the whole were encircled by a halo, the colour of the inner edge of the large circle was a light red inclining to a faint purple. november . two parhelia were observable with a halo; the colours of the inner edge of the circle were a bright carmine and red lake intermingled with a rich yellow, forming a purplish orange; the outer edge was pale gamboge. december . a man was sent some distance on the lake to see if it was sufficiently frozen for us to cross. i need scarcely mention my satisfaction when he returned with the pleasing information that it was. december . i quitted fort providence, being accompanied by mr. wentzel, beauparlant, and two other canadians, provided with dogs and sledges. we proceeded along the borders of the lake, occasionally crossing deep bays, and at dusk encamped at the gros cap, having proceeded twenty-five miles. december . we set out on the lake with an excessively cold north-west wind and were frequently interrupted by large pieces of ice which had been thrown up by the violence of the waves during the progress of congelation, and at dusk we encamped on the reindeer islands. the night was fine with a faint aurora borealis. next day the wind was so keen that the men proposed conveying me in a sledge that i might be the less exposed, to which after some hesitation i consented. accordingly a reindeer skin and a blanket were laid along the sledge and in these i was wrapped tight up to the chin and lashed to the vehicle, just leaving sufficient play for my head to perceive when i was about to be upset on some rough projecting piece of ice. thus equipped we set off before the wind (a favourable circumstance on the lake) and went on very well until noon, when the ice, being driven up in ridges in such a manner as to obstruct us very much, i was released, and i confess not unwillingly though i had to walk the remainder of the day. there are large openings in many parts where the ice had separated and, in attempting to cross one of them, the dogs fell into the water and were saved with difficulty. the poor animals suffered dreadfully from the cold and narrowly escaped being frozen to death. we had quickened our pace towards the close of the day but could not get sight of the land, and it was not till the sun had set that we perceived it about four miles to our left, which obliged us to turn back and head the wind. it was then so cold that two of the party were frozen almost immediately about the face and ears. i escaped from having the good fortune to possess a pair of gloves made of rabbits' skin with which i kept constantly chafing the places which began to be affected. at six p.m. we arrived at the fishing-huts near stony island and remained the night there. the canadians were not a little surprised at seeing us whom they had already given up for lost--nor less so at the manner by which we had come--for they all affirmed that the lake near them was quite free from ice the day before. december . at an early hour we quitted the huts, lashed on sledges as before, with some little addition to our party; and at three hours thirty minutes p.m. arrived at the north-west fort on moose-deer island where i was received by mr. smith with whom i had been acquainted at the athabasca. he said he partly expected me. the same evening i visited messrs. mcvicar and mcaulay at hudson's bay fort when i found the reports concerning our goods were but too true, there being in reality but five packages for us. i also was informed that two esquimaux, augustus the chief, and junius his servant, who had been sent from fort churchill by governor williams to serve in the capacity of interpreters to the expedition, were at the fort. these men were short of stature but muscular, apparently good-natured, and perfectly acquainted with the purpose for which they were intended. they had built themselves a snow-house on an adjacent island where they used frequently to sleep. the following day i examined the pieces and to my great disappointment found them to consist of three kegs of spirits, already adulterated by the voyagers who had brought them, a keg of flour and thirty-five pounds of sugar, instead of sixty. the ammunition and tobacco, the two greatest requisites, were left behind. i lost no time in making a demand from both parties and, though their united list did not furnish the half of what was required, yet it is possible that everything was given by them which could be spared consistently with their separate interests, particularly by mr. mcvicar who in many articles gave me the whole he had in his possession. these things were sent away immediately for fort enterprise, when an interpreter arrived with letters from lieutenant franklin which referred to a series of injurious reports said to have been propagated against us by someone at fort providence. finding a sufficiency of goods could not be provided at moose-deer island i determined to proceed to the athabasca lake and ascertain the inclinations of the gentlemen there. with this view i communicated my intentions to both parties but could only get dogs enough from the north-west company to carry the necessary provisions for the journey. indeed mr. smith informed me plainly he was of opinion that nothing could be spared at fort chipewyan, that goods had never been transported so long a journey in the winter season, and that the same dogs could not possibly go and return; besides it was very doubtful if i could be provided with dogs there; and finally that the distance was great and could take sixteen days to perform it. he added that the provisions would be mouldy and bad and that from having to walk constantly on snowshoes i should suffer a great deal of misery and fatigue. notwithstanding these assertions on the rd of december i left the fort with beauparlant and a bois-brule, each having a sledge drawn by dogs, laden with pemmican. we crossed an arm of the lake and entered the little buffalo river which is connected with the salt river and is about fifty yards wide at its junction with the lake--the water is brackish. this route is usually taken in the winter as it cuts off a large angle in going to the great slave river. in the afternoon we passed two empty fishing-huts and in the evening encamped amongst some high pines on the banks of the river having had several snow-showers during the day which considerably impeded the dogs so that we had not proceeded more than fifteen miles. december and . we continued along the river, frequently making small portages to avoid going round to the points, and passed some small canoes which the indians had left for the winter. the snow was so deep that the dogs were obliged to stop every ten minutes to rest; and the cold so excessive that both the men were badly frozen on both sides of the face and chin. at length, having come to a long meadow which the dogs could not cross that night, we halted in an adjoining wood and were presently joined by a canadian who was on his return to the fort and who treated us with some fresh meat in exchange for pemmican. during the latter part of the day we had seen numerous tracks of the moose, buffalo, and marten. december . the weather was so cold that we were compelled to run to prevent ourselves from freezing; our route lay across some large meadows which appeared to abound in animals, though the indians around slave lake are in a state of great want. about noon we passed a sulphur-stream which ran into the river; it appeared to come from a plain about fifty yards distant. there were no rocks near it and the soil through which it took its course was composed of a reddish clay. i was much galled by the strings of the snowshoes during the day and once got a severe fall occasioned by the dogs running over one of my feet and, dragging me some distance, my snowshoe having become entangled with the sledge. in the evening we lost our way from the great similarity of appearance in the country and it was dark before we found it again when we halted in a thick wood after having come about sixteen miles from the last encampment. much snow fell during the night. at an early hour on the th of december we continued our journey over the surface of a long but narrow lake and then through a wood which brought us to the grand detour on the slave river. the weather was extremely cloudy with occasional falls of snow which tended greatly to impede our progress from its gathering in lumps between the dogs' toes; and though they did not go very fast yet my left knee pained me so much that i found it difficult to keep up with them. at three p.m. we halted within nine miles of the salt river and made a hearty meal of mouldy pemmican. december and . we had much difficulty in proceeding owing to the poor dogs being quite worn out and their feet perfectly raw. we endeavoured to tie shoes on them to afford them some little relief but they continually came off when amongst deep snow so that it occupied one person entirely to look after them. in this state they were hardly of any use among the steep ascents of the portages, when we were obliged to drag the sledges ourselves. we found a few of the rapids entirely frozen. those that were not had holes and large spaces about them from whence issued a thick vapour, and in passing this we found it particularly cold; but what appeared most curious was the number of small fountains which rose through the ice and often rendered it doubtful which way we should take. i was much disappointed at finding several falls (which i had intended to sketch) frozen almost even with the upper and lower parts of the stream; the ice was connected by a thin arch and the rushing of the water underneath might be heard at a considerable distance. on the banks of these rapids there was a constant overflowing of the water but in such small quantities as to freeze before it had reached the surface of the central ice so that we passed between two ridges of icicles, the transparency of which was beautifully contrasted by the flakes of snow and the dark green branches of the overhanging pine. beauparlant complained bitterly of the cold whilst among the rapids but no sooner had he reached the upper part of the river than he found the change of the temperature so great that he vented his indignation against the heat. "mais c'est terrible," said he, to be frozen and sunburnt in the same day. the poor fellow, who had been a long time in the country, regarded it as the most severe punishment that could have been inflicted on him and would willingly have given a part of his wages rather than this disgrace had happened; for there is a pride amongst old voyagers which makes them consider the state of being frost-bitten as effeminate and only excusable in a pork-eater or one newly come into the country. i was greatly fatigued and suffered acute pains in the knees and legs, both of which were much swollen when we halted a little above the dog river. december and . our journey these days was by far the most annoying we had yet experienced but, independent of the vast masses of ice that were piled on one another, as well as the numerous open places about the rapids (and they did not a little impede us) there was a strong gale from the north-west and so dreadfully keen that our time was occupied in rubbing the frozen parts of the face and in attempting to warm the hands in order to be prepared for the next operation. scarcely was one place cured by constant friction than another was frozen; and though there was nothing pleasant about it yet it was laughable enough to observe the dexterity which was used in changing the position of the hand from the face to the mitten and vice versa. one of the men was severely affected, the whole side of his face being nearly raw. towards sunset i suffered so much in my knee and ankle from a recent sprain that it was with difficulty i could proceed with snowshoes to the encampment on the stony islands. but in this point i was not singular for beauparlant was almost as bad and without the same cause. january , . we set out with a quick step, the wind still blowing fresh from the north-west, which seemed in some measure to invigorate the dogs; for towards sunset they left me considerably behind. indeed my legs and ankles were now so swelled that it was excessive pain to drag the snowshoes after me. at night we halted on the banks of stony river, when i gave the men a glass of grog to commemorate the new year, and the next day, january , we arrived at fort chipewyan, after a journey of ten days and four hours--the shortest time in which the distance had been performed at the same season. i found messrs. g. keith and s. mcgillivray in charge of the fort, who were not a little surprised to see me. the commencement of the new year is the rejoicing season of the canadians when they are generally intoxicated for some days. i postponed making any demand till this time of festivity should cease; but on the same day i went over to the hudson's bay fort and delivered lieutenant franklin's letters to mr. simpson. if they were astonished on one side to see me, the amazement was still greater on the other for reports were so far in advance that we were said to have already fallen by the spears of the esquimaux. january . i made a demand from both parties for supplies such as ammunition, gun-flints, axes, files, clothing, tobacco and spirits. i stated to them our extreme necessity and that without their assistance the expedition must be arrested in its progress. the answer from the north-west gentlemen was satisfactory enough; but on the hudson's bay side i was told that any further assistance this season entirely depended on the arrival of supplies expected in a few weeks from a distant establishment. i remained at fort chipewyan five weeks during which time some laden sledges did arrive, but i could not obtain any addition to the few articles i had procured at first. a packet of letters for us from england having arrived i made preparations for my return, but not before i had requested both companies to send next year from the depots a quantity of goods for our use specified in lists furnished to them. the weather during my abode at chipewyan was generally mild with occasional heavy storms, most of which were anticipated by the activity of the aurora borealis; and this i observed had been the case between fort providence and the athabasca in december and january, though not invariably so in other parts of the country. one of the partners of the north-west company related to me the following singular story: he was travelling in a canoe in the english river and had landed near the kettle fall when the coruscations of the aurora borealis were so vivid and low that the canadians fell on their faces and began praying and crying, fearing they should be killed; he himself threw away his gun and knife that they might not attract the flashes for they were within two feet from the earth, flitting along with incredible swiftness and moving parallel to its surface. they continued for upwards of five minutes as near as he could judge and made a loud rustling noise like the waving of a flag in a strong breeze. after they had ceased the sky became clear with little wind. february . having got everything arranged and had a hearty breakfast with a coupe de l'eau de vie (a custom amongst the traders) i took my departure or rather attempted to do so for, on going to the gate, there was a long range of women who came to bid me farewell. they were all dressed (after the manner of the country) in blue or green cloth, with their hair fresh greased, separated before, and falling down behind, not in careless tresses but in a good sound tail, fastened with black tape or riband. this was considered a great compliment and the ceremony consisted in embracing the whole party. i had with me four sledges laden with goods for the expedition and a fifth belonging to the hudson's bay company. we returned exactly by the same route, suffering no other inconvenience but that arising from the chafing of the snowshoe and bad weather. some indians whom we met on the banks of the little buffalo river were rather surprised at seeing us, for they had heard that we were on an island which was surrounded by esquimaux. the dogs were almost worn out and their feet raw when on february the th we arrived at moose-deer island with our goods all in good order. towards the end of the month two of our men arrived with letters from lieutenant franklin containing some fresh demands, the major part of which i was fortunate enough to procure without the least trouble. having arranged the accounts and receipts between the companies and the expedition, and sent everything before me to fort providence, i prepared for my departure; and it is but justice to the gentlemen of both parties at moose-deer island to remark that they afforded the means of forwarding our stores in the most cheerful and pleasant manner. march . i took leave of the gentlemen at the forts and in the afternoon got to the fisheries near stony island where i found mr. mcvicar who was kind enough to have a house ready for my reception; and i was not a little gratified at perceiving a pleasant-looking girl employed in roasting a fine joint and afterwards arranging the table with all the dexterity of an accomplished servant. march . we set out at daylight and breakfasted at the reindeer islands. as the day advanced the heat became so oppressive that each pulled off his coat and ran till sunset when we halted with two men who were on their return to moose-deer island. there was a beautiful aurora borealis in the night; it rose about north by west and divided into three bars, diverging at equal distances as far as the zenith and then converging until they met in the opposite horizon; there were some flashes at rightangles to the bars. march . we arrived at fort providence and found our stores safe and in good order. there being no certainty when the indian who was to accompany me to our house would arrive, and my impatience to join my companions increasing as i approached it, after making the necessary arrangements with mr. weeks respecting our stores, on march the th i quitted the fort with two of our men who had each a couple of dogs and a sledge laden with provision. on the th we met the indian near icy portage who was sent to guide me back. on the th we killed a deer and gave the dogs a good feed; and on the th at an early hour we arrived at fort enterprise, having travelled about eighteen miles a day. i had the pleasure of meeting my friends all in good health after an absence of nearly five months, during which time i had travelled one thousand one hundred and four miles on snowshoes, and had no other covering at night in the woods than a blanket and deer-skin with the thermometer frequently at minus degrees and once at minus degrees, and sometimes passing two or three days without tasting food. ... chapter . continuation of proceedings at fort enterprise. some account of the copper indians. preparations for the journey to the northward. continuation of proceedings at fort enterprise. some account of the copper indians. march , . i shall now give a brief account of the copper indians termed by the chipewyans tantsawhotdinneh, or birch-rind indians. they were originally a tribe of the chipewyans and, according to their own account, inhabited the south side of great slave lake at no very distant period. their language, traditions, and customs, are essentially the same with those of the chipewyans but in personal character they have greatly the advantage of that people, owing probably to local causes or perhaps to their procuring their food more easily and in greater abundance. they hold women in the same low estimation as the chipewyans do, looking upon them as a kind of property which the stronger may take from the weaker whenever there is just reason for quarrelling, if the parties are of their own nation, or whenever they meet if the weaker party are dog-ribs or other strangers. they suffer however the kinder affections to show themselves occasionally; they in general live happily with their wives, the women are contented with their lot, and we witnessed several instances of strong attachment. of their kindness to strangers we are fully qualified to speak; their love of property, attention to their interests, and fears for the future made them occasionally clamorous and unsteady; but their delicate and humane attention to us in a season of great distress at a future period are indelibly engraven on our memories. of their notions of a deity or future state we never could obtain any satisfactory account; they were unwilling perhaps to expose their opinions to the chance of ridicule. akaitcho generally evaded our questions on these points but expressed a desire to learn from us and regularly attended divine service during his residence at the fort, behaving with the utmost decorum. this leader indeed and many others of his tribe possess a laudable curiosity which might easily be directed to the most important ends; and i believe that a well-conducted christian mission to this quarter would not fail of producing the happiest effect. old keskarrah alone used boldly to express his disbelief of a supreme deity and state that he could not credit the existence of a being whose power was said to extend everywhere but whom he had not yet seen, although he was now an old man. the aged sceptic is not a little conceited as the following exordium to one of his speeches evinces: "it is very strange that i never meet with anyone who is equal in sense to myself." the same old man in one of his communicative moods related to us the following tradition: the earth had been formed but continued enveloped in total darkness, when a bear and a squirrel met on the shores of a lake; a dispute arose as to their respective powers, which they agreed to settle by running in opposite directions round the lake, and whichever arrived first at the starting point was to evince his superiority by some signal act of power. the squirrel beat, ran up a tree, and loudly demanded light which, instantly beaming forth, discovered a bird dispelling the gloom with its wings; the bird was afterwards recognised to be a crow. the squirrel next broke a piece of bark from the tree, endowed it with the power of floating, and said, "behold the material which shall afford the future inhabitants of the earth the means of traversing the waters." the indians are not the first people who have ascribed the origin of nautics to the ingenuity of the squirrel. the copper indians consider the bear, otter, and other animals of prey, or rather some kind of spirits which assume the forms of these creatures, as their constant enemies and the cause of every misfortune they endure; and in seasons of difficulty or sickness they alternately deprecate and abuse them. few of this nation have more than one wife at a time and none but the leaders have more than two. akaitcho has three and the mother of his only son is the favourite. they frequently marry two sisters and there is no prohibition to the intermarriage of cousins but a man is restricted from marrying his niece. the last war excursion they made against the esquimaux was ten years ago when they destroyed about thirty persons at the mouth of what they term stony-point river, not far from the mouth of the copper-mine river. they now seem desirous of being on friendly terms with that persecuted nation and hope through our means to establish a lucrative commerce with them. indeed the copper indians are sensible of the advantages that would accrue to them were they made the carriers of goods between the traders and esquimaux. at the time of hearne's visit the copper indians, being unsupplied with firearms, were oppressed by the chipewyans; but even that traveller had occasion to praise their kindness of heart. since they have received arms from the traders the chipewyans are fearful of venturing upon their lands; and all of that nation who frequent the shores of great slave lake hold the name of akaitcho in great respect. the chipewyans have no leader of equal authority among themselves. the number of the copper indians may be one hundred and ninety souls namely eighty men and boys and one hundred and ten women and young children. there are forty-five hunters in the tribe. the adherents of akaitcho amount to about forty men and boys; the rest follow a number of minor chiefs. for the following notices of the nations on mackenzie's river we are principally indebted to mr. wentzel who resided for many years in that quarter. the thlingchadinneh or dog-ribs or as they are sometimes termed after the crees, who formerly warred against them, slaves, inhabit the country to the westward of the copper indians as far as mackenzie's river. they are of a mild, hospitable, but rather indolent disposition; spend much of their time in amusements and are fond of singing and dancing. in this respect and in another they differ very widely from most of the other aborigines of north america. i allude to their kind treatment of the women. the men do the laborious work whilst their wives employ themselves in ornamenting their dresses with quill-work and in other occupations suited to their sex. mr. wentzel has often known the young married men to bring specimens of their wives' needlework to the forts and exhibit them with much pride. kind treatment of the fair sex being usually considered as an indication of considerable progress in civilisation it might be worthwhile to inquire how it happens that this tribe has stepped so far beyond its neighbours. it has had undoubtedly the same common origin with the chipewyans, for their languages differ only in accent, and their mode of life is essentially the same. we have not sufficient data to prosecute the inquiry with any hope of success but we may recall to the reader's memory what was formerly mentioned, that the dog-ribs say they came from the westward, whilst the chipewyans say that they migrated from the eastward. when bands of dog-ribs meet each other after a long absence they perform a kind of dance. a piece of ground is cleared for the purpose, if in winter of the snow, or if in summer of the bushes; and the dance frequently lasts for two or three days, the parties relieving each other as they get tired. the two bands commence the dance with their backs turned to each other, the individuals following one another in indian file and holding the bow in the left hand and an arrow in the right. they approach obliquely after many turns and, when the two lines are closely back to back, they feign to see each other for the first time and the bow is instantly transferred to the right hand and the arrow to the left, signifying that it is not their intention to employ them against their friends. at a fort they use feathers instead of bows. the dance is accompanied with a song. these people are the dancing-masters of the country. the copper indians have neither dance nor music but what they borrow from them. on our first interview with akaitcho at fort providence he treated us as has already been mentioned with a representation of the dog-rib dance; and mr. back during his winter journey had an opportunity of observing it performed by the dog-ribs themselves. the chief tribe of the dog-rib nation, termed horn mountain indians, inhabit the country betwixt great bear lake and the west end of great slave lake. they muster about two hundred men and boys capable of pursuing the chase. small detachments of the nation frequent marten lake and hunt during the summer in the neighbourhood of fort enterprise. indeed this part of the country was formerly exclusively theirs, and most of the lakes and remarkable hills bear the names which they imposed upon them. as the copper indians generally pillage them of their women and furs when they meet they endeavour to avoid them and visit their ancient quarters on the barren grounds only by stealth. immediately to the northward of the dog-ribs, on the north side of bear lake river, are the kawchodinneh or hare indians who also speak a dialect of the chipewyan language and have much of the same manners with the dog-ribs, but are considered both by them and by the copper indians to be great conjurors. these people report that in their hunting excursions to the northward of great bear lake they meet small parties of esquimaux. immediately to the northward of the hare indians on both banks of mackenzie's river are the tykotheedinneh, loucheux, squint-eyes, or quarrellers. they speak a language distinct from the chipewyan. they war often with the esquimaux at the mouth of mackenzie's river but have occasionally some peaceable intercourse with them, and it would appear that they find no difficulty in understanding each other, there being considerable similarity in their languages. their dress also resembles the esquimaux and differs from that of the other inhabitants of mackenzie's river. the tykotheedinneh trade with fort good-hope, situated a considerable distance below the confluence of bear lake river with mackenzie's river and, as the traders suppose, within three days' march of the arctic sea. it is the most northern establishment of the north-west company, and some small pieces of russian copper coin once made their way thither across the continent from the westward. blue or white beads are almost the only articles of european manufacture coveted by the loucheux. they perforate the septum of the nose and insert in the opening three small shells which they procure at a high price from the esquimaux. on the west bank of mackenzie's river there are several tribes who speak dialects of the chipewyan language that have not hitherto been mentioned. the first met with on tracing the river to the southward from fort good-hope are the ambawtawhootdinneh, or sheep indians. they inhabit the rocky mountains near the sources of the dawhootdinneh river which flows into mackenzie's and are but little known to the traders. some of them have visited fort good-hope. a report of their being cannibals may have originated in an imperfect knowledge of them. some distance to the southward of this people are the rocky mountain indians, a small tribe which musters about forty men and boys capable of pursuing the chase. they differ but little from the next we are about to mention, the edchawtawhootdinneh, strong-bow, beaver, or thickwood indians who frequent the riviere aux liards or south branch of mackenzie's river. the strong-bows resemble the dog-ribs somewhat in their disposition; but when they meet they assume a considerable degree of superiority over the latter who meekly submit to the haughtiness of their neighbours. until the year when a small party of them, from some unfortunate provocation, destroyed fort nelson on the riviere aux liards and murdered its inmates, the strong-bows were considered to be a friendly and quiet tribe and esteemed as excellent hunters. they take their names in the first instance from their dogs. a young man is the father of a certain dog but when he is married and has a son he styles himself the father of the boy. the women have a habit of reproving the dogs very tenderly when they observe them fighting: "are you not ashamed," say they, "are you not ashamed to quarrel with your little brother?" the dogs appear to understand the reproof and sneak off. the strong-bows and rocky mountain indians have a tradition in common with the dog-ribs that they came originally from the westward, from a level country where there was no winter, which produced trees and large fruits now unknown to them. it was inhabited also by many strange animals, amongst which there was a small one whose visage bore a striking resemblance to the human countenance. during their residence in this land their ancestors were visited by a man who healed the sick, raised the dead, and performed many other miracles, enjoining them at the same time to lead good lives and not to eat of the entrails of animals, nor to use the brains for dressing skins until after the third day; and never to leave the skulls of deer upon the ground within the reach of dogs and wolves but to hang them carefully upon trees. no one knew from whence this good man came or whither he went. they were driven from that land by the rising of the waters and, following the tracks of animals on the seashore, they directed their course to the northward. at length they came to a strait which they crossed upon a raft but the sea has since frozen and they have never been able to return. these traditions are unknown to the chipewyans. the number of men and boys of the strong-bow nation who are capable of hunting may amount to seventy. there are some other tribes who also speak dialects of the chipewyan upon the upper branches of the riviere aux liards such as the nohhannies and the tsillawdawhootdinneh or brushwood indians. they are but little known but the latter are supposed occasionally to visit some of the establishments on peace river. having now communicated as briefly as i could the principal facts that came to our knowledge regarding the indians in this quarter i shall resume the narrative of events at fort enterprise. the month of march proved fine. the thermometer rose once to degrees above zero and fell upon another day degrees below zero but the mean was minus / degrees. on the rd the last of our winter's stock of deer's meat was expended and we were compelled to issue a little pounded meat which we had reserved for making pemmican for summer use. our nets which were set under the ice on the th produced only two or three small fish daily. amongst these was the round-fish, a species of coregonus which we had not previously seen. on the following day two indians came with a message from the hook, the chief next to akaitcho in authority amongst the copper indians. his band was between west marten and great bear lakes and he offered to provide a quantity of dried meat for us on the banks of the copper-mine river in the beginning of summer, provided we sent him goods and ammunition. it was in his power to do this without inconvenience as he generally spends the summer months on the banks of the river near the copper mountain; but we had no goods to spare and i could not venture to send any part of our small stock of ammunition until i saw what the necessities of our own party required. i told them however that i would gladly receive either provisions or leather when we met and would pay for them by notes on the north-west company's post; but to prevent any misunderstanding with mr. weeks i requested them to take their winter's collection of furs to fort providence before they went to the copper-mine river. they assured me that the hook would watch anxiously for our passing as he was unwell and wished to consult the doctor. several circumstances having come lately to my knowledge that led me to suspect the fidelity of our interpreters they were examined upon this subject. it appeared that in their intercourse with the indians they had contracted very fearful ideas of the danger of our enterprise which augmented as the time of our departure drew near, and had not hesitated to express their dislike to the journey in strong terms amongst the canadians, who are accustomed to pay much deference to the opinions of an interpreter. but this was not all; i had reason to suspect they had endeavoured to damp the exertions of the indians with the hope that the want of provision in the spring would put an end to our progress at once. st. germain in particular had behaved in a very equivocal way since his journey to slave lake. he denied the principal parts of the charge in a very dogged manner but acknowledged he had told the leader that we had not paid him the attention which a chief like him ought to have received; and that we had put a great affront on him in sending him only a small quantity of rum. an artful man like st. germain, possessing a flow of language and capable of saying even what he confessed, had the means of poisoning the minds of the indians without committing himself by any direct assertion; and it is to be remarked that, unless mr. wentzel had possessed a knowledge of the copper indian language, we should not have learned what we did. although perfectly convinced of his baseness i could not dispense with his services; and had no other resource but to give him a serious admonition and desire him to return to his duty, after endeavouring to work upon his fears by an assurance that i would certainly convey him to england for trial if the expedition should be stopped through his fault. he replied, "it is immaterial to me where i lose my life, whether in england or in accompanying you to the sea, for the whole party will perish." after this discussion however he was more circumspect in his conduct. on the th we received a small supply of meat from the indian lodges. they had now moved into a lake about twelve miles from us, in expectation of the deer coming soon to the northward. preparations for the journey to the northward. on the th akaitcho arrived at the house, having been sent for to make some arrangements respecting the procuring of provision and that we might learn what his sentiments were with regard to accompanying us on our future journey. next morning we had a conference which i commenced by showing him the charts and drawings that were prepared to be sent to england, and explaining fully our future intentions. he appeared much pleased at this mark of attention and, when his curiosity was satisfied, began his speech by saying that although a vast number of idle rumours had been floating about the barren grounds during the winter he was convinced that the representations made to him at fort providence regarding the purport of the expedition were perfectly correct. i next pointed out to him the necessity of our proceeding with as little delay as possible during the short period of the year that was fit for our operations, and that to do so it was requisite we should have a large supply of provisions at starting. he instantly admitted the force of these observations and promised that he and his young men should do their utmost to comply with our desires, and afterwards in answer to my questions informed us that he would accompany the expedition to the mouth of the copper-mine river or, if we did not meet with esquimaux there, for some distance along the coast; he was anxious he said to have an amicable interview with that people, and he further requested that, in the event of our meeting with dog-ribs on the copper-mine river, we should use our influence to persuade them to live on friendly terms with his tribe. we were highly pleased to find his sentiments so favourable to our views and, after making some minor arrangements, we parted mutually content. he left us on the morning of the st, accompanied by augustus who, at his request, went to reside for a few days at his lodge. on the th of april our men arrived with the last supply of goods from fort providence, the fruits of mr. back's arduous journey to the athabasca lake, and on the th belanger le gros and belanger le rouge, for so our men discriminated them, set out for slave lake with a box containing the journals of the officers, charts, drawings, observations, and letters addressed to the secretary of state for colonial affairs. they also conveyed a letter for governor williams in which i requested that he would if possible send a schooner to wager bay with provisions and clothing to meet the exigencies of the party should they succeed in reaching that part of the coast. connoyer, who was much tormented with biliary calculi and had done little or no duty all the winter, was discharged at the same time and sent down in company with an indian named the belly. the commencement of april was fine and for several days a considerable thaw took place in the heat of the sun which, laying bare some of the lichens on the sides of the hills, produced a consequent movement of the reindeer to the northward and induced the indians to believe that the spring was already commencing. many of them therefore quitted the woods and set their snares on the barren grounds near fort enterprise. two or three days of cold weather however towards the middle of the month damped their hopes, and they began to say that another moon must elapse before the arrival of the wished-for season. in the meantime their premature departure from the woods caused them to suffer from want of food and we were in some degree involved in their distress. we received no supplies from the hunters, our nets produced but very few fish, and the pounded meat which we had intended to keep for summer use was nearly expended. our meals at this period were always scanty and we were occasionally restricted to one in the day. the indian families about the house, consisting principally of women and children, suffered most. i had often requested them to move to akaitcho's lodge where they were more certain of receiving supplies but, as most of them were sick or infirm, they did not like to quit the house, where they daily received medicines from dr. richardson, to encounter the fatigue of following the movements of a hunting camp. they cleared away the snow on the site of the autumn encampments to look for bones, deer's feet, bits of hide, and other offal. when we beheld them gnawing the pieces of hide and pounding the bones for the purpose of extracting some nourishment from them by boiling we regretted our inability to relieve them, but little thought that we should ourselves be afterwards driven to the necessity of eagerly collecting these same bones a second time from the dunghill. at this time, to divert the attention of the men from their wants, we encouraged the practice of sliding down the steep bank of the river upon sledges. these vehicles descended the snowy bank with much velocity and ran a great distance upon the ice. the officers joined in the sport and the numerous overturns we experienced formed no small share of the amusement of the party, but on one occasion, when i had been thrown from my seat and almost buried in the snow, a fat indian woman drove her sledge over me and sprained my knee severely. on the th at eight in the evening a beautiful halo appeared round the sun when it was about degrees high. the colours were prismatic and very bright, the red next the sun. on the st the ice in the river was measured and found to be five feet thick and, in setting the nets in round rock lake, it was there ascertained to be six feet and a half thick, the water being six fathoms deep. the stomachs of some fish were at this time opened by dr. richardson and found filled with insects which appear to exist in abundance under the ice during the winter. on the nd a moose-deer was killed at the distance of forty-five miles; st. germain went for it with a dog-sledge and returned with unusual expedition on the morning of the third day. this supply was soon exhausted and we passed the th without eating, with the prospect of fasting a day or two longer, when old keskarrah entered with the unexpected intelligence of having killed a deer. it was divided betwixt our own family and the indians and during the night a seasonable supply arrived from akaitcho. augustus returned with the men who brought it, much pleased with the attention he had received from the indians during his visit to akaitcho. next day mr. wentzel set out with every man that we could spare from the fort for the purpose of bringing meat from the indians as fast as it could be procured. dr. richardson followed them two days afterwards to collect specimens of the rocks in that part of the country. on the same day the two belangers arrived from fort providence having been only five days on the march from thence. the highest temperature in april was plus degrees, the lowest minus degrees, the mean plus . degrees. the temperature of the rapid, examined on the th by messrs. back and hood, was degrees at the surface, degrees at the bottom. on the th of may dr. richardson returned. he informed me that the reindeer were again advancing to the northward but that the leader had been joined by several families of old people and that the daily consumption of provision at the indian tents was consequently great. this information excited apprehensions of being very scantily provided when the period of our departure should arrive. the weather in the beginning of may was fine and warm. on the nd some patches of sandy ground near the house were cleared of snow. on the th the sides of the hills began to appear bare and on the th a large house-fly was seen. this interesting event spread cheerfulness through our residence and formed a topic of conversation for the rest of the day. on the th the approach of spring was still more agreeably confirmed by the appearance of a merganser and two gulls, and some loons or arctic divers, at the rapid. this day to reduce the labour of dragging meat to the house the women and children and all the men except four were sent to live at the indian tents. the blueberries, crow-berries, eye-berries, and cranberries, which had been covered and protected by the snow during the winter might at this time be gathered in abundance and proved indeed a valuable resource. the ground continued frozen but the heat of the sun had a visible effect on vegetation; the sap thawed in the pine-trees and dr. richardson informed me that the mosses were beginning to shoot and the calyptrae of some of the jungermanniae already visible. on the th mr. wentzel returned from the indian lodges having made the necessary arrangements with akaitcho for the drying of meat for summer use, the bringing fresh meat to the fort and the procuring a sufficient quantity of the resin of the spruce fir, or as it is termed by the voyagers gum, for repairing the canoes previous to starting and during the voyage. by my desire he had promised payment to the indian women who should bring in any of the latter article and had sent several of our own men to the woods to search for it. at this time i communicated to mr. wentzel the mode in which i meant to conduct the journey of the approaching summer. upon our arrival at the sea i proposed to reduce the party to what would be sufficient to man two canoes in order to lessen the consumption of provisions during our voyage or journey along the coast and, as mr. wentzel had expressed a desire of proceeding no farther than the mouth of the copper-mine river, which was seconded by the indians who wished him to return with them, i readily relieved his anxiety on this subject, the more so as i thought he might render greater service to us by making deposits of provision at certain points than by accompanying us through a country which was unknown to him, and amongst a people with whom he was totally unacquainted. my intentions were explained to him in detail but they were of course to be modified by circumstances. on the th a robin (turdus migratorius) appeared; this bird is hailed by the natives as the infallible precursor of warm weather. ducks and geese were also seen in numbers and the reindeer advanced to the northward. the merganser (mergus serrator) which preys upon small fish, was the first of the duck tribe that appeared; next came the teal (anas crecca) which lives upon small insects that abound in the waters at this season; and lastly the goose which feeds upon berries and herbage. geese appear at cumberland house in latitude degrees usually about the th of april; at fort chipewyan in latitude degrees on the th of april; at slave lake in latitude degrees on the st of may; and at fort enterprise in latitude degrees minutes on the th or th of the same month. on the th a minor chief amongst the copper indians attended by his son arrived from fort providence to consult dr. richardson. he was affected with snow-blindness which was soon relieved by the dropping of a little laudanum into his eyes twice a day. most of our own men had been lately troubled with this complaint but it always yielded in twenty or thirty hours to the same remedy. on the st all our men returned from the indians and akaitcho was on his way to the fort. in the afternoon two of his young men arrived to announce his visit and to request that he might be received with a salute and other marks of respect that he had been accustomed to on visiting fort providence in the spring. i complied with his desire although i regretted the expenditure of ammunition and sent the young man away with the customary present of powder to enable him to return the salute, some tobacco, vermilion to paint their faces, a comb and a looking-glass. at eleven akaitcho arrived; at the first notice of his appearance the flag was hoisted at the fort and upon his nearer approach a number of muskets were fired by a party of our people and returned by his young men. akaitcho, preceded by his standard-bearer, led the party and advanced with a slow and stately step to the door where mr. wentzel and i received him. the faces of the party were daubed with vermilion, the old men having a spot on the right cheek, the young ones on the left. akaitcho himself was not painted. on entering he sat down on a chest, the rest placed themselves in a circle on the floor. the pipe was passed once or twice round and in the meantime a bowl of spirits and water and a present considerable for our circumstances of cloth, blankets, capots, shirts, etc., was placed on the floor for the chief's acceptance and distribution amongst his people. akaitcho then commenced his speech but i regret to say that it was very discouraging and indicated that he had parted with his good humour, at least since his march visit. he first inquired whether, in the event of a passage by sea being discovered, we should come to his lands in any ship that might be sent? and being answered that it was probable but not quite certain that someone amongst us might come, he expressed a hope that some suitable present should be forwarded to himself and nation, "for" said he, "the great chief who commands where all the goods come from must see from the drawings and descriptions of us and our country that we are a miserable people." i assured him that he would be remembered, provided he faithfully fulfilled his engagement with us. he next complained of the non-payment of my notes by mr. weeks, from which he apprehended that his own reward would be withheld. "if," said he, "your notes to such a trifling amount are not accepted whilst you are within such a short distance and can hold communication with the fort, it is not probable that the large reward which has been promised to myself and party will be paid when you are far distant on your way to your own country. it really appears to me," he continued, "as if both the companies consider your party as a third company, hostile to their interests, and that neither of them will pay the notes you give to the indians." afterwards in the course of a long conference he enumerated many other grounds of dissatisfaction, the principal of which were our want of attention to him as chief, the weakness of the rum formerly sent to him, the smallness of the present now offered, and the want of the chief's clothing, which he had been accustomed to receive at fort providence every spring. he concluded by refusing to receive the goods now laid before him. in reply to these complaints it was stated that mr. weeks' conduct could not be properly discussed at such a distance from his fort, that no dependence ought to be placed on the vague reports that floated through the indian territory, that for our part, although we had heard many stories to his (akaitcho's) disadvantage, we discredited them all, that the rum we had sent him, being what the great men in england were accustomed to drink, was of a milder kind but in fact stronger than what he had been accustomed to receive, and that the distance we had come and the speed with which we travelled precluded us from bringing large quantities of goods like the traders, that this had been fully explained to him when he agreed to accompany us and that, in consideration of his not receiving his usual spring outfit, his debts to the company had been cancelled and a present, much greater than any he had ever received before, ordered to be got ready for his return. he was further informed that we were much disappointed in not receiving any dried meat from him, an article indispensable for our summer voyage and which he had led us to believe there was no difficulty in procuring, and that in fact his complaints were so groundless in comparison with the real injury we sustained from the want of supplies that we were led to believe they were preferred solely for the purpose of cloaking his own want of attention to the terms of his engagement. he then shifted his ground and stated that if we endeavoured to make a voyage along the sea-coast we should inevitably perish, and he advised us strongly against persisting in the attempt. this part of his harangue, being an exact transcript of the sentiments formerly expressed by our interpreters, induced us to conclude that they had prompted his present line of conduct by telling him that we had goods or rum concealed. he afterwards received a portion of our dinner in the manner he had been accustomed to do, and seemed inclined to make up matters with us in the course of the evening, provided we added to the present offered to him. being told however that this was impossible since we had already offered him all the rum we had and every article of goods we could spare from our own equipment his obstinacy was a little shaken, and he made some concessions but deferred giving a final answer until the arrival of humpy his elder brother. the young men however did not choose to wait so long and at night came for the rum, which we judged to be a great step towards a reconciliation. st. germain, the most intelligent of our two interpreters and the one who had most influence with the indians, being informed that their defection was in a great measure attributed to the unguarded conversations he had held with them, and which he had in part acknowledged, exerted himself much on the following day in bringing about a change in their sentiments and with some success. the young men, though they declined hunting, conducted themselves with the same good humour and freedom as formerly. akaitcho being as he said ashamed to show himself kept close in his tent all day. on the th one of the women who accompanied us from athabasca was sent down to fort providence under charge of the old chief who came some days before for medicine for his eyes. angelique and roulante, the other two women, having families, preferred accompanying the indians during their summer hunt. on the th clothing and other necessary articles were issued to the canadians as their equipment for the ensuing voyage. two or three blankets, some cloth, ironwork, and trinkets were reserved for distribution amongst the esquimaux on the sea-coast. laced dresses were given to augustus and junius. it is impossible to describe the joy that took possession of the latter on the receipt of this present. the happy little fellow burst into ecstatic laughter as he surveyed the different articles of his gay habiliments.* (*footnote. these men kept their dresses and delighted in them. an indian chief on the other hand only appears once before the donor in the dress of ceremony which he receives and then transfers it to some favourite in the tribe whom he desires to reward by this robe of honour.) in the afternoon humpy the leader's elder brother, annoethaiyazzeh, another of his brothers, and one of our guides arrived with the remainder of akaitcho's band; as also long-legs, brother to the hook, with three of his band. there were now in the encampment thirty hunters, thirty-one women, and sixty children, in all one hundred and twenty-one of the copper indian or red-knife tribe. the rest of the nation were with the hook on the lower part of the copper-mine river. annoethaiyazzeh is remarkable amongst the indians for the number of his descendants; he has eighteen children living by two wives, of whom sixteen were at the fort at this time. in the evening we had another formidable conference. the former complaints were reiterated and we parted about midnight without any satisfactory answer to my questions as to when akaitcho would proceed towards the river and where he meant to make provision for our march. i was somewhat pleased however to find that humpy and annoethaiyazzeh censured their brother's conduct and accused him of avarice. on the th the canoes were removed from the places where they had been deposited as we judged that the heat of the atmosphere was now so great as to admit of their being repaired without risk of cracking the bark. we were rejoiced to find that two of them had suffered little injury from the frost during the winter. the bark of the third was considerably rent but it was still capable of repair. the indians sat in conference in their tents all the morning and in the afternoon came into the house charged with fresh matter for discussion. soon after they had seated themselves and the room was filled with the customary volume of smoke from their calumets the goods which had been laid aside were again presented to the leader, but he at once refused to distribute so small a quantity amongst his men and complained that there were neither blankets, kettles, nor daggers amongst them, and in the warmth of his anger he charged mr. wentzel with having advised the distribution of all our goods to the canadians and thus defrauding the indians of what was intended for them. mr. wentzel of course immediately repelled this injurious accusation and reminded akaitcho again that he had been told on engaging to accompany us that he was not to expect any goods until his return. this he denied with an effrontery that surprised us all, when humpy, who was present at our first interview at fort providence, declared that he heard us say that no goods could be taken for the supply of the indians on the voyage; and the first guide added, "i do not expect anything here, i have promised to accompany the white people to the sea and i will therefore go, confidently relying upon receiving the stipulated reward on my return." akaitcho did not seem prepared to hear such declarations from his brothers and, instantly changing the subject, began to descant upon the treatment he had received from the traders in his concerns with them with an asperity of language that bore more the appearance of menace than complaint. i immediately refused to discuss this topic as foreign to our present business and desired akaitcho to recall to memory that he had told me on our first meeting that he considered me the father of every person attached to the expedition, in which character it was surely my duty to provide for the comfort and safety of the canadians as well as the indians. the voyagers, he knew, had a long journey to perform and would in all probability be exposed to much suffering from cold on a coast destitute of wood, and therefore required a greater provision of clothing than was necessary for the indians who, by returning immediately from the mouth of the river, would reach fort providence in august and obtain their promised rewards. most of the indians appeared to assent to this argument but akaitcho said, "i perceive the traders have deceived you; you should have brought more goods but i do not blame you." i then told him that i had brought from england only ammunition, tobacco, and spirits and that, being ignorant what other articles the indians required, we were dependent on the traders for supplies, but he must be aware that every endeavour had been used on our parts to procure them, as was evinced by mr. back's journey to fort chipewyan. with respect to the ammunition and tobacco we had been as much disappointed as themselves in not receiving them, but this was to be attributed to the neglect of those to whom they had been entrusted. this explanation seemed to satisfy him. after some minutes of reflection his countenance became more cheerful and he made inquiry whether his party might go to either of the trading posts they chose on their return, and whether the hudson's bay company were rich, for they had been represented to him as a poor people? i answered him that we really knew nothing about the wealth of either company, having never concerned ourselves with trade, but that all the traders appeared to us to be respectable. our thoughts i added are fixed solely on the accomplishment of the objects for which we came to the country. our success depends much on your furnishing us with provision speedily, that we may have all the summer to work and, if we succeed, a ship will soon bring goods in abundance to the mouth of the copper-mine river. the indians talked together for a short time after this conversation and then the leader made an application for two or three kettles and some blankets to be added to the present to his young men; we were unable to spare him any kettles but the officers promised to give a blanket each from their own beds. dinner was now brought in and relieved us for a time from their importunity. the leading men as usual received each a portion from the table. when the conversation was resumed the chief renewed his solicitations for goods, but it was now too palpable to be mistaken that he aimed at getting everything he possibly could and leaving us without the means of making any presents to the esquimaux or other indians we might meet. i resolved therefore on steadily refusing every request and, when he perceived that he could extort nothing more, he rose in an angry manner and, addressing his young men, said: "there are too few goods for me to distribute; those that mean to follow the white people to the sea may take them." this was an incautious speech as it rendered it necessary for his party to display their sentiments. the guides and most of the hunters declared their readiness to go and came forward to receive a portion of the present which was no inconsiderable assortment. this relieved a weight of anxiety from my mind and i did not much regard the leader's retiring in a very dissatisfied mood. the hunters then applied to mr. wentzel for ammunition that they might hunt in the morning and it was cheerfully given to them. the officers and men amused themselves at prison-bars and other canadian games till two o'clock in the morning, and we were happy to observe the indians sitting in groups enjoying the sport. we were desirous of filling up the leisure moments of the canadians with amusements, not only for the purpose of enlivening their spirits but also to prevent them from conversing upon our differences with the indians, which they must have observed. the exercise was also in a peculiar manner serviceable to mr. hood. ever ardent in his pursuits he had, through close attention to his drawings and other avocations, confined himself too much to the house in winter, and his health was impaired by his sedentary habits. i could only take the part of a spectator in these amusements, being still lame from the hurt formerly alluded to. the sun now sank for so short a time below the horizon that there was more light at midnight than we enjoyed on some days at noon in the wintertime. on the th the hunters brought in two reindeer. many of the indians attended divine service this day and were attentive spectators of our addresses to the almighty. on the th i had a conversation with long-legs whose arrival two days before has been mentioned. i acquainted him with the objects of our expedition and our desire of promoting peace between his nation and the esquimaux, and learned from him that his brother the hook was by this time on the copper-mine river with his party and that, although he had little ammunition, yet it was possible he might have some provision collected before our arrival at his tents. i then decorated him with a medal similar to those given to the other chiefs. he was highly pleased with this mark of our regard and promised to do everything for us in his power. akaitcho came in during the latter part of our conversation with a very cheerful countenance. jealousy of the hook and a knowledge that the sentiments of the young men differed from his own with respect to the recent discussions had combined to produce this change in his conduct, and next morning he took an opportunity of telling me that i must not think the worse of him for his importunities. it was their custom he said to do so however strange it might appear to us, and he as the leader of his party had to beg for them all; but as he saw we had not deceived him by concealing any of our goods and that we really had nothing left he should ask for no more. he then told me that he would set out for the river as soon as the state of the country admitted of travelling. the snow he remarked was still too deep for sledges to the northward and the moss too wet to make fires. he was seconded in this opinion by long-legs whom i was the more inclined to believe knowing that he was anxious to rejoin his family as soon as possible. akaitcho now accepted the dress he had formerly refused and next day clothed himself in another new suit which he had received from us in the autumn. ever since his arrival at the fort he had dressed meanly and pleaded poverty but, perceiving that nothing more could be gained by such conduct, he thought proper to show some of his riches to the strangers who were daily arriving. in the afternoon however he made another though a covert attack upon us. he informed me that two old men had just arrived at the encampment with a little pounded meat which they wished to barter. it was evident his intention was merely to discover whether we had any goods remaining or not. i told him that we had nothing at present to give for meat, however much we stood in need of it, but that we would pay for it by notes on the north-west company in any kind of goods they pleased. after much artful circumlocution and repeated assurances of the necessities of the men who owned the meat he introduced them and they readily agreed to give us the provision on our own terms. i have deemed it my duty to give the details of these tedious conversations to point out to future travellers the art with which these indians pursue their objects, their avaricious nature, and the little reliance that can be placed upon them when their interests jar with their promises. in these respects they agree with other tribes of northern indians but, as has been already mentioned, their dispositions are not cruel and their hearts are readily moved by the cry of distress. the average temperature for may was nearly degrees, the greatest heat was degrees, the lowest degrees. we had constant daylight at the end of the month and geese and ducks were abundant, indeed rather too much so for our hunters were apt to waste upon them the ammunition that was given to them for killing deer. uncertain as to the length of time that it might be required to last we did not deem a goose of equal value with the charge it cost to procure it. dr. richardson and mr. back having visited the country to the northward of the slave rock and reported that they thought we might travel over it i signified my intention of sending the first party off on monday the th of june. i was anxious to get the indians to move on before, but they lingered about the house, evidently with the intention of picking up such articles as we might deem unnecessary to take. when akaitcho was made acquainted with my purpose of sending away a party of men he came to inform me that he would appoint two hunters to accompany them and at the same time requested that dr. richardson or, as he called him, the medicine chief, might be sent with his own band. these indians set a great value upon medicine and made many demands upon dr. richardson on the prospect of his departure. he had to make up little packets of the different articles in his chest, not only for the leader but for each of the minor chiefs who carefully placed them in their medicine bags, noting in their memories the directions he gave for their use. the readiness with which their requests for medical assistance were complied with was considered by them as a strong mark of our good intentions towards them and the leader often remarked that they owed much to our kindness in that respect, that formerly numbers had died every year but that not a life had been lost since our arrival amongst them. in the present instance however the leader's request could not be complied with. dr. richardson had volunteered to conduct the first party to the copper-mine river whilst the rest of the officers remained with me to the last moment to complete our astronomical observations at the house. he therefore informed the leader that he would remain stationary at point lake until the arrival of the whole party, where he might be easily consulted if any of his people fell sick as it was in the neighbourhood of their hunting grounds. on the nd the stores were packed up in proper-sized bales for the journey. i had intended to send the canoes by the first party but they were not yet repaired, the weather not being sufficiently warm for the men to work constantly at them without the hazard of breaking the bark. this day one of the new trading guns which we had recently received from fort chipewyan burst in the hands of a young indian, fortunately however without doing him any material injury. this was the sixth accident of the kind which had occurred since our departure from slave lake. surely this deficiency in the quality of the guns, which hazards the lives of so many poor indians, requires the serious consideration of the principals of the trading companies. on the th at three in the morning the party under the charge of dr. richardson started. it consisted of fifteen voyagers, three of them conducting dog sledges, baldhead and basil, two indian hunters with their wives, akaiyazzeh a sick indian and his wife, together with angelique and roulante, so that the party amounted to twenty-three exclusive of children. the burdens of the men were about eighty pounds each, exclusive of their personal baggage which amounted to nearly as much more. most of them dragged their loads upon sledges but a few preferred carrying them on their backs. they set off in high spirits. after breakfast the indians struck their tents, and the women, the boys, and the old men who had to drag sledges, took their departure. it was three p.m. however before akaitcho and the hunters left us. we issued thirty balls to the leader and twenty to each of the hunters and guides with a proportionate quantity of powder, and gave them directions to make all the provision they could on their way to point lake. i then desired mr. wentzel to inform akaitcho in the presence of the other indians that i wished a deposit of provision to be made at this place previous to next september as a resource should we return this way. he and the guides not only promised to see this done but suggested that it would be more secure if placed in the cellar or in mr. wentzel's room. the dog-ribs, they said, would respect anything that was in the house as knowing it to belong to the white people. at the close of this conversation akaitcho exclaimed with a smile, "i see now that you have really no goods left (the rooms and stores being completely stripped) and therefore i shall not trouble you any more but use my best endeavours to prepare provision for you, and i think if the animals are tolerably numerous we may get plenty before you can embark on the river." whilst the indians were packing up this morning one of the women absconded. she belongs to the dog-rib tribe and had been taken by force from her relations by her present husband who treated her very harshly. the fellow was in my room when his mother announced the departure of his wife and received the intelligence with great composure as well as the seasonable reproof of akaitcho. "you are rightly served," said the chief to him, "and will now have to carry all your things yourself instead of having a wife to drag them." one hunter remained after the departure of the other indians. on the th the dog-rib woman presented herself on a hill at some distance from the house, but was afraid to approach us until the interpreter went and told her that neither we nor the indian who remained with us would prevent her from going where she pleased. upon this she came to solicit a fire-steel and kettle. she was at first low-spirited from the non-arrival of a countrywoman who had promised to elope with her, but had probably been too narrowly watched. the indian hunter however, having given her some directions as to the proper mode of joining her own tribe, she became more composed and ultimately agreed to adopt his advice of proceeding at once to fort providence instead of wandering about the country all summer in search of them at the imminent hazard of being starved. on the th the wind, shifting to the southward, dispersed the clouds which had obscured the sky for several days and produced a change of temperature under which the snow rapidly disappeared. the thermometer rose to degrees, many flies came forth, mosquitoes showed themselves for the first time, and one swallow made its appearance. we were the more gratified with these indications of summer that st. germain was enabled to commence the repair of the canoes, and before night had completed the two which had received the least injury. augustus killed two deer today. on the th the dip of the magnetic needle, being observed, showed a decrease of minutes seconds since last autumn. the repairs of the third canoe were finished this evening. the snow was now confined to the bases of the hills and our indian hunter told us the season was early. the operations of nature however seemed to us very tardy. we were eager to be gone and dreaded the lapse of summer before the indians would allow it had begun. on the th the geese and ducks had left the vicinity of fort enterprise and proceeded to the northward. some young ravens and whiskey-johns made their appearance at this time. on the th winter river was nearly cleared of ice and on the th the men returned, having left dr. richardson on the borders of point lake. dr. richardson informed me by letter that the snow was deeper in many parts near his encampment than it had been at any time last winter near fort enterprise, and that the ice on point lake had scarcely begun to decay. although the voyagers were much fatigued on their arrival, and had eaten nothing for the last twenty-four hours, they were very cheerful and expressed a desire to start with the remainder of the stores next morning. the dog-rib woman, who had lingered about the house since the th of june, took alarm at the approach of our men, thinking perhaps that they were accompanied by indians, and ran off. she was now provided with a hatchet, kettle, and fire-steel, and would probably go at once to fort providence in the expectation of meeting with some of her countrymen before the end of summer. chapter .* (*footnote. it will be seen hereafter that i had the misfortune to lose my portfolio containing my journals from fort enterprise to the th of september. but the loss has been amply redeemed by my brother officers' journals from which the narrative up to that period has been chiefly compiled.) departure from fort enterprise. navigation of the copper-mine river. visit to the copper mountain. interview with the esquimaux. departure of the indian hunters. arrangements made with them for our return. departure from fort enterprise. june , . the trains for the canoes having been finished during the night the party attached to them commenced their journey at ten this morning. each canoe was dragged by four men assisted by two dogs. they took the route of winter lake with the intention of following, although more circuitous, the watercourse as far as practicable, it being safer for the canoes than travelling overland. after their departure the remaining stores, the instruments, and our small stock of dried meat, amounting only to eighty pounds, were distributed equally among hepburn, three canadians, and the two esquimaux; with this party and two indian hunters we quitted fort enterprise, most sincerely rejoicing that the long-wished-for day had arrived when we were to proceed towards the final object of the expedition. we left in one of the rooms a box containing a journal of the occurrences up to this date, the charts and some drawings, which was to be conveyed to fort chipewyan by mr. wentzel on his return from the sea and thence to be sent to england. the room was blocked up and, by the advice of mr. wentzel, a drawing representing a man holding a dagger in a threatening attitude was affixed to the door to deter any indians from breaking it open. we directed our course towards the dog-rib rock but, as our companions were loaded with the weight of near one hundred and eighty pounds each, we of necessity proceeded at a slow pace. the day was extremely warm and the mosquitoes, whose attacks had hitherto been feeble, issued forth in swarms from the marshes and were very tormenting. having walked five miles we encamped near a small cluster of pines about two miles from the dog-rib rock. the canoe party had not been seen since they set out. our hunters went forward to marten lake, intending to wait for us at a place where two deer were deposited. at nine p.m. the temperature of the air was degrees. we resumed our march at an early hour and crossed several lakes which lay in our course as the ice enabled the men to drag their burdens on trains formed of sticks and deers' horns with more ease than they could carry them on their backs. we were kept constantly wet by this operation as the ice had broken near the shores of the lakes but this was little regarded as the day was unusually warm, the temperature at two p.m. being at / degrees. at marten lake we joined the canoe party and encamped with them. we had the mortification of learning from our hunters that the meat they had put en cache here had been destroyed by the wolverines, and we had in consequence to furnish the supper from our scanty stock of dried meat. the wind changed from south-east to north-east in the evening and the weather became very cold, the thermometer being at degrees at nine p.m. the few dwarf birches we could collect afforded fire insufficient to keep us warm and we retired under the covering of our blankets as soon as the supper was despatched. the north-east breeze rendered the night so extremely cold that we procured but little sleep, having neither fire nor shelter for, though we carried our tents, we had been forced to leave the tent-poles which we could not now replace; we therefore gladly recommenced the journey at five in the morning and travelled through the remaining part of the lake on the ice. its surface being quite smooth the canoes were dragged along expeditiously by the dogs, and the rest of the party had to walk very quick to keep pace with them, which occasioned many severe falls. by the time we had reached the end of the lake the wind had increased to a perfect gale and the atmosphere was so cold that we could not proceed farther with the canoes without the risk of breaking the bark and seriously injuring them; we therefore crossed winter river in them and put up in a well-sheltered place on a ridge of sandhills but, as the stock of provision was scanty, we determined on proceeding as quick as possible and leaving the canoe party under the charge of mr. wentzel. we parted from them in the afternoon, and first directed our course towards a range of hills where we expected to find antonio fontano, who had separated from us in the morning. in crossing towards these hills i fell through the ice into the lake with my bundle on my shoulders but was soon extricated without any injury, and mr. back, who left us to go in search of the straggler, met with a similar accident in the evening. we put up on a ridge of sandhills where we found some pines, and made a large fire to apprise mr. back and fontano of our position. st. germain having killed a deer in the afternoon we received an acceptable supply of meat. the night was stormy and very cold. at five the next morning our men were sent in different directions after our absent companions, but as the weather was foggy we despaired of finding them unless they should chance to hear the muskets our people were desired to fire. they returned however at ten, bringing intelligence of them. i went immediately with hepburn to join mr. back and directed mr. hood to proceed with the canadians and halt with them at the spot where the hunters had killed a deer. though mr. back was much fatigued he set off with me immediately, and in the evening we rejoined our friends on the borders of the big lake. the indians informed us that fontano only remained a few hours with them and then continued his journey. we had to oppose a violent gale and frequent snowstorms through the day, which unseasonable weather caused the temperature to descend below the freezing-point this evening. the situation of our encampment being bleak, and our fuel stunted green willows, we passed a very cold and uncomfortable night. june . though the breeze was moderate this morning the air was piercingly keen. when on the point of starting we perceived mr. wentzel's party coming, and awaited his arrival to learn whether the canoes had received any injury during the severe weather of yesterday. finding they had not we proceeded to get upon the ice on the lake, which could not be effected without walking up to the waist in water for some distance from its borders. we had not the command of our feet in this situation and the men fell often; poor junius broke through the ice with his heavy burden on his back but fortunately was not hurt. this lake is extensive and large arms branch from its main course in different directions. at these parts we crossed the projecting points of land and on each occasion had to wade as before, which so wearied everyone that we rejoiced when we reached its north side and encamped, though our resting-place was a bare rock. we had the happiness of finding fontano at this place. the poor fellow had passed the three preceding days without tasting food and was exhausted by anxiety and hunger. his sufferings were considered to have been a sufficient punishment for his imprudent conduct in separating from us, and i only admonished him to be more cautious in future. having received information that the hunters had killed a deer we sent three men to fetch the meat, which was distributed between our party and the canoe-men who had been encamped near to us. the thermometer at three p.m. was degrees, at nine degrees. we commenced the following day by crossing a lake about four miles in length and then passed over a succession of rugged hills for nearly the same distance. the men, being anxious to reach some pine-trees which they had seen on their former journey, walked at a quick pace though they were suffering from swelled legs and rheumatic pains; we could not however attain the desired point and therefore encamped on the declivity of a hill which sheltered us from the wind, and used the reindeer moss for fuel, which afforded us more warmth than we expected. several patches of snow were yet remaining on the surrounding hills. the thermometer varied today between and degrees. on the th of june we began our march by crossing a small lake, not without much risk as the surface of the ice was covered with water to the depth of two feet and there were many holes into which we slipped in spite of our efforts to avoid them. a few of the men, being fearful of attempting the traverse with their heavy loads, walked round the eastern end of the lake. the parties met on the sandy ridge which separates the streams that fall into winter lake from those that flow to the northward; and here we killed three deer. near the base of this ridge we crossed a small but rapid stream in which there is a remarkable cascade of about fifty feet. some indians joined us here and gave information respecting the situation of dr. richardson's tent, which our hunters considered was sufficient for our guidance, and therefore proceeded as quickly as they could. we marched a few miles farther in the evening and encamped among some pines; but the comfort of a good fire did not compensate for the torment we suffered from the host of mosquitoes at this spot. the temperature was degrees. we set off next morning at a very early hour. the men took the course of point lake that they might use their sledges, but the officers pursued the nearest route by land to dr. richardson's tent, which we reached at eleven a.m. it was on the western side of an arm of the lake and near the part through which the copper-mine river runs. our men arrived soon after us and in the evening mr. wentzel and his party, with the canoes in excellent condition. they were much jaded by their fatiguing journey and several were lame from swellings of the lower extremities. the ice on the lake was still six or seven feet thick and there was no appearance of its decay except near the edges and, as it was evident that, by remaining here until it should be removed, we might lose every prospect of success in our undertaking, i determined on dragging our stores along its surface until we should come to a part of the river where we could embark, and directions were given this evening for each man to prepare a train for the conveyance of his portion of the stores. i may remark here, as a proof of the strong effect of radiation from the earth in melting the ice, that the largest holes in the ice were always formed at the base of the high and steep cliffs which abound on the borders of this lake. we found akaitcho and the hunters encamped here but their families and the rest of the tribe had gone off two days before to the bethseeto, a large lake to the northward where they intended passing the summer. long-legs and keskarrah had departed to desire the hook to collect as much meat as he could against our arrival at his lodge. we were extremely distressed to learn from dr. richardson that akaitcho and his party had expended all the ammunition they had received at fort enterprise without having contributed any supply of provision. the doctor had however, through the assistance of two hunters he kept with him, prepared two hundred pounds of dried meat, which was now our sole dependence for the journey. on the following morning i represented to akaitcho that we had been greatly disappointed by his conduct which was so opposite to the promise of exertion he had made on quitting fort enterprise. he offered many excuses but, finding they were not satisfactory, admitted that the greater part of the ammunition had been given to those who accompanied the women to the bethseeto, and promised to behave better in future. i then told him that i intended in future to give them ammunition only in proportion to the meat which was brought in, and that we should commence upon that plan by supplying him with fifteen balls, and each of the hunters with ten. the number of our hunters was now reduced to five as two of the most active declined going any farther, their father, who thought himself dying, having solicited them to remain and close his eyes. these five were furnished with ammunition and sent forward to hunt on the south border of the lake, with directions to place any meat they might procure near the edge of the lake and set up marks to guide us to the spots. akaitcho, his brother, the guide, and three other men remained to accompany us. we were much surprised to perceive an extraordinary difference in climate in so short an advance to the northward as fifty miles. the snow here was lying in large patches on the hills. the dwarf-birch and willows were only just beginning to open their buds which had burst forth at fort enterprise many days before our departure. vegetation seemed to be three weeks or a month later here than at that place. we had heavy showers of rain through the night of the nd which melted the snow and visibly wasted the ice. on the rd the men were busily employed in making their trains and in pounding the meat for pemmican. the situation of the encampment was ascertained latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, and the variation degrees minutes seconds east. the arrangements being completed we purposed commencing our journey next morning, but the weather was too stormy to venture upon the lake with the canoes. in the afternoon a heavy fall of snow took place, succeeded by sleet and rain. the north-east gale continued but the thermometer rose to degrees. june . the wind having abated in the night we prepared for starting at an early hour. the three canoes were mounted on sledges and nine men were appointed to conduct them, having the assistance of two dogs to each canoe. the stores and provisions were distributed equally among the rest of our men, except a few small articles which the indians carried. the provision consisted of only two bags of pemmican, two of pounded meat, five of suet, and two small bundles of dried provision, together with fresh meat sufficient for our supper at night. it was gratifying to witness the readiness with which the men prepared for and commenced a journey which threatened to be so very laborious, as each of them had to drag upwards of one hundred and eighty pounds on his sledge. our course led down the main channel of the lake, which varied in breadth from half a mile to three miles; but we proceeded at a slow pace as the snow which fell last night and still lay on the ice very much impeded the sledges. many extensive arms branched off on the north side of this channel and it was bounded on the south by a chain of lofty islands. the hills on both sides rose to six or seven hundred feet and high steep cliffs were numerous. clusters of pines were occasionally seen in the valleys. we put up at eight p.m. in a spot which afforded us but a few twigs for fuel. the party was much fatigued and several of the men were affected by an inflammation on the inside of the thigh attended with hardness and swelling. the distance made today was six miles. we started at ten next morning. the day was extremely hot and the men were soon jaded; their lameness increased very much and some not previously affected began to complain. the dogs too showed symptoms of great weakness, and one of them stretched himself obstinately on the ice and was obliged to be released from the harness. we were therefore compelled to encamp at an early hour, having come only four miles. the sufferings of the people in this early stage of our journey were truly discouraging to them and very distressing to us, whose situation was comparatively easy. i therefore determined on leaving the third canoe which had been principally carried to provide against any accident to the others. we should thus gain three men to lighten the loads of those who were most lame, and an additional dog for each of the other canoes. it was accordingly properly secured on a stage erected for the purpose near the encampment. dried meat was issued for supper but in the course of the evening the indians killed two deer for which we immediately sent. the channel of the lake through which we had passed today was bounded on both sides by islands of considerable height, presenting bold and rugged scenery. we were informed by our guide that a large body of the lake lies to the northward of a long island which we passed. another deer was killed next morning but, as the men breakfasted off it before they started, the additional weight was not materially felt. the burdens of the men being considerably lightened by the arrangements of last evening, the party walked at the rate of one mile and three-quarters an hour until the afternoon, when our pace was slackened as the ice was more rough and our lame companions felt their sores very galling. at noon we passed a deep bay on the south side which is said to receive a river. throughout the day's march the hills on each side of the lake bore a strong resemblance in height and form to those about fort enterprise. we encamped on the north main shore among some spruce trees, having walked eight miles and a half. three or four fish were caught with lines through holes which the water had worn in the ice. we perceived a light westerly current at these places. it rained heavily during the night and this was succeeded by a dense fog on the morning of the th. being short of provisions we commenced our journey though the points of land were not discernible beyond a short distance. the surface of the ice, being honeycombed by the recent rains, presented innumerable sharp points which tore our shoes and lacerated the feet at every step. the poor dogs too marked their path with their blood. navigation of the copper-mine river. in the evening the atmosphere became clear and at five p.m. we reached the rapid by which point lake communicates with red-rock lake. this rapid is only one hundred yards wide and we were much disappointed at finding the copper-mine river such an inconsiderable stream. the canoes descended the rapid but the cargoes were carried across the peninsula and placed again on the sledges as the next lake was still frozen. we passed an extensive arm branching to the eastward, and encamped just below it on the western bank among spruce pines, having walked six miles of direct distance. the rolled stones on the beach are principally red clay slate, hence its indian appellation which we have retained. we continued our journey at the usual hour next morning. at noon the variation was observed to be degrees east. our attention was afterwards directed to some pine branches scattered on the ice which proved to be marks placed by our hunters to guide us to the spot where they had deposited the carcasses of two small deer. this supply was very seasonable and the men cheerfully dragged the additional weight. akaitcho, judging from the appearance of the meat, thought it had been placed here three days ago and that the hunters were considerably in advance. we put up at six p.m. near the end of the lake, having come twelve miles and three-quarters, and found the channel open by which it is connected with the rock-nest lake. a river was pointed out bearing south from our encampment, which is said to rise near great marten lake. red-rock lake is in general narrow, its shelving banks are well clothed with wood and even the hills, which attain an elevation of four hundred or five hundred feet, are ornamented halfway up with stunted pines. on june the men, having gummed the canoes, embarked with their burdens to descend the river; but we accompanied the indians about five miles across a neck of land, when we also embarked. the river was about two hundred yards wide and, its course being uninterrupted, we cherished a sanguine hope of now getting on more speedily, until we perceived that the waters of rock-nest lake were still bound by ice and that recourse must again be had to the sledges. the ice was much decayed and the party were exposed to great risk of breaking through in making the traverse. in one part we had to cross an open channel in the canoes, and in another were compelled to quit the lake and make a portage along the land. when the party had got upon the ice again our guide evinced much uncertainty as to the route. he first directed us towards the west end of the lake but, when we had nearly gained that point, he discovered a remarkable rock to the north-east, named by the indians the rock-nest, and then recollected that the river ran at its base. our course was immediately changed to that direction, but the traverse we had then to make was more dangerous than the former one. the ice cracked under us at every step and the party were obliged to separate widely to prevent accidents. we landed at the first point we could approach but, having found an open channel close to the shore, were obliged to ferry the goods across on pieces of ice. the fresh meat being expended we had to make another inroad on our pounded meat. the evening was very warm and the mosquitoes numerous. a large fire was made to apprise the hunters of our advance. the scenery of rock-nest lake is picturesque, its shores are rather low except at the rock-nest, and two or three eminences on the eastern side. the only wood is the pine which is twenty or thirty feet high and about one foot in diameter. our distance today was six miles. july . our guide directed us to proceed towards a deep bay on the north side of the lake where he supposed we should find the river. in consequence of the bad state of the ice we employed all the different modes of travelling we had previously followed in attaining this place and, in crossing a point of land, had the misfortune to lose one of the dogs, which set off in pursuit of some reindeer. arriving at the bay we only found a stream that fell into it from the north-east and looked in vain for the copper-mine river. this circumstance confused the guide and he confessed that he was now doubtful of the proper route; we therefore halted and despatched him with two men to look for the river from the top of the high hills near the rock-nest. during this delay a slight injury was repaired which one of the canoes had received. we were here amused by the sight of a wolf chasing two reindeer on the ice. the pursuer, being alarmed at the sight of our men, gave up the chase when near to the hindmost, much to our regret for we were calculating upon the chance of sharing in his capture. at four p.m. our men returned with the agreeable information that they had seen the river flowing at the base of the rock-nest. the canoes and stores were immediately placed on the ice and dragged thither; we then embarked but soon had to cut through a barrier of drift ice that blocked up the way. we afterwards descended two strong rapids and encamped near the discharge of a small stream which flows from an adjoining lake. the copper-mine river at this point is about two hundred yards wide and ten feet deep, and flows very rapidly over a rocky bottom. the scenery of its banks is picturesque, the hills shelve to the waterside and are well covered with wood, and the surface of the rocks is richly ornamented with lichens. the indians say that the same kind of country prevails as far as mackenzie's river in this parallel, but that the land to the eastward is perfectly barren. akaitcho and one of the indians killed two deer which were immediately sent for. two of the hunters arrived in the night and we learned that their companions, instead of being in advance as we supposed, were staying at the place where we first found the river open. they had only seen our fires last evening and had sent to examine who we were. the circumstance of having passed them was very vexatious as they had three deer en cache at their encampment. however an indian was sent to desire those who remained to join us and bring the meat. we embarked at nine a.m. on july nd and descended a succession of strong rapids for three miles. we were carried along with extraordinary rapidity, shooting over large stones upon which a single stroke would have been destructive to the canoes; and we were also in danger of breaking them, from the want of the long poles which lie along their bottoms and equalise their cargoes, as they plunged very much, and on one occasion the first canoe was almost filled with the waves. but there was no receding after we had once launched into the stream, and our safety depended on the skill and dexterity of the bowmen and steersmen. the banks of the river here are rocky and the scenery beautiful, consisting of gentle elevations and dales wooded to the edge of the stream and flanked on both sides at the distance of three or four miles by a range of round-backed barren hills, upwards of six hundred feet high. at the foot of the rapids the high lands recede to a greater distance and the river flows with a more gentle current in a wider channel through a level and open country consisting of alluvial sand. in one place the passage was blocked up by drift ice still deeply covered with snow. a channel for the canoes was made for some distance with the hatchets and poles but, on reaching the more compact part, we were under the necessity of transporting the canoes and cargoes across it, an operation of much hazard as the snow concealed the numerous holes which the water had made in the ice. this expansion of the river being mistaken by the guide for a lake which he spoke of as the last on our route to the sea, we supposed that we should have no more ice to cross, and therefore encamped after passing through it, to fit the canoes properly for the voyage and to provide poles, which are not only necessary to strengthen them when placed in the bottom, but essentially requisite for the safe management of them in dangerous rapids. the guide began afterwards to doubt whether the lake he meant was not farther on, and he was sent with two men to examine into the fact, who returned in the evening with the information of its being below us but that there was an open channel through it. this day was very sultry and several plants appeared in flower. the men were employed in repairing their canoes to a late hour and commenced very early next morning as we were desirous of availing ourselves of every part of this favourable weather. the hunters arrived in the course of the night. it appeared that the dog which escaped from us two days ago came into the vicinity of their encampment, howling piteously; seeing him without his harness they came to the hasty conclusion that our whole party had perished in a rapid and, throwing away part of their baggage and leaving the meat behind them, they set off with the utmost haste to join long-legs. our messenger met them in their flight but too far advanced to admit of their returning for the meat. akaitcho scolded them heartily for their thoughtlessness in leaving the meat, which we so much wanted. they expressed their regret and, being ashamed of their panic, proposed to remedy the evil as much as possible by going forward without stopping until they came to a favourable spot for hunting, which they expected to do about thirty or forty miles below our present encampment. akaitcho accompanied them but previous to setting off he renewed his charge that we should be on our guard against the bears, which was occasioned by the hunters having fired at one is morning as they were descending a rapid in their canoe. as their small canoes would only carry five persons two of the hunters had to walk in turns along the banks. in our rambles round the encampment we witnessed with pleasure the progress which vegetation had made within the few last warm days; most of the trees had put forth their leaves and several flowers ornamented the moss-covered ground; many of the smaller summer birds were observed in the woods, and a variety of ducks, gulls, and plovers, sported on the banks of the river. it is about three hundred yards wide at this part, is deep and flows over a bed of alluvial sand. we caught some trout of considerable size with our lines, and a few white-fish in the nets, which maintained us with a little assistance from the pemmican. the repair of our canoes was completed this evening. before embarking i issued an order that no rapid should in future be descended until the bowman had examined it and decided upon its being safe to run. wherever the least danger was to be apprehended or the crew had to disembark for the purpose of lightening the canoe, the ammunition, guns, and instruments were always to be put out and carried along the bank, that we might be provided with the means of subsisting ourselves in case of any accident befalling the canoes. the situation of our encampment was ascertained to be degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, and the variation degrees minutes seconds east. at four in the morning of july th we embarked and descended a succession of very agitated rapids, but took the precaution of landing the articles mentioned yesterday wherever there appeared any hazard; notwithstanding all our precautions the leading canoe struck with great force against a stone and the bark was split, but this injury was easily repaired and we regretted only the loss of time. at eleven we came to an expansion of the river where the current ran with less force and an accumulation of drift ice had in consequence barred the channel; over this the canoes and cargoes were carried. the ice in many places adhered to the banks and projected in wide ledges several feet thick over the stream, which had hollowed them out beneath. on one occasion as the people were embarking from one of these ledges it suddenly gave way and three men were precipitated into the water but were rescued without further damage than a sound ducking, and the canoe fortunately (and narrowly) escaped being crushed. perceiving one of the indians sitting on the east bank of the river we landed and, having learned from him that akaitcho and the hunters had gone in pursuit of a herd of musk-oxen, we encamped, having come twenty-four miles and a half. in the afternoon they brought us the agreeable intelligence of having killed eight cows, of which four were full-grown. all the party were immediately despatched to bring in this seasonable supply. a young cow, irritated by the firing of the hunters, ran down to the river and passed close to me when walking at a short distance from the tents. i fired and wounded it, when the animal instantly turned and ran at me, but i avoided its fury by jumping aside and getting upon an elevated piece of ground. in the meantime some people came from the tents and it took to flight. the musk-oxen, like the buffalo, herd together in bands and generally frequent the barren grounds during the summer months, keeping near the rivers, but retire to the woods in winter. they seem to be less watchful than most other wild animals and, when grazing, are not difficult to approach provided the hunters go against the wind; when two or three men get so near a herd as to fire at them from different points these animals, instead of separating or running away, huddle closer together and several are generally killed; but if the wound is not mortal they become enraged and dart in the most furious manner at the hunters, who must be very dextrous to evade them. they can defend themselves by their powerful horns against the wolves and bears which, as the indians say, they not unfrequently kill. the musk-oxen feed on the same substances with the reindeer, and the prints of the feet of these two animals are so much alike that it requires the eye of an experienced hunter to distinguish them. the largest killed by us did not exceed in weight three hundred pounds. the flesh has a musky disagreeable flavour, particularly when the animal is lean which, unfortunately for us, was the case with all that we now killed. during this day's march the river varied in breadth from one hundred to two hundred feet, and except in two open spaces a very strong current marked a deep descent the whole way. it flows over a bed of gravel, of which also its immediate banks are composed. near to our encampment it is bounded by cliffs of fine sand from one hundred to two hundred feet high. sandy plains extend on a level with the summit of these cliffs, and at the distance of six or seven miles are terminated by ranges of hills eight hundred or one thousand feet high. the grass on these plains affords excellent pasturage for the musk-oxen and they generally abound here. the hunters added two more to our stock in the course of the night. as we had now more meat than the party could consume fresh we delayed our voyage next day to dry it. the hunters were supplied with more ammunition and sent forward; but akaitcho, his brother, and another indian remained with us. it may here be proper to mention that the officers had treated akaitcho more distantly since our departure from point lake, to mark their opinion of his misconduct. the diligence in hunting however which he had evinced at this place induced us to receive him more familiarly when he came to the tent this evening. during our conversation he endeavoured to excite suspicions in our minds against the hook by saying, "i am aware that you consider me the worst man of my nation; but i know the hook to be a great rogue and i think he will disappoint you." on the morning of the th we embarked and descended a series of rapids, having twice unloaded the canoes where the water was shallow. after passing the mouth of the fairy lake river* the rapids ceased. the main stream was then about three hundred yards wide and generally deep, though in one part the channel was interrupted by several sandy banks and low alluvial islands covered with willows. it flows between banks of sand thinly wooded and as we advanced the barren hills approached the water's edge. (*footnote. this is an indian name. the northern indian fairies are six inches high, lead a life similar to the indians, and are excellent hunters. those who have had the good fortune to fall in with their tiny encampments have been kindly treated and regaled on venison. we did not learn with certainty whether the existence of these delightful creatures is known from indian tradition or whether the indians own their knowledge of them to their intercourse with the traders, but think the former probable.) at ten we rejoined our hunters who had killed a deer and halted to breakfast. we sent them forward; one of them who was walking along the shore afterwards fired upon two brown bears and wounded one of them, which instantly turned and pursued him. his companions in the canoes put ashore to his assistance but did not succeed in killing the bears, which fled upon the reinforcement coming up. during the delay thus occasioned we overtook them and they continued with us the rest of the day. we encamped at the foot of a lofty range of mountains which appear to be from twelve to fifteen hundred feet high; they are in general round-backed but the outline is not even, being interrupted by craggy conical eminences. this is the first ridge of hills we have seen in this country that deserves the appellation of a mountain range; it is probably a continuation of the stony mountains crossed by hearne. many plants appeared in full flower near the tents and dr. richardson gathered some high up on the hills. the distance we made today was fifty miles. there was a hoar frost in the night and the temperature at four next morning was degrees: embarking at that hour we glided quickly down the stream and by seven arrived at the hook's encampment which was placed on the summit of a lofty sand cliff whose base was washed by the river. this chief had with him only three hunters and a few old men and their families, the rest of the band having remained at their snares in bear lake. his brother long-legs and our guide keskarrah, who had joined him three days before, had communicated to him our want of provision, and we were happy to find that, departing from the general practice of indian chiefs, he entered at once upon the business without making a long speech. as an introductory mark of our regard i decorated him with a medal similar to those which had been given to the other leaders. the hook began by stating that he was aware of our being destitute of provision, and of the great need we had of an ample stock to enable us to execute our undertaking, and his regret that the unusual scarcity of animals this season, together with the circumstance of his having only just received a supply of ammunition from fort providence, had prevented him from collecting the quantity of meat he had wished to do for our use. "the amount indeed," he said, "is very small, but i will cheerfully give you what i have: we are too much indebted to the white people to allow them to want food on our lands whilst we have any to give them. our families can live on fish until we can procure more meat, but the season is too short to allow of your delaying to gain subsistence in that manner." he immediately desired aloud that the women should bring all the meat they had to us; and we soon collected sufficient to make three bags and a half of pemmican, besides some dried meat and tongues. we were truly delighted by this prompt and cheerful behaviour and would gladly have rewarded the kindness of himself and his companions by some substantial present, but we were limited by the scantiness of our store to a small donation of fifteen charges of ammunition to each of the chiefs. in return for the provision they accepted notes on the north-west company to be paid at fort providence, and to these was subjoined an order for a few articles of clothing as an additional present. i then endeavoured to prevail upon the hook to remain in this vicinity with his hunters until the autumn, and to make deposits of provision in different parts of the course to the sea as a resource for our party, in the event of our being compelled to return by this route. he required time however to consider this matter, and promised to give me an answer next day. i was rejoiced to find him then prepared to meet my wish and the following plan was agreed upon: as the animals abound at all times on the borders of bear lake he promised to remain on the east side of it until the month of november, at that spot which is nearest to the copper-mine river, from whence there is a communication by a chain of lakes and portages. there the principal deposit of provision was to be made, but during the summer the hunters were to be employed in putting up supplies of dried meat at convenient distances, not only along the communication from this river, but also upon its banks as far down as the copper mountain. they were also to place particular marks to guide our course to their lodges. we contracted to pay them liberally, whether we returned by this way or not; if we did they were to accompany us to fort providence to receive the reward, and at any rate i promised to send the necessary documents by mr. wentzel from the sea-coast to ensure them an ample remuneration. with this arrangement they were perfectly satisfied and we could not be less so, knowing they had every motive for fulfilling their promises, as the place they had chosen to remain at is their usual hunting ground. the uncommon anxiety these chiefs expressed for our safety appeared to us likely to prompt them to every care and attention, and i record their expressions with gratitude. after representing the numerous hardships we should have to encounter in the strongest manner, though in language similar to what we had often heard from our friend akaitcho, they earnestly entreated we would be constantly on our guard against the treachery of the esquimaux, and no less forcibly desired we would not proceed far along the coast, as they dreaded the consequences of our being exposed to a tempestuous sea in canoes, and having to endure the cold of the autumn on a shore destitute of fuel. the hook having been an invalid for several years rejoiced at the opportunity of consulting dr. richardson, who immediately gave him advice and supplied him with medicine. the pounded meat and fat were converted into pemmican preparatory to our voyage. the result of our observations at the hook's encampment was latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation of the compass degrees minutes seconds east. we embarked at eleven to proceed on our journey. akaitcho and his brother the guide being in the first canoe and old keskarrah in the other. we wished to dispense with the further attendance of two guides and made a proposition that either of them might remain here, but neither would relinquish the honour of escorting the expedition to the sea. one of our hunters however was less eager for this distinction and preferred remaining with green-stockings, keskarrah's fascinating daughter. the other four, with the little singer accompanied us, two of them conducting their small canoes in turns and the rest walking along the beach. the river flows over a bed of sand and winds in an uninterrupted channel of from three-quarters to a mile broad between two ranges of hills, which are pretty even in their outline and round-backed, but having rather steep acclivities. the immediate borders of the stream consist either of high banks of sand or steep gravel cliffs and sometimes, where the hills recede to a little distance, the intervening space is occupied by high sandy ridges. at three p.m., after passing along the foot of a high range of hills, we arrived at the portage leading to the bear lake, to which we have previously alluded. its position is very remarkable, being at the most westerly part of the copper-mine river and at the point where it resumes a northern course and forces a passage through the lofty ridge of mountains to which it has run parallel for the last thirty miles. as the indians travel from hence with their families in three days to the point where they have proposed staying for us, the distance i think cannot exceed forty miles and, admitting the course to be due west, which is the direction the guide pointed, it would place the eastern part of bear lake in / degrees west longitude. beyond this spot the river is diminished in breadth and a succession of rapids are formed but, as the water was deep, we passed through them without discharging any part of the cargoes. it still runs between high ranges of mountains, though its actual boundaries are banks of mud mixed with clay which are clothed with stunted pines. we picked up a deer which the hunters had shot and killed another from the canoe, and also received an addition to our stock of provision of seven young geese which the hunters had beaten down with their sticks. about six p.m. we perceived a mark on the shore which on examination was found to have been recently put up by some indians: and on proceeding farther we discerned stronger proofs of their vicinity; we therefore encamped and made a large fire as a signal which they answered in a similar way. mr. wentzel was immediately sent in expectation of getting provision from them. on his return we learned that the party consisted of three old copper indians with their families, who had supported themselves with the bow and arrow since last autumn, not having visited fort providence for more than a year, and so successful had they been that they were enabled to supply us with upwards of seventy pounds of dried meat, and six moose skins fit for making shoes, which were the more valuable as we were apprehensive of being barefooted before the journey could be completed. the evening was sultry and the mosquitoes appeared in great numbers. the distance made today was twenty-five miles. on the following morning we went down to these indians and delivered to them notes on the north-west company for the meat and skins they had furnished, and we had then the mortification of learning that, not having people to carry a considerable quantity of pounded meat which they intended for us, they had left it upon the bear lake portage. they promised however to get it conveyed to the banks of this river before we could return and we rewarded them with a present of knives and files. after reembarking we continued to descend the river which was now contracted between lofty banks to about one hundred and twenty yards wide; the current was very strong. at eleven we came to a rapid which had been the theme of discourse with the indians for many days, and which they had described to us as impassable in canoes. the river here descends for three-quarters of a mile in a deep but narrow and crooked channel which it has cut through the foot of a hill of five hundred or six hundred feet high. it is confined between perpendicular cliffs resembling stone walls, varying in height from eighty to one hundred and fifty feet, on which lies a mass of fine sand. the body of the river pent within this narrow chasm dashed furiously round the projecting rocky columns and discharged itself at the northern extremity in a sheet of foam. the canoes, after being lightened of part of their cargoes, ran through this defile without sustaining any injury. accurate sketches of this interesting scene were taken by messrs. back and hood. soon after passing this rapid we perceived the hunters running up the east side of the river to prevent us from disturbing a herd of musk-oxen which they had observed grazing on the opposite bank; we put them across and they succeeded in killing six, upon which we encamped for the purpose of drying the meat. the country below the rocky defile rapid consists of sandy plains, broken by small conical eminences also of sand, and bounded to the westward by a continuation of the mountain chain which we had crossed at the bear lake portage, and to the eastward and northward at the distance of twelve miles by the copper mountains, which mr. hearne visited. the plains are crowned by several clumps of moderately large spruces about thirty feet high. this evening the indians made a large fire as a signal to the hook's party that we had passed the terrific rapid in safety. the position of our encampment was ascertained to be latitude degrees minute seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation of the compass degrees minutes seconds east, dip of the needle degrees minutes seconds. some thundershowers retarded the drying of the meat and our embarkation was delayed till the next day. the hunters were sent forward to hunt at the copper mountains under the superintendence of adam the interpreter who received strict injunctions not to permit them to make any large fires lest they should alarm straggling parties of the esquimaux. the mosquitoes were now very numerous and annoying but we consoled ourselves with the hope that their season would be short. visit to the copper mountain. on the th we started at three a.m. and, as the guide had represented the river below our encampment to be full of shoals, some of the men were directed to walk along the shore, but they were assailed so violently by the mosquitoes as to be compelled to embark very soon; and we afterwards passed over the shallow parts by the aid of the poles without experiencing much interruption. the current ran very rapidly, having been augmented by the waters of the mouse river and several small streams. we rejoined our hunters at the foot of the copper mountains and found they had killed three musk-oxen. this circumstance determined us on encamping to dry the meat as there was wood at the spot. we availed ourselves of this delay to visit the copper mountains in search of specimens of the ore, agreeably to my instructions; and a party of twenty-one persons, consisting of the officers, some of the voyagers, and all the indians, set off on that excursion. we travelled for nine hours over a considerable space of ground but found only a few small pieces of native copper. the range we ascended was on the west side of the river extending west-north-west and east-south-east. the mountains varied in height from twelve to fifteen hundred feet. the uniformity of the mountains is interrupted by narrow valleys traversed by small streams. the best specimens of metal we procured were among the stones in these valleys, and it was in such situations that our guides desired us to search most carefully. it would appear that, when the indians see any sparry substance projecting above the surface, they dig there, but they have no other rule to direct them, and have never found the metal in its original repository. our guides reported that they had found copper in large pieces in every part of this range for two days' walk to the north-west, and that the esquimaux come hither to search for it. the annual visits which the copper indians were accustomed to make to these mountains, when most of their weapons and utensils were made of copper, have been discontinued since they have been enabled to obtain a supply of ice chisels and other instruments of iron by the establishment of trading posts near their hunting grounds. that none of those who accompanied us had visited them for many years was evident from their ignorance of the spots most abundant in metal. the impracticability of navigating the river upwards from the sea, and the want of wood for forming an establishment, would prove insuperable objections to rendering the collection of copper at this part worthy of mercantile speculation. we had the opportunity of surveying the country from several elevated positions. two or three small lakes only were visible, still partly frozen, and much snow remained on the mountains. the trees were reduced to a scanty fringe on the borders of the river and every side was beset by naked mountains. the day was unusually warm and therefore favourable for drying meat. our whole stock of provision, calculated for preservation, was sufficient for fourteen days without any diminution of the ordinary allowance of three pounds to each man per day. the situation of our tents was degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west. june . the indians, knowing the course of the river below this point to be only a succession of rapids, declined taking their canoes any farther but, as i conceived one of them would be required, should we be compelled to walk along the coast, two of our men were appointed to conduct it. as we were now entering the confines of the esquimaux country our guides recommended us to be cautious in lighting fires lest we should discover ourselves, adding that the same reason would lead them to travel as much as possible in the valleys, and to avoid crossing the tops of the hills. we embarked at six a.m., taking with us only old keskarrah. the other indians walked along the banks of the river. throughout this day's voyage the current was very strong, running four or five miles an hour, but the navigation was tolerable and we had to lighten the canoes only once, in a contracted part of the river where the waves were very high. the river is in many places confined between perpendicular walls of rock to one hundred and fifty yards in width, and there the rapids were most agitated. large masses of ice twelve or fourteen feet thick were still adhering to many parts of the bank, indicating the tardy departure of winter from this inhospitable land, but the earth around them was rich with vegetation. in the evening two musk-oxen, being seen on the beach, were pursued and killed by our men. whilst we were waiting to embark the meat the indians rejoined us and reported they had been attacked by a bear which sprung upon them whilst they were conversing together. his attack was so sudden that they had not time to level their guns properly, and they all missed except akaitcho who, less confused than the rest, took deliberate aim and shot the animal dead. they do not eat the flesh of the bear but, knowing that we had no such prejudice, they brought us some of the choice pieces which upon trial we found to be very excellent meat. the indians having informed us that we were now within twelve miles of the rapid where the esquimaux have invariably been found, we pitched our tents on the beach under the shelter of a high hill whose precipitous side is washed by the river, intending to send forward some persons to determine the situation of their present abode. some vestiges of an old esquimaux encampment were observed near the tents and the stumps of the trees bore marks of the stone hatchets they use. a strict watch was appointed consisting of an officer, four canadians, and an indian, and directions were given for the rest of the party to sleep with their arms by their side. that as little delay as possible might be experienced in opening a communication with the esquimaux we immediately commenced arrangements for sending forward persons to discover whether there were any in our vicinity. akaitcho and the guides proposed that two of the hunters should be despatched on this service who had extremely quick sight and were accustomed to act as scouts, an office which requires equal caution and circumspection. a strong objection however lay against this plan in the probability of their being discovered by a straggling hunter, which would be destructive to every hope of accommodation. it was therefore determined to send augustus and junius, who were very desirous to undertake the service. these adventurous men proposed to go armed only with pistols concealed in their dress, and furnished with beads, looking-glasses, and other articles, that they might conciliate their countrymen by presents. we could not divest our minds of the apprehension that it might be a service of much hazard if the esquimaux were as hostile to strangers as the copper indians have invariably represented them to be, and we felt great reluctance in exposing our two little interpreters, who had rendered themselves dear to the whole party, to the most distant chance of receiving injury, but this course of proceeding appeared in their opinion and our own to offer the only chance of gaining an interview. though not insensible to the danger they cheerfully prepared for their mission, and clothed themselves in esquimaux dresses which had been made for the purpose at fort enterprise. augustus was desired to make his presents and to tell the esquimaux that the white men had come to make peace between them and all their enemies, and also to discover a passage by which every article of which they stood in need might be brought in large ships. he was not to mention that we were accompanied by the indians but to endeavour to prevail on some of the esquimaux to return with him. he was directed to come back immediately if there were no lodges at the rapid. the indians were not suffered to move out of our sight, but in the evening we permitted two of them to cross the river in pursuit of a musk-ox, which they killed on the beach and returned immediately. the officers, prompted by an anxious solicitude for augustus and junius, crawled up frequently to the summit of the mountain to watch their return. the view however was not extensive, being bounded at the distance of eight miles by a range of hills similar to the copper mountains but not so lofty. the night came without bringing any intelligence of our messengers, and our fears for their safety increased with the length of their absence. as everyone had been interested in the welfare of these men through their vivacity and good nature and the assistance they had cheerfully rendered in bearing their portion of whatever labour might be going on, their detention formed the subject of all our conversation and numerous conjectures were hazarded as to the cause. dr. richardson, having the first watch, had gone to the summit of the hill and remained seated, contemplating the river that washed the precipice under his feet long after dusk had hid distant objects from his view. his thoughts were perhaps far distant from the surrounding scenery, when he was roused by an indistinct noise behind him and, on looking round, perceived that nine white wolves had ranged themselves in form of a crescent and were advancing, apparently with the intention of driving him into the river. on his rising up they halted, and when he advanced they made way for his passage down to the tents. he had his gun in his hand but forbore to fire lest there should be esquimaux in the neighbourhood. during mr. wentzel's middle watch the wolves appeared repeatedly on the summit of the hill, and at one time they succeeded in driving a deer over the precipice. the animal was stunned by the fall but, recovering itself, swam across the stream and escaped up the river. i may remark here that at midnight it was tolerably dark in the valley of the river at this time but that an object on the eminence above could be distinctly seen against the sky. the following observations were taken at this encampment, latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. thermometer degrees at three p.m. sultry weather. augustus and junius not having returned next morning we were more alarmed respecting them, and determined on proceeding to find out the cause of their detention, but it was eleven a.m. before we could prevail upon the indians to remain behind, which we wished them to do lest the esquimaux might be suspicious of our intentions if they were seen in our suite. we promised to send for them when we had paved the way for their reception, but akaitcho, ever ready to augur misfortune, expressed his belief that our messengers had been killed and that the esquimaux, warned of our approach, were lying in wait for us, and "although," said he, "your party may be sufficiently strong to repulse any hostile attack, my band is too weak to offer effectual resistance when separated from you, and therefore we are determined to go on with you or to return to our lands." after much argument however he yielded and agreed to stay behind, provided mr. wentzel would remain with him. this gentleman was accordingly left with a canadian attendant and they promised not to pass a range of hills then in view to the northward unless we sent notice to them. the river during the whole of this day's voyage flowed between alternate cliffs of looses and intermixed with gravel and red sandstone rocks, and was everywhere shallow and rapid. as its course was very crooked much time was spent in examining the different rapids previous to running them, but the canoes descended, except at a single place, without any difficulty. most of the officers and half the men marched along the land to lighten the canoes and reconnoitre the country, each person being armed with a gun and a dagger. arriving at a range of mountains which had terminated our view yesterday, we ascended it with much eagerness, expecting to see the rapid that mr. hearne visited near its base, and to gain a view of the sea; but our disappointment was proportionably great when we beheld beyond a plain, similar to that we had just left, terminated by another range of trap hills, between whose tops the summits of some distant blue mountains appeared. our reliance on the information of the guides, which had been for some time shaken, was now quite at an end, and we feared that the sea was still far distant. the flat country here is covered with grass and is devoid of the large stones so frequent in the barren grounds, but the ranges of trap hills which seem to intersect it at regular distances are quite barren. a few decayed stunted pines were standing on the borders of the river. in the evening we had the gratification of meeting junius who was hastening back to inform us that they had found four esquimaux tents at the fall which we recognised to be the one described by mr. hearne. the inmates were asleep at the time of their arrival but rose soon afterwards, and then augustus presented himself and had some conversation across the river. he told them the white people had come, who would make them very useful presents. the information of our arrival seemed to alarm them very much but, as the noise of the rapid prevented them from hearing distinctly, one of them approached him in his canoe and received the rest of the message. he would not however land on his side of the river, but returned to the tents without receiving the present. his language differed in some respects from augustus's but they understood each other tolerably well. augustus, trusting for a supply of provision to the esquimaux, had neglected to carry any with him, and this was the main cause of junius's return. we now encamped, having come fourteen miles. after a few hours' rest junius set off again to rejoin his companion, being accompanied by hepburn who was directed to remain about two miles above the fall to arrest the canoes on their passage, lest we should too suddenly surprise the esquimaux. about ten p.m. we were mortified by the appearance of the indians with mr. wentzel, who had in vain endeavoured to restrain them from following us. the only reason assigned by akaitcho for this conduct was that he wished for a reassurance of my promise to establish peace between his nation and the esquimaux. i took this occasion of again enforcing the necessity of their remaining behind until we had obtained the confidence and goodwill of their enemies. after supper dr. richardson ascended a lofty hill about three miles from the encampment and obtained the first view of the sea; it appeared to be covered with ice. a large promontory, which i named cape hearne, bore north-east and its lofty mountains proved to be the blue land we had seen in the forenoon, and which had led us to believe the sea was still far distant. he saw the sun set a few minutes before midnight from the same elevated situation. it did not rise during the half hour he remained there, but before he reached the encampment its rays gilded the tops of the hills. the night was warm and we were much annoyed by the mosquitoes. june . we this morning experienced as much difficulty as before in prevailing upon the indians to remain behind, and they did not consent until i had declared that they should lose the reward which had been promised if they proceeded any farther before we had prepared the esquimaux to receive them. we left a canadian with them and proceeded, not without apprehension that they would follow us and derange our whole plan by their obstinacy. two of the officers and a party of men walked on the shore to lighten the canoes. the river in this part flows between high and stony cliffs, reddish slate clay rocks, and shelving banks of white clay, and is full of shoals and dangerous rapids. one of these was termed escape rapid, both the canoes having narrowly escaped foundering in its high waves. we had entered the rapid before we were aware and, the steepness of the cliffs preventing us from landing, we were indebted to the swiftness of our descent for preservation. two waves made a complete breach over the canoes; a third would in all probability have filled and overset them, which must have proved fatal to everyone in them. the powder fortunately escaped the water, which was soon discharged when we reached the bottom of the rapid. at noon we perceived hepburn lying on the left bank of the river and landed immediately to receive his information. as he represented the water to be shoal the whole way to the rapid (below which the esquimaux were) the shore party were directed to continue their march to a sandy bay at the head of the fall and there await the arrival of the canoes. the land in the neighbourhood of the rapid is of the most singular form: large irregular sandhills bounding both banks, apparently so unconnected that they resemble icebergs, the country around them consisting of high round green hills. the river becomes wide in this part and full of shoals, but we had no difficulty in finding a channel through them. on regaining the shore party we regretted to find that some of the men had incautiously appeared on the tops of the hills just at the time augustus was conversing with one of the esquimaux, who had again approached in his canoe and was almost persuaded to land. the unfortunate appearance of so many people at this instant revived his fears, and he crossed over to the eastern bank of the river, and fled with the whole of his party. we learned from augustus that this party, consisting of four men and as many women, had manifested a friendly disposition. two of the former were very tall. the man who first came to speak to him inquired the number of canoes that we had with us, expressed himself to be not displeased at our arrival, and desired him to caution us not to attempt running the rapid, but to make the portage on the west side of the river. notwithstanding this appearance of confidence and satisfaction it seems they did not consider their situation free from danger, as they retreated the first night to an island somewhat farther down the river, and in the morning they returned and threw down their lodges, as if to give notice to any of their nation that might arrive that there was an enemy in the neighbourhood. from seeing all their property strewed about, and ten of their dogs left, we entertained the hope that these poor people would return after their first alarm had subsided, and therefore i determined on remaining until the next day, in the expectation of seeing them as i considered the opening of an early communication a matter of the greatest importance in our state of absolute ignorance respecting the sea-coast. the canoes and cargoes were carried across the portage and we encamped on the north side of it. we sent augustus and junius across the river to look for the runaways but their search was fruitless. they put a few pieces of iron and trinkets in their canoes, which were lying on the beach. we also sent some men to put up the stages of fish and secure them as much as possible from the attacks of the dogs. under the covering of their tents were observed some stone kettles and hatchets, a few fish spears made of copper, two small bits of iron, a quantity of skins, and some dried salmon, which was covered with maggots and half putrid. the entrails of the fish were spread out to dry. a great many skins of small birds were hung up to a stage, and even two mice were preserved in the same way. thus it would appear that the necessities of these poor people induce them to preserve every article that can be possibly used as food. several human skulls, which bore the marks of violence, and many bones were strewed about the ground near the encampment and, as the spot exactly answers the description given by mr. hearne of the place where the chipewyans who accompanied him perpetrated the dreadful massacre on the esquimaux, we had no doubt of this being the place, notwithstanding the difference in its position as to latitude and longitude given by him and ascertained by our observation. we have therefore preserved the appellation of bloody fall which he bestowed upon it. its situation by our observations is in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. this rapid is a sort of shelving cascade, about three hundred yards in length, having a descent of from ten to fifteen feet. it is bounded on each side by high walls of red sandstone, upon which rests a series of lofty green hills. on its north side close to the east bank is the low rocky island which the esquimaux had deserted. the surrounding scenery was accurately delineated in a sketch taken by mr. hood. we caught forty excellent salmon and white-fish in a single net below the rapid. we had not seen any trees during this day's journey; our fuel consisted of small willows and pieces of dried wood that were picked up near the encampment. the ground is well clothed with grass and nourishes most of the shrubs and berry-bearing plants that we have seen north of fort enterprise; and the country altogether has a richer appearance than the barren lands of the copper indians. we had a distinct view of the sea from the summit of a hill behind the tents; it appeared choked with ice and full of islands. interview with the esquimaux. on the morning of the th three men were sent up the river to search for dried wood to make floats for the nets. adam the interpreter was also despatched with a canadian to inform akaitcho of the flight of the esquimaux. we were preparing to go down to the sea in one of the canoes, leaving mr. back to await the return of the men who were absent but, just as the crew were putting the canoe in the water, adam returned in the utmost consternation and informed us that a party of esquimaux were pursuing the men whom we had sent to collect floats. the orders for embarking were instantly countermanded and we went with a part of our men to their rescue. we soon met our people returning at a slow pace and learned that they had come unawares upon the esquimaux party, which consisted of six men with their women and children, who were travelling towards the rapid with a considerable number of dogs carrying their baggage. the women hid themselves on the first alarm, but the men advanced and, stopping at some distance from our men, began to dance in a circle, tossing up their hands in the air and accompanying their motions with much shouting, to signify i conceive their desire of peace. our men saluted them by pulling off their hats and making bows, but neither party was willing to approach the other, and at length the esquimaux retired to the hill from whence they had descended when first seen. we proceeded in the hope of gaining an interview with them but lest our appearance in a body should alarm them we advanced in a long line, at the head of which was augustus. we were led to their baggage, which they had deserted, by the howling of the dogs, and on the summit of a hill we found lying behind a stone an old man who was too infirm to effect his escape with the rest. he was much terrified when augustus advanced and probably expected immediate death but, that the fatal blow might not be unrevenged, he seized his spear and made a thrust with it at his supposed enemy. augustus however easily repressed the feeble effort and soon calmed his fears by presenting him with some pieces of iron and assuring him of his friendly intentions. dr. richardson and i then joined them and, after receiving our presents, the old man was quite composed and became communicative. his dialect differed from that used by augustus but they understood each other tolerably well. it appeared that his party consisted of eight men and their families who were returning from a hunting excursion with dried meat. after being told who we were he said that he had heard of white people from different parties of his nation which resided on the sea-coast to the eastward and, to our inquiries respecting the provision and fuel we might expect to get on our voyage, he informed us that the reindeer frequent the coast during the summer, the fish are plentiful at the mouths of the rivers, the seals are abundant, but there are no sea-horses nor whales, although he remembered one of the latter, which had been killed by some distant tribe, having been driven on shore on his part of the coast by a gale of wind. that musk-oxen were to be found a little distance up the rivers, and that we should get driftwood along the shore. he had no knowledge of the coast to the eastward beyond the next river, which he called nappaarktoktowock, or tree river. the old man, contrary to the indian practice, asked each of our names and, in reply to a similar question on our part, said his name was terregannoeuck, or the white fox, and that his tribe denominated themselves naggeooktormoeoot, or deer-horn esquimaux. they usually frequent the bloody fall during this and the following moons for the purpose of salting salmon, and then retire to a river which flows into the sea a short way to the westward (since denominated richardson's river) and pass the winter in snow-houses. after this conversation terregannoeuck proposed going down to his baggage, and we then perceived he was too infirm to walk without the assistance of sticks. augustus therefore offered him his arm which he readily accepted and, on reaching his store, he distributed pieces of dried meat to each person which, though highly tainted, were immediately eaten, this being a universal token among the indians of peaceable intention. we then informed him of our desire to procure as much meat as we possibly could and he told us that he had a large quantity concealed in the neighbourhood which he would cause to be carried to us when his people returned. i now communicated to him that we were accompanied by some copper indians who were very desirous to make peace with his nation, and that they had requested me to prevail upon the esquimaux to receive them in a friendly manner, to which he replied he should rejoice to see an end put to the hostility that existed between the nations and therefore would most gladly welcome our companions. having despatched adam to inform akaitcho of this circumstance we left terregannoeuck, in the hope that his party would rejoin him but, as we had doubts whether the young men would venture upon coming to our tents on the old man's bare representation, we sent augustus and junius back in the evening to remain with him until they came, that they might fully detail our intentions. the countenance of terregannoeuck was oval with a sufficiently prominent nose and had nothing very different from a european face, except in the smallness of his eyes and perhaps in the narrowness of his forehead. his complexion was very fresh and red and he had a longer beard than i had seen on any of the aboriginal inhabitants of america. it was between two and three inches long and perfectly white. his face was not tattooed. his dress consisted of a shirt, or jacket with a hood, wide breeches reaching only to the knee, and tight leggings sewed to the shoes, all of deer skins. the soles of the shoes were made of seal-skin and stuffed with feathers instead of socks. he was bent with age but appeared to be about five feet ten inches high. his hands and feet were small in proportion to his height. whenever terregannoeuck received a present he placed each article first on his right shoulder then on his left, and when he wished to express still higher satisfaction he rubbed it over his head. he held hatchets and other iron instruments in the highest esteem. on seeing his countenance in a glass for the first time he exclaimed, "i shall never kill deer more," and immediately put the mirror down. the tribe to which he belongs repair to the sea in spring and kill seals; as the season advances they hunt deer and musk-oxen at some distance from the coast. their weapon is the bow and arrow and they get sufficiently nigh the deer, either by crawling or by leading these animals by ranges of turf towards a spot where the archer can conceal himself. their bows are formed of three pieces of fir, the centrepiece alone bent, the other two lying in the same straight line with the bowstring; the pieces are neatly tied together with sinew. their canoes are similar to those we saw in hudson's straits but smaller. they get fish constantly in the rivers and in the sea as soon as the ice breaks up. this tribe do not make use of nets but are tolerably successful with the hook and line. their cooking utensils are made of pot-stone, and they form very neat dishes of fir, the sides being made of thin deal, bent into an oval form, secured at the ends by sewing, and fitted so nicely to the bottom as to be perfectly water-tight. they have also large spoons made of the horns of the musk-oxen. akaitcho and the indians arrived at our tents in the evening and we learned that they had seen the esquimaux the day before and endeavoured without success to open a communication with them. they exhibited no hostile intention but were afraid to advance. akaitcho, keeping out of their sight, followed at a distance, expecting that, ultimately finding themselves enclosed between our party and his, they would be compelled to come to a parley with one of us. akaitcho had seen terregannoeuck soon after our departure; he was much terrified and thrust his spear at him as he had done at augustus, but was soon reconciled after the demonstrations of kindness the indians made in cutting off the buttons from their dress to present to him. july . we waited all this forenoon in momentary expectation of the return of augustus and junius but as they did not appear at two p.m. i sent mr. hood with a party of men to inquire into the cause of their detention and to bring the meat which terregannoeuck had promised us. he returned at midnight with the information that none of the esquimaux had yet ventured to come near terregannoeuck except his aged wife, who had concealed herself amongst the rocks at our first interview, and she told him the rest of the party had gone to a river a short distance to the westward where there was another party of esquimaux fishing. augustus and junius had erected the tent and done everything in their power to make the old man comfortable in their absence. terregannoeuck, being unable to walk to the place where the meat was concealed, readily pointed the spot out to mr. hood who went thither but, after experiencing much difficulty in getting at the column of rock on which it was deposited, he found it too putrid for our use. the features of terregannoeuck's wife were remarkable for roundness and flatness; her face was much tattooed and her dress differed little from the old man's. in the afternoon a party of nine esquimaux appeared on the east bank of the river about a mile below our encampment, carrying their canoes and baggage on their backs, but they turned and fled as soon as they perceived our tents. the appearance of so many different bands of esquimaux terrified the indians so much that they determined on leaving us the next day lest they should be surrounded and their retreat cut off. i endeavoured, by the offer of any remuneration they would choose, to prevail upon one or two of the hunters to proceed but in vain; and i had much difficulty even in obtaining their promise to wait at the copper mountains for mr. wentzel and the four men, whom i intended to discharge at the sea. the fears which our interpreters, st. germain and adam, entertained respecting the voyage were now greatly increased and both of them came this evening to request their discharge, urging that their services could be no longer requisite as the indians were going from us. st. germain even said that he had understood he was only engaged to accompany us as long as the indians did, and persisted in this falsehood until his agreement to go with us throughout the voyage had been twice read to him. as these were the only two of the party on whose skill in hunting we could rely i was unable to listen for a moment to their desire of quitting us and, lest they should leave us by stealth, their motions were strictly watched. this was not an unnecessary precaution as i was informed that they had actually laid a plan for eloping; but the rest of the men, knowing that their own safety would have been compromised had they succeeded, kept a watchful eye over them. we knew that the dread of the esquimaux would prevent these men from leaving us as soon as the indians were at a distance, and we trusted to their becoming reconciled to the journey when once the novelty of a sea voyage had worn off. departure of the indian hunters. arrangements made with them for our return. july . as the indians persevered in their determination of setting out this morning i reminded them, through mr. wentzel and st. germain, of the necessity of our having the deposit of provision made at fort enterprise, and received a renewed assurance of their attending to that point. they were also desired to put as much meat as they could en cache on the banks of the copper-mine river on their return. we then furnished them with what ammunition we could spare and they took their departure promising to wait three days for mr. wentzel at the copper mountains. we afterwards learned that their fears did not permit them to do so, and that mr. wentzel did not rejoin them until they were a day's march to the southward of the mountains. we embarked at five a.m. and proceeded towards the sea which is about nine miles beyond the bloody fall. after passing a few rapids the river became wider and more navigable for canoes, flowing between banks of alluvial sand. we encamped at ten on the western bank at its junction with the sea. the river is here about a mile wide but very shallow, being barred nearly across by sandbanks which run out from the mainland on each side to a low alluvial island that lies in the centre and forms two channels, of these the westernmost only is navigable even for canoes, the other being obstructed by a stony bar. the islands to seaward are high and numerous and fill the horizon in many points of the compass; the only open space seen from an eminence near the encampment being from north by east to north-east by north. towards the east the land was like a chain of islands, the ice apparently surrounding them in a compact body, leaving a channel between its edge and the main of about three miles. the water in this channel was of a clear green colour and decidedly salt. mr. hearne could have tasted it only at the mouth of the river, when he pronounced it merely brackish. a rise and fall of four inches in the water was observed. the shore is strewed with a considerable quantity of drift timber, principally of the populus balsamifera, but none of it of great size. we also picked up some decayed wood far out of the reach of the water. a few stunted willows were growing near the encampment. some ducks, gulls, and partridges were seen this day. as i had to make up despatches for england to be sent by mr. wentzel the nets were set in the interim and we were rejoiced to find that they produced sufficient fish for the party. those caught were the copper-mine river salmon, white-fish, and two species of pleuronectes. we felt a considerable change of temperature on reaching the sea-coast, produced by the winds changing from the southward to the north-west. our canadian voyagers complained much of the cold but they were amused with their first view of the sea and particularly with the sight of the seals that were swimming about near the entrance of the river, but these sensations gave place to despondency before the evening had elapsed. they were terrified at the idea of a voyage through an icy sea in bark canoes. they speculated on the length of the journey, the roughness of the waves, the uncertainty of provisions, the exposure to cold where we could expect no fuel, and the prospect of having to traverse the barren grounds to get to some establishment. the two interpreters expressed their apprehensions with the least disguise and again urgently applied to be discharged, but only one of the canadians made a similar request. judging that the constant occupation of their time as soon as we were enabled to commence the voyage would prevent them from conjuring up so many causes of fear, and that familiarity with the scenes on the coast would in a short time enable them to give scope to their natural cheerfulness, the officers endeavoured to ridicule their fears and happily succeeded for the present. the manner in which our faithful hepburn viewed the element to which he had been so long accustomed contributed not a little to make them ashamed of their fears. on the morning of the th dr. richardson, accompanied by augustus, paid another visit to terregannoeuck to see if he could obtain any additional information respecting the country to the eastward, but he was disappointed at finding that his affrighted family had not yet rejoined him, and the old man could add nothing to his former communication. the doctor remarked that terreganoeuck had a great dislike to mentioning the name of the copper-mine river, and evaded the question with much dexterity as often as it was put to him, but that he willingly told the name of a river to the eastward and also of his tribe. he attempted to persuade augustus to remain with him and offered him one of his daughters for a wife. these esquimaux strike fire with two stones, catching the sparks in the down of the catkins of a willow. the despatches being finished were delivered this evening to mr. wentzel, who parted from us at eight p.m. with parent, gagnier, dumas, and forcier, canadians whom i discharged for the purpose of reducing our expenditure of provision as much as possible. the remainder of the party including officers amounted to twenty persons. i made mr. wentzel acquainted with the probable course of our future proceedings and mentioned to him that, if we were far distant from this river when the season or other circumstances rendered it necessary to put a stop to our advance, we should in all probability be unable to return to it and should have to travel across the barren grounds towards some established post, in which case i told him that we should certainly go first to fort enterprise, expecting that he would cause the indians to place a supply of dried provision there, as soon as possible after their arrival in its vicinity. my instructions to him were that he should proceed to point lake, transport the canoe that was left there to fort enterprise, where he was to embark the instruments and books and carry them to slave lake, and to forward the box containing the journals, etc., with the present despatches by the next winter packet to england. but before he quitted fort enterprise he was to be assured of the intention of the indians to lay up the provision we required and, if they should be in want of ammunition for that purpose, to procure it if possible from fort providence or the other forts in slave lake, and send it immediately to them by the hunters who accompanied him thither. i also requested him to ascertain from akaitcho and the other leading indians where their different parties would be hunting in the months of september and october, and to leave this information in a letter at fort enterprise for our guidance in finding them, as we should require their assistance. mr. wentzel was furnished with a list of the stores that had been promised to akaitcho and his party as a remuneration for their services, as well as with an official request to the north-west company that these goods might be paid to them on their next visit to fort providence, which they expected to make in the latter part of november. i desired him to mention this circumstance to the indians as an encouragement to exertion in our behalf and to promise them an additional reward for the supply of provision they should collect at fort enterprise. if mr. wentzel met the hook or any of his party he was instructed to assure them that he was provided with the necessary documents to get them payment for any meat they should put en cache for our use, and to acquaint them that we fully relied on their fulfilling every part of the agreement they had made with us. whenever the indians, whom he was to join at the copper mountains, killed any animals on their way to fort enterprise, he was requested to put en cache whatever meat could be spared, placing conspicuous marks to guide us to them, and i particularly begged he would employ them in hunting in our service immediately after his arrival at the house. when mr. wentzel's party had been supplied with ammunition our remaining stock consisted of one thousand balls and rather more than the requisite proportion of powder. a bag of small shot was missing and we afterwards discovered that the canadians had secreted and distributed it among themselves in order that when provision should become scarce they might privately procure ducks and geese and avoid the necessity of sharing them with the officers. the situation of our encampment was ascertained to be latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, the variation of the compass degrees minutes seconds east, and dip of the needle degrees minutes seconds. it will be perceived that the position of the mouth of the river given by our observations differs widely from that assigned by mr. hearne, but the accuracy of his description, conjoined with indian information, assured us that we were at the very part he visited. i therefore named the most conspicuous cape we then saw cape hearne as a just tribute to the memory of that persevering traveller. i distinguished another cape by the name of mackenzie in honour of sir alexander mackenzie, the only other european* who had before reached the northern ocean. i called the river which falls into the sea to the westward of the copper-mine richardson as a testimony of sincere regard for my friend and companion dr. richardson, and named the islands which were in view from our encampment couper's isles in honour of a friend of his. the sun set this night at thirty minutes after eleven apparent time. (*footnote. captain parry's success was at this time unknown to us.) the travelling distance from fort enterprise to the north of the copper-mine river is about three hundred and thirty-four miles. the canoes and baggage were dragged over snow and ice for one hundred and seventeen miles of this distance. chapter . navigation of the polar sea, in two canoes, as far as cape turnagain, to the eastward, a distance exceeding five hundred and fifty miles. observations on the probability of a north-west passage. navigation of the polar sea, in two canoes, as far as cape turnagain, to the eastward, a distance exceeding five hundred and fifty miles. july , . we intended to have embarked early this morning and to have launched upon an element more congenial with our habits than the freshwater navigations with their numerous difficulties and impediments which we had hitherto encountered, but which was altogether new to our canadian voyagers. we were detained however by a strong north-east gale which continued the whole day with constant thundershowers, the more provoking as our nets procured but few fish and we had to draw upon our store of dried meat, which, with other provision for the journey, amounted only to fifteen days' consumption. indeed we should have preferred going dinnerless to bed rather than encroach on our small stock had we not been desirous of satisfying the appetites and cheering the spirits of our canadian companions at the commencement of our voyage. these thoughtless people would at any time incur the hazard of absolute starvation at a future period for the present gratification of their appetites, to indulge which they do not hesitate, as we more than once experienced, at helping themselves secretly, it being in their opinion no disgrace to be detected in pilfering food. our only luxury now was a little salt which had long been our substitute both for bread and vegetables. since our departure from point lake we had boiled the indian tea plant ledum palustre which provided a beverage in smell much resembling rhubarb, notwithstanding which we found it refreshing and were gratified to see this plant flourishing abundantly on the sea shore though of dwarfish growth. july . the wind which had blown strong through the night became moderate in the morning, but a dense fog prevented us from embarking until noon when we commenced our voyage on the hyperborean sea. soon afterwards we landed on an island where the esquimaux had erected a stage of drift timber, and stored up many of their fishing implements and winter sledges, together with a great many dressed seal, musk-ox, and deer skins. their spears, headed with bone and many small articles of the same material, were worked with extreme neatness, as well as their wooden dishes and cooking utensils of stone, and several articles, very elegantly formed of bone, were evidently intended for some game, but augustus was unacquainted with their use. we took from this deposit four seal-skins to repair our shoes and left in exchange a copper-kettle, some awls and beads. we paddled all day along the coast to the eastward on the inside of a crowded range of islands and saw very little ice; the blink of it however was visible to the northward, and one small iceberg was seen at a distance. a tide was distinguishable among the islands by the foam floating on the water but we could not ascertain its direction. in the afternoon st. germain killed on an island a fat deer which was a great acquisition to us; it was the first we had seen for some months in good condition. having encamped on the main shore after a run of thirty-seven miles we set up a pole to ascertain the rise and fall of the water, which was repeated at every halting-place, and hepburn was ordered to attend to the result. we found the coast well covered with vegetation of moderate height, even in its outline, and easy of approach. the islands are rocky and barren, presenting high cliffs of a columnar structure. i have named the westernmost group of those we passed berens' isles in honour of the governor of the hudson's bay company, and the easternmost sir graham moore's islands. at the spot where we landed some mussel-shells and a single piece of seaweed lay on the beach; this was the only spot on the coast where we saw shells. we were rejoiced to find the beach strewed with abundance of small driftwood none of it recent. it may be remarked that the copper-mine river does not bring down any driftwood, nor does any other known stream except mackenzie's river, hence from its appearance on this part of the coast an easterly current may be inferred. this evening we were all in high glee at the progress we had made; the disappearance of the ice and the continuance of the land in an eastern direction and our future prospects formed an enlivening subject of conversation. the thermometer varied during the day between and degrees. the fishing-nets were set but produced nothing. on the nd we embarked at four a.m. and, having the benefit of a light breeze, continued our voyage along the coast under sail until eleven when we halted to breakfast and to obtain the latitude. the coast up to this point presented the same general appearance as yesterday, namely a gravelly or sandy beach skirted by green plains, but as we proceeded the shore became exceedingly rocky and sterile and at last, projecting considerably to the northward, it formed a high and steep promontory. some ice had drifted down upon this cape which we feared might check our progress but, as the evening was fine, we ventured upon pushing the canoes through the small channels formed among it. after pursuing this kind of navigation with some danger and more anxiety we landed and encamped on a smooth rocky point whence we perceived with much satisfaction that the ice consisted only of detached pieces which would be removed by the first breeze. we sounded in seventeen fathoms close to the shore this day. the least depth ascertained by the lead since our departure from the river was six fathoms, and any ship might pass safely between the islands and the main. the water is of a light green colour but not very clear and much less salt than that of the atlantic, judging from our recollection of its taste. in the course of the day we saw geese and ducks with their young and two deer, and experienced very great variations of temperature from the light breezes blowing alternately from the ice and the land. the name of lawford's islands was bestowed on a group we passed in the course of the day as a mark of my respect for vice-admiral lawford, under whose auspices i first entered the naval service. a fresh breeze blowing through the night had driven the ice from the land and opened a channel of a mile in width; we therefore embarked at nine a.m. to pursue our journey along the coast but, at the distance of nine miles were obliged to seek shelter in port epworth, the wind having become adverse and too strong to admit of our proceeding. the tree river of the esquimaux which discharges its waters into this bay appears to be narrow and much interrupted by rapids. the fishing-nets were set but obtained only one white-fish and a few bull-heads. this part of the coast is the most sterile and inhospitable that can be imagined. one trap-cliff succeeds another with tiresome uniformity and their debris cover the narrow valleys that intervene, to the exclusion of every kind of herbage. from the summit of these cliffs the ice appeared in every direction. we obtained the following observations during our stay: latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. the wind abating, at eight p.m. we reembarked and soon afterwards discovered on an island a reindeer, which the interpreters fortunately killed. resuming our voyage we were much impeded by the ice and at length, being unable to force a passage through a close stream that had collected round a cape, we put ashore at four a.m. on the th several stone fox-traps and other traces of the esquimaux were seen near the encampment. the horizontal refraction varied so much this morning that the upper limb of the sun twice appeared at the horizon before it finally rose. for the last two days the water rose and fell about nine inches. the tides however seemed to be very irregular and we could not determine the direction of the ebb or flood. a current setting to the eastward was running about two miles an hour during our stay. the ice having removed a short distance from the shore by eleven a.m. we embarked, and with some difficulty effected a passage, then, making a traverse across gray's bay,* we paddled up under the eastern shore against a strong wind. the interpreters landed here and went in pursuit of a deer but had no success. this part of the coast is indented by deep bays which are separated by peninsulas formed like wedges, sloping many miles into the sea and joined by low land to the main, so that, often mistaking them for islands, we were led by a circuitous route round the bays. cliffs were numerous on the islands which were all of the trap formation. (*footnote. named after mr. gray principal of the belfast academy. an island which lies across the mouth of this bay bears the name of our english sailor hepburn.) at seven, a thunderstorm coming on, we encamped at the mouth of a river about eighty yards wide and set four nets. this stream, which received the name of wentzel after our late companion, discharges a considerable body of water. its banks are sandy and clothed with herbage. the esquimaux had recently piled up some drift timber here. a few ducks, ravens, and snow-birds were seen today. the distance made was thirty-one miles. july . we had constant rain with thunder during the night. the nets furnished only three salmon-trout. we attributed the want of greater success to the entrance of some seals into the mouth of the river. embarking at six a.m. we paddled against a cold breeze until the spreading of a thick fog caused us to land. the rocks here consisted of a beautiful mixture of red and gray granite, traversed from north to south by veins of red felspar which were crossed in various directions by smaller veins filled with the same substance. at noon the wind coming from a favourable quarter tempted us to proceed, although the fog was unabated. we kept as close as we could to the main shore but, having to cross some bays, it became a matter of doubt whether we had not left the main and were running along an island. just as we were endeavouring to double a bold cape the fog partially cleared away and allowed us an imperfect view of a chain of islands on the outside, and of much heavy ice which was pressing down upon us. the coast near us was so steep and rugged that no landing of the cargoes could be effected and we were preserved only by some men jumping on the rocks and thrusting the ice off with poles. there was no alternative but to continue along this dreary shore seeking a channel between the different masses of ice which had accumulated at the various points. in this operation both the canoes were in imminent danger of being crushed by the ice which was now tossed about by the waves that the gale had excited. we effected a passage however and, keeping close to the shore, landed at the entrance of detention harbour at nine p.m., having come twenty-eight miles. an old esquimaux encampment was traced on this spot, and an ice chisel, a copper knife, and a small iron knife were found under the turf. i named this cape after mr. barrow of the admiralty to whose exertions are mainly owing the discoveries recently made in arctic geography. an opening on its eastern side received the appellation of inman harbour after my friend the professor at the royal naval college, portsmouth, and to a group of islands to seaward of it we gave the name of jameson in honour of the distinguished professor of mineralogy at edinburgh. we had much wind and rain during the night and by the morning of the th a great deal of ice had drifted into the inlet. we embarked at four and attempted to force a passage, when the first canoe got enclosed and remained for some time in a very perilous situation: the pieces of ice, crowded together by the action of the current and wind, pressing strongly against its feeble sides. a partial opening however occurring we landed without having sustained any serious injury. two men were then sent round the bay and it was ascertained that, instead of having entered a narrow passage between an island and the main, we were at the mouth of a harbour having an island at its entrance, and that it was necessary to return by the way we came and get round a point to the northward. this was however impracticable, the channel being blocked up by drift ice, and we had no prospect of release except by a change of wind. this detention was extremely vexatious as we were losing a fair wind and expending our provision. in the afternoon the weather cleared up and several men went hunting but were unsuccessful. during the day the ice floated backwards and forwards in the harbour, moved by currents not regular enough to deserve the name of tide, and which appeared to be governed by the wind. we perceived great diminution by melting in the pieces near us. that none of this ice survives the summer is evident from the rapidity of its decay and because no ice of last year's formation was hanging on the rocks. whether any body of it exists at a distance from the shore we could not determine. the land around cape barrow and to detention harbour consists of steep craggy mountains of granite rising so abruptly from the water's edge as to admit few landing-places even for a canoe. the higher parts attain an elevation of fourteen or fifteen hundred feet and the whole is entirely destitute of vegetation. on the morning of the th, the ice remaining stationary at the entrance, we went to the bottom of the harbour and carried the canoes and cargoes about a mile and a half across the point of land that forms the east side of it, but the ice was not more favourable there for our advancement than at the place we had left. it consisted of small pieces closely packed together by the wind extending along the shore but leaving a clear passage beyond the chain of islands with which the whole of this coast is girt. indeed when we left the harbour we had little hope of finding a passage, and the principal object in moving was to employ the men in order to prevent their reflecting upon and discussing the dangers of our situation which we knew they were too apt to do when leisure permitted. our observations place the entrance of detention harbour in latitude degrees minutes seconds, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds east. it is a secure anchorage being sheltered from the wind in every direction; the bottom is sandy. july . as the ice continued in the same state several of the men were sent out to hunt, and one of them fired no less than four times at deer but unfortunately without success. it was satisfactory however to ascertain that the country was not destitute of animals. we had the mortification to discover that two of the bags of pemmican which was our principal reliance had become mouldy by wet. our beef too had been so badly cured as to be scarcely eatable through our having been compelled from haste to dry it by fire instead of the sun. it was not however the quality of our provision that gave us uneasiness but its diminution and the utter incapacity to obtain any addition. seals were the only animals that met our view at this place and these we could never approach. dr. richardson discovered near the beach a small vein of galena traversing gneiss rocks, and the people collected a quantity of it in the hope of adding to our stock of balls, but their endeavours to smelt it were as may be supposed ineffectual. the drift timber on this part of the coast consists of pine and taccamahac (populus balsamifera) most probably from mackenzie's or some other river to the westward of the copper-mine. it all appears to have lain long in the water, the bark being completely worn off and the ends of the pieces rubbed perfectly smooth. there had been a sharp frost in the night which formed a pretty thick crust of ice in a kettle of water that stood in the tents, and for several nights thin films of ice had appeared on the salt water amongst the cakes of stream ice.* notwithstanding this state of temperature we were tormented by swarms of mosquitoes; we had persuaded ourselves that these pests could not sustain the cold in the vicinity of the sea but it appears they haunt every part of this country in defiance of climate. mr. back made an excursion to a hill at seven or eight miles distance and from its summit he perceived the ice close to the shore as far as his view extended. (footnote. this is termed bay-ice by the greenland men.) on the morning of the th the party attended divine service. about noon, the ice appearing less compact, we embarked to change our situation, having consumed all the fuel within our reach. the wind came off the land just as the canoes had started and we determined on attempting to force a passage along the shore, in which we happily succeeded after seven hours' labour and much hazard to our frail vessels. the ice lay so close that the crews disembarked on it and effected a passage by bearing against the pieces with their poles, but in conducting the canoes through the narrow channels thus formed the greatest care was requisite to prevent the sharp projecting points from breaking the bark. they fortunately received no material injury though they were split in two places. at the distance of three miles we came to the entrance of a deep bay whose bottom was filled by a body of ice so compact as to preclude the idea of a passage through it, whilst at the same time the traverse across its mouth was attended with much danger from the approach of a large field of ice which was driving down before the wind. the dread of further detention however prevented us from hesitating, and we had the satisfaction of landing in an hour and a half on the opposite shore, where we halted to repair the canoes and to dine. i have named this bay after my friend mr. daniel moore of lincoln's inn, to whose zeal for science the expedition was indebted for the use of a most valuable chronometer. its shores are picturesque, sloping hills receding from the beach and closed with verdure bound its bottom and western side, and lofty cliffs of slate clay with their intervening grassy valleys skirt its eastern border. embarking at midnight we pursued our voyage without interruption, passing between the stockport and marcet islands and the main, until six a.m. on july th when, having rounded point kater, we entered arctic sound and were again involved in a stream of ice, but after considerable delay extricated ourselves and proceeded towards the bottom of the inlet in search of the mouth of a river which we supposed it to receive, from the change in the colour of the water. about ten a.m. we landed to breakfast on a small deer which st. germain had killed, and sent men in pursuit of some others in sight but with which they did not come up. reembarking we passed the river without perceiving it and entered a deep arm of the sound which i have named baillie's cove in honour of a relative of the lamented mr. hood. as it was too late to return we encamped and, by walking across the country, discovered the river whose mouth, being barred by low sandy islands and banks, was not perceived when we passed it. course and distance from galena point to this encampment were south-east / south forty miles. from the accounts of black-meat and boileau at fort chipewyan we considered this river to be the anatessy, and cape barrow to be the projection which they supposed to be the north-east termination of america. the outline of the coast indeed bears some resemblance to the chart they sketched, and the distance of this river from the copper-mine nearly coincides with what we estimated the anatessy to be from their statements. in our subsequent journey however across the barren grounds we ascertained that this conjecture was wrong, and that the anatessy, which is known to come from rum lake, must fall into the sea to the eastward of this place. our stock of provision being now reduced to eight days' consumption it had become a matter of the first importance to obtain a supply and, as we had learned from terregannoeuck that the esquimaux frequent the rivers at this season, i determined on seeking a communication with them here, in the hope of obtaining relief for our present wants or even shelter for the winter if the season should prevent us from returning either to the hook's party or fort enterprise, and i was the more induced to take this step at this time as several deer had been seen today and the river appeared good for fishing, which led me to hope we might support the party during our stay if not add to our stock by our own exertions in hunting and fishing. augustus, junius, and hepburn were therefore furnished with the necessary presents and desired to go along the bank of the river as far as they could on the following day in search of the natives to obtain provision and leather as well as information respecting the coast. they started at four a.m. and at the same time our hunters were sent off in search of deer, and the rest of the party proceeded in the canoes to the first cascade in the river, at the foot of which we encamped and set four nets. this cascade, produced by a ridge of rocks crossing the stream, is about three or four feet in height and about two hundred and fifty yards wide. its position by our observations in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, variation degrees minutes seconds, dip degrees minutes seconds. i have named this river hood as a small tribute to the memory of our lamented friend and companion. it is from three to four hundred yards wide below the cascade but in many places very shallow. the banks, bottom, and adjacent hills are formed of a mixture of sand and clay. the ground was overspread with small willows and the dwarf birch, both too diminutive for fuel, and the stream brought down no driftwood. we were mortified to find the nets only procured one salmon and five white-fish, and that we had to make another inroad upon our dried meat. august . at two this morning the hunters returned with two small deer and a brown bear. augustus and junius arrived at the same time, having traced the river twelve miles farther up without discovering any vestige of inhabitants. we had now an opportunity of gratifying our curiosity respecting the bear so much dreaded by the indians, and of whose strength and ferocity we had heard such terrible accounts. it proved to be a lean male of a yellowish brown colour and not longer than a common black bear. it made a feeble attempt to defend itself and was easily despatched. the flesh was brought to the tent but, our fastidious voyagers supposing, from its leanness, that the animal had been sickly, declined eating it; the officers however being less scrupulous boiled the paws and found them excellent. we embarked at ten a.m. and, proceeding down the river, took on board another deer that had been killed by credit that evening. we then ran along the eastern shore of arctic sound, distinguished by the name of banks' peninsula in honour of the late right honourable sir joseph banks, president of the royal society and, rounding point wollaston at its eastern extremity, opened another extensive sheet of water, and the remainder of the afternoon was spent in endeavouring to ascertain from the tops of the hills whether it was another bay or merely a passage enclosed by a chain of islands. appearances rather favouring the latter opinion we determined on proceeding through it to the southward. during the delay four more deer were killed, all young and lean. it appeared that the coast is pretty well frequented by reindeer at this season, but it was rather singular that hitherto we had killed none (excepting the first) but young ones of last season which were all too lean to have been eaten by any but persons who had no choice. we paddled along the western shore with the intention of encamping but were prevented by the want of driftwood on the beach. this induced us to make a traverse to an island where we put up at midnight, having found a small bay whose shores furnished us with a little firewood. a heavy gale came on from the westward attended with constant rain, and one of the squalls overthrew our tents. the course and distance made this day were north-east sixteen miles and a half. i may here mention that arctic sound appeared the most convenient and perhaps the best place for ships to anchor that we had seen along the coast, at this season especially, when they might increase their stock of provision, if provided with good marksmen. deer are numerous in its vicinity, musk-oxen also may be found up hood's river, and the fine sandy bottom of the bays promises favourably for fishing with the seine. the hills on the western side are even in their outline and slope gradually to the water's edge. the rocks give place to an alluvial sandy soil towards the bottom of the sound, but on banks' peninsula rocky eminences again prevail which are rugged and uneven but intersected by valleys, at this time green; along their base is a fine sandy beach. from point wollaston to our encampment the coast is skirted with trap cliffs which have often a columnar form and are very difficult of access. these cliffs lie in ranges parallel to the shore and the deer that we killed were feeding in small marshy grassy plats that lie in the valleys between them. being detained by the continuance of the gale on the nd of august some men were sent out to hunt and the officers visited the tops of the highest hills to ascertain the best channels to be pursued. the wind abating at ten p.m. we embarked and paddled round the southern end of the island and continued our course to the south-east. much doubt at this time prevailed as to the land on the right being the main shore or merely a chain of islands. the latter opinion was strengthened by the broken appearance of the land and the extensive view we had up brown's channel (named after my friend mr. robert brown) the mouth of which we passed and were in some apprehension of being led away from the main shore and, perhaps after passing through a group of islands, of coming to a traverse greater than we durst venture upon in canoes: on the other hand the continuous appearance of the land on the north side of the channel and its tending to the southward excited the fear that we were entering a deep inlet. in this state of doubt we landed often and endeavoured, from the summits of the highest hills adjoining the shore, to ascertain the true nature of the coast but in vain, and we continued paddling through the channel all night against a fresh breeze, which at half-past four increased to a violent gale and compelled us to land. the gale diminished a short time after noon on the rd and permitted us to reembark and continue our voyage until four p.m., when it returned with its former violence and finally obliged us to encamp, having come twenty-four miles on a south-east three-quarter south course. from the want of driftwood to make a fire we had fasted all day and were under the necessity in the evening of serving out pemmican, which was done with much reluctance, especially as we had some fresh deers' meat remaining. the inlet when viewed from a high hill adjoining to our encampment exhibited so many arms that the course we ought to pursue was more uncertain than ever. it was absolutely necessary however to see the end of it before we could determine that it was not a strait. starting at three a.m. on the th we paddled the whole day through channels from two to five or six miles wide, all tending to the southward. in the course of the day's voyage we ascertained that the land which we had seen on our right since yesterday morning consisted of several large islands which have been distinguished by the names of goulburn, elliott, and young, but the land on our left preserved its unbroken appearance and when we encamped we were still uncertain whether it was the eastern side of a deep sound or merely a large island. it differed remarkably from the main shore, being very rugged, rocky, and sterile, whereas the outline of the main on the opposite side was even and its hills covered with a comparatively good sward of grass exhibiting little naked rock. there was no drift timber but the shores near the encampment were strewed with small pieces of willow which indicated our vicinity to the mouth of a river. this fuel enabled us to make a hearty supper from a small deer killed this evening. the shallows we passed this day were covered with shoals of capelin, the angmaggoeuk of the esquimaux. it was known to augustus who informed us that it frequents the coast of hudson's bay and is delicate eating. the course and distance made was south by east-half-east, thirty-three miles. after paddling twelve miles in the morning of the th we had the mortification to find the inlet terminated by a river, the size of which we could not ascertain as the entrance was blocked by shoals. its mouth lies in latitude degrees minutes north, longitude degrees minutes west. i have named this stream back as a mark of my friendship for my associate.* we were somewhat consoled for the loss of time in exploring this inlet by the success of junius in killing a musk-ox, the first we had seen on the coast; and afterwards by the acquisition of the flesh of a bear that was shot as we were returning up the eastern side in the evening. the latter proved to be a female in very excellent condition; and our canadian voyagers whose appetite for fat meat is insatiable were delighted. (*footnote. from subsequent conversation with the copper indians we were inclined to suppose this may be the thlueetessy described by black meat mentioned in a former part of the narrative.) we encamped on the shores of a sandy bay and set the nets and, finding a quantity of dried willows on the beach, we were enabled to cook the bear's flesh which was superior to any meat we tasted on the coast. the water fell two feet at this place during the night. our nets produced a great variety of fish, namely a salmon trout, some round-fish, tittameg, bleak, star-fish, several herrings and a flat fish resembling plaice, but covered on the back with horny excrescences. on the th we were detained in the encampment by stormy weather until five p.m. when we embarked and paddled along the northern shore of the inlet, the weather still continuing foggy but the wind moderate. observing on the beach a she-bear with three young ones we landed a party to attack them but, being approached without due caution, they took the alarm and scaled a precipitous rocky hill with a rapidity that baffled all pursuit. at eight o'clock, the fog changing into rain, we encamped. many seals were seen this day but as they kept in deep water we did not fire at them. on august th the atmosphere was charged with fog and rain all the day, but as the wind was moderate we pursued our journey; our situation however was very unpleasant, being quite wet and without room to stretch a limb, much less to obtain warmth by exercise. we passed a cove which i have named after my friend mr. w.h. tinney, and proceeded along the coast until five p.m. when we put up on a rocky point nearly opposite to our encampment on the rd, having come twenty-three miles on a north-north-west course. we were detained on the th by a northerly gale which blew violently throughout the day attended by fog and rain. some of the men went out to hunt but they saw no other animal than a white wolf which could not be approached. the fresh meat being expended a little pemmican was served out this evening. the gale abated on the morning of the th and the sea, which it had raised, having greatly subsided, we embarked at seven a.m. and, after paddling three or four miles, opened sir j.a. gordon's bay into which we penetrated thirteen miles and then discovered from the summit of a hill that it would be in vain to proceed in this direction in search of a passage out of the inlet. our breakfast diminished our provision to two bags of pemmican and a single meal of dried meat. the men began to apprehend absolute want of food and we had to listen to their gloomy forebodings of the deer entirely quitting the coast in a few days. as we were embarking however a large bear was discovered on the opposite shore which we had the good fortune to kill, and the sight of this fat meat relieved their fears for the present. dr. richardson found in the stomach of this animal the remains of a seal, several marmots (arctomys richardsonii) a large quantity of the liquorice root of mackenzie (hedysarum) which is common on these shores, and some berries. there was also intermixed with these substances a small quantity of grass. we got again into the main inlet and paddled along its eastern shore until forty minutes after eight a.m. when we encamped in a small cove. we found a single log of driftwood; it was pine and sufficiently large to enable us to cook a portion of the bear which had a slight fishy taste but was deemed very palatable. august . we followed up the east border of the inlet about twenty-four miles and at length emerged into the opens sea, a body of islands to the westward concealing the channel by which we had entered. here our progress was arrested by returning bad weather. we killed a bear and its young cub of this year on the beach near our encampment. we heartily congratulated ourselves at having arrived at the eastern entrance of this inlet which had cost us nine invaluable days in exploring. it contains several secure harbours, especially near the mouth of back's river where there is a sandy bottom in forty fathoms. on the rd and th of august we observed a fall of more than two feet in the water during the night. there are various irregular and partial currents in the inlet which may be attributed to the wind. i have distinguished it by the name of bathurst's inlet after the noble secretary of state under whose orders i had the honour to act. it runs about seventy-six miles south-east from cape everitt but in coasting its shores we went about one hundred and seventy-four geographical miles. it is remarkable that none of the indians with whom we had spoken mentioned this inlet, and we subsequently learned that in their journeys they strike across from the mouth of one river to the mouth of another without tracing the intermediate line of coast. august . embarking at five a.m. we rounded point everitt and then encountered a strong breeze and heavy swell which, by causing the canoes to pitch very much, greatly impeded our progress. some deer being seen grazing in a valley near the beach we landed and sent st. germain and adam in pursuit of them who soon killed three which were very small and lean. their appearance however quite revived the spirits of our men who had suspected that the deer had retired to the woods. it would appear from our not having seen any in passing along the shores of bathurst's inlet that at this season they confine themselves to the sea-coast and the islands. the magpie-berries (arbutus alpina) were found quite ripe at this place, and very abundant on the acclivities of the hills. we also ascended the highest hill and gained a view of a distant chain of islands extending as far as the eye could reach, and perceived a few patches of ice still lingering round to some of them, but in every other part the sea was quite open. resuming our voyage after noon we proceeded along the coast which is fringed by islands, and at five p.m. entered another bay where we were for some time involved in our late difficulties by the intricacy of the passages, but we cleared them in the afternoon and encamped near the northern entrance of the bay at a spot which had recently been visited by a small party of esquimaux, as the remains of some eggs containing young were lying beside some half-burnt firewood. there were also several piles of stones put up by them. i have named this bay after my friend captain david buchan of the royal navy. it appears to be a safe anchorage, well sheltered from the wind and sea by islands; the bottom is sandy, the shores high and composed of red sandstone. two deer were seen on its beach but could not be approached. the distance we made today was eighteen miles and three-quarters. embarking at four on the morning of the th we proceeded against a fresh piercing north-east wind which raised the waves to a height that quite terrified our people, accustomed only to the navigation of rivers and lakes. we were obliged however to persevere in our advance, feeling as we did that the short season for our operations was hastening away, but after rounding cape croker the wind became so strong that we could proceed no farther. the distance we had made was only six miles on a north-east by east course. the shore on which we encamped is formed of the debris of red sandstone and is destitute of vegetation. the beach furnished no driftwood and we dispensed with our usual meal rather than expend our pemmican. several deer were seen but the hunters could not approach them; they killed two swans. we observed the latitude degrees minute seconds where we had halted to breakfast this morning. august . though the wind was not much diminished we were urged by the want of firewood to venture upon proceeding. we paddled close to the shore for some miles and then ran before the breeze with reefed sails scarcely two feet in depth. both the canoes received much water and one of them struck twice on sunken rocks. at the end of eighteen miles we halted to breakfast in a bay which i have named after vice-admiral sir william johnstone hope, one of the lords of the admiralty. we found here a considerable quantity of small willows such as are brought down by the rivers we had hitherto seen, and hence we judged that a river discharges itself into the bottom of this bay. a paddle was also found which augustus on examination declared to be made after the fashion of the white goose esquimaux, a tribe with whom his countrymen had had some trading communication as has been mentioned in a former part of the narrative. this morning we passed the embouchure of a pretty large stream and saw the vestiges of an esquimaux encampment not above a month old. having obtained the latitude degrees minutes seconds north we recommenced our voyage under sail, taking the precaution to embark all the pieces of willow we could collect, as we had found the driftwood become more scarce as we advanced. our course was directed to a distant point which we supposed to be a cape, and the land stretching to the westward of it to be islands, but we soon found ourselves in an extensive bay from which no outlet could be perceived but the one by which we had entered. on examination however from the top of a hill we perceived a winding shallow passage running to the north-west which we followed for a short time and then encamped, having come twenty-three miles north by east half east. some articles left by the esquimaux attracted our attention; we found a winter sledge raised upon four stones, with some snow-shovels and a small piece of whalebone. an ice-chisel, a knife and some beads were left at this pile. the shores of this bay, which i have named after sir george warrender, are low and clayey and the country for many miles is level and much intersected with water, but we had not leisure to ascertain whether they were branches of the bay or freshwater lakes. some white geese were seen this evening and some young gray ones were caught on the beach being unable to fly. we fired at two reindeer but without success. on august th we paddled the whole day along the northern shores of the sound, returning towards its mouth. the land we were now tracing is generally so flat that it could not be descried from the canoes at the distance of four miles and is invisible from the opposite side of the sound, otherwise a short traverse might have saved us some days. the few eminences that are on this side were mistaken for islands when seen from the opposite shore; they are for the most part cliffs of basalt and are not above one hundred feet high; the subjacent strata are of white sandstone. the rocks are mostly confined to the capes and shores, the soil inland being flat, clayey, and barren. most of the headlands showed traces of visits from the esquimaux but none of them recent. many ducks were seen, belonging to a species termed by the voyagers from their cry caccawees. we also saw some gray geese and swans. the only seal we procured during our voyage was killed this day; it happened to be blind and our men imagining it to be in bad health would not taste the flesh; we however were less nice. we encamped at the end of twenty-four miles' march on the north-west side of the bay to which i have given the name of my friend captain parry, now employed in the interesting research for a north-west passage. driftwood had become very scarce and we found none near the encampment; a fire however was not required as we served out pemmican for supper and the evening was unusually warm. on the following morning the breeze was fresh and the waves rather high. in paddling along the west side of parry's bay we saw several deer but, owing to the openness of the country, the hunters could not approach them. they killed however two swans that were moulting, several cranes and many gray geese. we procured also some caccawees which were then moulting and assembled in immense flocks. in the evening, having rounded point beechy and passed hurd's islands, we were exposed to much inconvenience and danger from a heavy rolling sea, the canoes receiving many severe blows and shipping a good deal of water, which induced us to encamp at five p.m. opposite to cape croker which we had passed on the morning of the th; the channel which lay between our situation and it being about seven miles wide. we had now reached the northern point of entrance into this sound which i have named in honour of lord viscount melville, the first lord of the admiralty. it is thirty miles wide from east to west and twenty from north to south, and in coasting it we had sailed eighty-seven and a quarter geographical miles. shortly after the tents were pitched mr. back reported from the steersman that both canoes had sustained material injury during this day's voyage. i found on examination that fifteen timbers of the first canoe were broken, some of them in two places, and that the second canoe was so loose in the frame that its timbers could not be bound in the usual secure manner, and consequently there was danger of its bark separating from the gunwales if exposed to a heavy sea. distressing as were these circumstances they gave me less pain than the discovery that our people, who had hitherto displayed in following us through dangers and difficulties no less novel than appalling to them a courage beyond our expectation, now felt serious apprehensions for their safety which so possessed their minds that they were not restrained even by the presence of their officers from expressing them. their fears we imagined had been principally excited by the interpreters, st. germain and adam, who from the outset had foreboded every calamity; and we now strongly suspected that their recent want of success in hunting had proceeded from an intentional relaxation in their efforts to kill deer in order that the want of provision might compel us to put a period to our voyage. i must now mention that many concurrent circumstances had caused me during the few last days to meditate on the approach of this painful necessity. the strong breezes we had encountered for some days led me to fear that the season was breaking up and severe weather would soon ensue which we could not sustain in a country destitute of fuel. our stock of provision was now reduced to a quantity of pemmican only sufficient for three days' consumption and the prospect of increasing it was not encouraging for, though reindeer were seen, they could not be easily approached on the level shores we were now coasting, besides it was to be apprehended they would soon migrate to the south. it was evident that the time spent in exploring the arctic and melville sounds and bathurst's inlet had precluded the hope of reaching repulse bay, which at the outset of the voyage we had fondly cherished, and it was equally obvious that, as our distance from any of the trading establishments would increase as we proceeded, the hazardous traverse across the barren grounds which we should have to make if compelled to abandon the canoes upon any part of the coast would become greater. i this evening communicated to the officers my sentiments on these points as well as respecting our return and was happy to find that their opinions coincided with my own. we were all convinced of the necessity of putting a speedy termination to our advance as our hope of meeting the esquimaux and procuring provision from them could now scarcely be retained, but yet we were desirous of proceeding until the land should be seen trending again to the eastward, that we might be satisfied of its separation from what we had conceived, in passing from cape barrow to bathurst's inlet, to be a great chain of islands. as it was needful however at all events to set a limit to our voyage i announced my determination of returning after four days' examination, unless indeed we should previously meet the esquimaux and be enabled to make some arrangement for passing the winter with them. this communication was joyfully received by the men and we hoped that the industry of our hunters being once more excited we should be able to add to our stock of provision. it may here be remarked that we observed the first regular return of the tides in warrender's and parry's bays, but their set could not be ascertained. the rise of water did not amount to more than two feet. course today south one quarter east-nine miles and a quarter. august . some rain fell in the night but the morning was unusually fine. we set forward at five a.m. and the men paddled cheerfully along the coast for ten miles when a dense fog caused us to land on slate-clay point. here we found more traces of the esquimaux and the skull of a man placed between two rocks. the fog dispersed at noon and we discerned a group of islands to the northward which i have named after vice-admiral sir george cockburn, one of the lords of the admiralty. reembarking we rounded the point and entered walker's bay (so-called after my friend admiral walker) where as in other instances the low beach which lay between several high trap cliffs could not be distinguished until we had coasted down the east side nearly to the bottom of the bay. when the continuity of the land was perceived we crossed to the western shore and on landing discovered a channel leading through a group of islands. having passed through this channel we ran under sail by the porden islands, across riley's bay and, rounding a cape which now bears the name of my lamented friend captain flinders, had the pleasure to find the coast trending north-north-east, with the sea in the offing unusually clear of islands, a circumstance which afforded matter of wonder to our canadians who had not previously had an uninterrupted view of the ocean. our course was continued along the coast until eight p.m. when a change in the wind and a threatening thunder-squall induced us to encamp, but the water was so shallow that we found some difficulty in approaching the shore. large pieces of driftwood gave us assurance that we had finally escaped from the bays. our tents were scarcely pitched before we were assailed by a heavy squall and rain, which was succeeded by a violent gale from west-north-west which thrice overset the tents during the night. the wind blew with equal violence on the following day and the sea rolled furiously upon the beach. the canadians had now an opportunity of witnessing the effect of a storm upon the sea and the sight increased their desire of quitting it. our hunters were sent out and saw many deer but the flatness of the country defeated their attempts to approach them; they brought however a few unfledged geese. as there was no appearance of increasing our stock of provision the allowance was limited to a handful of pemmican and a small portion of portable soup to each man per day. the thermometer this afternoon stood to degrees. the following observations were obtained: latitude degrees minutes seconds north, longitude degrees minutes seconds west, but degrees minutes seconds west was used in the construction of the chart as the chronometers were found, on our return to hood's river, to have altered their rates; variation degrees minutes seconds east and dip of the needle degrees minutes seconds. on august th, the stormy weather and sea continuing, there was no prospect of our being able to embark. dr. richardson, mr. back, and i therefore set out on foot to discover whether the land within a day's march inclined more to the east. we went from ten to twelve miles along the coast, which continued flat, and kept the same direction as the encampment. the most distant land we saw had the same bearing north-north-east, and appeared like two islands which we estimated to be six or seven miles off; the shore on their side seemingly tended more to the east so that it is probable point turnagain, for so this spot was named, forms the pitch of a low flat cape. augustus killed a deer in the afternoon but the men were not able to find it. the hunters found the burrows of a number of white foxes and hepburn killed one of these animals, which proved excellent eating, equal to the young geese with which it was boiled and far superior to the lean deer we had upon the coast. large flocks of geese passed over the tents flying to the southward. the lowest temperature today was degrees. though it will appear from the chart that the position of point turnagain is only six degrees and a half to the east of the mouth of the copper-mine river, we sailed, in tracing the deeply-indented coast, five hundred and fifty-five geographical miles, which is little less than the direct distance between the copper-mine river and repulse bay, supposing the latter to be in the longitude assigned to it by middleton. when the many perplexing incidents which occurred during the survey of the coast are considered in connection with the shortness of the period during which operations of the kind can be carried on, and the distance we had to travel before we could gain a place of shelter for the winter, i trust it will be judged that we prosecuted the enterprise as far as was prudent and abandoned it only under a well-founded conviction that a farther advance would endanger the lives of the whole party and prevent the knowledge of what had been done from reaching england. the active assistance i received from the officers in contending with the fears of the men demands my warmest gratitude. observations on the probability of a north-west passage. our researches, as far as they have gone, favour the opinion of those who contend for the practicability of a north-west passage. the general line of coast probably runs east and west, nearly in the latitude assigned to mackenzie's river, the sound into which kotzebue entered, and repulse bay, and i think there is little doubt of a continued sea in or about that line of direction. the existence of whales too on this part of the coast, evidenced by the whalebone we found in esquimaux cove, may be considered as an argument for an open sea; and a connection with hudson's bay is rendered more probable from the same kind of fish abounding on the coasts we visited, and on those to the north of churchill river. i allude more particularly to the capelin or salmo arcticus which we found in large shoals in bathurst's inlet and which not only abounds, as augustus told us, in the bays in his country, but swarms in the greenland firths.* the portion of the sea over which we passed is navigable for vessels of any size; the ice we met, particularly after quitting detention harbour, would not have arrested a strong boat. the chain of islands affords shelter from all heavy seas and there are good harbours at convenient distances. i entertain indeed sanguine hopes that the skill and exertions of my friend captain parry will soon render this question no longer problematical. his task is doubtless an arduous one and if ultimately successful may occupy two and perhaps three seasons but, confiding as i do from personal knowledge in his perseverance and talent for surmounting difficulties, the strength of his ships, and the abundance of provisions with which they are stored, i have very little apprehension of his safety. as i understand his object was to keep the coast of america close on board he will find in the spring of the year, before the breaking up of the ice can permit him to pursue his voyage, herds of deer flocking in abundance to all parts of the coast, which may be procured without difficulty, and even later in the season additions to his stock of provision may be obtained on many parts of the coast, should circumstances give him leisure to send out hunting parties. with the trawl or seine nets also he may almost everywhere get abundance of fish even without retarding his progress. under these circumstances i do not conceive that he runs any hazard of wanting provisions should his voyage be prolonged even beyond the latest period of time which is calculated upon. drift timber may be gathered at many places in considerable quantities and there is a fair prospect of his opening a communication with the esquimaux who come down to the coast to kill seals in the spring previous to the ice breaking up, and from whom, if he succeeds in conciliating their goodwill, he may obtain provision and much useful assistance. (*footnote. arctic zoology volume page .) if he makes for copper-mine river, as he probably will do, he will not find it in the longitude as laid down on the charts, but he will probably find what would be more interesting to him, a post which we erected on the th august at the mouth of hood's river which is nearly, as will appear hereafter, in that longitude, with a flag upon it and a letter at the foot of it, which may convey to him some useful information. it is possible however that he may keep outside of the range of islands which skirt this part of the coast. chapter . journey across the barren grounds. difficulty and delay in crossing copper-mine river. melancholy and fatal results thereof. extreme misery of the whole party. murder of mr. hood. death of several of the canadians. desolate state of fort enterprise. distress suffered at that place. dr. richardson's narrative. mr. back's narrative. conclusion. journey across the barren grounds. august , . my original intention, whenever the season should compel us to relinquish the survey, had been to return by the copper-mine river and, in pursuance of my arrangement with the hook, to travel to slave lake through the line of woods extending thither by the great bear and marten lakes, but our scanty stock of provision and the length of the voyage rendered it necessary to make for a nearer place. we had already found that the country between cape barrow and the copper-mine river would not supply our wants, and this it seemed probable would now be still the case, besides at this advanced season we expected the frequent recurrence of gales which would cause great detention if not danger in proceeding along that very rocky part of the coast. i determined therefore to make at once for arctic sound where we had found the animals more numerous than at any other place and, entering hood's river, to advance up that stream as far as it was navigable and then to construct small canoes out of the materials of the larger ones, which could be carried in crossing the barren grounds to fort enterprise. august . we were almost beaten out of our comfortless abodes by rain during the night and this morning the gale continued without diminution. the thermometer fell to degrees. two men were sent with junius to search for the deer which augustus had killed. junius returned in the evening, bringing part of the meat but, owing to the thickness of the weather, his companions parted from him and did not make their appearance. divine service was read. on the th we were presented with the most chilling prospect, the small pools of water being frozen over, the ground covered with snow, and the thermometer at the freezing-point at midday. flights of geese were passing to the southward. the wind however was more moderate, having changed to the eastward. considerable anxiety prevailing respecting belanger and michel, the two men who strayed from junius yesterday, the rest were sent out to look for them. the search was successful and they all returned in the evening. the stragglers were much fatigued and had suffered severely from the cold, one of them having his thighs frozen and, what under our present circumstances was most grievous, they had thrown away all the meat. the wind during the night returned to the north-west quarter, blew more violently than ever, and raised a very turbulent sea. the next day did not improve our condition, the snow remained on the ground, and the small pools were frozen. our hunters were sent out but they returned after a fatiguing day's march without having seen any animals. we made a scanty meal off a handful of pemmican, after which only half a bag remained. the wind abated after midnight and the surf diminished rapidly, which caused us to be on the alert at a very early hour on the nd, but we had to wait until six a.m. for the return of augustus who had continued out all night on an unsuccessful pursuit of deer. it appears that he had walked a few miles further along the coast than the party had done on the th and, from a sketch he drew on the sand, we were confirmed in our former opinion that the shore inclined more to the eastward beyond point turnagain. he also drew a river of considerable size that discharges its waters into walker's bay, on the banks of which stream he saw a piece of wood such as the esquimaux use in producing fire, and other marks so fresh that he supposed they had recently visited the spot. we therefore left several iron materials for them and, embarking without delay, prepared to retrace our steps.* our men, cheered by the prospect of returning, showed the utmost alacrity and, paddling with unusual vigour, carried us across riley's and walker's bays, a distance of twenty miles before noon, when we landed on slate-clay point as the wind had freshened too much to permit us to continue the voyage. the whole party went to hunt but returned without success in the evening, drenched with the heavy rain which commenced soon after they had set out. several deer were seen but could not be approached in this naked country and, as our stock of pemmican did not admit of serving out two meals, we went dinnerless to bed. (*footnote. it is a curious coincidence that our expedition left point turnagain on august --on the same day that captain parry sailed out of repulse bay. the parties were then distant from each other miles.) soon after our departure this day a sealed tin-case, sufficiently buoyant to float, was thrown overboard, containing a short account of our proceedings and the position of the most conspicuous points. the wind blew off the land, the water was smooth and, as the sea is in this part more free from islands than in any other, there was every probability of its being driven off the shore into the current which, as i have before mentioned, we suppose, from the circumstance of mackenzie's river being the only known stream that brings down the wood we have found along the shores, to set to the eastward. august . a severe frost caused us to pass a comfortless night. at two p.m. we set sail and the men voluntarily launched out to make a traverse of fifteen miles across melville sound before a strong wind and heavy sea. the privation of food under which our voyagers were then labouring absorbed every other terror; otherwise the most powerful persuasion could not have induced them to attempt such a traverse. it was with the utmost difficulty that the canoes were kept from turning their broadsides to the waves, though we sometimes steered with all the paddles. one of them narrowly escaped being overset by this accident, which occurred in a mid-channel where the waves were so high that the masthead of our canoe was often hid from the other, though it was sailing within hail. the traverse however was made; we were then near a high rocky lee shore on which a heavy surf was beating. the wind being on the beam, the canoes drifted fast to leeward and, on rounding a point, the recoil of the sea from the rocks was so great that they were with difficulty kept from foundering. we looked in vain for a sheltered bay to land in but at length, being unable to weather another point, we were obliged to put ashore on the open beach which fortunately was sandy at this spot. the debarkation was effected fortunately without further injury than splitting the head of the second canoe, which was easily repaired. our encampment being near the spot where we killed the deer on the th, almost the whole party went out to hunt, but returned in the evening without having seen any game. the berries however were ripe and plentiful and with the addition of some country tea furnished a supper. there were some showers in the afternoon and the weather was cold, the thermometer being degrees, but the evening and night were calm and fine. it may be remarked that the mosquitoes disappeared when the late gales commenced. august . embarking at three a.m. we stretched across the eastern entrance of bathurst's inlet and arrived at an island which i have named after the right honourable colonel barry of newton barry. some deer being seen on the beach the hunters went in pursuit of them and succeeded in killing three females which enabled us to save our last remaining meal of pemmican. they saw also some fresh tracks of musk-oxen on the banks of a small stream which flowed into a lake in the centre of the island. these animals must have crossed a channel at least three miles wide to reach the nearest of these islands. some specimens of variegated pebbles and jasper were found here embedded in the amygdaloidal rock. reembarking at two p.m. and continuing through what was supposed to be a channel between two islands we found our passage barred by a gravelly isthmus of only ten yards in width; the canoes and cargoes were carried across it and we passed into bathurst's inlet through another similar channel bounded on both sides by steep rocky hills. the wind then changing from south-east to north-west brought heavy rain, and we encamped at seven p.m. having advanced eighteen miles. august . starting this morning with a fresh breeze in our favour we soon reached that part of barry's island where the canoes were detained on the nd and rd of this month and, contrary to what we then experienced, the deer were now plentiful. the hunters killed two and relieved us from all apprehension of immediate want of food. from their assembling at this time in such numbers on the islands nearest to the coast we conjectured that they were about to retire to the main shore. those we saw were generally females with their young and all of them very lean. the wind continued in the same direction until we had rounded point wollaston and then changed to a quarter which enabled us to steer for hood's river, which we ascended as high as the first rapid and encamped. here terminated our voyage on the arctic sea during which we had gone over six hundred and fifty geographical miles. our canadian voyagers could not restrain their joy at having turned their backs on the sea, and passed the evening in talking over their past adventures with much humour and no little exaggeration. the consideration that the most painful, and certainly the most hazardous, part of the journey was yet to come did not depress their spirits at all. it is due to their character to mention that they displayed much courage in encountering the dangers of the sea, magnified to them by their novelty. the shores between cape barrow and cape flinders, including the extensive branches of arctic and melville sounds and bathurst's inlet, may be comprehended in one great gulf which i have distinguished by the appellation of george iv's coronation gulf in honour of his most gracious majesty, the latter name being added to mark the time of its discovery. the archipelago of islands which fringe the coast from copper-mine river to point turnagain i have named in honour of his royal highness the duke of york. it may be deserving of notice that the extremes in temperature of the seawater during our voyage were and degrees, but its general temperature was between and degrees. throughout our return from point turnagain we observed that the sea had risen several feet above marks left at our former encampments. this may perhaps be attributed to the north-west gales. august . previous to our departure this morning an assortment of iron materials, beads, looking-glasses, and other articles were put up in a conspicuous situation for the esquimaux and the english union was planted on the loftiest sandhill where it might be seen by any ships passing in the offing. here also was deposited in a tin box a letter containing an outline of our proceedings, the latitude and longitude of the principal places, and the course we intended to pursue towards slave lake. embarking at eight a.m. we proceeded up the river which is full of sandy shoals but sufficiently deep for canoes in the channels. it is from one hundred to two hundred yards wide and is bounded by high and steep banks of clay. we encamped at a cascade of eighteen or twenty feet high which is produced by a ridge of rock crossing the river and the nets were set. a mile below this cascade hood's river is joined by a stream half its own size which i have called james' branch. bear and deer tracks had been numerous on the banks of the river when we were here before but not a single recent one was to be seen at this time. credit however killed a small deer at some distance inland which, with the addition of berries, furnished a delightful repast this evening. the weather was remarkably fine and the temperature so mild that the mosquitoes again made their appearance, but not in any great numbers. our distance made today was not more than six miles. the next morning the net furnished us with ten white-fish and trout. having made a further deposit of ironwork for the esquimaux we pursued our voyage up the river, but the shoals and rapids in this part were so frequent that we walked along the banks the whole day and the crews laboured hard in carrying the canoes thus lightened over the shoals or dragging them up the rapids, yet our journey in a direct line was only about seven miles. in the evening we encamped at the lower end of a narrow chasm through which the river flows for upwards of a mile. the walls of this chasm are upwards of two hundred feet high, quite perpendicular and in some places only a few yards apart. the river precipitates itself into it over a rock, forming two magnificent and picturesque falls close to each other. the upper fall is about sixty feet high and the lower one at least one hundred but perhaps considerably more, for the narrowness of the chasm into which it fell prevented us from seeing its bottom and we could merely discern the top of the spray far beneath our feet. the lower fall is divided into two by an insulated column of rock which rises about forty feet above it. the whole descent of the river at this place probably exceeds two hundred and fifty feet. the rock is very fine felspathose sandstone. it has a smooth surface and a light red colour. i have named these magnificent cascades wilberforce falls as a tribute of my respect for that distinguished philanthropist and christian. messrs. back and hood took beautiful sketches of this majestic scene. the river, being surveyed from the summit of a hill above these falls, appeared so rapid and shallow that it seemed useless to attempt proceeding any farther in the large canoes. i therefore determined on constructing out of their materials two smaller ones of sufficient size to contain three persons for the purpose of crossing any river that might obstruct our progress. this operation was accordingly commenced and by the st, both the canoes being finished, we prepared for our departure on the following day. the leather which had been preserved for making shoes was equally divided among the men, two pairs of flannel socks were given to each person, and such articles of warm clothing as remained were issued to those who most required them. they were also furnished with one of the officers' tents. this being done i communicated to the men my intention of proceeding in as direct a course as possible to the part of point lake opposite our spring encampment, which was only distant one hundred and forty-nine miles in a straight line. they received the communication cheerfully, considered the journey to be short, and left me in high spirits to arrange their own packages. the stores, books, etc., which were not absolutely necessary to be carried were then put up in boxes to be left en cache here, in order that the men's burdens might be as light as possible. the next morning was warm and very fine. everyone was on the alert at an early hour, being anxious to commence the journey. our luggage consisted of ammunition, nets, hatchets, ice chisels, astronomical instruments, clothing, blankets, three kettles, and the two canoes, which were each carried by one man. the officers carried such a portion of their own things as their strength would permit; the weight carried by each man was about ninety pounds, and with this we advanced at the rate of about a mile an hour including rests. in the evening the hunters killed a lean cow out of a large drove of musk-oxen; but the men were too much laden to carry more than a small portion of its flesh. the alluvial soil which, towards the mouth of the river, spreads into plains covered with grass and willows, was now giving place to a more barren and hilly country, so that we could but just collect sufficient brushwood to cook our suppers. the part of the river we skirted this day was shallow and flowed over a bed of sand, its width about one hundred and twenty yards. about midnight our tent was blown down by a squall and we were completely drenched with rain before it could be repitched. on the morning of the st of september a fall of snow took place; the canoes became a cause of delay from the difficulty of carrying them in a high wind, and they sustained much damage through the falls of those who had charge of them. the face of the country was broken by hills of moderate elevation but the ground was plentifully strewed with small stones which, to men bearing heavy burdens and whose feet were protected only by soft moose-skin shoes, occasioned great pain. at the end of eleven miles we encamped and sent for a musk-ox and a deer which st. germain and augustus had killed. the day was extremely cold, the thermometer varying between and degrees. in the afternoon a heavy fall of snow took place on the wind changing from north-west to south-west. we found no wood at the encampment but made a fire of moss to cook the supper and crept under our blankets for warmth. at sunrise the thermometer was at degrees and the wind fresh from north-west, but the weather became mild in the course of the forenoon and the snow disappeared from the gravel. the afternoon was remarkably fine and the thermometer rose to degrees. one of the hunters killed a musk-ox. the hills in this part are lower and more round-backed than those we passed yesterday, exhibiting but little naked rock; they were covered with lichens. having ascertained from the summit of the highest hill near the tents that the river continued to preserve a west course and, fearing that by pursuing it farther we might lose much time and unnecessarily walk over a great deal of ground, i determined on quitting its banks the next day and making as directly as we could for point lake. we accordingly followed the river on the rd only to the place where the musk-ox had been killed last evening and, after the meat was procured, crossed the river in our two canoes lashed together. we now emerged from the valley of the river and entered a level but very barren country, varied only by small lakes and marshes, the ground being covered with small stones. many old tracks of reindeer were seen in the clayey soil and some more recent traces of the musk-ox. we encamped on the borders of wright's river which flows to the eastward, the direct distance walked today being ten miles and three-quarters. the next morning was very fine and as the day advanced the weather became quite warm. we set out at six a.m. and, having forded the river, walked over a perfectly level country interspersed with small lakes which communicated with each other by streams running in various directions. no berry-bearing plants were found in this part, the surface of the earth being thinly covered in the moister places with a few grasses, and on the drier spots with lichens. having walked twelve miles and a half we encamped at seven p.m. and distributed our last piece of pemmican and a little arrowroot for supper which afforded but a scanty meal. this evening was warm but dark clouds overspread the sky. our men now began to find their burdens very oppressive and were much fatigued by this day's march but did not complain. one of them was lame from an inflammation in the knee. heavy rain commenced at midnight and continued without intermission until five in the morning, when it was succeeded by snow on the wind changing to north-west, which soon increased to a violent gale. as we had nothing to eat and were destitute of the means of making a fire, we remained in our beds all the day, but the covering of our blankets was insufficient to prevent us from feeling the severity of the frost and suffering inconvenience from the drifting of the snow into our tents. there was no abatement of the storm next day; our tents were completely frozen and the snow had drifted around them to a depth of three feet, and even in the inside there was a covering of several inches on our blankets. our suffering from cold in a comfortless canvas tent in such weather with the temperature at degrees and without fire will easily be imagined; it was however less than that which we felt from hunger. the morning of the th cleared up a little but the wind was still strong and the weather extremely cold. from the unusual continuance of the storm we feared the winter had set in with all its rigour and that by longer delay we should only be exposed to an accumulation of difficulties; we therefore prepared for our journey although we were in a very unfit condition for starting, being weak from fasting and our garments stiffened by the frost. we had no means of making a fire to thaw them, the moss, at all times difficult to kindle, being now covered with ice and snow. a considerable time was consumed in packing up the frozen tents and bed clothes, the wind blowing so strong that no one could keep his hands long out of his mittens. just as we were about to commence our march i was seized with a fainting fit in consequence of exhaustion and sudden exposure to the wind but, after eating a morsel of portable soup, i recovered so far as to be able to move on. i was unwilling at first to take this morsel of soup, which was diminishing the small and only remaining meal for the party, but several of the men urged me to it with much kindness. the ground was covered a foot deep with snow, the margins of the lakes were encrusted with ice, and the swamps over which we had to pass were entirely frozen but the ice, not being sufficiently strong to bear us, we frequently plunged knee-deep in water. those who carried the canoes were repeatedly blown down by the violence of the wind and they often fell from making an insecure step on a slippery stone; on one of these occasions the largest canoe was so much broken as to be rendered utterly unserviceable. this we felt was a serious disaster as the remaining canoe having through mistake been made too small, it was doubtful whether it would be sufficient to carry us across a river. indeed we had found it necessary in crossing hood's river to lash the two canoes together. as there was some suspicion that benoit, who carried the canoe, had broken it intentionally, he having on a former occasion been overheard by some of the men to say that he would do so when he got it in charge, we closely examined him on the point; he roundly denied having used the expressions attributed to him, and insisted that it was broken by his falling accidentally and, as he brought men to attest the latter fact who saw him tumble, we did not press the matter further. i may here remark that our people had murmured a good deal at having to carry two canoes, though they were informed of the necessity of taking both in case it should be deemed advisable to divide the party, which it had been thought probable we should be obliged to do if animals proved scarce, in order to give the whole the better chance of procuring subsistence, and also for the purpose of sending forward some of the best walkers to search for indians and to get them to meet us with supplies of provision. the power of doing this was now at an end. as the accident could not be remedied we turned it to the best account by making a fire of the bark and timbers of the broken vessel and cooked the remainder of our portable soup and arrowroot. this was a scanty meal after three days' fasting but it served to allay the pangs of hunger and enabled us to proceed at a quicker pace than before. the depth of the snow caused us to march in indian file, that is in each other's steps, the voyagers taking it in turn to lead the party. a distant object was pointed out to this man in the direction we wished to take and mr. hood followed immediately behind him to renew the bearings and keep him from deviating more than could be helped from the mark. it may be here observed that we proceeded in this manner throughout our route across the barren grounds. in the afternoon we got into a more hilly country where the ground was strewed with large stones. the surface of these was covered with lichens of the genus gyrophora which the canadians term tripe de roche. a considerable quantity was gathered and with half a partridge each (which we shot in the course of the day) furnished a slender supper which we cooked with a few willows dug up from beneath the snow. we passed a comfortless night in our damp clothes but took the precaution of sleeping upon our socks and shoes to prevent them from freezing. this plan was afterwards adopted throughout the journey. at half-past five in the morning we proceeded and after walking about two miles came to cracroft's river, flowing to the westward with a very rapid current over a rocky channel. we had much difficulty in crossing this, the canoe being useless, not only from the bottom of the channel being obstructed by large stones, but also from its requiring gumming, an operation which, owing to the want of wood and the frost, we were unable to perform. however after following the course of the river some distance we effected a passage by means of a range of large rocks that crossed a rapid. as the current was strong and many of the rocks were covered with water to the depth of two or three feet, the men were exposed to much danger in carrying their heavy burdens across, and several of them actually slipped into the stream but were immediately rescued by the others. junius went farther up the river in search of a better crossing-place and did not rejoin us this day. as several of the party were drenched from head to foot and we were all wet to the middle, our clothes became stiff with the frost and we walked with much pain for the remainder of the day. the march was continued to a late hour from our anxiety to rejoin the hunters who had gone before, but we were obliged to encamp at the end of ten miles and a quarter without seeing them. our only meal today consisted of a partridge each (which the hunters shot) mixed with tripe de roche. this repast, although scanty for men with appetites such as our daily fatigue created, proved a cheerful one and was received with thankfulness. most of the men had to sleep in the open air in consequence of the absence of credit who carried their tent, but we fortunately found an unusual quantity of roots to make a fire, which prevented their suffering much from the cold though the thermometer was at degrees. we started at six on the th and at the end of two miles regained our hunters who were halting on the borders of a lake amidst a clump of stunted willows. this lake stretched to the westward as far as we could see and its waters were discharged by a rapid stream one hundred and fifty yards wide. being entirely ignorant where we might be led by pursuing the course of the lake, and dreading the idea of going a mile unnecessarily out of the way, we determined on crossing the river if possible, and the canoe was gummed for the purpose, the willows furnishing us with fire. but we had to await the return of junius before we could make the traverse. in the meantime we gathered a little tripe de roche and breakfasted upon it and a few partridges that were killed in the morning. st. germain and adam were sent upon some recent tracks of deer. junius arrived in the afternoon and informed us that he had seen a large herd of musk-oxen on the banks of cracroft's river, and had wounded one of them but it escaped. he brought about four pounds of meat, the remains of a deer that had been devoured by the wolves. the poor fellow was much fatigued, having walked throughout the night but, as the weather was particularly favourable for our crossing the river, we could not allow him to rest. after he had taken some refreshment we proceeded to the river. the canoe being put into the water was found extremely ticklish, but it was managed with much dexterity by st. germain, adam, and peltier, who ferried over one passenger at a time, causing him to lie flat in its bottom, by no means a pleasant position owing to its leakiness, but there was no alternative. the transport of the whole party was effected by five o'clock and we walked about two miles farther and encamped, having come five miles and three-quarters on a south-west course. two young alpine hares were shot by st. germain which with the small piece of meat brought in by junius furnished the supper of the whole party. there was no tripe de roche here. the country had now become decidedly hilly and was covered with snow. the lake preserved its western direction as far as i could see from the summit of the highest mountain near the encampment. we subsequently learned from the copper indians that the part at which we had crossed the river was the congecathawhachaga of hearne, of which i had little idea at the time, not only from the difference of latitude, but also from its being so much farther east of the mouth of the copper-mine river than his track is laid down, he only making one degree and three-quarters' difference of longitude and we upwards of four. had i been aware of the fact several days' harassing march and a disastrous accident would have been prevented by keeping on the western side of the lake instead of crossing the river. we were informed also that this river is the anatessy or river of strangers and is supposed to fall into bathurst's inlet, but although the indians have visited its mouth their description was not sufficient to identify it with any of the rivers whose mouths we had seen. it probably discharges itself in that part of the coast which was hid from our view by goulbourn's or elliott's islands. september . we had a cold north wind and the atmosphere was foggy. the thermometer degrees at five a.m. in the course of our march this morning we passed many small lakes and the ground, becoming higher and more hilly as we receded from the river, was covered to a much greater depth with snow. this rendered walking not only extremely laborious but also hazardous in the highest degree, for the sides of the hills, as is usual throughout the barren grounds, abounding in accumulations of large angular stones, it often happened that the men fell into the interstices with their loads on their backs, being deceived by the smooth appearance of the drifted snow. if anyone had broken a limb here his fate would have been melancholy indeed; we could neither have remained with him nor carried him on. we halted at ten to gather tripe de roche but it was so frozen that we were quite benumbed with cold before a sufficiency could be collected even for a scanty meal. on proceeding our men were somewhat cheered by observing on the sandy summit of a hill, from whence the snow had been blown, the summer track of a man, and afterwards by seeing several deer tracks on the snow. about noon the weather cleared up a little and, to our great joy, we saw a herd of musk-oxen grazing in a valley below us. the party instantly halted and the best hunters were sent out; they approached the animals with the utmost caution, no less than two hours being consumed before they got within gunshot. in the meantime we beheld their proceedings with extreme anxiety, and many secret prayers were doubtless offered up for their success. at length they opened their fire and we had the satisfaction of seeing one of the largest cows fall; another was wounded but escaped. this success infused spirit into our starving party. to skin and cut up the animal was the work of a few minutes. the contents of the stomach were devoured upon the spot, and the raw intestines which were next attacked were pronounced by the most delicate amongst us to be excellent. a few willows whose tops were seen peeping through the snow in the bottom of the valley were quickly grubbed, the tents pitched, and supper cooked and devoured with avidity. this was the sixth day since we had had a good meal, the tripe de roche, even where we got enough, only serving to allay the pangs of hunger for a short time. after supper two of the hunters went in pursuit of the herd but could not get near them. i do not think that we witnessed through the course of our journey a more striking proof of the wise dispensation of the almighty and of the weakness of our own judgment than on this day. we had considered the dense fog which prevailed throughout the morning as almost the greatest inconvenience that could have befallen us, since it rendered the air extremely cold and prevented us from distinguishing any distant object towards which our course could be directed. yet this very darkness enabled the party to get to the top of the hill which bounded the valley wherein the musk-oxen were grazing without being perceived. had the herd discovered us and taken alarm our hunters in their present state of debility would in all probability have failed in approaching them. we were detained all the next day by a strong southerly wind and were much incommoded in the tents by the drift snow. the temperature was degrees. the average for the last ten days about degrees. we restricted ourselves to one meal this day as we were at rest and there was only meat remaining sufficient for the morrow. the gale had not diminished on the th and, as we were fearful of its continuance for some time, we determined on going forward; our only doubt regarded the preservation of the canoe, but the men promised to pay particular attention to it, and the most careful persons were appointed to take it in charge. the snow was two feet deep and the ground much broken, which rendered the march extremely painful. the whole party complained more of faintness and weakness than they had ever done before; their strength seemed to have been impaired by the recent supply of animal food. in the afternoon the wind abated and the snow ceased; cheered with the change we proceeded forward at a quicker pace and encamped at six p.m. having come eleven miles. our supper consumed the last of our meat. we set out on the th in thick hazy weather and, after an hour's march, had the extreme mortification to find ourselves on the borders of a large lake; neither of its extremities could be seen and, as the portion which lay to the east seemed the widest, we coasted along to the westward portion in search of a crossing-place. this lake being bounded by steep and lofty hills our march was very fatiguing. those sides which were exposed to the sun were free from snow and we found upon them some excellent berries. we encamped at six p.m. having come only six miles and a half. credit was then missing and he did not return during the night. we supped off a single partridge and some tripe de roche; this unpalatable weed was now quite nauseous to the whole party and in several it produced bowel complaints. mr. hood was the greatest sufferer from this cause. this evening we were extremely distressed at discovering that our improvident companions since we left hood's river had thrown away three of the fishing-nets and burnt the floats; they knew we had brought them to procure subsistence for the party when the animals should fail, and we could scarcely believe the fact of their having wilfully deprived themselves of this resource, especially when we considered that most of them had passed the greater part of their servitude in situations where the nets alone had supplied them with food. being thus deprived of our principal resource, that of fishing, and the men evidently getting weaker every day, it became necessary to lighten their burdens of everything except ammunition, clothing, and the instruments that were required to find our way. i therefore issued directions to deposit at this encampment the dipping needle, azimuth compass, magnet, a large thermometer, and a few books we had carried, having torn out of these such parts as we should require to work the observations for latitude and longitude. i also promised, as an excitement to the efforts in hunting, my gun to st. germain, and an ample compensation to adam or any of the other men who should kill any animals. mr. hood on this occasion lent his gun to michel the iroquois, who was very eager in the chase and often successful. september . this morning, the officers being assembled round a small fire, perrault presented each of us with a small piece of meat which he had saved from his allowance. it was received with great thankfulness, and such an act of self-denial and kindness being totally unexpected in a canadian voyager filled our eyes with tears. in directing our course to a river issuing from the lake we met credit who communicated the joyful intelligence of his having killed two deer in the morning. we instantly halted and, having shared the deer that was nearest to us, prepared breakfast. after which the other deer was sent for and we went down to the river, which was about three hundred yards wide and flowed with great velocity through a broken rocky channel. having searched for a part where the current was most smooth, the canoe was placed in the water at the head of a rapid, and st. germain, solomon belanger, and i embarked in order to cross. we went from the shore very well, but in mid-channel the canoe became difficult to manage under our burden as the breeze was fresh. the current drove us to the edge of the rapid, when belanger unluckily applied his paddle to avert the apparent danger of being forced down it, and lost his balance. the canoe was overset in consequence in the middle of the rapid. we fortunately kept hold of it until we touched a rock where the water did not reach higher than our waists; here we kept our footing, notwithstanding the strength of the current, until the water was emptied out of the canoe. belanger then held the canoe steady whilst st. germain placed me in it and afterwards embarked himself in a very dexterous manner. it was impossible however to embark belanger, as the canoe would have been hurried down the rapid the moment he should have raised his foot from the rock on which he stood. we were therefore compelled to leave him in his perilous situation. we had not gone twenty yards before the canoe, striking on a sunken rock, went down. the place being shallow we were again enabled to empty it and the third attempt brought us to the shore. in the meantime belanger was suffering extremely, immersed to his middle in the centre of a rapid, the temperature of which was very little above the freezing-point, and the upper part of his body covered with wet clothes, exposed in a temperature not much above zero to a strong breeze. he called piteously for relief and st. germain on his return endeavoured to embark him but in vain. the canoe was hurried down the rapid and when he landed he was rendered by the cold incapable of further exertion and adam attempted to embark belanger but found it impossible. an attempt was next made to carry out to him a line made of the slings of the men's loads. this also failed, the current acting so strongly upon it as to prevent the canoe from steering and it was finally broken and carried down the stream. at length when belanger's strength seemed almost exhausted the canoe reached him with a small cord belonging to one of the nets and he was dragged perfectly senseless through the rapid. by the direction of dr. richardson he was instantly stripped and, being rolled up in blankets, two men undressed themselves and went to bed with him: but it was some hours before he recovered his warmth and sensations. as soon as belanger was placed in his bed the officers sent over my blankets and a person to make a fire. augustus brought the canoe over and in returning he was obliged to descend both the rapids before he could get across the stream, which hazardous service he performed with the greatest coolness and judgment. it is impossible to describe my sensations as i witnessed the various unsuccessful attempts to relieve belanger. the distance prevented my seeing distinctly what was going on and i continued pacing up and down upon the rock on which i landed, regardless of the coldness of my drenched and stiffening garments. the canoe in every attempt to reach him was hurried down the rapid, and was lost to view amongst the rocky islets with a rapidity that seemed to threaten certain destruction; once indeed i fancied that i saw it overwhelmed in the waves. such an event would have been fatal to the whole party. separated as i was from my companions without gun, ammunition, hatchet, or the means of making a fire, and in wet clothes, my doom would have been speedily sealed. my companions too, driven to the necessity of coasting the lake, must have sunk under the fatigue of rounding its innumerable arms and bays which as we have learned from the indians are very extensive. by the goodness of providence however we were spared at that time and some of us have been permitted to offer up our thanksgivings in a civilised land for the signal deliverances we then and afterwards experienced. by this accident i had the misfortune to lose my portfolio containing my journal from fort enterprise together with all the astronomical and meteorological observations made during the descent of the copper-mine river and along the sea-coast (except those for the dip and variation). i was in the habit of carrying it strapped across my shoulders but had taken it off on entering the canoe to reduce the upper weight. the results of most of the observations for latitude and longitude had been registered in the sketch-books so that we preserved the requisites for the construction of the chart. the meteorological observations not having been copied were lost. my companions, dr. richardson, mr. back, and mr. hood, had been so careful in noting every occurrence in their journals that the loss of mine could fortunately be well supplied. these friends immediately offered me their documents and every assistance in drawing up another narrative, of which kindness i availed myself at the earliest opportunity afterwards. september . the rest of the party were brought across this morning and we were delighted to find belanger so much recovered as to be able to proceed, but we could not set out until noon as the men had to prepare substitutes for the slings which were lost yesterday. soon after leaving the encampment we discerned a herd of deer and after a long chase a fine male was killed by perrault, several others were wounded but they escaped. after this we passed round the north end of a branch of the lake and ascended the willingham mountains, keeping near the border of the lake. these hills were steep, craggy, and covered with snow. we encamped at seven and enjoyed a substantial meal. the party were in good spirits this evening at the recollection of having crossed the rapid and being in possession of provision for the next day. besides we had taken the precaution of bringing away the skin of the deer to eat when the meat should fail. the temperature at six p.m. was degrees. we started at seven next morning and marched until ten when the appearance of a few willows peeping through the snow induced us to halt and breakfast. recommencing the journey at noon we passed over a more rugged country where the hills were separated by deep ravines whose steep sides were equally difficult to descend and to ascend, and the toil and suffering we experienced were greatly increased. the party was quite fatigued when we encamped, having come ten miles and three-quarters. we observed many summer deer roads and some recent tracks. some marks that had been put up by the indians were also noticed. we have since learned that this is a regular deer pass and, on that account, annually frequented by the copper indians. the lake is called by them contwoyto or rum lake in consequence of mr. hearne having here given the indians who accompanied him some of that liquor. fish is not found here. we walked next day over a more level country but it was strewed with large stones. these galled our feet a good deal; we contrived however to wade through the snow at a tolerably quick pace until five p.m., having proceeded twelve miles and a half. we had made today our proper course south by east which we could not venture upon doing before for fear of falling again upon some branch of the contwoyto. some deer were seen in the morning but the hunters failed of killing any and in the afternoon we fell into the track of a large herd which had passed the day before but did not overtake them. in consequence of this want of success we had no breakfast and but a scanty supper, but we allayed the pangs of hunger by eating pieces of singed hide. a little tripe de roche* was also obtained. these would have satisfied us in ordinary times but we were now almost exhausted by slender fare and travel and our appetites had become ravenous. we looked however with humble confidence to the great author and giver of all good for a continuance of the support which had hitherto been always supplied to us at our greatest need. the thermometer varied today between and degrees. the wind blew fresh from the south. (*footnote. the different kinds of gyrophora are termed indiscriminately by the voyagers tripe de roche.) on the th the atmosphere was hazy but the day was more pleasant for walking than usual. the country was level and gravelly and the snow very deep. we went for a short time along a deeply-beaten road made by the reindeer which turned suddenly off to the south-west, a direction so wide of our course that we could not venture upon following it. all the small lakes were frozen and we marched across those which lay in our track. we supped off the tripe de roche which had been gathered during our halts in the course of the march. thermometer at six p.m. degrees. showers of snow fell without intermission through the night but they ceased in the morning and we set out at the usual hour. the men were very faint from hunger and marched with difficulty, having to oppose a fresh breeze and to wade through snow two feet deep. we gained however ten miles by four o'clock and then encamped. the canoe was unfortunately broken by the fall of the person who had it in charge. no tripe de roche was seen today but in clearing the snow to pitch the tents we found a quantity of iceland moss which was boiled for supper. this weed not having been soaked proved so bitter that few of the party could eat more than a few spoonfuls. our blankets did not suffice this evening to keep us in tolerable warmth; the slightest breeze seeming to pierce our debilitated frames. the reader will probably be desirous to know how we passed our time in such a comfortless situation: the first operation after encamping was to thaw our frozen shoes if a sufficient fire could be made, and dry ones were put on; each person then wrote his notes of the daily occurrences and evening prayers were read; as soon as supper was prepared it was eaten, generally in the dark, and we went to bed and kept up a cheerful conversation until our blankets were thawed by the heat of our bodies and we had gathered sufficient warmth to enable us to fall asleep. on many nights we had not even the luxury of going to bed in dry clothes for when the fire was insufficient to dry our shoes we durst not venture to pull them off lest they should freeze so hard as to be unfit to put on in the morning and therefore inconvenient to carry. on the th we got into a hilly country and the marching became much more laborious, even the stoutest experienced great difficulty in climbing the craggy eminences. mr. hood was particularly weak and was obliged to relinquish his station of second in the line which dr. richardson now took to direct the leading man in keeping the appointed course. i was also unable to keep pace with the men who put forth their utmost speed, encouraged by the hope which our reckoning had led us to form of seeing point lake in the evening, but we were obliged to encamp without gaining a view of it. we had not seen either deer or their tracks through the day, and this circumstance, joined to the disappointment of not discovering the lake, rendered our voyagers very desponding, and the meagre supper of tripe de roche was little calculated to elevate their spirits. they now threatened to throw away their bundles and quit us, which rash act they would probably have committed if they had known what track to pursue. september . we set out at seven this morning in dark foggy weather and changed our course two points to the westward. the party were very feeble and the men much dispirited; we made slow progress, having to march over a hilly and very rugged country. just before noon the sun beamed through the haze for the first time for six days and we obtained an observation in latitude degrees minutes seconds north, which was six miles to the southward of that part of point lake to the way our course was directed. by this observation we discovered that we had kept to the eastward of the proper course, which may be attributed partly to the difficulty of preserving a straight line through an unknown country, unassisted by celestial observations and in such thick weather that our view was often limited to a few hundred yards, but chiefly to our total ignorance of the amount of the variation of the compass. we altered the course immediately to west-south-west and fired guns to apprise the hunters who were out of our view and ignorant of our having done so. after walking about two miles we waited to collect the stragglers. two partridges were killed and these with some tripe de roche furnished our supper. notwithstanding a full explanation was given to the men of the reasons for altering the course, and they were assured that the observation had enabled us to discover our exact distance from fort enterprise, they could not divest themselves of the idea of our having lost our way, and a gloom was spread over every countenance. at this encampment dr. richardson was obliged to deposit his specimens of plants and minerals collected on the sea-coast, being unable to carry them any farther. the way made today was five miles and a quarter. september . after walking about two miles this morning we came upon the borders of an extensive lake whose extremities could not be discerned in consequence of the density of the atmosphere but, as its shores seemed to approach nearer to each other to the southward than to the northward, we determined on tracing it in that direction. we were grieved at finding the lake expand very much beyond the contracted part we had first seen and incline to the eastward of south. as however it was considered more than probable, from the direction and size of the body of water we were now tracing, that it was a branch of point lake, and as in any case we knew that by passing round its south end we must shortly come to the copper-mine river, our course was continued in that direction. the appearance of some dwarf pines and willows, larger than usual, induced us to suppose the river was near. we encamped early having come eight miles. our supper consisted of tripe de roche and half a partridge each. our progress next day was extremely slow from the difficulty of managing the canoe in passing over the hills as the breeze was fresh. peltier, who had it in charge, having received several severe falls, became impatient and insisted on leaving his burden as it had already been much injured by the accidents of this day, and no arguments we could use were sufficient to prevail on him to continue carrying it. vaillant was therefore directed to take it and we proceeded forward. having found that he got on very well and was walking even faster than mr. hood could follow in his present debilitated state, i pushed forward to stop the rest of the party who had got out of sight during the delay which the discussion respecting the canoe had occasioned. i accidentally passed the body of the men and followed the tracks of two persons who had separated from the rest until two p.m. when, not seeing any person, i retraced my steps, and on my way met dr. richardson who had also missed the party whilst he was employed gathering tripe de roche, and we went back together in search of them. we found they had halted among some willows where they had picked up some pieces of skin and a few bones of deer that had been devoured by the wolves last spring. they had rendered the bones friable by burning and eaten them as well as the skin; and several of them had added their old shoes to the repast. peltier and vaillant were with them, having left the canoe which they said was so completely broken by another fall as to be rendered incapable of repair and entirely useless. the anguish this intelligence occasioned may be conceived but it is beyond my power to describe it. impressed however with the necessity of taking it forward, even in the state these men represented it to be, we urgently desired them to fetch it, but they declined going and the strength of the officers was inadequate to the task. to their infatuated obstinacy on this occasion a great portion of the melancholy circumstances which attended our subsequent progress may perhaps be attributed. the men now seemed to have lost all hope of being preserved and all the arguments we could use failed in stimulating them to the least exertion. after consuming the remains of the bones and horns of the deer we resumed our march, and in the evening reached a contracted part of the lake which, perceiving it to be shallow, we forded and encamped on the opposite side. heavy rain began soon afterwards and continued all night. on the following morning the rain had so wasted the snow that the tracks of mr. back and his companions, who had gone before with the hunters, were traced with difficulty, and the frequent showers during the day almost obliterated them. the men became furious at the apprehension of being deserted by the hunters and some of the strongest, throwing down their bundles, prepared to set out after them, intending to leave the more weak to follow as they could. the entreaties and threats of the officers however prevented their executing this mad scheme, but not before solomon belanger was despatched with orders for mr. back to halt until we should join him. soon afterwards a thick fog came on, but we continued our march and overtook mr. back, who had been detained in consequence of his companions having followed some recent tracks of deer. after halting an hour, during which we refreshed ourselves with eating our old shoes and a few scraps of leather, we set forward in the hope of ascertaining whether an adjoining piece of water was the copper-mine river or not, but were soon compelled to return and encamp for fear of a separation of the party, as we could not see each other at ten yards' distance. the fog diminishing towards evening, augustus was sent to examine the water but, having lost his way, he did not reach the tents before midnight when he brought the information of its being a lake. we supped upon tripe de roche and enjoyed a comfortable fire, having found some pines seven or eight feet high in a valley near the encampment. the bounty of providence was most seasonably manifested to us next morning in our killing five small deer out of a herd which came in sight as we were on the point of starting. this unexpected supply reanimated the drooping spirits of our men and filled every heart with gratitude. the voyagers instantly petitioned for a day's rest which we were most reluctant to grant, being aware of the importance of every moment at this critical period of our journey. but they so earnestly and strongly pleaded their recent sufferings and their conviction that the quiet enjoyment of two substantial meals after eight days' famine would enable them to proceed next day more vigorously, that we could not resist their entreaties. the flesh, the skins, and even the contents of the stomachs of the deer were equally distributed among the party by mr. hood who had volunteered, on the departure of mr. wentzel, to perform the duty of issuing the provision. this invidious task he had all along performed with great impartiality, but seldom without producing some grumbling amongst the canadians, and on the present occasion the hunters were displeased that the heads and some other parts had not been added to their portions. it is proper to remark that mr. hood always took the smallest portion for his own mess, but this weighed little with these men as long as their own appetites remained unsatisfied. we all suffered much inconvenience from eating animal food after our long abstinence, but particularly those men who indulged themselves beyond moderation. the canadians, with their usual thoughtlessness, had consumed above a third of their portions of meat that evening. we set out early on the th and, after walking about three miles along the lake, came to the river which we at once recognised from its size to be the copper-mine. it flowed to the northward and, after winding about five miles terminated in point lake. its current was swift, and there were two rapids in this part of its course which in a canoe we could have crossed with ease and safety. these rapids, as well as every other part of the river, were carefully examined in search of a ford but, finding none, the expedients occurred of attempting to cross on a raft made of the willows which were growing there, or in a vessel framed with willows and covered with the canvas of the tents, but both these schemes were abandoned through the obstinacy of the interpreters and the most experienced voyagers, who declared that they would prove inadequate to the conveyance of the party and that much time would be lost in the attempt. the men in fact did not believe that this was the copper-mine river and, so little confidence had they in our reckoning, and so much had they bewildered themselves on the march, that some of them asserted it was hood's river and others that it was the bethetessy. (a river which rises from a lake to the northward of rum lake and holds a course to the sea parallel with that of the copper-mine.) in short their despondency had returned, and they all despaired of seeing fort enterprise again. however the steady assurances of the officers that we were actually on the banks of the copper-mine river, and that the distance to fort enterprise did not exceed forty miles, made some impression upon them, which was increased upon our finding some bear-berry plants (arbutus uva ursi) which are reported by the indians not to grow to the eastward of that river. they then deplored their folly and impatience in breaking the canoe, being all of opinion that had it not been so completely demolished on the rd it might have been repaired sufficiently to take the party over. we again closely interrogated peltier and vaillant as to its state, with the intention of sending for it; but they persisted in the declaration that it was in a totally unserviceable condition. st. germain, being again called upon to endeavour to construct a canoe frame with willows, stated that he was unable to make one sufficiently large. it became necessary therefore to search for pines of sufficient size to form a raft and, being aware that such trees grow on the borders of point lake, we considered it best to trace its shores in search of them; we therefore resumed our march, carefully looking but in vain for a fordable part, and encamped at the east end of point lake. as there was little danger of our losing the path of our hunters whilst we coasted the shores of this lake i determined on again sending mr. back forward with the interpreters to hunt. i had in view in this arrangement the further object of enabling mr. back to get across the lake with two of these men to convey the earliest possible account of our situation to the indians. accordingly i instructed him to halt at the first pines he should come to and then prepare a raft and, if his hunters had killed animals so that the party could be supported whilst we were making our raft, he was to cross immediately with st. germain and beauparlant and send the indians to us as quickly as possible with supplies of meat. we had this evening the pain of discovering that two of our men had stolen part of the officers' provision which had been allotted to us with strict impartiality. this conduct was the more reprehensible as it was plain that we were suffering even in a greater degree than themselves from the effects of famine, owing to our being of a less robust habit and less accustomed to privations. we had no means of punishing this crime but by the threat that they should forfeit their wages, which had now ceased to operate. mr. back and his companions set out at six in the morning and we started at seven. as the snow had entirely disappeared and there were no means of distinguishing the footsteps of stragglers, i gave strict orders previously to setting out for all the party to keep together, and especially i desired the two esquimaux not to leave us, they having often strayed in search of the remains of animals. our people however, through despondency, had become careless and disobedient and had ceased to dread punishment or hope for reward. much time was lost in halting and firing guns to collect them, but the labour of walking was so much lightened by the disappearance of the snow that we advanced seven or eight miles along the lake before noon, exclusive of the loss of distance in rounding its numerous bays. at length we came to an arm running away to the north-east and apparently connected with the lake which we had coasted on the nd, rd and th of the month. the idea of again rounding such an extensive piece of water and of travelling over so barren a country was dreadful, and we feared that other arms equally large might obstruct our path, and that the strength of the party would entirely fail long before we could reach the only part where we were certain of finding wood, distant in a direct line twenty-five miles. while we halted to consider of this subject and to collect the party, the carcass of a deer was discovered in the cleft of a rock into which it had fallen in the spring. it was putrid but little less acceptable to us on that account in our present circumstances and, a fire being kindled, a large portion was devoured on the spot, affording us an unexpected breakfast for, in order to husband our small remaining portion of meat we had agreed to make only one scanty meal a day. the men, cheered by this unlooked-for supply, became sanguine in the hope of being able to cross the stream on a raft of willows, although they had before declared such a project impracticable, and they unanimously entreated us to return back to the rapid, a request which accorded with our own opinion and was therefore acceded to. credit and junius however were missing, and it was also necessary to send notice of our intention to mr. back and his party. augustus, being promised a reward, undertook the task and we agreed to wait for him at the rapid. it was supposed he could not fail meeting with the two stragglers on his way to or from mr. back, as it was likely they would keep on the borders of the lake. he accordingly set out after mr. back whilst we returned about a mile towards the rapid and encamped in a deep valley amongst some large willows. we supped on the remains of the putrid deer and the men, having gone to the spot where it was found, scraped together the contents of its intestines which were scattered on the rock and added them to their meal. we also enjoyed the luxury today of eating a large quantity of excellent blueberries and cranberries (vaccinium uliginosum and v. vitis idaea) which were laid bare by the melting of the snow, but nothing could allay our inordinate appetites. in the night we heard the report of credit's gun in answer to our signal muskets, and he rejoined us in the morning, but we got no intelligence of junius. we set out about an hour after daybreak, and encamped at two p.m. between the rapids where the river was about one hundred and thirty yards wide, being its narrowest part. difficulty and delay in crossing copper-mine river. eight deer were seen by michel and credit who loitered behind the rest of the party, but they could not approach them. a great many shots were fired by those in the rear at partridges but they missed, or at least did not choose to add what they killed to the common stock. we subsequently learned that the hunters often secreted the partridges they shot and ate them unknown to the officers. some tripe de roche was collected which we boiled for supper with the moiety of the remainder of our deer's meat. the men commenced cutting the willows for the construction of the raft. as an incitement to exertion i promised a reward of three hundred livres to the first person who should convey a line across the river by which the raft could be managed in transporting the party. melancholy and fatal results thereof. september . strong south-east winds with fog in the morning, more moderate in the evening. temperature of the rapid degrees. the men began at an early hour to bind the willows in fagots for the construction of the raft, and it was finished by seven but, as the willows were green, it proved to be very little buoyant, and was unable to support more than one man at a time. even on this however we hoped the whole party might be transported by hauling it from one side to the other, provided a line could be carried to the other bank. several attempts were made by belanger and benoit, the strongest men of the party, to convey the raft across the stream, but they failed for want of oars. a pole constructed by tying the tent poles together was too short to reach the bottom at a short distance from the shore, and a paddle which had been carried from the sea-coast by dr. richardson did not possess sufficient power to move the raft in opposition to a strong breeze which blew from the other side. all the men suffered extremely from the coldness of the water in which they were necessarily immersed up to the waists in their endeavours to aid belanger and benoit and, having witnessed repeated failures, they began to consider the scheme as hopeless. at this time dr. richardson, prompted by a desire of relieving his suffering companions, proposed to swim across the stream with a line and to haul the raft over. he launched into the stream with the line round his middle but when he had got a short distance from the bank his arms became benumbed with cold and he lost the power of moving them; still he persevered and, turning on his back, had nearly gained the opposite bank when his legs also became powerless and, to our infinite alarm, we beheld him sink. we instantly hauled upon the line and he came again on the surface and was gradually drawn ashore in an almost lifeless state. being rolled up in blankets he was placed before a good fire of willows and fortunately was just able to speak sufficiently to give some slight directions respecting the manner of treating him. he recovered strength gradually and through the blessing of god was enabled in the course of a few hours to converse and by the evening was sufficiently recovered to remove into the tent. we then regretted to learn that the skin of his whole left side was deprived of feeling in consequence of exposure to too great heat. he did not perfectly recover the sensation of that side until the following summer. i cannot describe what everyone felt at beholding the skeleton which the doctor's debilitated frame exhibited. when he stripped the canadians simultaneously exclaimed "ah! que nous sommes maigres!" i shall best explain his state and that of the party by the following extract from his journal: "it may be worthy of remark that i should have had little hesitation in any former period of my life at plunging into water even below degrees fahrenheit, but at this time i was reduced almost to skin and bone and, like the rest of the party, suffered from degrees of cold that would have been disregarded in health and vigour. during the whole of our march we experienced that no quantity of clothing would keep us warm whilst we fasted, but on those occasions on which we were enabled to go to bed with full stomachs we passed the night in a warm and comfortable manner." in following the detail of our friend's narrow escape i have omitted to mention that when he was about to step into the water he put his foot on a dagger which cut him to the bone, but this misfortune could not stop him from attempting the execution of his generous undertaking. in the evening augustus came in. he had walked a day and a half beyond the place from whence we turned back but had neither seen junius nor mr. back. of the former he had seen no traces but he had followed the tracks of mr. back's party for a considerable distance until the hardness of the ground rendered them imperceptible. junius was well equipped with ammunition, blankets, knives, a kettle, and other necessaries; and it was the opinion of augustus that when he found he could not rejoin the party he would endeavour to gain the woods on the west end of point lake and follow the river until he fell in with the esquimaux who frequent its mouth. the indians too with whom we have since conversed upon this subject are confident that he would be able to subsist himself during the winter. credit on his hunting excursion today found a cap which our people recognised to belong to one of the hunters who had left us in the spring. this circumstance produced the conviction of our being on the banks of the copper-mine river which all the assertions of the officers had hitherto failed in effecting with some of the party, and it had the happy consequence of reviving their spirits considerably. we consumed the last of our deer's meat this evening at supper. next morning the men went out in search of dry willows and collected eight large fagots with which they formed a more buoyant raft than the former but, the wind being still adverse and strong, they delayed attempting to cross until a more favourable opportunity. pleased however with the appearance of this raft they collected some tripe de roche and made a cheerful supper. dr. richardson was gaining strength but his leg was much swelled and very painful. an observation for latitude placed the encampment in degrees minutes seconds north, the longitude being degrees minutes seconds west, deduced from the last observation. on the morning of the st of october the wind was strong and the weather as unfavourable as before for crossing on the raft. we were rejoiced to see mr. back and his party in the afternoon. they had traced the lake about fifteen miles farther than we did and found it undoubtedly connected, as we had supposed, with the lake we fell in with on the nd of september and, dreading as we had done, the idea of coasting its barren shores, they returned to make an attempt at crossing here. st. germain now proposed to make a canoe of the fragments of painted canvas in which we wrapped our bedding. this scheme appearing practicable, a party was sent to our encampment of the th and th last to collect pitch amongst the small pines that grew there to pay over the seams of the canoe. in the afternoon we had a heavy fall of snow which continued all night. a small quantity of tripe de roche was gathered and credit, who had been hunting, brought in the antlers and back bone of a deer which had been killed in the summer. the wolves and birds of prey had picked them clean but there still remained a quantity of the spinal marrow which they had not been able to extract. this, although putrid, was esteemed a valuable prize and the spine being divided into portions was distributed equally. after eating the marrow, which was so acrid as to excoriate the lips, we rendered the bones friable by burning and ate them also. on the following morning the ground was covered with snow to the depth of a foot and a half and the weather was very stormy. these circumstances rendered the men again extremely despondent; a settled gloom hung over their countenances and they refused to pick tripe de roche, choosing rather to go entirely without eating than to make any exertion. the party which went for gum returned early in the morning without having found any, but st. germain said he could still make the canoe with the willows covered with canvas, and removed with adam to a clump of willows for that purpose. mr. back accompanied them to stimulate his exertion as we feared the lowness of his spirits would cause him to be slow in his operations. augustus went to fish at the rapid but, a large trout having carried away his bait, we had nothing to replace it. the snow-storm continued all the night and during the forenoon of the rd. having persuaded the people to gather some tripe de roche i partook of a meal with them and afterwards set out with the intention of going to st. germain to hasten his operations, but though he was only three-quarters of a mile distant i spent three hours in a vain attempt to reach him, my strength being unequal to the labour of wading through the deep snow, and i returned quite exhausted and much shaken by the numerous falls i had got. my associates were all in the same debilitated state and poor hood was reduced to a perfect shadow from the severe bowel complaints which the tripe de roche never failed to give him. back was so feeble as to require the support of a stick in walking, and dr. richardson had lameness superadded to weakness. the voyagers were somewhat stronger than ourselves but more indisposed to exertion on account of their despondency. the sensation of hunger was no longer felt by any of us, yet we were scarcely able to converse upon any other subject than the pleasures of eating. we were much indebted to hepburn at this crisis. the officers were unable from weakness to gather tripe de roche themselves and samandre, who had acted as our cook on the journey from the coast, sharing in the despair of the rest of the canadians, refused to make the slightest exertion. hepburn on the contrary, animated by a firm reliance on the beneficence of the supreme being, tempered with resignation to his will, was indefatigable in his exertions to serve us and daily collected all the tripe de roche that was used in the officers' mess. mr. hood could not partake of this miserable fare, and a partridge which had been reserved for him was i lament to say this day stolen by one of the men. october . the canoe being finished it was brought to the encampment and, the whole party being assembled in anxious expectation on the beach, st. germain embarked and, amidst our prayers for his success, succeeded in reaching the opposite shore. the canoe was then drawn back again and another person transported, and in this manner, by drawing it backwards and forwards, we were all conveyed over without any serious accident. by these frequent traverses the canoe was materially injured, and latterly it filled each time with water before reaching the shore, so that all our garments and bedding were wet and there was not a sufficiency of willows upon the side on which we now were to make a fire to dry them. that no time might be lost in procuring relief i immediately despatched mr. back with st. germain, solomon belanger, and beauparlant to search for the indians, directing him to go to fort enterprise where we expected they would be or where at least a note from mr. wentzel would be found to direct us in our search for them. if st. germain should kill any animals on his way a portion of the meat was to be put up securely for us and conspicuous marks placed over it. it is impossible to imagine a more gratifying change than was produced in our voyagers after we were all safely landed on the southern banks of the river. their spirits immediately revived, each of them shook the officers cordially by the hand and declared they now considered the worst of their difficulties over as they did not doubt of reaching fort enterprise in a few days, even in their feeble condition. we had indeed every reason to be grateful and our joy would have been complete had it not been mingled with sincere regret at the separation of our poor esquimaux, the faithful junius. extreme misery of the whole party. the want of tripe de roche caused us to go supperless to bed. showers of snow fell frequently during the night. the breeze was light next morning, the weather cold and clear. we were all on foot by daybreak but, from the frozen state of our tents and bedclothes, it was long before the bundles could be made and as usual the men lingered over a small fire they had kindled so that it was eight o'clock before we started. our advance from the depth of the snow was slow, and about noon, coming to a spot where there was some tripe de roche, we stopped to collect it and breakfasted. mr. hood, who was now very feeble, and dr. richardson, who attached himself to him, walked together at a gentle pace in the rear of the party. i kept with the foremost men to cause them to halt occasionally until the stragglers came up. resuming our march after breakfast we followed the track of mr. back's party and encamped early as all of us were much fatigued, particularly credit who, having today carried the men's tent, it being his turn so to do, was so exhausted that when he reached the encampment he was unable to stand. the tripe de roche disagreed with this man and with vaillant in consequence of which they were the first whose strength totally failed. we had a small quantity of this weed in the evening and the rest of our supper was made up of scraps of roasted leather. the distance walked today was six miles. as credit was very weak in the morning his load was reduced to little more than his personal luggage, consisting of his blanket, shoes and gun. previous to setting out the whole party ate the remains of their old shoes and whatever scraps of leather they had to strengthen their stomachs for the fatigue of the day's journey. we left the encampment at nine and pursued our route over a range of black hills. the wind, having increased to a strong gale in the course of the morning, became piercingly cold and the drift rendered it difficult for those in the rear to follow the track over the heights, whilst in the valleys where it was sufficiently marked from the depth of the snow the labour of walking was proportionably great. those in advance made as usual frequent halts, yet being unable from the severity of the weather to remain long still they were obliged to move on before the rear could come up and the party of course straggled very much. about noon, samandre coming up, informed us that credit and vaillant could advance no farther. some willows being discovered in a valley near us i proposed to halt the party there whilst dr. richardson went back to visit them. i hoped too that when the sufferers received the information of a fire being kindled at so short a distance they would be cheered, and use their utmost efforts to reach it, but this proved a vain hope. the doctor found vaillant about a mile and a half in the rear, much exhausted with cold and fatigue. having encouraged him to advance to the fire, after repeated solicitations he made the attempt, but fell down amongst the deep snow at every step. leaving him in this situation the doctor went about half a mile farther back to the spot where credit was said to have halted and, the track being nearly obliterated by the snowdrift, it became unsafe for him to go farther. returning he passed vaillant who, having moved only a few yards in his absence, had fallen down, was unable to rise, and could scarcely answer his questions. being unable to afford him any effectual assistance he hastened on to inform us of his situation. when j.b. belanger had heard the melancholy account he went immediately to aid vaillant and bring up his burden. respecting credit we were informed by samandre that he had stopped a short distance behind vaillant, but that his intention was to return to the encampment of the preceding evening. when belanger came back with vaillant's load he informed us that he had found him lying on his back, benumbed with cold and incapable of being roused. the stoutest men of the party were now earnestly entreated to bring him to the fire, but they declared themselves unequal to the task, and on the contrary urged me to allow them to throw down their loads and proceed to fort enterprise with the utmost speed. a compliance with their desire would have caused the loss of the whole party, for the men were totally ignorant of the course to be pursued, and none of the officers who could have directed the march were sufficiently strong to keep up at the pace they would then walk, besides, even supposing them to have found their way, the strongest men would certainly have deserted the weak. something however was absolutely necessary to be done to relieve them as much as possible from their burdens, and the officers consulted on the subject. mr. hood and dr. richardson proposed to remain behind with a single attendant at the first place where sufficient wood and tripe de roche should be found for ten days' consumption, and that i should proceed as expeditiously as possible with the men to the house and thence send them immediate relief. they strongly urged that this arrangement would contribute to the safety of the rest of the party by relieving them from the burden of a tent and several other articles, and that they might afford aid to credit if he should unexpectedly come up. i was distressed beyond description at the thought of leaving them in such a dangerous situation and for a long time combated their proposal, but they strenuously urged that this step afforded the only chance of safety for the party and i reluctantly acceded to it. the ammunition, of which we had a small barrel, was also to be left with them, and it was hoped that this deposit would be a strong inducement for the indians to venture across the barren grounds to their aid. we communicated this resolution to the men who were cheered at the slightest prospect of alleviation to their present miseries and promised with great appearance of earnestness to return to those officers upon the first supply of food. the party then moved on; vaillant's blanket and other necessaries were left in the track at the request of the canadians, without any hope however of his being able to reach them. after marching till dusk without seeing a favourable place for encamping, night compelled us to take shelter under the lee of a hill amongst some willows, with which, after many attempts, we at length made a fire. it was not sufficient however to warm the whole party, much less to thaw our shoes, and the weather not permitting the gathering of tripe de roche we had nothing to cook. the painful retrospection of the melancholy events of the day banished sleep, and we shuddered as we contemplated the dreadful effects of this bitterly cold night on our two companions, if still living. some faint hopes were entertained of credit's surviving the storm as he was provided with a good blanket and had leather to eat. the weather was mild next morning. we left the encampment at nine and at a little before noon came to a pretty extensive thicket of small willows near which there appeared a supply of tripe de roche on the face of the rocks. at this place dr. richardson and mr. hood determined to remain with john hepburn who volunteered to stop with them. the tent was securely pitched, a few willows collected, and the ammunition and all other articles were deposited, except each man's clothing, one tent, a sufficiency of ammunition for the journey, and the officers' journals. i had only one blanket which was carried for me and two pair of shoes. the offer was now made for any of the men who felt themselves too weak to proceed to remain with the officers but none of them accepted it. michel alone felt some inclination to do so. after we had united in thanksgiving and prayers to almighty god i separated from my companions, deeply afflicted that a train of melancholy circumstances should have demanded of me the severe trial of parting in such a condition from friends who had become endeared to me by their constant kindness and cooperation, and a participation of numerous sufferings. this trial i could not have been induced to undergo but for the reasons they had so strongly urged the day before, to which my own judgment assented and for the sanguine hope i felt of either finding a supply of provision at fort enterprise or meeting the indians in the immediate vicinity of that place, according to my arrangements with mr. wentzel and akaitcho. previously to our starting peltier and benoit repeated their promises to return to them with provision if any should be found at the house or to guide the indians to them if any were met. greatly as mr. hood was exhausted, and indeed incapable as he must have proved of encountering the fatigue of our very next day's journey, so that i felt his resolution to be prudent, i was sensible that his determination to remain was chiefly prompted by the disinterested and generous wish to remove impediments to the progress of the rest. dr. richardson and hepburn, who were both in a state of strength to keep pace with the men besides, this motive which they shared with him, were influenced in their resolution to remain, the former by the desire which had distinguished his character throughout the expedition of devoting himself to the succour of the weak, and the latter by the zealous attachment he had ever shown towards his officers. we set out without waiting to take any of the tripe de roche and, walking at a tolerable pace, in an hour arrived at a fine group of pines about a mile and a quarter from the tent. we sincerely regretted not having seen these before we separated from our companions as they would have been better supplied with fuel here and there appeared to be more tripe de roche than where we had left them. descending afterwards into a more level country we found the snow very deep and the labour of wading through it so fatigued the whole party that we were compelled to encamp after a march of four miles and a half. belanger and michel were left far behind and when they arrived at the encampment appeared quite exhausted. the former, bursting into tears, declared his inability to proceed and begged me to let him go back next morning to the tent and shortly afterwards michel made the same request. i was in hopes they might recover a little strength by the night's rest and therefore deferred giving any permission until morning. the sudden failure in the strength of these men cast a gloom over the rest, which i tried in vain to remove by repeated assurances that the distance to fort enterprise was short and that we should in all probability reach it in four days. not being able to find any tripe de roche we drank an infusion of the labrador tea plant (ledum palustre) and ate a few morsels of burnt leather for supper. we were unable to raise the tent and found its weight too great to carry it on; we therefore cut it up and took a part of the canvas for a cover. the night was bitterly cold and though we lay as close to each other as possible, having no shelter, we could not keep ourselves sufficiently warm to sleep. a strong gale came on after midnight which increased the severity of the weather. in the morning belanger and michel renewed their request to be permitted to go back to the tent, assuring me they were still weaker than on the preceding evening and less capable of going forward, and they urged that the stopping at a place where there was a supply of tripe de roche was their only chance of preserving life; under these circumstances i could not do otherwise than yield to their desire. i wrote a note to dr. richardson and mr. hood informing them of the pines we had passed and recommending their removing thither. having found that michel was carrying a considerable quantity of ammunition i desired him to divide it among my party, leaving him only ten balls and a little shot to kill any animals he might meet on his way to the tent. this man was very particular in his inquiries respecting the direction of the house and the course we meant to pursue; he also said that if he should be able he would go and search for vaillant and credit; and he requested my permission to take vaillant's blanket if he should find it, to which i agreed and mentioned it in my notes to the officers. scarcely were these arrangements finished before perrault and fontano were seized with a fit of dizziness and betrayed other symptoms of extreme debility. some tea was quickly prepared for them and after drinking it and eating a few morsels of burnt leather they recovered and expressed their desire to go forward, but the other men, alarmed at what they had just witnessed, became doubtful of their own strength and, giving way to absolute dejection, declared their inability to move. i now earnestly pressed upon them the necessity of continuing our journey as the only means of saving their own lives as well as those of our friends at the tent, and after much entreaty got them to set out at ten a.m. belanger and michel were left at the encampment and proposed to start shortly afterwards. by the time we had gone about two hundred yards perrault became again dizzy and desired us to halt which we did until he, recovering, offered to march on. ten minutes more had hardly elapsed before he again desired us to stop and, bursting into tears, declared he was totally exhausted and unable to accompany us farther. as the encampment was not more than a quarter of a mile distant we recommended that he should return to it and rejoin belanger and michel whom we knew to be still there from perceiving the smoke of a fresh fire, and because they had not made any preparation for starting when we quitted them. he readily acquiesced in the proposition and, having taken a friendly leave of each of us, and enjoined us to make all the haste we could in sending relief, he turned back, keeping his gun and ammunition. we watched him until he was nearly at the fire and then proceeded. during these detentions augustus becoming impatient of the delay had walked on and we lost sight of him. the labour we experienced in wading through the deep snow induced us to cross a moderate-sized lake which lay in our track, but we found this operation far more harassing. as the surface of the ice was perfectly smooth we slipped at almost every step and were frequently blown down by the wind with such force as to shake our whole frames. poor fontano was completely exhausted by the labour of this traverse and we made a halt until his strength was recruited, by which time the party was benumbed with cold. proceeding again he got on tolerably well for a little time but, being again seized with faintness and dizziness, he fell often and at length exclaimed that he could go no farther. we immediately stopped and endeavoured to encourage him to persevere until we should find some willows to encamp; he insisted however that he could not march any longer through this deep snow, and said that, if he should even reach our encampment this evening, he must be left there, provided tripe de roche could not be procured to recruit his strength. the poor man was overwhelmed with grief and seemed desirous to remain at that spot. we were about two miles from the place where the other men had been left and, as the track to it was beaten, we proposed to him to return thither as we thought it probable he would find the men still there; at any rate he would be able to get fuel to keep him warm during the night, and on the next day he could follow their track to the officers' tent and, should the path be covered by the snow, the pines we had passed yesterday would guide him as they were yet in view. i cannot describe my anguish on the occasion of separating from another companion under circumstances so distressing. there was however no alternative. the extreme debility of the rest of the party put the carrying him quite out of the question, as he himself admitted, and it was evident that the frequent delays he must occasion if he accompanied us and did not gain strength would endanger the lives of the whole. by returning he had the prospect of getting to the tent where tripe de roche could be obtained, which agreed with him better than with any other of the party, and which he was always very assiduous in gathering. after some hesitation he determined on going back and set out, having bid each of us farewell in the tenderest manner. we watched him with inexpressible anxiety for some time, and were rejoiced to find, though he got on slowly, that he kept on his legs better than before. antonio fontano was an italian and had served for many years in de meuron's regiment. he had spoken to me that very morning and after his first attack of dizziness about his father, and had begged that, should he survive, i would take him with me to england and put him in the way of reaching home. the party was now reduced to five persons, adam, peltier, benoit, samandre and myself. continuing the journey we came after an hour's walk to some willows and encamped under the shelter of a rock, having walked in the whole four miles and a half. we made an attempt to gather some tripe de roche but could not, owing to the severity of the weather. our supper therefore consisted of tea and a few morsels of leather. augustus did not make his appearance but we felt no alarm at his absence, supposing he would go to the tent if he missed our track. having fire we procured a little sleep. next morning the breeze was light and the weather mild which enabled us to collect some tripe de roche and to enjoy the only meal we had had for four days. we derived great benefit from it and walked with considerably more ease than yesterday. without the strength it supplied we should certainly have been unable to oppose the strong breeze we met in the afternoon. after walking about five miles we came upon the borders of marten lake and were rejoiced to find it frozen so that we could continue our course straight for fort enterprise. we encamped at the first rapid in winter river amidst willows and alders, but these were so frozen and the snow fell so thick that the men had great difficulty in making a fire. this proving insufficient to warm us or even thaw our shoes, and having no food to prepare, we crept under our blankets. the arrival in a well-known part raised the spirits of the men to a high pitch, and we kept up a cheerful conversation until sleep overpowered us. the night was very stormy and the morning scarcely less so but, being desirous to reach the house this day, we commenced our journey very early. we were gratified by the sight of a large herd of reindeer on the side of the hill near the track, but our only hunter adam was too feeble to pursue them. our shoes and garments were stiffened by the frost and we walked in great pain until we arrived at some stunted pines, at which we halted, made a good fire, and procured the refreshment of tea. the weather becoming fine in the afternoon we continued our journey, passed the dog-rib rock, and encamped among a clump of pines of considerable growth about a mile farther on. here we enjoyed the comfort of a large fire for the first time since our departure from the sea-coast, but this gratification was purchased at the expense of many severe falls in crossing a stony valley to get to these trees. there was no tripe de roche and we drank tea and ate some of our shoes for supper. next morning after taking the usual repast of tea we proceeded to the house. musing on what we were likely to find there our minds were agitated between hope and fear and, contrary to the custom we had kept up of supporting our spirits by conversation, we went silently forward. desolate state of fort enterprise. at length we reached fort enterprise and to our infinite disappointment and grief found it a perfectly desolate habitation. there was no deposit of provision, no trace of the indians, no letter from mr. wentzel to point out where the indians might be found. it would be impossible to describe our sensations after entering this miserable abode and discovering how we had been neglected; the whole party shed tears, not so much for our own fate as for that of our friends in the rear, whose lives depended entirely on our sending immediate relief from this place. i found a note however from mr. back, stating that he had reached the house two days before and was going in search of the indians at a part where st. germain deemed it probable they might be found. if he was unsuccessful he purposed walking to fort providence and sending succour from thence, but he doubted whether either he or his party could perform the journey to that place in their present debilitated state. it was evident that any supply that could be sent from fort providence would be long in reaching us, neither could it be sufficient to enable us to afford any assistance to our companions behind, and that the only relief for them must be procured from the indians. i resolved therefore on going also in search of them, but my companions were absolutely incapable of proceeding and i thought by halting two or three days they might gather a little strength whilst the delay would afford us the chance of learning whether mr. back had seen the indians. distress suffered at that place. we now looked round for the means of subsistence and were gratified to find several deer-skins which had been thrown away during our former residence. the bones were gathered from the heap of ashes; these with the skins and the addition of tripe de roche we considered would support us tolerably well for a time. as to the house, the parchment being torn from the windows, the apartment we selected for our abode was exposed to all the rigour of the season. we endeavoured to exclude the wind as much as possible by placing loose boards against the apertures. the temperature was now between and degrees below zero. we procured fuel by pulling up the flooring of the other rooms, and water for cooking by melting the snow. whilst we were seated round the fire, singeing the deer-skin for supper, we were rejoiced by the unexpected entrance of augustus. he had followed quite a different course from ours and the circumstance of his having found his way through a part of the country he had never been in before must be considered a remarkable proof of sagacity. the unusual earliness of this winter became manifest to us from the state of things at this spot. last year at the same season and still later there had been very little snow on the ground and we were surrounded by vast herds of reindeer; now there were but few recent tracks of these animals and the snow was upwards of two feet deep. winter river was then open, now it was frozen two feet thick. when i arose the following morning my body and limbs were so swollen that i was unable to walk more than a few yards. adam was in a still worse condition, being absolutely incapable of rising without assistance. my other companions happily experienced this inconvenience in a less degree and went to collect bones and some tripe de roche which supplied us with two meals. the bones were quite acrid and the soup extracted from them excoriated the mouth if taken alone, but it was somewhat milder when boiled with tripe de roche and we even thought the mixture palatable with the addition of salt, of which a cask had been fortunately left here in the spring. augustus today set two fishing-lines below the rapid. on his way thither he saw two deer but had not strength to follow them. on the th the wind blew violently from south-east and the snow drifted so much that the party were confined to the house. in the afternoon of the following day belanger arrived with a note from mr. back stating that he had seen no trace of the indians, and desiring further instructions as to the course he should pursue. belanger's situation however required our first care as he came in almost speechless and covered with ice, having fallen into a rapid and, for the third time since we left the coast, narrowly escaped drowning. he did not recover sufficiently to answer our questions until we had rubbed him for some time, changed his dress, and given him some warm soup. my companions nursed him with the greatest kindness and the desire of restoring him to health seemed to absorb all regard for their own situation. i witnessed with peculiar pleasure this conduct, so different from that which they had recently pursued when every tender feeling was suspended by the desire of self-preservation. they now no longer betrayed impatience or despondency but were composed and cheerful and had entirely given up the practice of swearing, to which the canadian voyagers are so lamentably addicted. our conversation naturally turned upon the prospect of getting relief and upon the means which were best adapted for obtaining it. the absence of all traces of indians on winter river convinced me that they were at this time on the way to fort providence and that, by proceeding towards that post, we should overtake them as they move slowly when they have their families with them. this route also offered us the prospect of killing deer in the vicinity of reindeer lake, in which neighbourhood our men in their journey to and fro last winter had always found them abundant. upon these grounds i determined on taking the route to fort providence as soon as possible, and wrote to mr. back, desiring him to join me at reindeer lake and detailing the occurrences since we parted, that our friends might receive relief in case of any accident happening to me. belanger did not recover sufficient strength to leave us before the th. his answers as to the exact part of round-rock lake in which he had left mr. back were very unsatisfactory, and we could only collect that it was at a considerable distance, and that he was still going on with the intention of halting at the place where akaitcho was encamped last summer, about thirty miles off. this distance appeared so great that i told belanger it was very unsafe for him to attempt it alone and that he would be several days in accomplishing it. he stated however that, as the track was beaten, he should experience little fatigue, and seemed so confident that i suffered him to depart with a supply of singed hide. next day i received information which explained why he was so unwilling to acquaint us with the situation of mr. back's party. he dreaded that i should resolve upon joining it when our numbers would be so great as to consume at once everything st. germain might kill, if by accident he should be successful in hunting. he even endeavoured to entice away our other hunter, adam, and proposed to him to carry off the only kettle we had and without which we could not have subsisted two days. adam's inability to move however precluded him from agreeing to the proposal but he could assign no reason for not acquainting me with it previous to belanger's departure. i was at first inclined to consider the whole matter as a fiction of adam's, but he persisted in his story without wavering, and belanger when we met again confessed that every part of it was true. it is painful to have to record a fact so derogatory to human nature but i have deemed it proper to mention it to show the difficulties we had to contend with, and the effect which distress had in warping the feelings and understanding of the most diligent and obedient of our party, for such belanger had been always esteemed up to this time. in making arrangements for our departure adam disclosed to me for the first time that he was affected with oedematous swellings in some parts of the body to such a degree as to preclude the slightest attempt at marching and, upon my expressing my surprise at his having hitherto concealed from me the extent of his malady, among other explanations the details of the preceding story came out. it now became necessary to abandon the original intention of proceeding with the whole party towards fort providence and, peltier and samandre having volunteered to remain with adam, i determined on setting out with benoit and augustus, intending to send them relief by the first party of indians we should meet. my clothes were so much torn as to be quite inadequate to screen me from the wind and peltier and samandre, fearing that i might suffer on the journey in consequence, kindly exchanged with me parts of their dress, desiring me to send them skins in return by the indians. having patched up three pairs of snowshoes and singed a quantity of skin for the journey we started on the morning of the th. previous to my departure i packed up the journals of the officers, the charts, and some other documents, together with a letter addressed to the under-secretary of state detailing the occurrences of the expedition up to this period, which package was given in charge to peltier and samandre with directions that it should be brought away by the indians who might come to them. i also instructed them to send succour immediately on its arrival to our companions in the rear, which they solemnly promised to do, and i left a letter for my friends, richardson and hood, to be sent at the same time. i thought it necessary to admonish peltier, samandre, and adam to eat two meals every day in order to keep up their strength, which they promised me they would do. no language that i can use could adequately describe the parting scene. i shall only say there was far more calmness and resignation to the divine will evince by everyone than could have been expected. we were all cheered by the hope that the indians would be found by the one party and relief sent to the other. those who remained entreated us to make all the haste we could and expressed their hope of seeing the indians in ten or twelve days. at first starting we were so feeble as scarcely to be able to move forwards and the descent of the bank of the river through the deep snow was a severe labour. when we came upon the ice where the snow was less deep we got on better, but after walking six hours we had only gained four miles and were then compelled by fatigue to encamp on the borders of round-rock lake. augustus tried for fish here but without success so that our fare was skin and tea. composing ourselves to rest we lay close to each other for warmth. we found the night bitterly cold and the wind pierced through our famished frames. the next morning was mild and pleasant for travelling and we set out after breakfast. we had not however gone many yards before i had the misfortune to break my snowshoes by falling between two rocks. this accident prevented me from keeping pace with benoit and augustus and in the attempt i became quite exhausted. feeling convinced that their being delayed on my account might prove of fatal consequence to the rest i resolved on returning to the house and letting them proceed alone in search of the indians. i therefore halted them only whilst i wrote a note to mr. back, stating the reason of my return, and desiring he would send meat from reindeer lake by these men if st. germain should kill any animals there. if benoit should miss mr. back i directed him to proceed to fort providence and furnished him with a letter to the gentleman in charge of it, requesting that immediate supplies might be sent to us. on my return to the house i found samandre very dispirited and too weak, as he said, to render any assistance to peltier, upon whom the whole labour of getting wood and collecting the means of subsistence would have devolved. conscious too that his strength would have been unequal to these tasks they had determined upon taking only one meal each day, so that i felt my going back particularly fortunate as i hoped to stimulate samandre to exertion and at any rate could contribute some help to peltier. i undertook the office of cooking and insisted they should eat twice a day whenever food could be procured but, as i was too weak to pound the bones, peltier agreed to do that in addition to his more fatiguing task of getting wood. we had a violent snow-storm all the next day and this gloomy weather increased the depression of spirits under which adam and samandre were labouring. neither of them would quit their beds and they scarcely ceased from shedding tears all day; in vain did peltier and myself endeavour to cheer them. we had even to use much entreaty before they would take the meals we had prepared for them. our situation was indeed distressing but in comparison with that of our friends in the rear we thought it happy. their condition gave us unceasing solicitude and was the principal subject of our conversation. though the weather was stormy on the th samandre assisted me to gather tripe de roche. adam, who was very ill and could not now be prevailed upon to eat this weed, subsisted principally on bones, though he also partook of the soup. the tripe de roche had hitherto afforded us our chief support, and we naturally felt great uneasiness at the prospect of being deprived of it by its being so frozen as to render it impossible for us to gather it. we perceived our strength decline every day and every exertion began to be irksome; when we were once seated the greatest effort was necessary in order to rise, and we had frequently to lift each other from our seats, but even in this pitiable condition we conversed cheerfully, being sanguine as to the speedy arrival of the indians. we calculated indeed that if they should be near the situation where they had remained last winter our men would have reached them by this day. having expended all the wood which we could procure from our present dwelling, without danger of its fall, peltier began this day to pull down the partitions of the adjoining houses. though these were only distant about twenty yards yet the increase of labour in carrying the wood fatigued him so much that by the evening he was exhausted. on the next day his weakness was such, especially in the arms of which he chiefly complained, that he with difficulty lifted the hatchet; still he persevered whilst samandre and i assisted him in bringing in the wood, but our united strength could only collect sufficient to replenish the fire four times in the course of the day. as the insides of our mouths had become sore from eating the bone-soup we relinquished the use of it and now boiled the skin, which mode of dressing we found more palatable than frying it, as we had hitherto done. on the th peltier felt his pains more severe and could only cut a few pieces of wood. samandre, who was still almost as weak, relieved him a little time and i aided them in carrying in the wood. we endeavoured to pick some tripe de roche but in vain as it was entirely frozen. in turning up the snow, in searching for bones, i found several pieces of bark which proved a valuable acquisition as we were almost destitute of dry wood proper for kindling the fire. we saw a herd of reindeer sporting on the river about half a mile from the house; they remained there a long time but none of the party felt themselves strong enough to go after them, nor was there one of us who could have fired a gun without resting it. murder of mr. hood. death of several of the canadians. whilst we were seated round the fire this evening, discoursing about the anticipated relief, the conversation was suddenly interrupted by peltier's exclaiming with joy "ah! le monde!" imagining that he heard the indians in the other room; immediately afterwards to his bitter disappointment dr. richardson and hepburn entered, each carrying his bundle. peltier however soon recovered himself enough to express his delight at their safe arrival and his regret that their companions were not with them. when i saw them alone my own mind was instantly filled with apprehensions respecting my friend hood and our other companions, which were immediately confirmed by the doctor's melancholy communication that mr. hood and michel were dead. perrault and fontano had neither reached the tent nor been heard of by them. this intelligence produced a melancholy despondency in the minds of my party and on that account the particulars were deferred until another opportunity. we were all shocked at beholding the emaciated countenances of the doctor and hepburn as they strongly evidenced their extremely debilitated state. the alteration in our appearance was equally distressing to them for since the swellings had subsided we were little more than skin and bone. the doctor particularly remarked the sepulchral tone of our voices which he requested us to make more cheerful if possible, unconscious that his own partook of the same key. hepburn, having shot a partridge which was brought to the house, the doctor tore out the feathers and, having held it to the fire a few minutes, divided it into six portions. i and my three companions ravenously devoured our shares as it was the first morsel of flesh any of us had tasted for thirty-one days, unless indeed the small gristly particles which we found occasionally adhering to the pounded bones may be termed flesh. our spirits were revived by this small supply and the doctor endeavoured to raise them still higher by the prospect of hepburn's being able to kill a deer next day, as they had seen and even fired at several near the house. he endeavoured too to rouse us into some attention to the comfort of our apartment, and particularly to roll up in the day our blankets which (expressly for the convenience of adam and samandre) we had been in the habit of leaving by the fire where we lay on them. the doctor having brought his prayer-book and testament, some prayers and psalms and portions of scripture appropriate to our situation were read and we retired to bed. next morning the doctor and hepburn went out early in search of deer, but though they saw several herds and fired some shots they were not so fortunate as to kill any, being too weak to hold their guns steadily. the cold compelled the former to return soon but hepburn persisted until late in the evening. my occupation was to search for skins under the snow, it being now our object immediately to get all that we would, but i had not strength to drag in more than two of those which were within twenty yards of the house until the doctor came and assisted me. we made up our stock to twenty-six but several of them were putrid and scarcely eatable, even by men suffering the extremity of famine. peltier and samandre continued very weak and dispirited and they were unable to cut firewood. hepburn had in consequence that laborious task to perform after he came back. the doctor having scarified the swelled parts of adam's body a large quantity of water flowed out, and he obtained some ease but still kept his bed. after our usual supper of singed skin and bone-soup dr. richardson acquainted me with the afflicting circumstances attending the death of mr. hood and michel, and detailed the occurrences subsequent to my departure from them which i shall give from his journal in his own words, but i must here be permitted to express the heart-felt sorrow with which i was overwhelmed at the loss of so many companions, especially of my friend mr. hood to whose zealous and able cooperation i had been indebted for so much invaluable assistance during the expedition, whilst the excellent qualities of his heart engaged my warmest regard. his scientific observations together with his maps and drawings (a small part of which only appear in this work) evince a variety of talent which, had his life been spared, must have rendered him a distinguished ornament to his profession, and which will cause his death to be felt as a loss to the service. ... dr. richardson's narrative. after captain franklin had bidden us farewell we remained seated by the fireside as long as the willows the men had cut for us before they departed lasted. we had no tripe de roche that day but drank an infusion of the country tea-plant, which was grateful from its warmth although it afforded no sustenance. we then retired to bed where we remained all the next day as the weather was stormy, and the snow-drift so heavy as to destroy every prospect of success in our endeavours to light a fire with the green and frozen willows which were our only fuel. through the extreme kindness and forethought of a lady the party, previous to leaving london, had been furnished with a small collection of religious books, of which we still retained two or three of the most portable, and they proved of incalculable benefit to us. we read portions of them to each other as we lay in bed, in addition to the morning and evening service, and found that they inspired us on each perusal with so strong a sense of the omnipresence of a beneficent god that our situation even in these wilds appeared no longer destitute, and we conversed not only with calmness but with cheerfulness, detailing with unrestrained confidence the past events of our lives and dwelling with hope on our future prospects. had my poor friend been spared to revisit his native land i should look back to this period with unalloyed delight. on the morning of the th the weather although still cold was clear, and i went out in quest of tripe de roche, leaving hepburn to cut willows for a fire and mr. hood in bed. i had no success as yesterday's snow-drift was so frozen on the surface of the rocks that i could not collect any of the weed, but on my return to the tent i found that michel the iroquois had come with a note from mr. franklin which stated that, this man and jean baptiste belanger being unable to proceed, were about to return to us, and that a mile beyond our present encampment there was a clump of pine-trees to which he recommended us to remove the tent. michel informed us that he quitted mr. franklin's party yesterday morning but that having missed his way he had passed the night on the snow a mile or two to the northward of us. belanger he said, being impatient, left the fire about two hours earlier and, as he had not arrived, he supposed must have gone astray. it will be seen in the sequel that we had more than sufficient reason to doubt the truth of this story. michel now produced a hare and a partridge which he had killed in the morning. this unexpected supply of provision was received by us with a deep sense of gratitude to the almighty for his goodness, and we looked upon michel as the instrument he had chosen to preserve all our lives. he complained of cold and mr. hood offered to share his buffalo robe with him at night. i gave him one of two shirts which i wore whilst hepburn in the warmth of his heart exclaimed "how i shall love this man if i find that he does not tell lies like the others." our meals being finished we arranged that the greatest part of the things should be carried to the pines the next day and, after reading the evening service, retired to bed full of hope. early in the morning hepburn, michel, and myself, carried the ammunition and most of the other heavy articles to the pines. michel was our guide and it did not occur to us at the time that his conducting us perfectly straight was incompatible with his story of having mistaken his road in coming to us. he now informed us that he had on his way to the tent left on the hill above the pines a gun and forty-eight balls which perrault had given to him when with the rest of mr. franklin's party he took leave of him. it will be seen on a reference to mr. franklin's journal that perrault carried his gun and ammunition with him when they parted from michel and belanger. after we had made a fire and drank a little of the country tea hepburn and i returned to the tent where we arrived in the evening, much exhausted with our journey. michel preferred sleeping where he was and requested us to leave him the hatchet, which we did after he had promised to come early in the morning to assist us in carrying the tent and bedding. mr. hood remained in bed all day. seeing nothing of belanger today we gave him up for lost. on the th, after waiting until late in the morning for michel who did not come, hepburn and i loaded ourselves with the bedding and, accompanied by mr. hood, set out for the pines. mr. hood was much affected with dimness of sight, giddiness, and other symptoms of extreme debility, which caused us to move very slowly and to make frequent halts. on arriving at the pines we were much alarmed to find that michel was absent. we feared that he had lost his way in coming to us in the morning, although it was not easy to conjecture how that could have happened, as our footsteps of yesterday were very distinct. hepburn went back for the tent and returned with it after dusk, completely worn out with the fatigue of the day. michel too arrived at the same time and relieved our anxiety on his account. he reported that he had been in chase of some deer which passed near his sleeping-place in the morning and, although he did not come up with them, yet that he found a wolf which had been killed by the stroke of a deer's horn and had brought a part of it. we implicitly believed this story then, but afterwards became convinced from circumstances, the detail of which may be spared, that it must have been a portion of the body of belanger or perrault. a question of moment here presents itself, namely whether he actually murdered these men, or either of them, or whether he found the bodies in the snow. captain franklin, who is the best able to judge of this matter from knowing their situation when he parted from them, suggested the former idea, and that both belanger and perrault had been sacrificed. when perrault turned back captain franklin watched him until he reached a small group of willows which was immediately adjoining to the fire and concealed it from view, and at this time the smoke of fresh fuel was distinctly visible. captain franklin conjectures that michel, having already destroyed belanger, completed his crime by perrault's death in order to screen himself from detection. although this opinion is founded only on circumstances and is unsupported by direct evidence it has been judged proper to mention it, especially as the subsequent conduct of the man showed that he was capable of committing such a deed. the circumstances are very strong. it is not easy to assign any other adequate motive for his concealing from us that perrault had turned back, while his request overnight that we should leave him the hatchet and his cumbering himself with it when he went out in the morning, unlike a hunter who makes use only of his knife when he kills a deer, seem to indicate that he took it for the purpose of cutting up something that he knew to be frozen. these opinions however are the result of subsequent consideration. we passed this night in the open air. on the following morning the tent was pitched; michel went out early, refused my offer to accompany him, and remained out the whole day. he would not sleep in the tent at night but chose to lie at the fireside. on the th there was a heavy gale of wind and we passed the day by the fire. next day about two p.m., the gale abating, michel set out as he said to hunt but returned unexpectedly in a very short time. this conduct surprised us and his contradictory and evasory answers to our questions excited some suspicions but they did not turn towards the truth. october th. in the course of this day michel expressed much regret that he had stayed behind mr. franklin's party, and declared that he would set out for the house at once if he knew the way. we endeavoured to sooth him and to raise his hopes of the indians speedily coming to our relief but without success. he refused to assist us in cutting wood but about noon, after much solicitation, he set out to hunt. hepburn gathered a kettleful of tripe de roche but froze his fingers. both hepburn and i fatigued ourselves much today in pursuing a flock of partridges from one part to another of the group of willows in which the hut was situated, but we were too weak to be able to approach them with sufficient caution. in the evening michel returned, having met with no success. next day he refused either to hunt or cut wood, spoke in a very surly manner, and threatened to leave us. under these circumstances mr. hood and i deemed it better to promise if he would hunt diligently for four days that then we would give hepburn a letter for mr. franklin, a compass, inform him what course to pursue, and let them proceed together to the fort. the non-arrival of the indians to our relief now led us to fear that some accident had happened to mr. franklin, and we placed no confidence in the exertions of the canadians that accompanied him but we had the fullest confidence in hepburn's returning the moment he could obtain assistance. on the th i went to conduct michel to where vaillant's blanket was left and after walking about three miles pointed out the hills to him at a distance, and returned to the hut, having gathered a bagful of tripe de roche on the way. it was easier to gather this weed on a march than at the tent, for the exercise of walking produced a glow of heat which enabled us to withstand for a time the cold to which we were exposed in scraping the frozen surface of the rocks. on the contrary when we left the fire to collect it in the neighbourhood of the hut we became chilled at once and were obliged to return very quickly. michel proposed to remain out all night and to hunt next day on his way back. he returned in the afternoon of the th, having found the blanket together with a bag containing two pistols and some other things which had been left beside it. we had some tripe de roche in the evening but mr. hood, from the constant griping it produced, was unable to eat more than one or two spoonfuls. he was now so weak as to be scarcely able to sit up at the fireside and complained that the least breeze of wind seemed to blow through his frame. he also suffered much from cold during the night. we lay close to each other but the heat of the body was no longer sufficient to thaw the frozen rime formed by our breaths on the blankets that covered him. at this period we avoided as much as possible conversing upon the hopelessness of our situation and generally endeavoured to lead the conversation towards our future prospects in life. the fact is that with the decay of our strength our minds decayed, and we were no longer able to bear the contemplation of the horrors that surrounded us. each of us, if i may be allowed to judge from my own case, excused himself from so doing by a desire of not shocking the feelings of others, for we were sensible of one another's weakness of intellect though blind to our own. yet we were calm and resigned to our fate, not a murmur escaped us, and we were punctual and fervent in our addresses to the supreme being. on the th michel refused to hunt or even to assist in carrying a log of wood to the fire which was too heavy for hepburn's strength and mine. mr. hood endeavoured to point out to him the necessity and duty of exertion, and the cruelty of his quitting us without leaving something for our support, but the discourse, far from producing any beneficial effect, seemed only to excite his anger and, amongst other expressions, he made use of the following remarkable one: "it is no use hunting, there are no animals, you had better kill and eat me." at length however he went out but returned very soon with a report that he had seen three deer which he was unable to follow from having wet his foot in a small stream of water thinly covered with ice and being consequently obliged to come to the fire. the day was rather mild and hepburn and i gathered a large kettleful of tripe de roche; michel slept in the tent this night. sunday, october . in the morning we again urged michel to go a-hunting that he might if possible leave us some provision, tomorrow being the day appointed for his quitting us, but he showed great unwillingness to go out and lingered about the fire under the pretence of cleaning his gun. after we had read the morning service i went about noon to gather some tripe de roche, leaving mr. hood sitting before the tent at the fireside arguing with michel; hepburn was employed cutting down a tree at a short distance from the tent, being desirous of accumulating a quantity of firewood before he left us. a short time after i went out i heard the report of a gun, and about ten minutes afterwards hepburn called to me in a voice of great alarm to come directly. when i arrived i found poor hood lying lifeless at the fireside, a ball having apparently entered his forehead. i was at first horror-struck with the idea that in a fit of despondency he had hurried himself into the presence of his almighty judge by an act of his own hand, but the conduct of michel soon gave rise to other thoughts, and excited suspicions which were confirmed when, upon examining the body, i discovered that the shot had entered the back part of the head and passed out at the forehead, and that the muzzle of the gun had been applied so close as to set fire to the night-cap behind. the gun, which was of the longest kind supplied to the indians, could not have been placed in a position to inflict such a wound except by a second person. upon inquiring of michel how it happened he replied that mr. hood had sent him into the tent for the short gun and that during his absence the long gun had gone off, he did not know whether by accident or not. he held the short gun in his hand at the time he was speaking to me. hepburn afterwards informed me that previous to the report of the gun mr. hood and michel were speaking to each other in an elevated angry tone, that mr. hood, being seated at the fireside, was hid from him by intervening willows, but that on hearing the report he looked up and saw michel rising up from before the tent-door, or just behind where mr. hood was seated, and then going into the tent. thinking that the gun had been discharged for the purpose of cleaning it he did not go to the fire at first, and when michel called to him that mr. hood was dead a considerable time had elapsed. although i dared not openly to evince any suspicion that i thought michel guilty of the deed, yet he repeatedly protested that he was incapable of committing such an act, kept constantly on his guard, and carefully avoided leaving hepburn and me together. he was evidently afraid of permitting us to converse in private and whenever hepburn spoke he inquired if he accused him of the murder. it is to be remarked that he understood english very imperfectly yet sufficiently to render it unsafe for us to speak on the subject in his presence. we removed the body into a clump of willows behind the tent and, returning to the fire, read the funeral service in addition to the evening prayers. the loss of a young officer of such distinguished and varied talents and application may be felt and duly appreciated by the eminent characters under whose command he had served, but the calmness with which he contemplated the probable termination of a life of uncommon promise, and the patience and fortitude with which he sustained, i may venture to say, unparalleled bodily sufferings, can only be known to the companions of his distresses. owing to the effect that the tripe de roche invariably had when he ventured to taste it, he undoubtedly suffered more than any of the survivors of the party. bickersteth's scripture help was lying open beside the body as if it had fallen from his hand, and it is probable that he was reading it at the instant of his death. we passed the night in the tent together without rest, everyone being on his guard. next day, having determined on going to the fort, we began to patch and prepare our clothes for the journey. we singed the hair off a part of the buffalo robe that belonged to mr. hood and boiled and ate it. michel tried to persuade me to go to the woods on the copper-mine river and hunt for deer instead of going to the fort. in the afternoon, a flock of partridges coming near the tent, he killed several which he shared with us. thick snowy weather and a head-wind prevented us from starting the following day but on the morning of the rd we set out, carrying with us the remainder of the singed robe. hepburn and michel had each a gun and i carried a small pistol which hepburn had loaded for me. in the course of the march michel alarmed us much by his gestures and conduct, was constantly muttering to himself, expressed an unwillingness to go to the fort, and tried to persuade me to go to the southward to the woods where he said he could maintain himself all the winter by killing deer. in consequence of this behaviour and the expression of his countenance i requested him to leave us and to go to the southward by himself. this proposal increased his ill-nature, he threw out some obscure hints of freeing himself from all restraint on the morrow, and i overheard his muttering threats against hepburn whom he openly accused of having told stories against him. he also for the first time assumed such a tone of superiority in addressing me as evinced that he considered us to be completely in his power and he gave vent to several expressions of hatred towards the white people or as he termed us in the idiom of the voyagers, the french, some of whom he said had killed and eaten his uncle and two of his relations. in short, taking every circumstance of his conduct into consideration, i came to the conclusion that he would attempt to destroy us on the first opportunity that offered, and that he had hitherto abstained from doing so from his ignorance of his way to the fort, but that he would never suffer us to go thither in company with him. in the course of the day he had several times remarked that we were pursuing the same course that mr. franklin was doing when he left him and that, by keeping towards the setting sun, he could find his way himself. hepburn and i were not in a condition to resist even an open attack, nor could we by any device escape from him. our united strength was far inferior to his and, beside his gun, he was armed with two pistols, an indian bayonet, and a knife. in the afternoon, coming to a rock on which there was some tripe de roche, he halted and said he would gather it whilst we went on and that he would soon overtake us. hepburn and i were now left together for the first time since mr. hood's death, and he acquainted me with several material circumstances which he had observed of michel's behaviour and which confirmed me in the opinion that there was no safety for us except in his death, and he offered to be the instrument of it. i determined however, as i was thoroughly convinced of the necessity of such a dreadful act, to take the whole responsibility upon myself and, immediately upon michel's coming up, i put an end to his life by shooting him through the head with a pistol. had my own life alone been threatened i would not have purchased it by such a measure, but i considered myself as entrusted also with the protection of hepburn's, a man who, by his humane attentions and devotedness, had so endeared himself to me that i felt more anxiety for his safety than for my own. michel had gathered no tripe de roche and it was evident to us that he had halted for the purpose of putting his gun in order with the intention of attacking us, perhaps whilst we were in the act of encamping. i have dwelt in the preceding part of the narrative upon many circumstances of michel's conduct, not for the purpose of aggravating his crime, but to put the reader in possession of the reasons that influenced me in depriving a fellow-creature of life. up to the period of his return to the tent his conduct had been good and respectful to the officers, and in a conversation between captain franklin, mr. hood, and myself, at obstruction rapid, it had been proposed to give him a reward upon our arrival at a post. his principles however, unsupported by a belief in the divine truths of christianity, were unable to withstand the pressure of severe distress. his countrymen, the iroquois, are generally christians, but he was totally uninstructed and ignorant of the duties inculcated by christianity, and from his long residence in the indian country seems to have imbibed or retained the rules of conduct which the southern indians prescribe to themselves. on the two following days we had mild but thick snowy weather and, as the view was too limited to enable us to preserve a straight course, we remained encamped amongst a few willows and dwarf pines about five miles from the tent. we found a species of cornicularia, a kind of lichen that was good to eat when moistened and toasted over the fire, and we had a good many pieces of singed buffalo hide remaining. on the th, the weather being clear and extremely cold, we resumed our march which was very painful from the depth of the snow, particularly on the margins of the small lakes that lay in our route. we frequently sunk under the load of our blankets and were obliged to assist each other in getting up. after walking about three miles and a half however we were cheered by the sight of a large herd of reindeer and hepburn went in pursuit of them but, his hand being unsteady through weakness, he missed. he was so exhausted by this fruitless attempt that we were obliged to encamp upon the spot although it was a very unfavourable one. next day we had fine and clear but cold weather. we set out early and, in crossing a hill, found a considerable quantity of tripe de roche. about noon we fell upon little marten lake, having walked about two miles. the sight of a place that we knew inspired us with fresh vigour and, there being comparatively little snow on the ice, we advanced at a pace to which we had lately been unaccustomed. in the afternoon we crossed a recent track of a wolverine which, from a parallel mark in the snow, appeared to have been dragging something. hepburn traced it and upon the borders of the lake found the spine of a deer that it had dropped. it was clean picked and at least one season old, but we extracted the spinal marrow from it which, even in its frozen state, was so acrid as to excoriate the lips. we encamped within sight of the dog-rib rock and from the coldness of the night and the want of fuel rested very ill. on the th we rose at daybreak, but from the want of the small fire that we usually made in the mornings to warm our fingers, a very long time was spent in making up our bundles. this task fell to hepburn's share as i suffered so much from the cold as to be unable to take my hands out of my mittens. we kept a straight course for the dog-rib rock but, owing to the depth of the snow in the valleys we had to cross, did not reach it until late in the afternoon. we would have encamped but did not like to pass a second night without fire and, though scarcely able to drag our limbs after us, we pushed on to a clump of pines about a mile to the southward of the rock and arrived at them in the dusk of the evening. during the last few hundred yards of our march our track lay over some large stones amongst which i fell down upwards of twenty times, and became at length so exhausted that i was unable to stand. if hepburn had not exerted himself far beyond his strength and speedily made the encampment and kindled a fire, i must have perished on the spot. this night we had plenty of dry wood. on the th we had clear and fine weather. we set out at sunrise and hurried on in our anxiety to reach the house, but our progress was much impeded by the great depth of the snow in the valleys. although every spot of ground over which we travelled today had been repeatedly trodden by us yet we got bewildered in a small lake. we took it for marten lake, which was three times its size, and fancied that we saw the rapids and the grounds about the fort, although they were still far distant. our disappointment when this illusion was dispelled by our reaching the end of the lake so operated on our feeble minds as to exhaust our strength, and we decided upon encamping but, upon ascending a small eminence to look for a clump of wood, we caught a glimpse of the big stone, a well-known rock upon the summit of a hill opposite to the fort, and determined upon proceeding. in the evening we saw several large herds of reindeer but hepburn, who used to be considered a good marksman, was now unable to hold the gun straight and although he got near them all his efforts proved fruitless. in passing through a small clump of pines we saw a flock of partridges, and he succeeded in killing one after firing several shots. we came in sight of the fort at dusk and it is impossible to describe our sensations when, on attaining the eminence that overlooks it, we beheld the smoke issuing from one of the chimneys. from not having met with any footsteps in the snow as we drew nigh our once cheerful residence we had been agitated by many melancholy forebodings. upon entering the now desolate building we had the satisfaction of embracing captain franklin, but no words can convey an idea of the filth and wretchedness that met our eyes on looking around. our own misery had stolen upon us by degrees and we were accustomed to the contemplation of each other's emaciated figures, but the ghastly countenances, dilated eyeballs, and sepulchral voices of captain franklin and those with him were more than we could at first bear. conclusion of dr. richardson's narrative. ... the morning of the st was very cold, the wind being strong from the north. hepburn went again in quest of deer and the doctor endeavoured to kill some partridges, both were unsuccessful. a large herd of deer passed close to the house, the doctor fired once at them but was unable to pursue them. adam was easier this day and left his bed. peltier and samandre were much weaker and could not assist in the labours of the day. both complained of soreness in the throat and samandre suffered much from cramps in his fingers. the doctor and hepburn began this day to cut the wood and also brought it to the house. being too weak to aid in these laborious tasks i was employed in searching for bones and cooking and attending to our more weakly companions. in the evening peltier, complaining much of cold, requested of me a portion of a blanket to repair his shirt and drawers. the mending of these articles occupied him and samandre until past one a.m. and their spirits were so much revived by the employment that they conversed even cheerfully the whole time. adam sat up with them. the doctor, hepburn, and myself went to bed. we were afterwards agreeably surprised to see peltier and samandre carry three or four logs of wood across the room to replenish the fire, which induced us to hope they still possessed more strength than we had supposed. november . this day was fine and mild. hepburn went hunting but was as usual unsuccessful. as his strength was rapidly declining we advised him to desist from the pursuit of deer, and only to go out for a short time and endeavour to kill a few partridges for peltier and samandre. the doctor obtained a little tripe de roche but peltier could not eat any of it, and samandre only a few spoonfuls, owing to the soreness of their throats. in the afternoon peltier was so much exhausted that he sat up with difficulty and looked piteously; at length he slid from his stool upon his bed, as we supposed to sleep, and in this composed state he remained upwards of two hours without our apprehending any danger. we were then alarmed by hearing a rattling in his throat and on the doctor's examining him he was found to be speechless. he died in the course of the night. samandre sat up the greater part of the day and even assisted in pounding some bones but, on witnessing the melancholy state of peltier, he became very low and began to complain of cold and stiffness of the joints. being unable to keep up a sufficient fire to warm him we laid him down and covered him with several blankets. he did not however appear to get better and i deeply lament to add he also died before daylight. we removed the bodies of the deceased into the opposite part of the house but our united strength was inadequate to the task of interring them or even carrying them down to the river. it may be worthy of remark that poor peltier, from the time of benoit's departure, had fixed on the first of november as the time when he should cease to expect any relief from the indians, and had repeatedly said that if they did not arrive by that day he should not survive. peltier had endeared himself to each of us by his cheerfulness, his unceasing activity, and affectionate care and attentions ever since our arrival at this place. he had nursed adam with the tenderest solicitude the whole time. poor samandre was willing to have taken his share in the labours of the party had he not been wholly incapacitated by his weakness and low spirits. the severe shock occasioned by the sudden dissolution of our two companions rendered us very melancholy. adam became low and despondent, a change which we lamented the more as we had perceived he had been gaining strength and spirits for the two preceding days. i was particularly distressed by the thought that the labour of collecting wood must now devolve upon dr. richardson and hepburn, and that my debility would disable me from affording them any material assistance; indeed both of them most kindly urged me not to make the attempt. they were occupied the whole of the next day in tearing down the logs of which the storehouse was built but the mud plastered between them was so hard frozen that the labour of separation exceeded their strength, and they were completely exhausted by bringing in wood sufficient for less than twelve hours' consumption. i found it necessary in their absence to remain constantly near adam and to converse with him in order to prevent his reflecting on our condition, and to keep up his spirits as far as possible. i also lay by his side at night. on the rd the weather was very cold though the atmosphere was cloudy. this morning hepburn was affected with swelling in his limbs, his strength as well as that of the doctor was rapidly declining; they continued however to be full of hope. their utmost exertions could only supply wood to renew the fire thrice and on making it up the last time we went to bed. adam was in rather better spirits but he could not bear to be left alone. our stock of bones was exhausted by a small quantity of soup we made this evening. the toil of separating the hair from the skins, which in fact were our chief support, had now become so wearisome as to prevent us from eating as much as we should otherwise have done. november . calm and comparatively mild weather. the doctor and hepburn, exclusive of their usual occupation, gathered some tripe de roche. i went a few yards from the house in search of bones and returned quite fatigued, having found but three. the doctor again made incisions in adam's leg which discharged a considerable quantity of water and gave him great relief. we read prayers and a portion of the new testament in the morning and evening, as had been our practice since dr. richardson's arrival, and i may remark that the performance of these duties always afforded us the greatest consolation, serving to reanimate our hope in the mercy of the omnipotent, who alone could save and deliver us. on the th the breezes were light with dark cloudy weather and some snow. the doctor and hepburn were getting much weaker and the limbs of the latter were now greatly swelled. they came into the house frequently in the course of the day to rest themselves and when once seated were unable to rise without the help of one another, or of a stick. adam was for the most part in the same low state as yesterday, but sometimes he surprised us by getting up and walking with an appearance of increased strength. his looks were now wild and ghastly and his conversation was often incoherent. the next day was fine but very cold. the swellings in adam's limbs having subsided he was free from pain and arose this morning in much better spirits, and spoke of cleaning his gun ready for shooting partridges or any animals that might appear near the house, but his tone entirely changed before the day was half over; he became again dejected and could scarcely be prevailed upon to eat. the doctor and hepburn were almost exhausted. the cutting of one log of wood occupied the latter half an hour, and the other took as much time to drag it into the house, though the distance did not exceed thirty yards. i endeavoured to help the doctor but my assistance was very trifling. yet it was evident that in a day or two if their strength should continue to decline at the same rate i should be the strongest of the party. i may here remark that owing to our loss of flesh the hardness of the floor from which we were only protected by a blanket produced soreness over the body, and especially those parts on which the weight rested in lying, yet to turn ourselves for relief was a matter of toil and difficulty. however during this period and indeed all along after the acute pains of hunger, which lasted but three or four days, had subsided, we generally enjoyed the comfort of a few hours' sleep. the dreams which for the most part but not always accompanied it were usually (though not invariably) of a pleasant character, being very often about the enjoyments of feasting. in the daytime we fell into the practice of conversing on common and light subjects, although we sometimes discussed with seriousness and earnestness topics connected with religion. we generally avoided speaking directly of our present sufferings or even of the prospect of relief. i observed that in proportion as our strength decayed our minds exhibited symptoms of weakness, evinced by a kind of unreasonable pettishness with each other. each of us thought the other weaker in intellect than himself, and more in need of advice and assistance. so trifling a circumstance as a change of place, recommended by one as being warmer and more comfortable and refused by the other from a dread of motion, frequently called forth fretful expressions which were no sooner uttered than atoned for, to be repeated perhaps in the course of a few minutes. the same thing often occurred when we endeavoured to assist each other in carrying wood to the fire; none of us were willing to receive assistance although the task was disproportioned to our strength. on one of these occasions hepburn was so convinced of this waywardness that he exclaimed, "dear me, if we are spared to return to england, i wonder if we shall recover our understandings." november . adam had passed a restless night, being disquieted by gloomy apprehensions of approaching death, which we tried in vain to dispel. he was so low in the morning as to be scarcely able to speak. i remained in bed by his side to cheer him as much as possible. the doctor and hepburn went to cut wood. they had hardly begun their labour when they were amazed at hearing the report of a musket. they could scarcely believe that there was really anyone near until they heard a shout and immediately espied three indians close to the house. adam and i heard the latter noise and i was fearful that a part of the house had fallen upon one of my companions, a disaster which had in fact been thought not unlikely. my alarm was only momentary, dr. richardson came in to communicate the joyful intelligence that relief had arrived. he and myself immediately addressed thanksgivings to the throne of mercy for this deliverance but poor adam was in so low a state that he could scarcely comprehend the information. when the indians entered he attempted to rise but sank down again. but for this seasonable interposition of providence his existence must have terminated in a few hours, and that of the rest probably in not many days. the indians had left akaitcho's encampment on the th november, having been sent by mr. back with all possible expedition after he had arrived at their tents. they brought but a small supply of provision that they might travel quickly. it consisted of dried deer's meat, some fat, and a few tongues. dr. richardson, hepburn and i eagerly devoured the food which they imprudently presented to us in too great abundance, and in consequence we suffered dreadfully from indigestion and had no rest the whole night. adam, being unable to feed himself, was more judiciously treated by them and suffered less; his spirits revived hourly. the circumstance of our eating more food than was proper in our present condition was another striking proof of the debility of our minds. we were perfectly aware of the danger, and dr. richardson repeatedly cautioned us to be moderate, but he was himself unable to practise the caution he so judiciously recommended. boudell-kell, the youngest of the indians, after resting about an hour, returned to akaitcho with the intelligence of our situation, and he conveyed a note from me to mr. back, requesting another supply of meat as soon as possible. the two others, crooked-foot and the rat, remained to take care of us until we should be able to move forward. the note received by the indians from mr. back communicated a tale of distress with regard to himself and his party as painful as that which we had suffered, as will be seen hereafter by his own narrative. november . the indians this morning requested us to remove to an encampment on the banks of the river as they were unwilling to remain in the house where the bodies of our deceased companions were lying exposed to view. we agreed but the day proved too stormy and dr. richardson and hepburn, having dragged the bodies to a short distance and covered them with snow, the objections of the indians to remain in the house were dissipated, and they began to clear our room of the accumulation of dirt and fragments of pounded bones. the improved state of our apartment and the large and cheerful fires they kept up produced in us a sensation of comfort to which we had long been strangers. in the evening they brought in a pile of dried wood which was lying on the riverside and towards which we had often cast a wishful eye, being unable to drag it up the bank. the indians set about everything with an activity that amazed us. indeed contrasted with our emaciated figures and extreme debility their frames appeared to us gigantic and their strength supernatural. these kind creatures next turned their attention to our personal appearance and prevailed upon us to shave and wash ourselves. the beards of the doctor and hepburn had been untouched since they left the sea-coast and were become of a hideous length and peculiarly offensive to the indians. the doctor and i suffered extremely from distension and therefore ate sparingly.* hepburn was getting better and adam recovered his strength with amazing rapidity. (*footnote. the first alvine discharges after we received food were, as hearne remarks on a similar occasion, attended with excessive pain. previous to the arrival of the indians the urinary secretion was extremely abundant and we were obliged to rise from bed in consequence upwards of ten times in a night. this was an extreme annoyance in our reduced state. it may perhaps be attributed to the quantity of the country tea that we drank.) november . this morning was pleasantly fine. crooked-foot caught four large trout in winter lake which were very much prized, especially by the doctor and myself, who had taken a dislike to meat in consequence of our sufferings from repletion which rendered us almost incapable of moving. adam and hepburn in a good measure escaped this pain. though the night was stormy and our apartment freely admitted the wind we felt no inconvenience, the indians were so very careful in covering us up and in keeping a good fire, and our plentiful cheer gave such power of resisting the cold, that we could scarcely believe otherwise than that the season had become milder. on the th the weather was stormy with constant snow. the indians became desponding at the non-arrival of the supply and would neither go to hunt nor fish. they frequently expressed their fears of some misfortune having befallen boudel-kell, and in the evening went off suddenly without apprising us of their intention, having first given to each of us a handful of pounded meat which they had reserved. their departure at first gave rise to a suspicion of their having deserted us, not meaning to return, especially as the explanations of adam, who appeared to be in their secret, were very unsatisfactory. at length by interrogations we got from him the information that they designed to march night and day until they should reach akaitcho's encampment whence they would send us aid. as we had combated their fears about boudell-kell they perhaps apprehended that we should oppose their determination and therefore concealed it. we were now left a second time without food, and with appetites recovered and strongly excited by recent indulgence. on the following day the doctor and hepburn resumed their former occupation of collecting wood and i was able to assist a little in bringing it into the house. adam, whose expectation of the arrival of the indians had been raised by the fineness of the weather, became towards night very desponding and refused to eat the singed skin. the night was stormy and there was a heavy fall of snow. the next day he became still more dejected. about eleven hepburn, who had gone out for the wood, came in with the intelligence that a party appeared upon the river. the room was instantly swept and, in compliance with the prejudices of the indians, every scrap of skin was carefully removed out of sight, for these simple people imagine that burning deer-skin renders them unsuccessful in hunting. the party proved to be crooked-foot, thooeeyorre, and the fop, with the wives of the two latter dragging provisions. they were accompanied by benoit, one of our own men. we were rejoiced to learn by a note from mr. back dated november that he and his companions had so recruited their strength that they were preparing to proceed to fort providence. adam recovered his spirits on the arrival of the indians and even walked about the room with an appearance of strength and activity that surprised us all. as it was of consequence to get amongst the reindeer before our present supply should fail we made preparations for quitting fort enterprise the next day and accordingly, at an early hour on the th, having united in thanksgiving and prayer, the whole party left the house after breakfast. our feelings on quitting the fort where we had formerly enjoyed much comfort, if not happiness, and latterly experienced a degree of misery scarcely to be paralleled, may be more easily conceived than described. the indians treated us with the utmost tenderness, gave us their snowshoes, and walked without themselves, keeping by our sides that they might lift us when we fell. we descended winter river and about noon crossed the head of round-rock lake, distant about three miles from the house, where we were obliged to halt as dr. richardson was unable to proceed. the swellings in his limbs rendered him by much the weakest of the party. the indians prepared our encampment, cooked for us, and fed us as if we had been children, evincing humanity that would have done honour to the most civilised people. the night was mild and fatigue made us sleep soundly. from this period to the th of november we gradually improved through their kindness and attention, and on that day arrived in safety at the abode of our chief and companion akaitcho. we were received by the party assembled in the leader's tent with looks of compassion and profound silence which lasted about a quarter of an hour and by which they meant to express their condolence for our sufferings. the conversation did not begin until we had tasted food. the chief akaitcho showed us the most friendly hospitality and all sorts of personal attention, even to cooking for us with his own hands, an office which he never performs for himself. annoethaiyazzeh and humpy, the chief's two brothers, and several of our hunters, with their families were encamped here together with a number of old men and women. in the course of the day we were visited by every person of the band, not merely from curiosity, but a desire to evince their tender sympathy in our late distress. we learned that mr. back with st. germain and belanger had gone to fort providence and that, previous to his departure, he had left a letter in a cache of pounded meat which we had missed two days ago. as we supposed that this letter might acquaint us with his intentions more fully than we could gather from the indians, through our imperfect knowledge of their language, augustus, the esquimaux, whom we found here in perfect health, and an indian lad were despatched to bring it. we found several of the indian families in great affliction for the loss of three of their relatives who had been drowned in the august preceding by the upsetting of a canoe near fort enterprise. they bewailed the melancholy accident every morning and evening by repeating the names of the persons in a loud singing tone which was frequently interrupted by bursts of tears. one woman was so affected by the loss of her only son that she seemed deprived of reason and wandered about the tents the whole day, crying and singing out his name. on the st of december we removed with the indians to the southward. on the th we again set off after the indians about noon, and soon overtook them, as they had halted to drag from the water and cut up and share a moose-deer that had been drowned in a rapid part of the river, partially covered with ice. these operations detained us a long time which was the more disagreeable as the weather was extremely unpleasant from cold low fogs. we were all much fatigued at the hour of encampment, which was after dark, though the day's journey did not exceed four miles. at every halt the elderly men of the tribe made holes in the ice and put in their lines. one of them shared the produce of his fishery with us this evening. in the afternoon of the th belanger and another canadian arrived from fort providence, sent by mr. weeks with two trains of dogs, some spirits and tobacco for the indians, a change of dress for ourselves, and a little tea and sugar. they also brought letters for us from england and from mr. back and mr. wentzel. by the former we received the gratifying intelligence of the successful termination of captain parry's voyage, and were informed of the promotion of myself and mr. back, and of poor hood, our grief for whose loss was renewed by this intelligence. the letter from mr. back stated that the rival companies in the fur trade had united but that, owing to some cause which had not been explained to him, the goods intended as rewards to akaitcho and his band which we had demanded in the spring from the north-west company were not sent. there were however some stores lying for us at moose-deer island, which had been ordered for the equipment of our voyagers, and mr. back had gone across to that establishment to make a selection of the articles we could spare for a temporary present to the indians. the disappointment at the non-arrival of the goods was seriously felt by us as we had looked forward with pleasure to the time when we should be enabled to recompense our kind indian friends for their tender sympathy in our distresses, and the assistance they had so cheerfully and promptly rendered. i now regretted to find that mr. wentzel and his party, in their return from the sea, had suffered severely on their march along the copper-mine river, having on one occasion, as he mentioned, had no food but tripe de roche for eleven days. all the indians flocked to our encampment to learn the news and to receive the articles brought for them. having got some spirits and tobacco they withdrew to the tent of the chief and passed the greater part of the night in singing. we had now the indescribable gratification of changing our linen which had been worn ever since our departure from the sea-coast. december . after a long conference with akaitcho we took leave of him and his kind companions and set out with two sledges, heavily laden with provision and bedding, drawn by the dogs, and conducted by belanger and the canadian sent by mr. weeks. hepburn and augustus jointly dragged a smaller sledge laden principally with their own bedding. adam and benoit were left to follow with the indians. we encamped on the grassy-lake portage, having walked about nine miles, principally on the yellow knife river. it was open at the rapids and in these places we had to ascend its banks and walk through the woods for some distance, which was very fatiguing, especially to dr. richardson whose feet were severely galled in consequence of some defect in his snowshoes. on the th however we arrived at the fort which was still under the charge of mr. weeks. he welcomed us in the most kind manner, immediately gave us changes of dress, and did everything in his power to make us comfortable. our sensations on being once more in a comfortable dwelling after the series of hardships and miseries we had experienced may be imagined. our first act was again to return our grateful praises to the almighty for the manifold instances of his mercy towards us. having found here some articles which mr. back had sent across from moose-deer island i determined on awaiting the arrival of akaitcho and his party in order to present these to them and to assure them of the promised reward as soon as it could possibly be procured. in the afternoon of the th akaitcho with his whole band came to the fort. he smoked his customary pipe and made an address to mr. weeks in the hall previous to his coming into the room in which dr. richardson and i were. we discovered at the commencement of his speech to us that he had been informed that our expected supplies had not come. he spoke of this circumstance as a disappointment indeed sufficiently severe to himself, to whom his band looked up for the protection of their interests, but without attaching any blame to us. "the world goes badly," he said "all are poor; you are poor, the traders appear to be poor, i and my party are poor likewise, and since the goods have not come in we cannot have them. i do not regret having supplied you with provisions for a copper indian can never permit white men to suffer from want of food on his lands without flying to their aid. i trust however that we shall, as you say, receive what is due next autumn, and at all events," he added in a tone of good humour, "it is the first time that the white people have been indebted to the copper indians." we assured him the supplies should certainly be sent to him by the autumn if not before. he then cheerfully received the small present we made to himself and, although we could give a few things only to those who had been most active in our service, the others who perhaps thought themselves equally deserving did not murmur at being left out in the distribution. akaitcho afterwards expressed a strong desire that we should represent the character of his nation in a favourable light to our countrymen. "i know," he said, "you write down every occurrence in your books, but probably you have only noticed the bad things we have said and done, and have omitted the good." in the course of the desultory conversation which ensued he said that he had been always told by us to consider the traders in the same light as ourselves, and that for his part he looked upon both as equally respectable. this assurance, made in the presence of mr. weeks, was particularly gratifying to us as it completely disproved the defence that had been set up respecting the injurious reports circulated against us amongst the indians in the spring, namely that they were in retaliation for our endeavours to lower the traders in the eyes of the indians. i take this opportunity of stating my opinion that mr. weeks, in spreading these reports, was actuated by a mistaken idea that he was serving the interest of his employers. on the present occasion we felt indebted to him for the sympathy he displayed for our distresses, and the kindness with which he administered to our personal wants. after this conference such indians as were indebted to the company were paid for the provision they had given us by deducting a corresponding sum from their debts; in the same way we gave a reward of sixteen skins of beaver to each of the persons who had come to our relief at fort enterprise. as the debts of akaitcho and his hunters had been effaced at the time of his engagement with us we placed a sum equal to the amount of provision they had recently supplied to their credit on the company's books. these things being, through the moderation of the indians, adjusted with an unexpected facility, we gave them a keg of mixed liquors (five parts water) and distributed among them several fathoms of tobacco, and they retired to their tents to spend the night in merriment. adam, our interpreter, being desirous of uniting himself with the copper indians, applied to me for his discharge which i granted, and gave him a bill on the hudson's bay company for the amount of his wages. these arrangements being completed we prepared to cross the lake. mr. weeks provided dr. richardson and i with a cariole each and we set out at eleven a.m. on the th for moose-deer island. our party consisted of belanger who had charge of a sledge laden with the bedding and drawn by two dogs, our two cariole men, benoit and augustus. previous to our departure we had another conference with akaitcho who, as well as the rest of his party, bade us farewell with a warmth of manner rare among the indians. the badness of belanger's dogs and the roughness of the ice impeded our progress very much and obliged us to encamp early. we had a good fire made of the driftwood which lines the shores of this lake in great quantities. the next day was very cold. we began the journey at nine a.m. and encamped at the big cape, having made another short march in consequence of the roughness of the ice. on the th we encamped on the most southerly of the reindeer islands. this night was very stormy but, the wind abating in the morning, we proceeded and by sunset reached the fishing-huts of the company at stony point. here we found mr. andrews, a clerk of the hudson's bay company, who regaled us with a supper of excellent white-fish for which this part of slave lake is particularly celebrated. two men with sledges arrived soon afterwards, sent by mr. mcvicar, who expected us about this time. we set off in the morning before daybreak with several companions and arrived at moose-deer island about one p.m. here we were received with the utmost hospitality by mr. mcvicar, the chief trader of the hudson's bay company in this district, as well as by his assistant mr. mcauley. we had also the happiness of joining our friend mr. back; our feelings on this occasion can be well imagined and we were deeply impressed with gratitude to him for his exertions in sending the supply of food to fort enterprise, to which under divine providence we felt the preservation of our lives to be owing. he gave us an affecting detail of the proceedings of his party since our separation, the substance of which i shall convey to the reader by the following extracts from his journal. mr. back's narrative. october , . captain franklin having directed me to proceed with st. germain, belanger, and beauparlant to fort enterprise, in the hope of obtaining relief for the party, i took leave of my companions and set out on my journey through a very swampy country which, with the cloudy state of the weather and a keen north-east wind, accompanied by frequent snow-showers, retarded us so much that we had scarcely got more than four miles before we halted for the night and made a meal of tripe de roche and some old leather. on the th we set out early amidst extremely deep snow, sinking frequently in it up to the thighs, a labour in our enfeebled and almost worn-out state that nothing but the cheering hopes of reaching the house and affording relief to our friends could have enabled us to support. as we advanced we found to our mortification that the tripe de roche, hitherto our sole dependence, began to be scarce, so that we could only collect sufficient to make half a kettleful which, with the addition of a partridge each that st. germain had killed, yielded a tolerable meal; during this day i felt very weak and sore in the joints, particularly between the shoulders. at eight we encamped among a small clump of willows. on the th we set out at an early hour, pursuing our route over a range of hills at the foot of one of which we saw several large pines and a great quantity of willows, a sight that encouraged us to quicken our pace as we were now certain we could not be far from the woods. indeed we were making considerable progress when belanger unfortunately broke through the ice and sank up to the hips. the weather being cold, he was in danger of freezing, but some brushwood on the borders of the lake enabled us to make a fire to dry him. at the same time we took the opportunity of refreshing ourselves with a kettle of swamp tea. my increasing debility had for some time obliged me to use a stick for the purpose of extending my arms, the pain in my shoulders being so acute that i could not bear them to remain in the usual position for two minutes together. we halted at five among some small brushwood and made a sorry meal of an old pair of leather trousers and some swamp tea. the night was cold with a hard frost and though two persons slept together yet we could not by any means keep ourselves warm, but remained trembling the whole time. the following morning we crossed several lakes, occasionally seeing the recent tracks of deer, and at noon we fell upon marten lake; it happened to be at the exact spot where we had been the last year with the canoes yet, though i immediately recognised the place, the men would not believe it to be the same; at length by pointing out several marks and relating circumstances connected with them they recovered their memory, and a simultaneous expression of "mon dieu, nous sommes sauves," broke from the whole. contrary to our expectations the lake was frozen sufficiently to bear us, so that we were excused from making the tours of the different bays. this circumstance seemed to impart fresh vigour to us and we walked as fast as the extreme smoothness of the ice would permit, intending to reach the slave rock that night, but an unforeseen and almost fatal accident prevented the prosecution of our plan: belanger (who seemed the victim of misfortune) again broke through the ice in a deep part near the head of the rapid, but was timely saved by our fastening our worsted belts together and pulling him out. by urging him forwards as quick as his icy garments would admit to prevent his freezing, we reached a few pines and kindled a fire, but it was late before he even felt warm, though he was so near the flame as to burn his hair twice, and to add to our distress (since we could not pursue them) three wolves crossed the lake close to us. the night of the th was extremely stormy and about ten the following morning, on attempting to go on, we found it totally impossible, being too feeble to oppose the wind and drift which frequently blew us over and, on attempting to cross a small lake that lay in our way, drove us faster backwards than with every effort we could get forwards; we therefore encamped under the shelter of a small clump of pines, secure from the south-west storm that was raging around us. in the evening, there being no tripe de roche we were compelled to satisfy, or rather allay, the cravings of hunger by eating a gun cover and a pair of old shoes; at this time i had scarcely strength to get on my legs. the wind did not in the least abate during the night but in the morning of the th it changed to north-east and became moderate. we took advantage of this circumstance and, rising with great difficulty, set out, though had it not been for the hope of reaching the house i am certain, from the excessive faintness which almost overpowered me, that i must have remained where i was. we passed the slave rock and, making frequent halts, arrived within a short distance of fort enterprise, but as we perceived neither any marks of indians nor even of animals, the men began absolutely to despair, on a nearer approach however the tracks of large herds of deer which had only passed a few hours tended a little to revive their spirits, and shortly after we crossed the ruinous threshold of the long-sought spot, but what was our surprise, what our sensations, at beholding everything in the most desolate and neglected state; the doors and windows of that room in which we expected to find provision had been thrown down and the wild animals of the woods had resorted there as to a place of shelter and retreat. mr. wentzel had taken away the trunks and papers but had left no note to guide us to the indians. this was to us the most grievous disappointment: without the assistance of the indians, bereft of every resource, we felt ourselves reduced to the most miserable state, which was rendered still worse from the recollection that our friends in the rear were as miserable as ourselves. for the moment however hunger prevailed and each began to gnaw the scraps of putrid and frozen meat that were lying about without waiting to prepare them. a fire however was made and the neck and bones of a deer found in the house were boiled and devoured. i determined to remain a day here to repose; then to go in search of the indians and, in the event of missing them, to proceed to the first trading establishment which was distant about one hundred and thirty miles, and from thence to send succour to my companions. this indeed i should have done immediately as the most certain manner of executing my purpose, had there been any probability of the river and lakes being frozen to the southward, or had we possessed sufficient strength to have clambered over the rocks and mountains which impeded the direct way, but as we were aware of our inability to do so i listened to st. germain's proposal, which was to follow the deer into the woods (so long as they did not lead us out of our route to the indians) and if possible to collect sufficient food to carry us to fort providence. we now set about making mittens and snowshoes whilst belanger searched under the snow and collected a mass of old bones which, when burned and used with a little salt, we found palatable enough and made a tolerable meal. at night st. germain returned, having seen plenty of tracks but no animals; the day was cloudy with fresh breezes and the river was frozen at the borders. on the th we prepared for our journey, having first collected a few old skins of deer to serve us as food, and written a note to be left for our commander to apprise him of our intentions. we pursued the course of the river to the lower lake when st. germain fell in, which obliged us to encamp directly to prevent his being frozen; indeed we were all glad to rest for, in our meagre and reduced state, it was impossible to resist the weather which at any other time would have been thought fine; my toes were frozen and, although wrapped up in a blanket, i could not keep my hands warm. the th was exceedingly cold with fresh breezes. our meal at night consisted of scraps of old deer-skins and swamp tea and the men complained greatly of their increasing debility. the following morning i sent st. germain to hunt, intending to go some distance down the lake, but the weather becoming exceedingly thick with snow-storms we were prevented from moving. he returned without success, not having seen any animals. we had nothing to eat. in the morning of the th the part of the lake before us was quite frozen. there was so much uncertainty in st. germain's answers as to the chance of any indians being in the direction we were then going (although he had previously said that the leader had told him he should be there) and he gave so much dissatisfaction in his hunting excursions that i was induced to send a note to the commander, whom i supposed to be by this time at fort enterprise, to inform him of our situation; not that i imagined for a moment he could amend it, but that by all returning to the fort we might perhaps have better success in hunting; with this view i despatched belanger, much against his inclination, and told him to return as quickly as possible to a place about four miles farther on where we intended to fish and to await his arrival. the men were so weak this day that i could get neither of them to move from the encampment, and it was only necessity that compelled them to cut wood for fuel, in performing which operation beauparlant's face became so dreadfully swelled that he could scarcely see; i myself lost my temper on the most trivial circumstances and was become very peevish; the day was fine but cold with a freezing north-east wind. we had nothing to eat. october . the night was calm and clear but it was not before two in the afternoon that we set out, and the one was so weak and the other so full of complaints that we did not get more than three-quarters of a mile from our last encampment before we were obliged to put up, but in this distance we were fortunate enough to kill a partridge, the bones of which were eaten and the remainder reserved for baits to fish with. we however collected sufficient tripe de roche to make a meal and i anxiously awaited belanger's return to know what course to take. i was now so much reduced that my shoulders were as if they would fall from my body, my legs seemed unable to support me and, in the disposition in which i then found myself, had it not been for the remembrance of my friends behind who relied on me for relief as well as the persons of whom i had charge, i certainly should have preferred remaining where i was to the miserable pain of attempting to move. october . we waited until two in the afternoon for belanger but, not seeing anything of him on the lake, we set out, purposing to encamp at the narrows, the place which was said to be so good for fishing and where, according to st. germain's account, the indians never failed to catch plenty; its distance at most could not be more than two miles. we had not proceeded far before beauparlant began to complain of increasing weakness, but this was so usual with us that no particular notice was taken of it, for in fact there was little difference, all being alike feeble: among other things he said whilst we were resting that he should never get beyond the next encampment for his strength had quite failed him. i endeavoured to encourage him by explaining the mercy of the supreme being who ever beholds with an eye of pity those that seek his aid. this passed as common discourse. when he inquired where we were to put up st. germain pointed to a small clump of pines near us, the only place indeed that offered for fuel. "well," replied the poor man, "take your axe, mr. back, and i will follow at my leisure, i shall join you by the time the encampment is made." this is a usual practice of the country and st. germain and myself went on towards the spot; it was five o'clock and not very cold but rather milder than we had experienced it for some time when, on leaving the ice, we saw a number of crows perched on the top of some high pines near us. st. germain immediately said there must be some dead animal thereabouts and proceeded to search, when we saw several heads of deer half buried in the snow and ice without eyes or tongues, the previous severity of the weather having obliged the wolves and other animals to abandon them. an expression of "oh merciful god! we are saved," broke from us both, and with feelings more easily imagined than described we shook hands, not knowing what to say for joy. it was twilight and a fog was rapidly darkening the surface of the lake when st. germain commenced making the encampment; the task was too laborious for me to render him any assistance and, had we not thus providentially found provision, i feel convinced that the next twenty-four hours would have terminated my existence. but this good fortune in some measure renovated me for the moment and, putting out my whole strength, i contrived to collect a few heads and with incredible difficulty carried them singly about thirty paces to the fire. darkness stole on us apace and i became extremely anxious about beauparlant; several guns were fired to each of which he answered. we then called out and again heard his responses though faintly, when i told st. germain to go and look for him as i had not strength myself, being quite exhausted. he said that he had already placed a pine branch on the ice and he could then scarcely find his way back, but if he went now he should certainly be lost. in this situation i could only hope that, as beauparlant had my blanket and everything requisite to light a fire, he might have encamped at a little distance from us. october . the night was cold and clear but we could not sleep at all from the pains of having eaten. we suffered the most excruciating torments though i in particular did not eat a quarter of what would have satisfied me; it might have been from using a quantity of raw or frozen sinews of the legs of deer, which neither of us could avoid doing, so great was our hunger. in the morning, being much agitated for the safety of beauparlant, i desired st. germain to go in search of him and to return with him as quick as possible, when i would have something prepared for them to eat. it was however late when he arrived, with a small bundle which beauparlant was accustomed to carry and, with tears in his eyes, told me that he had found our poor companion dead. dead! i could not believe him. "it is so sir," said st. germain, "after hallooing and calling his name to no purpose i went towards our last encampment about three-quarters of a mile and found him stretched upon his back on a sandbank frozen to death, his limbs all extended and swelled enormously and as hard as the ice that was near him; his bundle was behind him as if it had rolled away when he fell, and the blanket which he wore around his neck and shoulders thrown on one side. seeing that there was no longer life in him i threw your covering over him and placed his snowshoes on the top of it." i had not even thought of so serious an occurrence in our little party and for a short time was obliged to give vent to my grief. left with one person and both of us weak, no appearance of belanger, a likelihood that great calamity had taken place amongst our other companions, still upwards of seventeen days' march from the nearest establishment, and myself unable to carry a burden; all these things pressed heavy on me, and how to get to the indians or to the fort i did not know but, that i might not depress st. germain's spirits, i suppressed the feelings to which these thoughts gave rise and made some arrangements for the journey to fort providence. october . while we were this day occupied in scraping together the remains of some deer's meat we observed belanger coming round a point apparently scarcely moving. i went to meet him and made immediate inquiries about my friends. five, with the captain, he said, were at the house, the rest were left near the river unable to proceed, but he was too weak to relate the whole. he was conducted to the encampment and paid every attention to, and by degrees we heard the remainder of his tragic tale, at which the interpreter could not avoid crying. he then gave me a letter from my friend the commander which indeed was truly afflicting. the simple story of belanger i could hear, but when i read it in another language, mingled with the pious resignation of a good man, i could not sustain it any longer. the poor man was much affected at the death of our lamented companion but his appetite prevailed over every other feeling and, had i permitted it, he would have done himself an injury; for after two hours' eating, principally skin and sinews, he complained of hunger. the day was cloudy with snow and fresh breezes from the north-east by east. the last evening as well as this morning the th i mentioned my wishes to the men that we should proceed towards reindeer lake, but this proposal met with a direct refusal. belanger stated his inability to move and st. germain used similar language, adding for the first time that he did not know the route, and that it was of no use to go in the direction i mentioned, which was the one agreed upon between the commander and myself. i then insisted that we should go by the known route and join the commander, but they would not hear of it; they would remain where they were until they had regained their strength; they said i wanted to expose them again to death (faire perir). in vain did i use every argument to the contrary for they were equally heedless to all. thus situated i was compelled to remain, and from this time to the th we employed ourselves in looking about for the remnants of the deer and pieces of skin which even the wolves had left and, by pounding the bones, we were enabled to make a sort of soup which strengthened us greatly, though each still complained of weakness. it was not without the greatest difficulty that i could restrain the men from eating every scrap they found, though they were well aware of the necessity there was of being economical in our present situation and to save whatever they could for our journey; yet they could not resist the temptation and whenever my back was turned they seldom failed to snatch at the nearest piece to them, whether cooked or raw. we had set fishing-lines but without any success, and we often saw large herds of deer crossing the lake at full speed and wolves pursuing them. the night of the th was cold with hard frost. early the next morning i sent the men to cover the body of our departed companion beauparlant with the trunks and branches of trees which they did and, shortly after their return, i opened his bundle and found it contained two papers of vermilion, several strings of beads, some fire-steels, flints, awls, fish-hooks, rings, linen, and the glass of an artificial horizon. my two men began to recover a little as well as myself, though i was by far the weakest of the three; the soles of my feet were cracked all over and the other parts were as hard as horn from constant walking. i again urged the necessity of advancing to join the commander's party but they said they were not sufficiently strong. on the th we discovered the remains of a deer on which we feasted. the night was unusually cold and ice formed in a pint-pot within two feet of the fire. the coruscations of the aurora borealis were beautifully brilliant; they served to show us eight wolves which we had some trouble to frighten away from our collection of deer's bones and, between their howling and the constant cracking of the ice, we did not get much rest. having collected with great care and by self-denial two small packets of dried meat or sinews sufficient (for men who knew what it was to fast) to last for eight days at the rate of one indifferent meal per day, we prepared to set out on the th. i calculated that we should be about fourteen days in reaching fort providence and, allowing that we neither killed deer nor found indians, we could but be unprovided with food six days and this we heeded not whilst the prospect of obtaining full relief was before us. accordingly we set out against a keen north-east wind in order to gain the known route to fort providence. we saw a number of wolves and some crows on the middle of the lake and, supposing such an assemblage was not met idly, we made for them and came in for a share of a deer which they had killed a short time before, and thus added a couple of meals to our stock. by four p.m. we gained the head of the lake or the direct road to fort providence and, some dry wood being at hand, we encamped; by accident it was the same place where the commander's party had slept on the th, the day on which i supposed they had left fort enterprise, but the encampment was so small that we feared great mortality had taken place amongst them, and i am sorry to say the stubborn resolution of my men not to go to the house prevented me from determining this most anxious point, so that i now almost dreaded passing their encampments lest i should see some of our unfortunate friends dead at each spot. our fire was hardly kindled when a fine herd of deer passed close to us. st. germain pursued them a short distance but with his usual want of success so that we made a meal off the muscles and sinews we had dried, though they were so tough that we could scarcely cut them. my hands were benumbed throughout the march and we were all stiff and fatigued. the marching of two days weakened us all very much and the more so on account of our exertion to follow the tracks of our commander's party, but we lost them and concluded that they were not before us. though the weather was not cold i was frozen in the face and was so reduced and affected by these constant calamities, as well in mind as in body, that i found much difficulty in proceeding even with the advantages i had enjoyed. november . we set out before day, though in fact we were all much fitter to remain from the excessive pain which we suffered in our joints, and proceeded till one p.m. without halting, when belanger who was before stopped and cried out "footsteps of indians." it is needless to mention the joy that brightened the countenances of each at this unlooked-for sight; we knew relief must be at hand and considered our sufferings at an end. st. germain inspected the tracks and said that three persons had passed the day before, and that he knew the remainder must be advancing to the southward as was customary with these indians when they sent to the trading establishment on the first ice. on this information we encamped and, being too weak to walk myself, i sent st. germain to follow the tracks, with instructions to the chief of the indians to provide immediate assistance for such of our friends as might be at fort enterprise, as well as for ourselves, and to lose no time in returning to me. i was now so exhausted that, had we not seen the tracks this day, i must have remained at the next encampment until the men could have sent aid from fort providence. we had finished our small portion of sinews and were preparing for rest when an indian boy made his appearance with meat. st. germain had arrived before sunset at the tents of akaitcho whom he found at the spot where he had wintered last year, but imagine my surprise when he gave me a note from the commander and said that benoit and augustus, two of the men, had just joined them. the note was so confused by the pencil marks being partly rubbed out that i could not decipher it clearly, but it informed me that he had attempted to come with the two men but, finding his strength inadequate to the task, he relinquished his design and returned to fort enterprise to await relief with the others. there was another note for the gentleman in charge of fort providence desiring him to send meat, blankets, shoes, and tobacco. akaitcho wished me to join him on the ensuing day at a place which the boy knew where they were going to fish, and i was the more anxious to do so on account of my companions, but particularly that i might hear a full relation of what had happened and of the commander's true situation, which i suspected to be much worse than he had described. in the afternoon i joined the indians and repeated to akaitcho what st. germain had told him; he seemed much affected and said he would have sent relief directly though i had not been there; indeed his conduct was generous and humane. the next morning at an early hour three indians with loaded sledges of meat, skins, shoes, and a blanket, set out for fort enterprise; one of them was to return directly with an answer from captain franklin to whom i wrote but, in the event of his death, he was to bring away all the papers he could find, and he promised to travel with such haste as to be able to return to us on the fourth day. i was now somewhat more at ease, having done all in my power to succour my unfortunate companions, but was very anxious for the return of the messenger. the indians brought me meat in small quantities though sufficient for our daily consumption and, as we had a little ammunition, many were paid on the spot for what they gave. on the th i had the satisfaction of seeing the indian arrive from fort enterprise. at first he said they were all dead but shortly after he gave me a note which was from the commander and then i learned all the fatal particulars which had befallen them. i now proposed that the chief should immediately send three sledges loaded with meat to fort enterprise, should make a cache of provision at our present encampment, and also that he should here await the arrival of the commander. by noon two large trains laden with meat were sent off for fort enterprise. the next day we proceeded on our journey and arrived at fort providence on the st of november. conclusion of mr. back's narrative. ... conclusion. i have little now to add to the melancholy detail into which i felt it proper to enter, but i cannot omit to state that the unremitting care and attentions of our kind friends mr. mcvicar and mr. mcauley, united with our improved diet to promote to the restoration of our health, so that by the end of february the swellings of our limbs which had returned upon us entirely subsided, and we were able to walk to any part of the island. our appetites gradually moderated and we nearly regained our ordinary state of body before the spring. hepburn alone suffered from a severe attack of rheumatism which confined him to his bed for some weeks. the usual symptoms of spring having appeared, on the th of may we prepared to embark for fort chipewyan. fortunately on the following morning a canoe arrived from that place with the whole of the stores which we required for the payment of akaitcho and the hunters. it was extremely gratifying to us to be thus enabled, previous to our departure, to make arrangements respecting the requital of our late indian companions, and the more so as we had recently discovered that akaitcho and the whole of his tribe, in consequence of the death of the leader's mother and the wife of our old guide keskarrah, had broken and destroyed every useful article belonging to them and were in the greatest distress. it was an additional pleasure to find our stock of ammunition more than sufficient to pay them what was due, and that we could make a considerable present of this most essential article to every individual that had been attached to the expedition. we quitted moose-deer island at five p.m. on the th, accompanied by mr. mcvicar and mr. mcauley and nearly all the voyagers at the establishment, having resided there about five months, not a day of which had passed without our having cause of gratitude for the kind and unvaried attentions of mr. mcvicar and mr. mcauley. these gentlemen accompanied us as far as fort chipewyan where we arrived on the nd of june, here we met mr. wentzel and the four men who had been sent with him from the mouth of the copper-mine river, and i think it due to that gentleman to give his own explanation of the unfortunate circumstances which prevented him from fulfilling my instructions respecting the provisions to have been left for us at fort enterprise. (see below.) in a subsequent conversation he stated to me that the two indians who were actually with him at fort enterprise whilst he remained there altering his canoe were prevented from hunting, one by an accidental lameness, the other by the fear of meeting alone some of the dog-rib indians. we were here furnished with a canoe by mr. smith and a bowman to act as our guide and, having left fort chipewyan on the th, we arrived on the th of july at norway house. finding at this place that canoes were about to go down to montreal i gave all our canadian voyagers their discharges and sent them by those vessels, furnishing them with orders on the agent of the hudson's bay company for the amount of their wages. we carried augustus down to york factory where we arrived on the th of july, and were received with every mark of attention and kindness by mr. simpson the governor, mr. mctavish, and indeed by all the officers of the united companies. and thus terminated our long, fatiguing, and disastrous travels in north america, having journeyed by water and by land (including our navigation of the polar sea) five thousand five hundred and fifty miles. ... mr. wentzel's explanation. after you sent me back from the mouth of the copper-mine river and i had overtaken the leader, guides, and hunters, on the fifth day, leaving the sea-coast, as well as our journey up the river, they always expressed the same desire of fulfilling their promises, although somewhat dissatisfied at being exposed to privation while on our return from a scarcity of animals for, as i have already stated in my first communication from moose-deer island, we had been eleven days with no other food but tripe de roche. in the course of this time an indian with his wife and child, who were travelling in company with us, were left in the rear and are since supposed to have perished through want, as no intelligence had been received of them at fort providence in december last. on the seventh day after i had joined the leader, etc. etc., and journeying on together, all the indians excepting petit pied and bald-head left me to seek their families and crossed point lake at the crow's nest, where humpy had promised to meet his brother ekehcho (akaitcho the leader) with the families but did not fulfil, nor did any of my party of indians know where to find them, for we had frequently made fires to apprise them of our approach yet none appeared in return as answers. this disappointment as might be expected served to increase the ill-humour of the leader and party, the brooding of which (agreeably to indian custom) was liberally discharged on me, in bitter reproach for having led them from their families and exposed them to dangers and hardships which, but for my influence, they said they might have spared themselves. nevertheless they still continued to profess the sincerest desire of meeting your wishes in making caches of provisions and remaining until a late season on the road that leads from fort enterprise to fort providence, through which the expedition-men had travelled so often the year before, remarking however at the same time that they had not the least hopes of ever seeing one person return from the expedition. these alarming fears i never could persuade them to dismiss from their minds; they always sneered at what they called my credulity. "if," said the gros pied (also akaitcho) "the great chief (meaning captain franklin) or any of his party should pass at my tents, he or they shall be welcome to all my provisions or anything else that i may have." and i am sincerely happy to understand by your communication that in this he had kept his word, in sending you with such promptitude and liberality the assistance your truly dreadful situation required. but the party of indians on whom i had placed the utmost confidence and dependence was humpy and the white capot guide with their sons and several of the discharged hunters from the expedition. this party was well-disposed and readily promised to collect provisions for the possible return of the expedition, provided they could get a supply of ammunition from fort providence, for when i came up with them they were actually starving and converting old axes into ball, having no other substitute; this was unlucky. yet they were well inclined and i expected to find means at fort providence to send them a supply, in which i was however disappointed, for i found that establishment quite destitute of necessaries, and then shortly after i had left them they had the misfortune of losing three of their hunters who were drowned in marten lake; this accident was of all others the most fatal that could have happened, a truth which no one who has the least knowledge of the indian character will deny, and as they were nearly connected by relationship to the leader, humpy, and white capot guide, the three leading men of this part of the copper indian tribe, it had the effect of unhinging (if i may use the expression) the minds of all these families and finally destroying all the fond hopes i had so sanguinely conceived of their assisting the expedition, should it come back by the annadesse river of which they were not certain. as to my not leaving a letter at fort enterprise it was because by some mischance you had forgot to give me paper when we parted.* (*footnote. i certainly offered mr. wentzel some paper when he quitted us but he declined it, having then a notebook, and mr. back gave him a pencil.) i however wrote this news on a plank in pencil and placed it in the top of your former bedstead where i left it. since it has not been found there some indians must have gone to the house after my departure and destroyed it. these details, sir, i have been induced to enter into (rather unexpectedly) in justification of myself and hope it will be satisfactory. * * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: | | | | inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has | | been preserved. | | | | obvious typographical errors have been corrected. for | | a complete list, please see the end of this document. | | | | the erratum inserted between page xx and page xxi has | | been incorporated into the text. erratum text moved to | | the bottom of the e-text. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * the journal of submarine commander von forstner [illustration: _copyright by underwood & underwood, n.y._ passengers and crew leaving a sinking liner torpedoed by a german submarine in the mediterranean] the journal of submarine commander von forstner translated by mrs. russell codman with an introduction by john hays hammond, jr. [illustration] boston and new york houghton mifflin company the riverside press cambridge copyright, , by john hays hammond, jr. and anna crafts codman all rights reserved _published november _ contents foreword by the translator vii introduction by john hays hammond, jr.: the challenge to naval supremacy xi i. ordered to command a submarine ii. breathing and living conditions under water iii. submersion and torpedo fire iv. mobilization and the beginning of the commercial war v. our own part in the commercial war and our first captured steamer vi. the capture of two prize steamers vii. off the coast of england viii. the method of sinking and raising ships illustrations passengers and crew leaving a sinking liner torpedoed by a german submarine in the mediterranean _frontispiece_ interior of a submarine xliv a torpedoed schooner german submarines u , u , u , u , and u in kiel harbor von forstner's submarine (u ) in action in the north sea: a series of photographs taken from the deck of one of her victims from the london _graphic_, march , lifeboat leaving the sinking p. and o. liner arabia british hospital ship gloucester castle, showing red cross on bow, sunk in the english channel by a german submarine foreword the following pages form an abridged translation of a book published in by freiherrn von forstner, commander of the first german u-boat. it was written with the somewhat careless haste of a man who took advantage of disconnected moments of leisure, and these moments were evidently subject to abrupt and prolonged interruptions. many repetitions and trivial incidents have been omitted in this translation; but, in order to express the personality of the author, the rendering has been as literal as possible, and it shows the strange mixture of sentimentality and ferocity peculiar to the psychology of the germans. part of the book gives a technical description,--not so much of the construction of a submarine as of the nature of its activities,--which presents us an unusual opportunity to glean a few valuable facts from this personal and intimate account of a german u-boat. we are inclined to a certain grim humor in borrowing the candid information given to us americans so unconsciously by freiherrn von forstner, for he could hardly suppose it would fall into the hands of those who would join the fighting ranks of the _hated enemy_, as, in his bitter animosity, he invariably calls the english whenever he refers to them. several chapters in this book are simple narratives of the commander's own adventures during the present naval warfare waged against commerce. his attempts at a lighter vein often provoke a smile at the quality of his wit, but he is not lacking in fine and manly virtues. he is a loyal comrade; a good officer concerned for the welfare of his crew. he is even kindly to his captives when he finds they are docile victims. he is also willing to credit his adversary with pluck and courage. he is never sparing of his own person, and shows admirable endurance under pressure of intense work and great responsibility. he is full of enthusiastic love for his profession, and in describing a storm at sea his rather monotonous style of writing suddenly rises to eloquence. but in his exalted devotion to the almighty war lord, and to the fatherland, he openly reveals his fanatical joy in the nefarious work he has to perform. it is difficult to realize that this ardent worship of detail, and this marvelous efficiency in the conservation of every resource, are applied to a weapon of destruction which directs its indiscriminate attacks against women and children, hospital transports, and relief ships. nothing at the present day has aroused such fear as this invisible enemy, nor has anything outraged the civilized world like the tragedies caused by the german submarines. this small volume may offer new suggestions to those familiar with the science of submarine construction, and it may also shed a little light, even for lay readers, on a subject which for the last three years has taken a preëminent place in the history of the war. introduction the challenge to naval supremacy i in a letter to william pitt, of january , , relating to his invention of a submersible boat, robert fulton wrote prophetically, "now, in this business, i will not disguise that i have full confidence in the power which i possess, which is no less than to be the means, should i think proper, of giving to the world a system which must of necessity sweep all military marines from the ocean, by giving the weaker maritime powers advantages over the stronger, which the stronger cannot prevent." it is interesting to note that, about a hundred years later, vice-admiral fournier of the french navy stated before a parliamentary committee of investigation that, if france had possessed a sufficient number of submersibles, and had disposed them strategically about her coasts and the coasts of her possessions, these vessels could have controlled the trade routes of the world. he said also that the fighting value of a sufficient number of submersibles would reëstablish the balance of power between england and france. the history of naval warfare during the last few months has confirmed the opinions of these two authorities, although in a manner which they in no way anticipated. direct comparison is the usual method by which the human mind estimates values. we would measure the strength of two men by pitting them against each other in physical encounter; in the same way, we are prone to measure the combative effect of weapons by pitting them in conflict against other weapons. but modern warfare is of so complex a nature that direct comparisons fail, and only a careful analysis of military experience determines the potentiality of a weapon and its influence on warfare. robert fulton and admiral fournier both indicated that they believed in the submersible's supremacy in actual encounter with capital ships. the war, so far, has shown that, in action between fleets, the submersible has played a negative part. in the jutland bank battle, the submersible, handicapped in speed and eyesight, took as active a part, as a jack tar humorously put it, "as a turtle might in a cat fight." not even under the extraordinary conditions of the bombardment in the dardanelles, when the circumstances were such as lent themselves strikingly to submarine attack, did these vessels score against the fleet in action.[ ] it is easy to understand why the submersible did not take a vital part in any of the major naval actions. in the naval battle of to-day we have a number of very high-speed armored craft fighting against one another over ranges extending up to , yards. there is a constant evolution in the position of the ships which it is impossible to follow from the low point of vantage of a periscope, for the different formations of ships mean nothing to the submersible commander. he is so placed that his range of vision is extremely limited, and, on account of the low speed of his boat while submerged, he can operate over only a very limited area of water while the other vessels are moving many miles. then, too, he is extremely vulnerable to the effect of enemy shells and to the ramming of enemy ships. under these conditions the submersible commander is more or less forced to a policy of lying ambushed to surprise his enemy. it is said that the "lusitania" was decoyed into a nest of submersibles. there was but little chance of torpedoing her in any other way. there is also the statement that admiral beatty passed with his battle-cruisers through a flotilla of enemy submersibles without being touched. submersibles cannot attack their target in definite formations as do surface vessels, and therefore they cannot operate in numbers with the same effectiveness as do the latter. they must maneuver more or less singly, and at random. being limited to the torpedo, which, when they are submerged, is their sole weapon of attack, they have an uncertain means of striking their armed enemy. the eccentricities of the automobile torpedo are well known; but, even eliminating the fact that this missile is unreliable, the important question of accuracy in the estimate of range and speed which the submersible commander has to make before firing the torpedo must be considered. there is usually a large percentage of error in his calculations unless the submersible is extremely close to its target. realizing these limitations, the german submersibles are equipped with small torpedoes, which are generally fired at ranges not exceeding eight hundred to two thousand yards. the necessity of approaching the target so closely is, of course, a tremendous handicap in the general operation of these boats. in view of these facts, it is not surprising that the submersible should not have been able to sweep the capital ship from the seas, as was predicted by certain experts before the war. ii admiral sir cyprian bridge regards the functions of defense by a navy as divisible into three main classifications. he says, "the above-mentioned three divisions are called in common speech, coast defense, colonial defense, and defense of commerce." from this classification we are given a hint as to what a sailor means by "naval supremacy," "freedom of the seas," and other terms so misused that to-day they mean nothing. "coast defense" means defense against invasion; "colonial defense" means the safeguarding of distant possessions against enemy forces; the "defense of commerce" means such supremacy on the seas as will insure absolute safety of the mercantile marine from enemy commerce-destroyers. to-day every great nation is waging a trade war. the industrial competition of peace is as keen as the competition of war. all the great powers realized years ago that, to gain and keep their "place in the sun," it was necessary for them to construct navies that would insure to them a certain control of the seas for the protection of their commerce. in this way began the abnormal naval construction in which the powers have vied with one another for supremacy. a simple way of looking at the question, what constitutes the power of a fleet, is to consider the warship as merely a floating gun-platform. even though this floating platform is the most complex piece of mechanism that was ever contrived by man, nevertheless its general function is simple. the war has given us enough experience to convince us that the backbone of a navy is, after all, the heavily armored ship of moderately high speed, carrying a very heavy armament. this floating gun-platform is the structure best fitted to carry large guns into battle, and to withstand the terrific punishment of the enemy's fire. the battleship is to-day, notwithstanding the development of other types, queen of the seas. it is therefore not difficult to estimate the relative power of the fleets of different nations. in fact, a purely engineering estimate of this kind can be made, and the respective ranks of the world's naval powers ascertained. germany has shown all through the war that she thoroughly appreciated the british naval supremacy. her fleet has ventured little more than sporadic operations from the well-fortified bases behind heligoland. it was probably the pressure of public opinion, and not the expectation that she would achieve anything of military advantage, that forced her to send her high-sea fleet into conflict with the british squadrons off jutland. if one should examine the course of this battle, which has been represented by lines graphically showing the paths of the british and german fleets, one could easily see how the british imposed their will upon the germans in every turn that these lines make. it reminds one very much of the herding of sheep, for the german fleet was literally herded on may , , from : in the afternoon until o'clock that night. admiral von scheer, however, fought the only action which it was possible for him to fight. it was a losing action, and one which he knew, from a purely mathematical consideration, could not be successful. through the very definiteness of this understanding of what constitutes naval strength, great britain's navy until recently has remained a great potential force, becoming dynamic for only a few hours at jutland, after which it returned to that mysterious northern base whence it seems to dominate the seas. because of the potentiality of these hidden warships, thousands of vessels have traversed the ocean, freighted with countless tons of cargoes and millions of men for the allies. even at that psychological moment when the first hundred thousand were being transported to france, germany refrained from a naval attack which might have turned the whole land campaign in her favor. to-day, however, the world is awakening to a new idea of sea-power, to a new conception that will have a far-reaching influence on the future development of naval machinery. sir cyprian bridge has stated that one of the functions of a fleet is the defense of commerce. there is no more important function for a fleet than this. a nation may be subjugated by direct invasion, or it may be isolated from the world by blockade. if the blockade be sufficiently long, and effectively maintained, it will ruin the nation as effectually as direct invasion. thus, in the maintenance of a nation's merchant marine on the high seas, its navy exercises one of its most vital functions. there can, therefore, be no naval supremacy for a nation unless its commerce is assured of immunity from considerable losses through the attack of its enemy. it is idle for us to speak of our naval supremacy over germany, when our navies are failing in one of their most important functions, and when our commerce is suffering such serious losses. the persons best qualified to judge are those who are most anxious regarding the present losses in mercantile tonnage. while it has been shown that the submersible of to-day, as a fighting machine, is considerably limited, and in no sense endangers the existence of the capital ship, nevertheless in the new huge submersible it seems that the ideal commerce-destroyer has been found. this vessel possesses the necessary cruising radius to operate over sufficient distances to control important routes; it makes a surface speed great enough to run down cargo steamers, and has a superstructure to mount guns of considerable power (up to six-inch). it embodies almost all the qualifications of the light surface cruiser, with the additional tremendous advantage of being able to hide by submergence. to be completely successful, it must operate in flotillas of hundreds in waters that are opaque to aërial observation. germany has but a limited number of these submersibles, otherwise she would be able to crush the allied commerce. the ideal submersible commerce-raider should be a vessel of such displacement that she could carry a sufficient number of large guns in her superstructure to enable her to fight off the attack of surface destroyers and the smaller patrol craft.[ ] she should be capable of cruising over a large radius at high speed, both on the surface and submerged. the supersubmersible flotillas should comprise fifty or sixty of these units. the attack on the trade routes should be made by a number of flotillas operating at different points at unexpected times. to-day germany has concentrated her submarine war particularly in the constricted waters about england. it is here that the shipping is most congested, and therefore the harvest is richest, but it is also easier to protect the trade routes over these limited areas of water by patrols, nets, etc., than it would be to protect the entire trans-oceanic length of the steamship lanes. if the submersible were capable of dealing directly with the destroyer in gun-fighting, a tremendous revolution would take place in the tactics of "submarine swatting." then it would be difficult to see how the submersible could be dealt with. improvement in motive machinery is the vital necessity in the development of the submersible. the next few years may see unexpected strides taken in this direction. a great deal will also be accomplished in perfecting methods of receiving sounds under water, particularly in relation to ascertaining the direction of these sounds. when this is done, it will be possible for the submersible commander to tell a great deal about the positions of the vessels above him, and thus his artificial ears will compensate to a great extent for his blindness. by the addition of a greater number of torpedo-tubes, and the improvement of their centralized control in the hand of the commander at the periscope, along lines which we are now developing, it will be possible for the submersible to achieve a greater effectiveness in its torpedo fire. probably torpedoes will then be used only against the more important enemy units, such as battleships, cruisers, and the like. to be certain of striking these valuable targets would be worth expending a number of torpedoes in salvo fire. whether the german u-boat campaign succeeds or not will be largely a question of the number of submersibles that the central powers can put into service, and to what extent the submersible will be developed during the present war. iii german submarines have sunk over , , tons of the allied shipping. in december, , it was stated in the british parliament that the merchant marine of great britain had at that time over , , tons. within the first three months of the unrestricted submarine warfare, , , tons of british shipping went to the bottom. at this rate, england would lose per cent of her merchant marine per annum. it is for this reason that the attention of the entire world is concentrated upon the vital problem of the submarine menace. on land, the central powers are still holding their ground, but there is a continuous increase of the forces of the allies which should lead finally to such a preponderance of power as will overwhelm the forces opposed to them. the allied armies, however, depend for their sustenance and supplies upon the freedom of the seas. the trade routes of the world constitute the arteries which feed the muscles of these armies. germany is endeavoring to cut these arteries by the submarine. should she even appreciably limit the supplies that cross the ocean to the allies, she will bring about a condition that will make it impossible to augment their armies. in this way there will inevitably be a deadlock, which, from the german standpoint, would be a highly desirable consummation. obviously, the first method of handling the submarine problem would be to bottle the german undersea craft in their bases. there has been a number of proposals as to how best to accomplish this. it has been stated that the english navy has planted mines in channels leading from zeebrugge and other submarine bases; but it is necessary only to recall the exploits of the e- and the e- of the british navy at the dardanelles, to see that it would not be impossible for the germans to pass in their u-boats through these mine-fields into the open sea. it will be remembered that the e- and the e- passed through five or more mine-fields, thence through the dardanelles into the sea of marmora, and even into the bosphorus under seemingly impossible conditions. yet, in spite of the tremendous risks that they ran, these boats continued their operations for some time, passing up as far as constantinople, actually shelling the city, sinking transports, and accomplishing other feats which have been graphically described in the stories of rudyard kipling. and again, if the mine-fields were placed in close proximity to their bases, it would be comparatively easy for german submersibles of the lake type, possessing appliances to enable divers to pass outboard when the vessel is submerged, to go out and cut away the mines and thus render them ineffective. nets are also used to hinder the outward passage of the submarine. these nets can likewise be attacked and easily cut by devices with which modern u-boats are equipped. the problem of placing these obstacles is a difficult one, in view of the fact that the ships so engaged are harassed by german destroyers and other enemy craft. outside of zeebrugge, shallow water extends to a distance of about five miles from the coast, and it has been suggested that a large number of aircraft, carrying bombs and torpedoes, should be used to patrol systematically the channel leading from that port to deep water, with the intent of attacking the submersibles as they emerge from this base. it is ridiculous to suppose that the germans would not be able to concentrate an equally large number of aircraft, to be supported also by anti-aircraft guns on the decks of destroyers and by the coast defenses. we have not yet won the supremacy of the air, and it must inevitably be misleading to base any proposition on the assumption that we are masters of that element. the problem of bottling up the submersibles is enormously difficult, because it necessitates operations in the enemy's territory, where he would possess the superiority of power. i believe that the question of operations against the submarine bases is not a naval but a military one, and one which would be best solved by the advance of the western left flank of the allied armies. the second method is to attack the submarines with every appliance that science can produce. in order to attack the submarine directly with any weapon, it is necessary first to locate it. this is a problem presenting the greatest difficulty, for it is by their elusiveness that the submarines have gained such importance in their war on trade. they attack the more or less helpless merchant ships, and vanish before the armed patrols appear on the scene. almost every suitable appliance known to physics has been proposed for the solution of the problem of submarine location and detection. as the submarine is a huge vessel built of metal, it might be supposed that such a contrivance as the hughes induction balance might be employed to locate it. the hughes balance is a device which is extremely sensitive to the presence of minute metallic masses in relatively close proximity to certain parts of the apparatus. unfortunately, on account of the presence of the saline sea-water, the submersible is practically shielded by a conducting medium in which are set up eddy currents. although the sea-water may lack somewhat in conductivity, it compensates for this by its volume. for this reason, the induction balance has proved a failure. but another method of detecting the position of a metallic mass is by the use of the magnetometer. this device operates on the principle of magnetic attraction, and in laboratories on stable foundations it is extremely sensitive. but the instability of the ship on which it would be necessary to carry this instrument would render it impossible to obtain a sufficient degree of sensitiveness in the apparatus to give it any value. the fact that the submersible is propelled under water by powerful electric motors begets the idea that the electrical disturbances therein might be detected by highly sensitive detectors of feeble electrical oscillations. the sea-water, in this case, will be found to absorb to a tremendous extent the effects of the electrical disturbance. moreover, the metallic hull of the submersible forms in itself an almost ideal shield to screen the outgoing effect of these motors. considerable and important development has been made in the creation of sensitive sound-receiving devices, to hear the propeller vibrations and the mechanical vibrations that are present in a submersible, both of which are transmitted through the water. there are three principal obstacles to the successful use of such a device: when the submersible is submerged, she employs rotary and not reciprocating prime-movers, being in consequence relatively quiet when running under water, and inaudible at any considerable distance; the noises of the vessel carrying the listening devices are difficult to exclude, as are also the noises of the sea, which are multitudinous; finally, the sound-receiving instruments are not highly directive, hence are not of great assistance in determining the position of the object from which they are receiving sounds.[ ] to locate the submersible, aërial observation has been found useful. it is particularly so when the waters are clear enough to observe the vessel when submerged to some depth, but its value is less than might be supposed in the waters about the british isles and northern europe, where there is a great deal of matter in suspension which makes the sea unusually opaque. the submersible, however, when running along the surface with only its periscope showing, is more easily detected by aircraft than by a surface vessel. behind the periscope, there is a characteristic small wake, which is distinguishable from above, but practically invisible from a low level of observation. many sea-planes are operating on the other side for the purpose of locating enemy submersibles and reporting their presence to the surface patrol craft. in order to overcome the disadvantages of creating the periscope wake which i have mentioned, it is reported that the germans have developed special means to allow the u-boats, when raiding, to submerge to a fixed depth without moving. to maintain any body in a fluid medium in a static position is a difficult matter, as is shown in the instability of aircraft. one of the great problems of the submersible has been to master the difficulties of its control while maintaining a desired depth. the modern submersible usually forces itself under water, while still in a slightly buoyant condition, by its propellers and by the action of two sets of rudders, or hydroplanes, which are arranged along its superstructure and which tend to force it below the surface when they are given a certain inclination; but should the engines stop, the diving rudders, or hydroplanes, would become ineffective, and, because of the reserve buoyancy in the hull, the vessel would come to the surface. in order to maintain the vessel in a state of suspension under water without moving, it would be necessary to hold an extremely delicate balance between the weight of the submarine and that of the water which it displaces. variations in weights are so important to the submersible that, as fuel is used, water is allowed to enter certain tanks to compensate exactly for the loss of the weight of the fuel. to obtain such an equilibrium, an automatic device controlled by the pressure of the water, which, of course, varies with the depth, is used. this device controls the pumps which fill or empty the ballast-tanks, so as to keep the relation of the submersible to the water which it displaces constant, under which condition the vessel maintains a fixed depth. the principle of this mechanism is, of course, old, and was first embodied in the whitehead torpedo, which has a device that can be set so as to maintain the depth at which it will run practically constant. with the addition of a telescopic periscope, which can be shortened or extended at will, it will be possible for the u-boat to lie motionless with only the minute surface of the periscope revealing her position. iv to attack the submersible is a matter of opportunity. it is only when one is caught operating on the surface, or is forced to the surface by becoming entangled in nets, that the patrol has the chance to fire upon it. against this method of attack, modern submersibles have been improving their defenses. to-day, they are shielded with armor of some weight on the superstructure and over part of the hull. they are also equipped with guns up to five inches in diameter, and, affording, as they do, a fairly steady base, they can outmatch in gun-play any of the lighter patrol boats which they may encounter. one of the important improvements which have been made has resulted in the increased speed with which they now submerge from the condition of surface trim. a submersible of a thousand tons displacement will carry about five hundred tons of water ballast. the problem of submerging is mainly that of being able rapidly to fill the tanks. on account of the necessity of dealing with large quantities of water in the ballast system, the european submersibles are equipped with pumps which can handle eight tons of water per minute. again, the speed which the electrical propulsion system gives the vessel on the surface greatly increases the pressure which the diving rudders can exert in forcing the submersible under water. this effect may be so marked that it becomes excessive, and sueter emphasizes the point that vessels at high speed, when moving under water, may, on account of the momentum attained, submerge to excessive depths. to eliminate this tendency, there is a hydrostatic safety system which automatically causes the discharge of water from the ballast-tank when dangerous pressures are reached, thus bringing the submersible to a higher level where the pressure on the hull will not be so severe. from this it follows that the opportunity of ramming a submersible, or of sinking it by gunfire, is greatly minimized, since the vessel can disappear so rapidly. [illustration: _photograph from underwood & underwood, n.y._ interior of a submarine] a great deal has been attempted with nets. fixed nets extend across many of the bodies of water around the british isles. their positions, doubtless, are now very well known to the germans. the problem of cutting through them is not a difficult one. moreover, the hull of the submersible has been modified so that the propellers are almost entirely shielded and incased in such a way that they will not foul the lines of a net. there has also been a steel hawser strung from the bow across the highest point of the vessel to the stern, so that the submersible can underrun a net without entangling the superstructure. some nets are towed by surface vessels. the process is necessarily slow, and to be effective the surface vessel must know the exact location of the submersible. towing torpedoes or high explosive charges behind moving vessels has been developed by the italian navy, but the chances of hitting a submersible with such devices are not very great. bomb-dropping from aëroplanes can be practiced successfully under exceptional conditions only. in view of the fact that such bomb-dropping is exceedingly inaccurate, and that the charges carried are relatively small, this form of attack ordinarily would not be very dangerous for the submersible. surface craft have also employed large charges of high explosives, which are caused to detonate by hydrostatic pistons upon reaching a certain depth. patrol boats carry such charges in order to overrun the submersible, drop the charges in its vicinity, and by the pressure of the underwater explosion crush its hull. since the pressure of an underwater explosion diminishes rapidly as the distance increases from the point of detonation, it would be necessary to place the explosive charge fairly close to the hull of the submersible to be certain of its destruction. to accomplish this, it would seem that the ideal combination would be the control of an explosive carrier by radio energy directly from an aëroplane. thus we would have a large explosive charge under water where it can most effectively injure the submersible, controlled by the guidance of an observer in the position best suited to watch the movements of the submerged target. the third method by which to frustrate the attack of the submersible is to give better protection to the merchant marine itself. while a great deal of ingenuity is being concentrated on the problem of thwarting the submersible, but little common sense has been used. while endeavoring to devise intricate and ingenious mechanisms to sink the submersible, we overlook the simplest safeguards for our merchant vessels. to-day, the construction of the average ship is designed to conform to the insurance requirements. this does not mean in any way that the ship is so constructed as to be truly safe. thousands of vessels that are plying the seas to-day are equipped with bulkheads that are absolutely useless because they do not extend high enough to prevent the water from running from one part of the ship to another when the ship is partially submerged. then again, the pumping system is so arranged as to reach the water in the lower part of the hull when the ship is up by the head. should the ship be injured in the forward part and sink by the head, these pumps would be unable to reach the incoming water before her condition had become desperate. there is a vessel operating from new york to-day worth approximately a million dollars, and if she were equipped with suitable pumps, which would cost about a thousand dollars, her safety would be increased about forty per cent. her owners, however, prefer running the risk of losing her to expending a thousand dollars! if the merchant vessels were made more torpedo-proof, it would be an important discouragement to the u-boat commander. during the past two years of the war, nineteen battleships have been torpedoed, and out of this number only three have been sunk, showing that it is possible by proper construction to improve the hull of a ship to such an extent that it is almost torpedo-proof. while it may not be practicable, on account of the cost, to build merchant vessels along the lines of armed ships, nevertheless much could be done to improve their structural strength and safety; and since speed is an essential factor in circumventing torpedo attack, new cargo-carriers should be constructed to be as fast as is feasible. so radically have conditions changed that to-day we have a superabundance of useless dreadnaught power. the smaller guns of some of these vessels, and their gun crews, would be far more useful on the merchant vessels than awaiting the far-off day when the german fleet shall venture forth again. the submersible must be driven below the surface by a superiority of gunfire on the part of the merchant marine and its patrols. in this way the submersible would be dependent upon the torpedo alone, a weapon of distinct limitations. in order to use it effectively, the submersible must be not more than from eight hundred to two thousand yards from its target, and must run submerged at reduced speed, thus greatly lessening its potentiality for destruction. to-day, submersibles are actually running down and destroying merchant vessels by gunfire. if merchant vessels carried two high-speed patrol launches equipped with three-inch guns of the davis non-recoil type, and these vessels were lowered in the danger zone as a convoy to the ship, such a scheme would greatly lessen the enormous task of the present patrol. in the event of gunfire attack by a submersible, three vessels would be on the alert to answer her fire instead of one: an important factor in discouraging submersibles from surface attack! the future of the submarine campaign is of vital importance. the prospect is not very cheerful. laubeuf states that at the beginning of the war germany had not over thirty-eight submersibles. this statement may be taken with a grain of salt; the germans do not advertise what they have. it is probable, however, that to-day they have not more than two hundred submersibles in operation. over four thousand patrol boats are operating against this relatively small number, and yet sinkings continue at an alarming rate. it is estimated that germany will be able to produce a thousand submersibles in the coming year and man these vessels with crews from her blockaded ships. this will be a tremendous addition to the number she has now in operation. the greater the number of submersibles she has in action, the greater the area the submarine campaign will cover. the number of patrol vessels will have to be increased in direct proportion to the area of the submarine zone. since a large number of patrol boats has to operate against each submersible, it will be seen that a tremendous fleet will have to be placed in commission to offset a thousand submersibles. thus the problem becomes increasingly difficult, and the protection of the trade route will be no more thoroughly effected than it is to-day--unless we overwhelm the enemy by a tremendous fleet of destroyers. footnotes: [ ] the "majestic" was torpedoed at the dardanelles, while at anchor. the "triumph" was torpedoed while moving slowly; both warships had out their torpedo nets. [ ] the germans have in operation submersibles of tons displacement. [ ] big strides, however, have been made lately in overcoming these shortcomings, and it would appear that the principle of sound-detection is the most hopeful one for us to follow. the journal of submarine commander von forstner i ordered to command a submarine every year about the first of october, at the time of the great army maneuvers, new appointments are also made in the navy; but, unlike our army brothers, who from beginning to end remain permanently either in the artillery, cavalry, or infantry, we officers of the navy are shifted from cruiser to torpedo boat, from the ship of the line to the hated office desk on land at the admiralty, in order to fit us to serve our almighty war lord in every capacity and to the best advantage. the commander of a torpedo boat must be familiar with the service on board a dreadnaught or on any other large ship, for only those who are intimately acquainted with the kind of ship they are going to attack possess sufficient skill to destroy it. for the first time in the autumn of - some of us were surprised at the announcement: "ordered on board a submarine." this order naturally met with an immediate response, but it brought a new outlook on the possibilities of our career, for we had not yet been trained to this branch of the service which our almighty war lord had only recently added to the imperial navy. the question was, should we be able to perform this new duty? it is well known that the french were the first to complete a type of submarine navigable underseas, and the english unwillingly, but with a sly anticipation of coming events, copied this type of boat. to all outward appearance we kept aloof from following the example of our neighbors, and our chiefs of the admiralty were beset with expostulations on the subject, but they were silently biding their time while our enemies of to-day were bragging about their successful experiments with their newly constructed submarines. to the dismay and astonishment of our opponents it was only when the right hour had struck that our navy revealed that it had similar weapons at its command; it therefore prepared for them some disagreeable surprises, and set its special seal from the very beginning on the maritime warfare. i remember a talk i had with an old army officer a few years ago, when i had just received my appointment to a submarine. we were speaking of u-boats and aëroplanes, and he exclaimed: "ach! my dear forstner, give it up! the bottom of the ocean is for fishes, and the sky is for birds." what would have happened to us in this war had we not so proudly excelled above the earth and beneath the sea? at first a mystery still veiled our knowledge concerning our submarines; we were told that the dear, good, old u-boat no. had splendidly stood every test, and shortly after, in october, -, i went on board, and had the honor later to command her for two years. but during this period, for several years, the greatest secrecy surrounded this new weapon of our navy; strictest orders were given to admit no one on board, not even high officers; only admirals were allowed to penetrate within, and on every matter concerning our u-boats we had to maintain absolute silence. now, however, that our usefulness has been so fully justified, the veil of discretion can be somewhat lifted, and i can describe within certain limits the life and activities on board a submarine. ii breathing and living conditions under water a submarine conceals within its small compass the most concentrated technical disposition known in the art of mechanical construction, especially so in the spaces reserved for the steering gear of the boat and for the manipulation of its weapons. the life on board becomes such a matter of habit that we can peacefully sleep at great depths under the sea, while the noise is distinctly heard of the propellers of the enemy's ships, hunting for us overhead; for water is an excellent sound conductor, and conveys from a long distance the approach of a steamer. we are often asked, "how can you breathe under water?" the health of our crew is the best proof that this is fully possible. we possessed as fellow passengers a dozen guinea pigs, the gift of a kindly and anxious friend, who had been told these little creatures were very sensitive to the ill effects of a vitiated atmosphere. they flourished in our midst and proved amusing companions. it is essential before a u-boat submerges to drive out the exhausted air through powerful ventilating machines, and to suck in the purest air obtainable; but often in war time one is obliged to dive with the emanations of cooking, machine oil, and the breath of the crew still permeating the atmosphere, for it is of the utmost importance to the success of a submarine attack that the enemy should not detect our presence; therefore, it is impossible at such short notice to clear the air within the boat. these conditions, however, are bearable, although one must be constantly on the watch to supply in time fresh ventilation. notwithstanding certain assertions in the press of alleged discoveries to supply new sources of air, the actual amount remains unchanged from the moment of submersion, and there is no possibility, either through ventilators or any other device so far known in u-boat construction, to draw in fresh air under water; this air, however, can be purified from the carbonic acid gas exhalations by releasing the necessary proportion of oxygen. if the carbonic acid gas increases in excess proportion then it produces well-known symptoms, in a different degree, in different individuals, such as extreme fatigue and violent headaches. under such conditions the crew would be unable to perform the strenuous maneuver demanded of it, and the carbonic acid must be withdrawn and oxygen admitted. the ventilation system of the entire submarine is connected with certain chemicals, through which the air circulates, whose property is to absorb and retain the carbonic acid. preparations of potassium are usually employed for this purpose. simultaneously, cylinders of oxygen, under fairly high pressure, spray oxygen into the ventilation system, which is released in a measure proportionate to the number of the crew; there is a meter in the distributing section of the oxygen tubes, which is set to act automatically at a certain ratio per man. the ordinary atmosphere is bearable for a long time and this costly method of cleansing the air is used only as a last resort; the moment at which it must be employed is closely calculated to correspond, not only with the atmospheric conditions at the time of submersion, but also to the cubic quantity of air apportioned to each man according to his activities and according to the size of the boat. it is unnecessary to clear the air artificially during a short submersion, but during prolonged ones it is advisable to begin doing so at an early hour to prevent the carbonic acid gas from gaining a disproportionate percentage, as it becomes then more difficult to control, and it is obvious that it is impossible to dissipate the fumes of cooking, the odors of the machine oil, and the breath of the crew. taken altogether one can live comfortably underseas, although there is a certain discomfort from the ever-increasing warmth produced by the working of the electrical machinery, and from the condensation created by the high temperature on the surface of the boat plunged in cold water, which is more noticeable in winter and in colder regions. it is interesting to observe that the occupations of the crew determine the atmospheric conditions: the quantity of air required by a human body depends entirely on its activity. a man working hard absorbs in an hour eighty-five liters of air. besides the commander, who is vigorously engaged in the turret,--as will be hereafter described,--the men, employed on the lateral and depth steering, and those handling the torpedo tubes, are doing hard physical work. the inactive men use up a far smaller quantity of air, and it is ascertained that a man asleep requires hourly only fifteen liters of air. a well-drilled crew, off duty, is therefore expected to sleep at once, undisturbed by the noise around them, and their efficiency is all the greater when the time comes to relieve their weary comrades. we had a wireless operator on board whose duties ceased after submersion, and he had so well perfected the art of sleeping that he never cost us more than fifteen liters of air, hourly, underseas. the length of time that a u-boat can remain under water depends, as we stated above, on the atmospheric conditions at the moment of plunging, and on the amount of oxygen and chemicals taken on board. we can stay submerged for several days, and a longer period will probably never be necessary. the distance of vision varies somewhat under water, as we look out from the side windows cut into the steel armor of the commander's conning tower. we can naturally see farther in the clear water of the deep ocean than in the turbid, dirty water at the mouth of a river, and the surface of the water-bottom has a direct influence on the sight, which is far more distinct over a light sand than over dark seaweed or black rocks, and at an upper level the sunshine is noticeable many meters under water. but in any case, the vision underseas is of the shortest, and does not extend beyond a few meters; light objects and even the stem and stern of our own boat are invisible from the turret. we are unaware, therefore, of advancing ships, derelicts, or projecting rocks, and no lookout can preserve us from these dangers. the crew is entirely ignorant of their surroundings. only the commander in his turret surveys through the periscope now and then a small sector of the horizon; and in turning round the periscope he gradually perceives the entire horizon. but this survey demands great physical exertion, which on a long cruise is most fatiguing. the periscopes erected through the upper cover of the turret must not be too easily turned in their sockets, and the latter are very tightly screwed in, for otherwise they would not be able to resist the water pressure at a great depth. the effort of simply turning the periscope is so exhausting that casual observations of the horizon are made by the officer of the watch; but during naval maneuvers or in time of war, the commander alone manipulates the periscope. it is essential in this case that the periscope should not arise needlessly above water and betray the presence of the u-boat. the commander must possess the absolute confidence of his crew, for their lives are in his hands. in this small and carefully selected company, each man, from the commanding officer down to the sailor boy and down to the stoker, knows that each one is serving in his own appointed place, and they perform their duties serenely and efficiently. i have always allowed every man on board once, in turn, to have a look through the periscope; it is their highest ambition, and the result is excellent, for it reassures them and they feel more confident as to their own safety after the granting of this small favor. as we advance underseas, unless passing through a school of fish, we seldom see any fish, for the noise of the propellers frightens them away; but when we lie at rest on the bottom of the ocean, the electric lights allure them, and they come and stare at us with goggling eyes close to the windows in the turret. the life, therefore, in our "cylinder" as we call it, offers a good deal of variety. the term "cylinder" is exact, for the inner conformation of a submarine is necessarily rounded, so that relatively thin partitions can successfully resist the greatest pressure of water. iii submersion and torpedo fire a new passenger, for the first time in a submarine, has often professed to be unaware that he was fathoms deep under water and has been quite unconscious that the boat had been diving. of course his astonishment indicates that he was not in the compartment where these maneuvers take place, for it is in the commander's turret that the whole apparatus is centralized for submersion, for steering to the right depth, and also for emersion. at this juncture every man must be at his post, and each one of the thirty members of the crew must feel individually responsible for the safety of the whole in the difficult and rapid maneuver of plunging, for the slightest mistake may endanger the security of the boat. the central control, situated in the commander's turret, is in reality the brain of the boat. when the alarm signal is heard to change the course from surface navigation to subsurface navigation, several previously designated members of the crew take their post of duty in the commander's turret. the commander, himself, is on duty during the whole of the expedition in time of war, and he seldom gets a chance for rest in his tiny little cabin. day and night, if there is the slightest suspicion of the approach of the enemy, he watches on the exposed bridge on the top of the turret; for a few seconds' delay in submerging might forfeit the taking of a much coveted prize. so he learns to do without sleep, or to catch a few brief seconds of repose by lying down in his wet clothes, and he is at once ready to respond to the alarm signal of the officer of the watch. in one bound he is once more surveying the horizon through the periscope, or mounts to the bridge to determine with his powerful field glass whether friend or foe is in sight. his observations must be taken in the space of a few seconds, for the enemy is also constantly on the lookout, and continual practice enables the sailor in the crow's nest to detect the slender stem of a periscope, although the hull of the boat is scarcely visible on the face of the waters. the commander must come to a prompt decision as soon as he locates the adversary's exact position. not only may a retarded submersion spoil our plan of attack, but we are exposed to being rammed by a rapidly advancing steamer; our haste must be all the greater if the conditions of visibility are impaired, as is often the case on the high seas, for it takes time for the u-boat to submerge completely, and during this process it is helplessly exposed to the fire of long distance guns. calmly, but with great decision, the commander gives the general orders to submerge. the internal combustion engines, the oil motors which, during surface navigation are used to accelerate the speed of the boat, are immediately disconnected, as they consume too much air underseas, and electric motors are now quickly attached and set in motion. they are supplied by a large storage battery, which consumes no air and forms the motive power during subsurface navigation. of course electricity might be employed above water, but it uses up much current which is far more expensive than oil, and would be wasted too rapidly if not economized with care. it would be convenient to employ the same oil motor for underseas navigation, but such a machine has not yet been constructed, although various futile attempts of this kind have been made. with only one system of propulsion we should gain much coveted space and a more evenly distributed weight; within the same dimensions new weapons of attack could be inserted, and also effective weapons of defense. the inventor of such a device would earn a large reward. let him who wants it, try for it! quickly, with deft hands, the outboard connections, which served as exhausts for the oil motors, must be closed in such a way as to resist at once the high water pressure. it is well known that for every ten meters under water we oppose the pressure of one atmosphere--one kilogram to the square centimeter--and we must be prepared to dive to far greater depths. when all these openings have been carefully closed and fastened, then begins the maneuver of submersion. the sea water is admitted into big open tanks. powerful suction engines, in the central control of the boat, draw out the air from these tanks so as to increase the rapid inrush of the water. the chief engineer notifies the captain as soon as the tanks are sufficiently filled and an even weight is established so as to steer the boat to the proper depth for attack. notwithstanding the noise of the machinery, large, wide-open speaking tubes facilitate the delivery of orders between the commander's turret and the central, and now is the moment the commander gives the order to submerge. all this may sound very simple and yet there are a great many things to consider. in the same manner in which an airplane is carefully balanced before taking wing into the high regions of the sky, a submarine must be accurately weighed and measured before it descends into the watery depths of the ocean. the briny water of the north sea weighs far more than the less salty water of the baltic sea, whose western basin is composed of practically fresh water. a boat floats higher in the heavily salted waters of the north sea and lies deeper and plunges farther down in the waters of the baltic. the same u-boat, therefore, must take into its tanks a greater quantity of water ballast in the north sea, to be properly weighted, than when diving into fresher waters. even with small submarines of tons displacement, there is the enormous difference of tons between . specific weight in the intake of north sea water and . specific weight of fresh water. on the other hand, if too much water is admitted into the tanks, the submarine may plunge with great velocity deeper and deeper beyond its appointed depth, and in such a case it might even happen that the hull of the boat could not withstand the overpowering pressure and would be crushed beneath the mass of water. and yet again if too small a quantity of water ballast is admitted into the tanks, the boat may not sink sufficiently below the surface, and thus we could not obtain an invisible attack which is positively necessary for our success. how much water then must we take in? the answer to this question is a matter of instinct, education, and experience and we must also depend on the cleverly devised apparatus made for this purpose. the submarine like the airplane must be always maintained at the proper level. the weight of the boat varies continually during a prolonged voyage. food is devoured and the diving material of the machinery is consumed. the water in which the boat swims continually changes weight and the boat is imperceptibly raised or lowered in a way very difficult to ascertain. the officer responsible for the flooding of the submarine must painstakingly keep its weight under control during the entire navigation. the weight of a meal eaten by each man of the crew, the remains of the food and the boxes in which it was contained, which have been thrown overboard, must be calculated as well as the weight of the water, and the officer employs delicate apparatus for these measurements. on the open seas these alterations in weight do not occur very rapidly; but whenever a boat approaches the mouth of a river, then the transition from salt to fresh water happens very suddenly and may provoke the undesirable disturbances to which we have already alluded. also warm and cold currents at different depths produce thermotic conditions, which surprisingly change the weight of the water. peculiar as it may appear, a submarine must be lightened to descend to a very great depth, whereas, in steering to a higher level, more water must be admitted into the tanks to prevent our emerging to the surface with too great suddenness. this demands careful attention, skill, and experience. the principal condition for the success of a submarine attack is to steer to the exact depth required. the periscope must not rise too far above water, for it might easily be observed by the enemy; but if, by clumsy steering, the top of the periscope descends below the waves, then it becomes impossible to take aim to fire the torpedo. the commander therefore must be able to depend on the two men who control the vertical and horizontal rudders, whom another officer constantly directs and supervises. when the boat has reached the prescribed depth a close examination is made of all the outward-leading pipes, to see if they can properly resist the water pressure; if any tiny leak has been sprung, every cap must be tightly screwed down; for it is evident it would be very undesirable if any leak should occur and increase the heaviness of the submarine. absolute silence must prevail so that any dripping or greater influx in the tanks can be observed. quietly and silently the boat advances against the enemy; the only audible sounds are the purring of the electric motors and the unavoidable noise made by the manipulation of the vertical and horizontal rudders. alert and speechless, every man on board awaits a sign from the commander, who is watching in the turret; but some time may elapse--now that the periscope is lowered and nearly on the level of the waters--before the adversary becomes visible again. the ship may have changed her course and have taken an opposite direction to the one she was following at the moment we submerged. in that case she would be out of reach and all our preparations prove useless. at various intervals, the commander presses an electric button and raises and lowers the periscope as quickly as possible, so as to take his own observation without, if possible, being observed himself; for he knows that any injury to the periscope--his most priceless jewel--would, as it were, render the boat blind and rob him of the much coveted laurel leaves. during these short glimpses the commander only perceives a little sky and the wide, round plate of the reflected sea with its dancing waves, while the nervous tension of the expectant crew increases every minute. at last is heard a joyous outcry from the commander, "the fellows are coming!"--and after one quick glance, to locate the enemy exactly, the periscope is lowered. now every heart beats with happy anticipation and every nerve quivers with excitement. the captain quickly issues his orders for the course to be steered and for the necessary navigation. the officer in charge of the torpedoes receives the command to clear the loaded torpedo for firing, while the captain quietly calculates, first, the relative position of his boat to the enemy's ship, according to the course she has taken; secondly, at which point he must aim the torpedo to take surest effect, and--in the same way as in hunting a hare--he withholds the shot to correspond to his victim's gait. many thoughts fly through his brain. here, among his companions, the annihilation of the enemy will cause joyful enthusiasm, while among them their downfall will cause overwhelming sorrow. but without doubt they must vanish from the seas, and only a man, who has experienced these sensations, knows how many secondary matters occur to him at such a time. with lowered periscope, he sees nothing that goes on above him on the sea, and like a blind man the boat feels its way through the green flood. every possible event becomes a subject of conjecture. will the fellow continue on the same course? has he seen our periscope in the second it was exposed, and is he running away from us? or, on the contrary, having seen us, will he put on full steam and try to run us down with a fatal death stroke from his prow? at such an instant of high nervous tension, i have caught myself giving superfluous orders to let myself relax, and yet i knew that every man was at his post, fully conscious that his own safety, the safety of the whole boat, and the honor of the fatherland were all at stake, and dependent on his individual effort. i knew, of course, that each fine fellow, down in the machinery room or at the torpedo tubes, had done his very best, and that all his thoughts were centered like mine in keen expectancy on the firing of our first torpedo--the eel as we call it, guarded with so much love and care--which would speed along accompanied by our warmest wishes. we give nicknames to our torpedoes, mostly feminine names: side by side below lie "the fat bertha," "the yellow mary," and "the shining emma," and these ladies expected to be treated, like all ladies, with the tenderest care and courtesy. now comes the announcement from the torpedo officer, "the torpedoes are cleared for firing." he stands with a firm hand awaiting the signal from his commander to permit the torpedo to drive ahead against the hated, but unconscious adversary, and to bore its way with a loud report deep into the great steel flank. once again the periscope springs for an instant to the surface and then glides back into the protecting body of the turret. the captain exclaims, "we are at them!" and the news spreads like wildfire through the crew. he gives a last rapid order to straighten the course of the boat. the torpedo officer announces, "torpedo ready"--and the captain, after one quick glance through the periscope, as it slides back into its sheath, immediately shouts, "fire!" even without the prescribed announcement from the torpedo officer that the torpedo had been set off, every one knows that it is speeding ahead, and for a few seconds we remain in anxious suspense, until a dull report provokes throughout our boat loud cheers for kaiser and for empire, and by this report we know that "the fat bertha" has reached unhindered her destination. radiant with joy, the commander breathes a sigh of relief, and he does not check the young sailor at the wheel, who seeks to grasp his hand and murmur his fervent congratulations. but congratulations must be postponed until we ascertain that our success is complete. and once again the periscope runs up towards the laughing daylight, while the commander in happy but earnest tones utters the reassuring words, "the ship is sinking, further torpedoes can be spared." he then permits the gratified torpedo officer, who stands by his side, a quick glance through the periscope to verify the result of his own efficiency. it is chiefly owing to the care of the personnel of the torpedo squad, that the torpedoes are maintained in such perfect condition and that their aim is so correct; and to them is due in great part the success of our attack. the commander and his officer exchange a knowing look, for they have seen the enemy's ship heavily listing to one side, where the water is rushing into the gaping wound, and soon she must capsize. they see her crew hastily lowering the life boats--their only means of escape--and this is a sufficient proof of our victory. we can depart now in all security. concealing our presence, we plunge and vanish beneath the waters; having reached a certain distance, we stop to make sure that our victim lies at the bottom of the ocean. we behold the waves playing gently and smoothly as before over the cold, watery grave of the once proud ship and we hasten away from the scene of our triumph. [illustration: _copyright by underwood & underwood, n.y._ a torpedoed schooner] there is no need of our going to the help of the enemy's crew struggling in the sea, for already their own torpedo boats are hurrying to the succor of their comrades, and for us there is further work to be done. imagine the enthusiasm our dear fallen comrade, weddingen, and his crew must have felt as the loud report of their last torpedo announced the destruction of their third english armed cruiser! iv mobilization and the beginning of the commercial war after long and agitated waiting, we received in the last days of july, , the command to mobilize. joyful expectation was visible on every face, and the only fear that prevailed was that those of us who were awaiting our orders on land might be too late to take part in the naval battle we were all looking forward to so eagerly. a few years ago, one of the lords of the english admiralty had predicted that in the first naval battle fought between germany and england, the german fleet would be entirely annihilated. we naturally only smiled in derision at these boastful words. the english newspapers, besides, had for many years announced that whenever german officers met together they drank a toast "to the day." although of course this was untrue, yet we were all burning to prove in battle what our great navy had learned in long, hard-working years of peace. a mighty engagement at sea seemed to us imminent during these first days of war, and we all longed to be in it. i was, however, at the moment, among those unfortunates who were strapped down to a desk in the admiralty, and with envy i beheld my comrades rushing to active service, for i had always hoped to lead my old beloved u-boat victoriously against the enemy. we had all placed strong hopes in the part our submarines would eventually play in a great crisis, but we never dreamed that they would so successfully take the first rôle as our most effective weapon in naval warfare. [illustration: _photograph by brown & dawson, stamford, conn._ _from underwood & underwood, n.y._ german submarines u , u , u , u , and u in kiel harbor] with a happiness that can hardly be described, i suddenly received the order to take over the command of a fine, new u-boat which had just been built at kiel. never before was a pen more quickly thrown aside and a desk closed than when i handed over my duties in the admiralty to my successor, and shortly afterwards i took possession of my new, splendid boat, to which i was going to confide all my luck and all i was humanly capable of doing. i addressed my crew in a short speech, and told them we could best serve our almighty war lord in bringing this new weapon of attack, confided to our care, to the highest state of efficiency, and my words were greeted with loud cheers. there was much work to be done in putting the finishing touches to our submarine, which had only just come off the ways. the auxiliary machines had to be tested and certain inner arrangements made; but, thanks to the untiring zeal of the crew and to the eager help we received from the imperial navy yard, our task was soon accomplished. after a few short trial trips and firing tests, i was able to declare our boat ready for sea and for war, and after everything had been formally surveyed by the inspector we left our home port before the middle of august. departing at a high speed, we bade farewell to the big ships still at their moorings, and we soon joined our fellow submarines, who had already in the first fortnight of war, according to an announcement of the admiralty staff, made a dash as far as the english coast; and here is the proud record of what they further accomplished: at the beginning of september, , the english cruiser "pathfinder" was torpedoed by lieutenant-captain hersing, who later sunk the two ships of the line, "triumph" and "majestic," in the dardanelles and was rewarded with our highest order, _pour le mérite_. this initial success proclaimed our submarines to be our greatest weapon of offense and their importance became of world-wide renown, for we claim the honor of having fired the first successful torpedo shot from a submarine. it opened a new era in maritime warfare and was the answer to many questions, which had puzzled the men of our profession the whole world over. above all, we had proved that a german u-boat, after a long and difficult voyage, could reach the enemy's coast; and after penetrating their line of defense was able to send one of their ships to the bottom of the sea with one well-aimed torpedo shot. the age of the submarine had truly begun. other victories followed in prompt succession. weddingen's wonderful prowess off the hoek of holland, on september , , will never be forgotten. in the space of an hour he sunk the three english armored cruisers, "cressy," "hague," and "aboukir," and shortly afterwards dispatched their comrade "hawke" to keep them company at the bottom of the north sea. let me add to this list the english cruiser "hermes" near dover, the "niger" off the downs of the english coast; the russian cruiser "pallada" in the baltic; and a great number of other english torpedo boats, torpedo boat destroyers, as well as auxiliary cruisers and transports. all this was achieved before the end of . unfortunately i am not at liberty, for obvious reasons, to describe my own part in the beginning of the war, but hope to be able to do so after we achieve a victorious peace. our dear cousins on the other side of the channel must have been rather disquieted by the loss of so much shipping at the hands of our boats or of our mines; and they must have realized that a new method of warfare had begun, for their fleet no longer paraded in the north sea or in any of the waters in the war zone. their great, valuable ships were withdrawn, and the patrol of their coast was confided only to smaller craft and to the mine-layers, in order that their people might supposedly sleep in peace. our adversary was concealed by day, and only ventured forth at night, confident that darkness would insure his safety. this was then the hour for us to lie in watch for our prey, and no more glorious clarion call could have heralded in the new year than the torpedo shot, which, on the new year's eve of , sent the mighty ship of the line "formidable" to the bottom of the channel. this was our first triumphant victory, which showed that not even darkness could circumvent our plans, and which dispelled all further doubts as to our efficiency. a few days after the sinking of the "formidable" a piece of one of the row boats was washed ashore at zeebrugge, and now adorns our sea museum as the only reminder left of the great ship. we stood at last on the same footing as our dear old sister, the torpedo boat, to whom we in reality owed our present development, and from now on, in proud independence, we were justified in considering ourselves a separate branch of the navy. now that england felt obliged to withhold the activities of her fleet, she instigated against us the commercial blockade and hunger-war; she obliged neutrals to follow a prescribed route; and, by subjecting their vessels to search, she prevented them from selling us any of their wares. in this manner, she sought to redeem herself from the paralysis we had brought on her fleet, and her unscrupulous treatment of the right of nations and her interpretation of the so-called "freedom of the seas" are only too well known. we retaliated on february , , by prescribing a certain danger zone, which extended around great britain and ireland and along the north coast of france. by this interdict, public opinion was enlightened as to the part our u-boats were going to perform in this new commercial warfare, a part, i must admit, that few people had anticipated before the commencement of hostilities. of course, new demands were to be made upon us; we should have to make long undersea trips, and remain for some time in the enemy's waters, after which we should have to return unperceived. the english called it german bluff, but their tone soon changed after we had made our first raid in the heart of the irish channel, and few of them now ventured abroad except when forced by the most imperative obligations. at the end of october, , the first english steamer "glitra" was sunk off the norwegian coast. it carried a cargo of sewing machines, whisky, and steel from leith. the captain was wise enough to stop at the first signal of the commander of the u-boat, and he thereby saved the lives of his crew, who escaped with their belongings after the steamer was peacefully sunk. if others later had likewise followed his example, innocent passengers and crew would not have been drowned; and after all, people are fond of their own lives; but these english captains were following the orders of their government to save their ships through flight. the english authorities even went so far as to inaugurate a sharp-shooting system at sea by offering a reward to any captain who rammed or destroyed a german submarine, although the latter could only obey this command at the risk of their lives; but what cared the rulers in england for the existence of men belonging to the lower classes of the nation? they offered tempting rewards for these exploits in the shape of gold watches, and bribed the captains of the merchant marine with the promise of being raised to the rank of officers in the reserve. therefore, the british newspapers were filled with the account of the destruction of german u-boats, and of the generous rewards given for these fine deeds. it was jolly for us on our return to port to read the record of our own doom, and scarcely would there be a submarine afloat if these records had been true. i should like to tell a short story in connection with these assertions of english prowess. one of their small steamers had actually contrived in misty weather to ram the turret of one of our submarines while it was in the act of submerging. the english captain was loudly praised in all the newspapers and received the promised rewards for having sunk, as he declared, a german u-boat; he had distinctly felt, he said, the shock of the collision. his statement was certainly accurate, for the submarine was also conscious of the shock, but it was fortunately followed with no evil results, and our commander had the joyful surprise, shortly afterwards, when he emerged, to find the blade of the foe's propeller stuck in the wall of the turret, whose excellent material had preserved it from serious injury. we happily hope that the german empire will never run so short of bronze that it will be obliged to appropriate, for the melting pot, this fine propeller blade, which is one of the many interesting trophies preserved in our submarine museum. v our own part in the commercial war and our first captured steamer as we have said above, our war against the merchant marine of the allied nations began in february, , throughout the war zone established around the english and french coasts. day after day, the number increased of steamers and sail boats that we had sunk, and commercial relations between all countries were seriously menaced. the english were forced to believe in our threats and even the shipping trade of the neutrals had greatly diminished. the mighty british fleet no longer dared to patrol the seas, and the merchantmen were told to look out for themselves and were even armed for the purpose. while the winter lasted, there was not much for us to do, and we awaited fine weather with lively impatience. during this period, our victorious armies had occupied belgium and serbia, and conquered the russian girdle of fortifications. the subsequent participation of italy produced but little impression on the fortunate current of events, whereas turkey's entrance at our side in the war, opened a new field of operation for our u-boats in the mediterranean. at last, i, myself, was ordered to prepare for a long voyage, which i welcomed most joyfully after several months of comparative inaction. we were to remain in the enemy's waters for several weeks, which, of course, involved the most elaborate preparations. every portion of the boat was again minutely inspected, every machine repaired and thoroughly tested. like a well-groomed horse we must be in perfect condition for the coming race. each man in the crew holds a responsible position and knows that the slightest neglect endangers the welfare of the whole boat. the commander must be certain that everything is completed according to the highest standard. the boat is frequently submerged and performs various exercises underseas, while it is still safe in the friendly waters off our own coast. we are always abundantly provisioned; for the thirty men must be given the most nourishing food to be fit for their arduous tasks. i have often laughed to see the quantity of provisions placed on deck,--for the dealers, of course, are never allowed to penetrate the inner shrine of the boat,--and yet we have often returned from a long cruise because our food was coming to an end. every available corner and space is filled with provisions. the cook--a sailor specially trained for the job--must hunt below in every conceivable place for his vegetables and meats. the latter are stored in the coolest quarters, next to the munitions. the sausages are put close to the red grenades, the butter lies beneath one of the sailor's bunks, and the salt and spice have been known to stray into the commander's cabin, below his berth. when everything is in readiness, the crew is given a short leave on land, to go and take the much coveted hot bath. this is the most important ceremony before and after a cruise, especially when the men return, for when they have remained unwashed for weeks, soaked with machine oil, and saturated with salt spray, their first thought is--a hot bath. at sea, we must be very sparing of our fresh-water supply, and its use for washing must be carefully restricted. the commander usually spends the eve of his departure in the circle of his comrades, but it is a solemn moment for him as soon as he sails from his native shore. he becomes responsible for every action which is taken, and for many weeks no orders reach him from his superiors. he is unable to ask any one's advice, or to consult with his inferiors, and he stands alone in the solitude of his higher rank. even the common sailor is conscious of the seriousness of the task ahead and of the adventures which may occur below seas. no loud farewells, no jolly hand, no beckoning girls are there to bid us godspeed. quietly and silently do we take our departure. neither wife nor child, nor our nearest and dearest, know whither we go, if we remain in home waters, or if we go forth to encounter the foe. we can bid no one farewell. it is through the absence of news that they know that we have gone, and no one is aware, except the special high officer in this department of the admiralty who gives the commander his orders, on what errand we are bound or when we shall return, for the slightest indiscretion might forfeit the success of our mission. before dawn, on the day of our departure, the last pieces of equipment and of armament are put on board, and the machinery is once more tested; then, at the appointed hour, the chief engineer informs the commander that everything is ready. a shrill whistle bids the crew cast loose the moorings, and at the sound of the signal bell the boat begins to move. as we glide rapidly out of port, we exchange by mutual signs a few last greetings with our less favored comrades on the decks of the ships we leave behind, who no doubt also long to go forth and meet the enemy. the land begins to disappear in the distance, and as we gaze at the bobbing buoys that vanish in our wake, we hope that after a successful journey they will again be our guides as we return to our dear german homes. after gliding along smoothly at first, we soon feel the boat tossing among the bigger waves; but we laugh, as they heave and dip around us, for we know everything is shipshape on board, and that they can do us no harm. the wild seas are bearing us onward towards the hated foe, and after all--in the end they lull so peacefully to sleep the sailor in his eternal rest. in this manner, on a fine march morning, we steered our course to the english coast, to take an active part in the commercial war. gently the waves splashed around the prow and glided over the lower deck. our duty was to examine every merchantman we met with the object of destroying those of the enemy. the essential thing was to ascertain the nationality of the ships we stopped. on the following morning, we were given several opportunities to fulfill our task. it is well known that the english merchantmen were ordered by their government to fly a neutral flag, so as to avoid being captured by our warships. we all remember how, on one of her earlier trips through the war zone, the gigantic "lusitania" received a wireless message to conceal the union jack and to fly the stars and stripes of the united states, but destiny after all overtook her at a later date. all of us u-boat commanders were told not to trust to the nationality of any flag we saw, and to stop every steamer on our path and to examine her papers thoroughly. even these might be falsified, and we must therefore judge for ourselves, according to the appearance of the crew and the way in which the ship was built, whether she were in reality a neutral. of course many neutrals had to suffer from the deceptions practiced by the english, and although their colors were painted on their sides and they were lighted at night by electricity, yet this device could also be copied. therefore, we were obliged to detain and examine all the ships we encountered, greatly to the inconvenience of the innocent ones. i will describe the manner in which a warship undertakes the search of a merchantman: through flag signals the merchantman is bidden to stop immediately; if he does not obey, the warship makes his orders more imperative by firing blank shot as a warning. if then the merchantman tries to escape, the warship is justified in hitting the runaway. on the other hand, if the steamer or sailboat obeys the summons, then the warship puts out a boat with an armed prize crew and an officer to look over the ship's papers. these consist in certificates of nationality, of the sailing port, and port of destination, and they contain a bill of lading as to the nature of the cargo, also the names of the crew and a passenger list if it is a passenger steamer. if the ship is a neutral and her papers are satisfactory, she is allowed to proceed, whereas an enemy's ship is either captured or sunk. if a neutral ship carries contraband of war, this is either confiscated or destroyed, but if it exceeds half the total cargo, then this ship is also condemned. it is nearly impossible for a submarine to send a prize crew on board a big ship, therefore neutral states have given their captains the order to go in a ship's boat and deliver their papers themselves on board the submarine; but they often annoyed us by a long parley and delay, and it was always with a feeling of disappointment that we were obliged to leave inactive our cannons and torpedoes, the crew sadly exclaiming, "after all, they were only neutrals!" one sunny afternoon, we were in the act of examining the papers of a dutch steamer that we had stopped in the neighborhood of the meuse lightship, when we perceived on the horizon another steamer coming rapidly towards us, and we judged by its outline that it was of english construction. the steamer we were examining proved to be unobjectionable in every respect, and sailing only between neutral ports, so we dismissed it, and just as it was departing, the english steamer, evidently apprehending our presence, turned about in great haste in hope to escape from us, and steered with full steam ahead towards the english shores, to seek the protection of the ships on the watch patroling the english coast. the english captain well knew what fate awaited him if he fell into the hands of a wicked german u-boat. mighty clouds of smoke rose from her funnels, giving evidence of the active endeavors of the stokers in the boiler-room to bring the engines up to their highest speed, and before we had time to give the signal to stop, the steamer was in flight. meanwhile we had also put on all steam in pursuit, and drove our engines to their utmost capacity. the english ship was going at a great pace, and we had many knots to cover before we could catch up with her to impose our commands, for she paid no heed to the international flag-signal we had hoisted--"stop at once or we fire!"--and she was striving her uttermost to reach a zone of safety. our prow plunged into the surging seas, and showered boat and crew alike with silvery, sparkling foam. the engines were being urged to their greatest power, and the whir of the propeller proved that below, at the motor valves, each man was doing his very best. anxiously, we measured the distance that still separated us from our prey. was it diminishing? or would they get away from us before our guns could take effect? joyfully we saw the interval lessening between us, and before long our first warning shot, across her bow, raised a high, threatening column of water. but still the englishman hoped to escape from us, and the thick smoke belching from the funnels showed that the stokers were shoveling more and more coal into the glowing furnace; they well knew what risk they had to run. even after two well-aimed shots were discharged from the steel mouths of our cannons, right and left on either side of the fugitive, which must have warned the captain that the next shot would undoubtedly strike the stern, he was still resolved neither to stop nor surrender. nothing now remained for us but to use our last means to enforce our will. with a whistling sound, a shell flew from the muzzle of our cannon and a few seconds later fell with a loud crash in a cloud of smoke on the rear deck of the steamer. this produced the desired effect. immediately the steamer stopped and informed us by three quick blasts from the steam whistle (the international signal) that the engines would be reversed and the ship stopped. the captain had given up his wild race. huge white clouds from the uselessly accumulated steam rose from the funnels, and to our signal, "abandon the ship at once," the englishman replied with a heavy heart by hoisting a white and red striped pennon, the preconcerted international sign that our order had been understood and was being obeyed. this small striped pennon has a deep significance: it means that a captain accepts this most painful necessity knowing that his dear old boat will soon lie at the bottom of the sea; truly a difficult decision for the captain of a proud ship to make. the crew were by this time reconciled to their fate and, as we drew near to parley with the captain, the life boats were launched; the men tossed in their belongings and, jumping in, took their places at the oars. it need hardly be said that we, on the other hand, were pleased with our capture. i have often shaken hands with the gunner who had fired the last deadly shot, for we waste no emotion over our adversary's fate. with every enemy's ship sent to the bottom, one hope of the hated foe is annihilated. we simply pay off our account against their criminal wish to starve all our people, our women, and our children, as they are unable to beat us in open fight with polished steel. ought we not therefore to rejoice in our justifiable satisfaction? after the crew had left in two boats the blazing hull of the "leuwarden" of harwich, a well-directed shot was aimed at the water line. mighty jets of water poured into the rear storeroom, and the heavy listing of the ship showed that her last hour had struck. we beckoned to the captain to row up beside us and deliver his papers; he stepped silently on board, and we exchanged salutes. as i saw that the two boat-loads of twenty-five men were lying off within hearing, on either side of us, i took this opportunity to admonish the captain about his foolhardy attempt to escape, and how he thereby had endangered the lives of his crew. the latter, realizing the justice of my remarks, thanked us for having saved them by respectfully lifting their caps. the captain awkwardly excused himself by saying he had simply hoped to get away. i then notified these people whom we had saved that we would take them in tow to the meuse lightship; at this, the fine-looking old captain realized to what useless dangers he had exposed his men, and what cause he had to be grateful to us. with tears in his eyes, he seized my hand and murmured his thanks. i willingly took his outstretched hand.... at that instant a dutch pilot steamboat, which had been attracted to the spot by the sound of firing, hove in sight, and i committed the englishmen to its care. we all desired, before departing in opposite directions, to witness the final sinking of the steamer, for apparently the english also wanted to see the last of their fine ship, and we awaited the great moment in silence. we had not long to wait. the stern of the ship sank deeper and deeper, whereas the bow rose sharply in the air, till at last with a loud gurgle the whole steamer was drawn down, and the waters bubbled and roared over the sunken wreck. there was now one less fine ship of the english merchant marine afloat on the ocean! we had all seen enough, and each one went his way. our course was pointed westward towards new endeavors, while the dutchman steered for the nearest port in order to land the shipwrecked crew. i think it was our english friends who waved a friendly farewell from the deck of the pilot steamboat in grateful recognition for our having saved their lives, although they may not actually have wished us "_aufwiedersehn_." we read in the dutch papers a few days later an accurate description of the sinking of the "leuwarden," and the english captain was fain to acknowledge how well we had treated him; every captain of an english steamer might have been treated in like manner had not the english government wished it otherwise. vi the capture of two prize steamers the next day an opportunity offered itself to us which opened to submarines a new field of activity in the commercial war. it was a gray, misty morning, the sea was becalmed, and over the still waters a heavy vapor hung low like a veil before the rising sun. but little could be seen, and we had to keep a sharper lookout than usual to avoid running unawares into a hostile ship, and we also had to be ready for a sudden submersion. we strained all the more an attentive ear to every sound; for it is well known that in a fog, during a calm, we sailors can perceive the most distant noise that comes over the water. in time of peace fog horns and whistles give warning of any approaching vessel, but in time of war, on the contrary, no vessel wishes to betray its presence. it is essential for us to have two men down below, at listening posts, with their ears glued to the sides of the boat, to catch the throbbing of a propeller, or the rush of waves dashing against the prow of a ship, or any suspicious vibrations, for these noises are easily discernible under sea, water being an excellent sound conductor. on this march morning we were all keenly intent on the approach of some ship; many times already as we stood on the bridge we had been deceived by some unreal vision or some delusive sound; our overstrained nerves transformed our too lively fancy into seeming reality; and in a thick fog objects are strangely magnified and distorted: a floating board may assume the shape of a boat, or a motor launch be taken for a steamer. i remember a little story about a man-of-war seeking to enter a harbor in a heavy fog; every one on board was looking in vain for a buoy to indicate the channel when the captain himself called out, "it is for me then to point out the buoy; there it is!" but as they drew near, the buoy floating on the water spread but a pair of wings and flew away in the shape of a gull, and many a gull in a fog may have deceived other experienced seamen. but to return to our own adventures on this misty morning; we not only saw gulls rising from the sea, and boards floating on the water, but we also encountered english mines adrift, which had parted from their moorings, and to these we thought it safer to give a wide berth. at last the fog lifted, and we discovered in the distance, a few knots away, a steamer; we immediately went in pursuit. rapidly it steamed ahead, but we caught up with it, and found it belonged to the dutch-batavian line, but as it was steering for the english coast, towards the mouth of the thames, we took for granted it carried a contraband cargo. we signaled for it to stop, but the steamer refused to obey our command and increased its speed. having ascertained that we could easily overtake it, we spared our shot, which must be carefully preserved for more useful purposes. after a chase which lasted about three quarters of an hour only a thousand meters remained between us. the dutch captain wisely gave up a further attempt to escape, and awaited our orders. in compliance with my signal he sent his first officer in a boat with the ship's papers. while we lay alongside the steamer, gently rocking to and fro, the crew and passengers flocked on deck to gaze at us with wondering eyes, and we in return tried to discover to what nationality they belonged. on reading the papers the officer handed me, i saw the steamer was the "batavian iv," destined for london, carrying a cargo of provisions, which is contraband of war. i had to make a rapid decision as to the fate of the steamer, and i resolved to bring the "batavian" into one of the belgian ports now in our possession. no u-boat had ever attempted such a feat before, but why not try? of course we had to cover a long distance with the imminent threat of being overtaken by english warships, but if we did succeed, it was a very fine catch, and after all,--nothing venture, nothing have. besides the misty weather was in our favor, and it would only take a few hours to reach the protection of our batteries on the flemish coast. [illustration: the start: taking in oil from her tender the chase: following in the wake of a dutch steamer overhauling her prey: rounding the bow of the batavier iv the summons to surrender: calling upon the steamer to heave to about to board the prize: the pilot leaving the tender for the steamer the triumph: the submarine leading the way through mine-fields into zeebrÜgge von forstner's submarine (u ) in action in the north sea a series of photographs taken from the deck of one of her victims] the dutch officer was notified that a prize crew would be at once sent on board his steamer to conduct it to the port of zeebrugge. he opened wondering eyes, but made no protest, for he was fully aware of our cannons turned on his ship and of the loaded pistols of our crew. the crew and passengers on board the dutchman were no less astounded when our prize command, consisting of one officer and one sailor, climbed up on deck. i could not well dispense, myself, with more men, and in case my prize was released by the english, it would be better they had so few prisoners of ours to take. the dutch captain raised several objections at being led away captive in this manner; above all he was afraid of the german mines strewn before the entrance of zeebrugge, but my officer reassured him by telling him we should lead the way and he would therefore run no risk. he finally had to resign himself to his fate. so we proceeded towards the shores of flanders; we, in the proud consciousness of a new achievement, and the dutchman lamenting over the seizure of his valuable cargo. the passengers must have wondered what was in store for them. many of the ladies were lightly clad, having been roused in fright from their morning slumbers, and their anxious eyes stared at us, while we merrily looked back at them. our officer on board exchanged continual signals with us, and we were soon conscious, with a feeling of envy, as we gazed through our field glasses, that he was getting on very friendly terms with the fair sex on board our prize. we had feared at first that he might have some disagreeable experiences, but his first message spelled, "there are a great many ladies on board," and the second, "we are having a delicious breakfast," and the third, "the captain speaks excellent german," so after this we were quite reassured concerning him. an hour may have elapsed when a cloud of smoke on the eastern horizon announced the approach of another steamer, and the idea that we might perhaps capture a second prize ship was very alluring. the wisdom of abandoning for a while our first captive was considered somewhat doubtful; if we delayed it might escape after darkness set in, but when i heard my officers exclaim "what a fine steamer!" i decided to try for it. the "batavian" was ordered to proceed slowly on the same course, and we would catch up with it later; then turning my attention to steamer no. , i made quickly in her direction to intercept her on her way to england. after half an hour's pursuit we signaled for her to stop, and we discovered she was also dutch. the captain, seeing it was useless to try and escape, put out a boat and came on board with the ship's papers; he seemed thoroughly displeased at the meeting, and hoped no doubt by coming himself to get away more easily, but of this expectation he was to be sadly disabused. on discovering that he was also carrying contraband of war--cases of eggs for london--i ordered him to follow us to zeebrugge. one officer and a stoker, for i could not spare another sailor, accompanied him as our prize command on board his ship, the "zaanstroom," and after a lapse of an hour and a half, followed by no. , we caught up with no. . the difficulty of my task can be easily imagined, for i was obliged to make the two steamers follow each other at a given interval and at the same speed; like a shepherd dog herding his flock i had to cruise round my two captives and force them to steer a straight and even course, for one tried occasionally to outdistance the other, probably with the desire to escape in the foggy weather, which increased my fear of not reaching the flemish coast before dark. but finally i got the steamers into line, and where persuasion might have failed the menace of my cannons was doubtless my surest reason for success. my second officer on the "zaanstroom" signaled that everything was going to his liking and that they were just sitting down to a savory meal of dropped eggs. this was reassuring news, and i could also feel tranquil on his behalf; besides in a few hours we should be safely under cover of our coast artillery. we notified the pilot depot by wireless to send us a pilot for each ship, and our messages having been acknowledged we were certain of being warmly welcomed, and that every preparation would be made for the reception of our two prizes. the closer we got to the coast the heavier the fog lay upon the water, a not unusual experience at sea. we had to advance with the greatest caution; our u-boat led the way to confirm anew the assurance we had given our two steamers that they were in no danger of mines. we had to measure the depth of water repeatedly with the lead, and so doing we had to stop very often; otherwise the lead being dragged by the current draws the line to an inaccurate length. it is but too easy a matter to run aground off the coast of flanders, as submerged sandbanks are everywhere to be encountered, and this would have been in our present case a most unfortunate occurrence. this continual stopping rather disturbed the order of our march, for steamers are more unwieldy and less accustomed to rapid maneuvering than war vessels. luckily all went well with us, for after a fine trip of several hours we gladly greeted our german guard-ships lying off the port of zeebrugge, and the lighthouse on the mole beckoned to us from afar through the thin afternoon mist. we quickly surrendered our two captive's to the patrol of the port authorities, into whose care and surveillance they were now entrusted. our job for the day was over, and we could joyfully hurry to our berth within the harbor. we passed along the tremendous stone quay of the artificial port of zeebrugge; it extends several kilometers, and was built by leopold ii with english money; it had cost many, many millions, and was intended to serve quite another purpose than its present one. we could look with defiance at the mouth of our german cannons that gaped over the highest edge of the jetty towards the sea, as if awaiting the foe. farther on up the mole, instead of english troops that the king would so gladly have sent over in transports to march through neutral belgium and pay us an uninvited visit, stood, side by side, our own brave fellows of the army and of the navy. men from every branch of the service, in their different uniforms, were visible, as they crowded on the pier to witness our arrival with our two prize boats, for the news of this unusual capture had already spread far and wide, and they all wanted to satisfy their curiosity. their enthusiasm would have been even greater had they guessed that concealed within the hull of our two vessels an easter feast of undreamed-of dainties lay in store for them. but even without this incentive a tremendous cheer from a thousand throats hailed our appearance as we rounded the mole, and our thirty voices returned as hearty, if not as loud, a three times repeated cheer for the garrison of zeebrugge. our tow lines were caught by the eager hands of the sailors, and in a jiffy we were lying securely alongside the quay, safe in port to rest in peace a day or two after a many days' cruise enlivened by such exciting events. our friends of the navy, whom we had not seen since the beginning of the war, came to visit us at once; much gay news was exchanged and also sad regrets expressed at the loss of dear fallen comrades. shortly afterwards one of the dutch captains, escorted by two guards, asked me to grant him an interview, and i was glad to make his personal acquaintance; we discussed over a little glass of port wine, which we were both surely entitled to, the incidents of the day, and he gave vent to his affliction at being thus seized, by ejaculating: "a great steamer like mine to be captured by a little beast like yours!" i could sympathize with his feelings, for he had sustained a severe pecuniary loss, and he well knew what would become of his ship and cargo according to prize law, but i suspected he found some consolation in having a companion in misfortune, for the other dutch captain had to submit to the same conditions. we shook hands and parted excellent friends, knowing that each one of us had only accomplished his duty. before making my official report i inspected my two prizes that were docked just behind us; a chain parted them from the rest of the quay, with sentries placed on guard. i gave the preference of my first visit, naturally, as a polite man should, to the steamer with so many of the fair sex on board. i hoped that by appearing surrounded by my officers i should dispel their fear of the "german barbarians." i was told the ladies belonged to a variety troupe that was to give a performance the next evening in london. poor london, to be deprived by our fault of an enjoyable evening! among the other passengers were belgians and french, who had waited six weeks in holland for a chance to get across, and also an american reporter of the hearst newspaper. he had a camera for taking moving pictures, and we discovered later that he had photographed the whole occurrence of the capture of the ship by our submarine. a few days later the _graphic_ of march , , published several of his pictures, which eventually found their way to many american papers. i was ordered that evening to dine with the commanding admiral of the marine corps, excellency von schröder, and a motor called for me and took me to brügge where he resided. the peaceful landscape and the ploughed fields betrayed but few signs of war, and i saw belgian peasants and german soldiers planting together the seed for the coming harvest. while the authorities were passing judgment on my two prizes i had a chance to visit the surrounding country. the english had destroyed in their retreat everything in zeebrugge, except the new palace hotel, the new post office, and the belgian bank. i made the most of this short opportunity to observe the doings of our men in this conquered land paid for with german blood. i was interested to note how our marines had been incorporated in every branch of the army service, and how easily they adapted themselves to this new life. they served as infantry in the trenches, as artillery behind the great coast guns, and also as cavalry mounted on big flemish mares. they had even been transformed into car conductors on the electric line that runs behind the dunes between zeebrugge and ostend. in fact they filled every kind of position, and few belgians were to be seen. we had created here a second german fatherland and home, notwithstanding the enemy's reports that we had acted like huns and barbarians, but as neither the country nor the people were of great interest to me my attention was centered on the study of our own troops. meantime the unloading of our steamers had begun and i had to supervise it myself. as the cargoes were composed of perishable foodstuffs the usual delays were overcome, and hundreds of sailors and soldiers were ordered to unload the ships. out of the hold rose newly slaughtered pigs, and sheep, and ducks, which were at once distributed among the various regiments. two hundred barrels of the best munich beer were rolled over the quays, and two barrels found their way on board our little boat, which no one could begrudge us. on the "zaanstroom" there were , boxes of fresh eggs, each box containing , eggs, and i was told by an army officer that every man of the northern army received eight eggs for the easter festival. on the following afternoon the nationality of the crew and of the passengers was recorded; a number of them were sent as prisoners of war to concentration camps, and many touching farewells ensued between the men and the women who were left behind. the others were taken on a special train under military guard to the dutch frontier. the german sailors on whom this mission devolved looked very jolly as they sat armed to the teeth in the railway carriages, by twos, watching over two pretty variety actresses, and i think they would willingly have prolonged the journey farther. i walked along the train to say goodbye to the passengers, who had so unwillingly made our acquaintance, and i was warmly thanked by an old american, to whom i personally had done a small favor, for my courteous treatment; he spoke in the name of all the passengers who had experienced also the greatest civility at the hands of the port authorities. i declined these words of thanks, for they had only received the treatment that was their proper due. after the train had left, the hour of our own departure had struck; we cast off the lines that had kept us bound for two such memorable days on the flemish coast. in passing by, i waved a farewell to the two dutch captains, and away we went--westward ho! vii off the coast of england our boat carried us speedily away farther and farther towards the west, and soon the lighthouse on the mole and the outline of the country we had conquered faded away in the evening twilight. before long we should be surrounded by only hostile shores. we first sighted the french port of boulogne where the imposing bronze statue of napoleon i stands on a marble column fifty-three meters high, with eyes turned towards the english coast. it was built to commemorate the expedition planned by napoleon in against the sons of albion, whose descendants have so recently landed on french soil, and as they lie there encamped, they may wonder, when gazing at the statue of the great emperor, if he would have welcomed them with the same enthusiasm with which they have been received by the present rulers of france. on our very first day in the french channel we were able to sink several steamers, after the crews had left in their lifeboats, and on general lines a similar picture was traced at every sinking. we were now granted our first opportunity to steer a submarine above and below the waters of the north atlantic. the ocean seemed to rejoice at our coming, and revealed itself to us in all the glory of a march storm. only those who have seen such a storm can realize its proud majesty. the gigantic, blue-black waves, with their shining crests lashed by the west wind, came rushing onwards into the open mouth of the channel, and the hemmed-in waters, roaring and surging, dashed themselves against the sharp, rocky points of the french coast, or broke less violently but in ceaseless unrest on the chalk cliffs of england which glimmered white in the rays of the sun. [illustration: _copyright by underwood & underwood, n.y._ lifeboat leaving the sinking p. and o. liner arabia] it is a splendid sight to watch this great spectacle from the high deck of a steamer as it ploughs its way through the foaming flood, or to be borne aloft on the top of the waves with a ship under full sail, but it is still more wonderful to behold nature's great display from the half submerged conning-tower of a u-boat, and to dive through the mountainous breakers until they close gurgling over our heads and hide us from all curious glances. our little nutshell, in perpetual motion, is drawn down into the deep valleys of the ocean waves, or tossed upwards on the comb of the following breaker. we are soaked to the skin, and the spray covers us like a silvery veil; our boat as well as ourselves is daubed with a salt crust, our eyes smart and our lips have a briny tang, but to us sailors it's a joy to be the sport of the wild waves, and even those few unfortunates who always suffer from sea-sickness never lose their love of the sea. we were thus, in the midst of a strong southwesterly gale, lying in wait for our prey at the entrance of the english channel, but no ship was to be seen; most of them took the northerly course beyond the war zone, around the shetland islands, and it was not until the next morning, north of the scilly isles, in the bristol channel, that we caught sight behind us of a big steamer, running before the wind, like ourselves. the wind had somewhat fallen and the march sun was shining bright and warm; the steamer was heading for cardiff, and we judged by her course that she had sailed from some port in south america. turning about and breasting the waves we faced the oncoming steamer and signaled to her to stop; but hardly had she espied us than she also turned about in the hope to escape. she showed no flag to indicate her nationality, so surely we had sighted an english vessel. even after we had fired a warning shot, she tried by rapid and tortuous curves to return to her former course, and endeavor thereby to reach her home port. meantime she sent up rockets as signals of distress in quick succession, to draw the attention of british patrol ships that must be hovering in the neighborhood. this obliged us to fire a decisive shot, and with a loud report our first shell struck the ship close to the captain's bridge. instead of resigning himself to his fate, the englishman sent up more signals and hoisted the british flag. this showed us he was game, and the fight began in dead earnest. all honor to the pluck of these english captains!--but how reckless to expose in this manner the lives of their passengers and crew, as we shall see in the present instance. circling around us he tried to ram us with his prow, and we naturally avoided him by also turning in the same direction. every time he veered about he offered us his broadside for a shot; with well-directed aim we took advantage of this target, and our successful fire gave him full proof of the skill of our gunners. the latter had a hard time of it; the high seas poured over the low deck, and they continually stood up to their necks in the cold salt water. they were often dragged off the deck by the great receding waves, but as they were tied by strong ropes to the cannons we were able to pull them up again, and fortunately no lives were lost. on seeing our gunners struggling in the seas, our foe hoped to make good his escape, but with each telling shot our own fighting blood was aroused and the wild chase continued. a well-aimed shell tore off the english flagstaff at the stern, but the union jack was quickly hoisted again on the foretop. this was also shot down, and a third time the flag flew from a line of the yard of the foretop, but the flag had been raised too hastily and it hung reversed, with the union jack upside down, and in this manner it continued to fly until it sank with the brave ship. the fight had lasted four hours without our being able to deliver the death stroke. several fires had started on the steamer, but the crew had been able to keep them under control; big holes gaped open in the ship's side, but there were none as yet below the water line, and the pumps still sufficed to expel the water. it often occurred that in the act of firing the waves choked our cannons, and the shot went hissing through tremendous sheets of water, while we were blinded by a deluge of foam. of course we were all wet, through and through, but that was of no importance, for we had already been wet for days. it was now essential for us to put an end to this deadly combat, for english torpedo-boat destroyers were hurrying on to the calls of distress of the steamer. big clouds of smoke against the sky showed they were coming towards us under full steam. the ship was by this time listing so heavily that it was evident we need waste no more of our ammunition, and besides the appearance of another big steamer on the southern horizon was an enticing inducement to quit the battle scene and seek another victim. we cast a last look on our courageous adversary who was gradually sinking, and i must add it was the first and last prey whose end we did not have the satisfaction to witness. we had been truly impressed by the captain's brave endurance, notwithstanding his lack of wisdom, and we knew that the men-of-war were coming to his rescue. we read in the papers, on our return to a german port, that the "vosges" had sunk soon after we had departed, and what remained of the passengers and crew were picked up by the english ships. the captain was rewarded for his temerity by being raised to the rank of reserve officer, and the crew were given sums of money; but all the other officers had perished, as well as several sailors and a few passengers, who had been forced to help the stokers in order to increase the speed of the flying steamer. we hurried away, therefore, in the direction of the other ship, and as we approached we soon recognized the spanish colors flying from her flagstaff and painted on her sides. the captain willingly stopped at our bidding and dispatched an officer to us bearing the ship's papers. the stormy waves had somewhat subsided, and although the occupants of the boat got very wet, yet they were able, without danger, to come alongside our submarine. there was no contraband on board the spanish steamer, and before dismissing the officer i admonished him always to stop at the first signal from a u-boat; he assured me that since the english were constantly hoisting the spanish flag he had lost all desire to navigate again in the dangerous waters of the war zone. much relieved at getting away so easily he went on board his own steamer, which resumed its voyage towards the lovely city of santander on the spanish coast. i read an account later of our encounter with the "agustina" in a number of the _matin_ of april , . it was entitled "_toujours l'u_" and spoke of our undesirable presence in french waters; a following number did us the honor to represent a large picture of our boat with the officers standing on the bridge, taken probably by a passenger on board the spanish vessel. an arrow pointed to us with the inscription, "_voila l'équipage de bandits_." the english usually refer to us as "the pirates," and in their rage describe our activities as those of the "german submarine pest." we are accustomed to these flattering allusions, and it amused me to preserve and frame our picture from the _matin_. in the next few days we stopped and searched several neutral steamers, and sank many english ones. the captains were occasionally stubborn and refused to obey our signals, so a few accidents occurred; in one case, for instance, a stray shot struck some passengers in a lifeboat, which collapsed; but as a rule passengers and crews were picked up by the many sailboats and fishing boats which circulate in the irish sea and in st. george's channel, and it was we who generally summoned these fishermen to go to the rescue of their shipwrecked countrymen. the method of capture was always the same, and now, our ammunition being nearly exhausted, we steered a homeward course, with the hope of securing a few more steamers on the way. we were again favored by good luck, for at the entrance of the english channel we ran across a large steamer, coming from america and heading for a french port, heavily laden with all the fine things that the americans at present so willingly export. the chase began in the usual fashion as we followed closely in the enemy's wake. although the captain made an effort to escape, yet he evidently felt certain from the beginning that he would be unable to do so, for he immediately swung out the lifeboats, ready to be lowered. we were economizing our ammunition and did not, according to our custom, fire a warning shot, but as we drew near the steamer we suddenly saw dark, round objects thrown overboard. the man at the helm beside me exclaimed: "they are throwing mines," but i was not of the same opinion. we proceeded quietly to examine these suspicious objects more closely, and we discovered they were simply bundles of clothes the sailors were trying to save. in pitching them into the lifeboats they had missed the mark and the bundles had fallen into the sea. a report had apparently spread through the english seaports that the men had but scant time to save their belongings when they were sighted by one of our submarines, and since that time their clothes were strapped together ready for a sudden emergency. the steamer stopped and the crew on this occasion took to the boats with a perfect discipline we were little accustomed to witness; the "flaminian" was sent to the bottom of the sea with one of our last torpedoes. the following morning, before bidding the west coast of england a temporary farewell, we made another good catch. we sighted a broad-bottomed, four-masted steamer, also coming from america, laden down, as we soon ascertained, with , tons of oats, and making its way to havre. we started after it, and as usual it tried to escape, but a well-directed shot through the bridge and chart house brought it to a stop, and it signaled that the engines were being reversed. the boats were lowered, and on drawing near we perceived the captain with others on the bridge holding up their hands as a token of surrender. as soon as those on board had taken their places in the lifeboats they rowed towards us and showed the liveliest interest in the final torpedoing of their steamer. they looked upon it as a new kind of sport, and under the present conditions they could watch the performance in the most comfortable way. the sea was like a mirror, and reflected the smiling spring sunshine whose warming rays were most agreeably felt. the english captain had scarcely been on board my submarine a moment when he begged that we might go together and verify the excellent aim of our first shot through the forward part of his ship, which he told me had nearly grazed his ear. i consented to go on his lifeboat and admire with him, to our mutual enjoyment, the irreproachable marksmanship of my gunner, although i did not accept a drink of whisky one of the english officers offered me. on seeing the gaping hole in the forecastle, the captain and his men clapped their hands and cried out, "a very good shot!" the captain congratulated me for securing, as he asserted, the richest prize i had ever made, but i assured him we had sunk even more valuable cargoes than the present one. i decided, as the sea was calm and no ship was in sight, to spare our torpedoes and shells and to put an end to the steamer with little hand grenades. the englishmen took a sportsmanlike interest in the proceedings, and one of the officers even volunteered to show me the most effective position for the explosive. i naturally did not gratify his wish to place it there himself, for i knew myself very accurately the most vulnerable spot in the ship. in a very few moments a big hole was torn in the side of the "crown of castille" and with a gurgling sound the waters rushed in. at the same time long, yellow threads of the finest oats floated far out on the sea and, glistening with a golden shimmer, gave proof long after the steamer had sunk of the precious cargo which had lain within its flanks. you poor french army horses, i fear your rations were cut short for a while! i had made an interesting study of the manner in which the english crews of the present day were composed. apart from the british officers there were but few experienced seamen on board. this was made evident by the awkward way the men usually handled the lifeboats. even with the enormous increase of wages, sailors could not be found to risk their lives in the danger zone, and a lot of untrained fellows, negroes and chinamen, revealed by their clumsy rowing that they had only recently been pressed into service. various other interesting incidents occurred on our return trip, which i shall not mention now, but having safely reached our newly conquered port of ostend, we read to our amusement in a french paper that our u-boat had been sunk in the channel by a fleet of six fishing steamers. we were again warmly welcomed by our comrades from the army and navy, all anxious to hear the news we had to tell, and we had the special honor of a visit from h.r.h. the crown prince rupprecht of bavaria, who, after inspecting our boat, permitted me to give him a detailed account of our recent splendid cruise. we had many other experiences during the quiet, warm, summer months, with their long, clear nights, which enabled us to achieve the further destruction of a large number of steamers. it was glorious to work in fine weather on our u-boat on the waters of the atlantic ocean, so peaceful at this season of the year, and so doing we indulged in much friendly intercourse with the various fishermen we met. fishing steamers have replaced the old sailboats to a great extent, and they represent an enormous fishing industry. our larder was daily replenished with fresh fish, which was a greatly appreciated item on our monotonous bill of fare. one windy evening in august, we captured a belgian steamer bringing home coal from cardiff; the crew having left the ship, the latter was rapidly sinking, when to our astonishment a man sprang on deck from below. he had evidently been forgotten and our shot going through the steamer had warned him of his danger. he hesitated to obey my repeated orders to jump overboard, until finally encased in two life belts he plunged into the water and began to swim; but the screw was still slowly revolving, and he was drawn deep down by the suction of the water. we had given him up as lost, when we were amazed to see him reappear on the other side of the ship. the screw, which had slowly pulled him down, had thrown him up again, and he swam towards us. a big wave having tossed him onto our low deck, we were glad to find he was unhurt, and we gave him the best of care. he was a dutchman, and after a fortnight spent in our midst, he was so happy he no longer wished to leave us. when it came to our sinking of the "midland queen" a similar incident occurred. a negro had been forgotten by his white fellow-countrymen, and on finding himself abandoned and alone he was so greatly scared that he did not dare to leave the sinking ship; we watched him, and beckoned to him to come to us; but he refused, and swore at us furiously. presently the "midland queen" pitched violently forward, and stood nearly erect with her nose in the water; then with a shrill whistling sound she dived below the surface of the waves. the negro's black head vanished in the turmoil of the waters; then suddenly a loud detonation occurred; an explosion of compressed air within the ship threw up, sky-high, barrels and boards, and among them, to our unbelieving eyes, we saw the wriggling body of the negro. he was projected into the sea, and swam towards us, apparently none the worse after this strange and violent experience. we rescued him and handed him over to his mates, who had rowed back to his assistance. on our return voyage through the north sea we met a large sailboat, with the swedish flag flying from the topmast. she lay completely becalmed, and signaled for us to draw near. we saw a large crowd gathered on her deck, and we approached cautiously, fearing some trap; when to our joyful surprise we found she had german officers and sailors on board. they belonged to one of our auxiliary cruisers, the "meteor." her captain after many exploits had been pursued by several english cruisers, and to save his little vessel from being captured he had deliberately sent her to the bottom of the sea, and the swedish sailboat had picked up the crew. our shipwrecked comrades told us they were desperately hungry, but our own provisions were exhausted; so we took them in tow, for not a breath of wind stirred the sails. by clear sunshine we merrily covered the short distance to our nearest port, and towards midday the sailing ship and ourselves let down our anchors once more off the german coast. viii the method of sinking and raising ships during the present naval warfare we have had the opportunity to watch the sinking of ships of every type and size; shortly after receiving their death wound the vessels usually disappear totally beneath the surface. it takes even big steamers only between four and ten minutes to sink, after being hit by a torpedo or shell beneath the water line, and yet occasionally a ship may float several hours before going down to the bottom of the sea. it is clearly evident that the slow or rapid sinking of a ship depends on the distribution of its bulkheads and water-tight compartments. a man-of-war, built on the latest models, has a great many small water-tight compartments, for she is meant to be able to continue fighting even after several of these compartments have been destroyed; whereas, an ocean steamer is so constructed that she will remain afloat only a short time after a collision with another ship, or if she runs into an iceberg or a derelict, she can endure a certain intake of water, and lists at a moderate angle far more readily than a warship, whose guns are rendered nearly useless if the ship is heavily canting. a warship must be built so as to withstand, without sinking, the injury caused by a number of gun holes even beneath the water line, where the inner part of the ship must necessarily be subdivided into many parts. a warship is built at great cost, but so is an ocean steamer. the sunken "lusitania" was worth , , marks (nearly $ , , ) and the mammoth steamers of the hamburg-american line, the "imperator," the "vaterland," were still more expensive to build. the ordinary commercial steamer often has in her inner construction only athwartship bulkheads through the double bottom that run from one side to another and form large partitions; and in proportion to her height a steamer is again subdivided horizontally into several decks. but these are not usually water-tight, and the cross bulkheads already mentioned form the only water-tight divisions in the hold. in the big cargo spaces, these divisions practically do not exist, and the ship, throughout almost its whole interior, is open from keel to deck. this arrangement, of course, facilitates the rapid loading and unloading of the cargo; therefore, in this type of ship the engine rooms and boilers, surrounded and protected by coal bunkers, are the only really water-tight portions of the ship. whoever has gazed down into the capacious hold of such a steamer will readily understand that if the water should pour into one of these spaces, at either end of the ship, the other end of the vessel would rise steadily upwards. in nearly every case, even the largest steamer, just before sinking, tilts abruptly its bow or stern straight up out of the sea, until the water rushing into the hold draws the vessel downwards, and with a mighty roar it plunges forever into the deep. we have repeatedly noticed at this moment that the air within the boat escapes with a shrill whistle from every possible aperture, and the sound resembles the shriek of a steam siren. this is a wonderful spectacle to behold! the velocity with which a ship sinks depends on the size of the hold, and its distance from the ship's center of gravity, for the suction occurs more rapidly if the ship is struck at either end than if the blow is delivered amidships. we are seldom concerned with ships having empty holds; those we pursue usually carry heavy cargoes, and therefore the water can only penetrate within, where space and air exist; whatever air is left around loosely packed bales and boxes must be driven out before the water can stream in; certain exceptional cargoes, like wool and cereals, absorb a given amount of water, but these can be discounted. [illustration: _copyright by underwood & underwood, n.y._ british hospital ship gloucester castle, showing red cross on bow, sunk in the english channel by a german submarine] accordingly the air must escape through existing holes, as the water pouring in drives the air into the hold; the pressure with which the water comes in is equal to the air pressure in the hold. it is quite conceivable that a cargo may be so closely packed that there will be no space left for air to escape, but this is hardly ever the case; frequently, however, the cross-sections of the air vents are so small that the air escapes only very slowly, and the water enters very slowly in the same ratio; under these conditions it would take a long time for a ship to sink. this undoubtedly is very desirable in peace time, but in time of war this is not at all agreeable to our purpose; first, if the foundering of the vessel is prolonged we are prevented from accomplishing other work, and secondly, warships may come to the assistance of a sinking steamer. whenever possible we found it expedient to break open with an axe big holes in the lockers in case the hatch could not be quickly enough removed; or, if circumstances did not permit of our doing this, we shot holes with our cannon into the upper part of the steamer, above the hold, so that the air might conveniently escape and the water rush in. we employed, with excellent results, this method in the sinking of many steamers which otherwise would have settled too slowly. it happens sometimes that a ship may carry a cargo that floats and that is not porous, such as wood. it is impossible to sink a vessel with such a cargo by admitting water into the hold. shots therefore must be fired at the engine and boiler rooms to force this kind of a steamer to sink. in general this is a safe rule to follow, for these are always the most vulnerable portions of every heavily laden vessel, and this mode of attack is nearly invariably successful. a warship is usually equipped with cross or lateral bulkheads, in addition to the longitudinal bulkhead that runs from stem to stern through the middle of the ship, dividing it into halves, and other bulkheads separate these two longitudinal sections into further subdivisions. with the exception of the great fast passenger steamers, these divisions by means of longitudinal bulkheads seldom exist on vessels of commerce, although exceptions are to be found. the sinking of a steamer with a multitude of partitions is effected by its gradually listing more and more on the side in which the water is penetrating, until it capsizes completely and founders with the keel uppermost. a ship can also roll over on its side as it plunges downwards with stem or stern erect. theoretically a vessel might sink on a parallel keel, descending horizontally deeper and deeper into the sea; but it never occurs in reality. this hypothesis assumes that a ship has taken in at the bow exactly the same amount of water as at the stern, at exactly the same distance from the center of gravity; this, of course, is impossible; besides the holes through which the water is pouring in must also be at precisely the same level, or else the water pressure would be greater at one end than at the other, and the slightest alteration of level would occasion a greater intake of water and upset the equilibrium of the boat. there is one other point i will touch upon; it has often been asserted, especially in romances of the ocean, that as a ship sinks the suction creates a tremendous whirlpool which engulfs all things in its vicinity. this statement is naturally very much exaggerated. people swimming about may be drawn down by the suction of the foundering ship, but in my opinion no lifeboat which is well manned is in danger of this whirlpool. even old sailors, deluded by this superstition, have rowed away in haste from a sinking ship, when they might have stood by and saved many lives. the question is now often being put, whether it will be possible to raise the vessels that have been sunk during the war. the raising of a ship depends above all upon whether the depth at which it lies is so great that it precludes the work of a diver. i have already stated that the water pressure augments at the rate of one atmosphere (one kilogram to the square centimeter) to ten meters' increase of depth. if a diver working at ten meters' depth is under a pressure of one atmosphere, at fifty meters he will be under the tremendous pressure of five atmospheres. this is the greatest depth to which a diver can attain, and if by chance a diver has gone a few meters beyond fifty meters, no man to my knowledge has attained sixty meters. the work of divers at a depth of forty or fifty meters is even then not very effective, as they are unable to perform heavy tasks, nor can they remain more than half an hour at a time under such a pressure, and i am speaking now only of experts; therefore only light and easy work can be performed by most divers at a great depth and the appliance of ponderous chains for lifting purposes can only be accomplished under unusually favorable conditions. to raise any ship at a depth above thirty meters must be considered as a very efficient job, whereas if this is attempted at a depth below thirty meters it can be done only by salvage companies where neither unfavorable bottom obstacles nor currents intervene. a strong current renders a diver's work impossible, for it carries him off his feet. on the high seas the currents change with the ebb and flood. at the precise moment of the turn of the tide the undercurrent is supposed to be nil, and the diver must take advantage of this moment to perform his task. another difficulty arises from the sand being shifted by the currents, and settling on the prominent parts of a wreck; it often envelops them to such a degree that the ship becomes so deeply embedded in the sand that it is no longer salvable. according to my estimation eighty per cent of our enemy's sunken ships lie from fifty to a hundred meters below the surface of the sea, so that all possibility of their being raised is excluded. the largest ships nowadays have a draft of less than ten meters, and as the vessels sunk lie at far greater depths they are no source of danger to shipping in time of peace. of the remaining twenty per cent of sunken ships half of them are unreclaimable, either owing to their position, or owing to the high cost of salvage, or because it is not even known where they lie. the other half or last ten per cent have probably for the greater part been sunk in channels where the currents are so swift that they are covered with sand, and diving enterprises are out of the question. in time of war such work cannot be thought of; after the war the ships will long since have been completely buried by the sand. maybe off the east coast of england one or two ships may be raised, for they lie at a lesser depth and are exposed to slighter currents than on the south coast of england, but in that district only the smaller and more insignificant vessels have been sunk, and it would hardly pay to raise them, especially as they are so damaged by torpedoes and mines that they would probably fall apart on being raised to the surface. therefore hardly a single ship will be salvaged, and the sea will retain all those ships it has swallowed in the course of this war carried on by all the nations of the earth. the end the riverside press cambridge . massachusetts u . s . a * * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | typographical errors corrected in text: | | | | page : van forstner replaced with von forstner | | | | unusual words: | | | | page : salvable (adj.) means that can be salvaged | | or saved | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * erratum in introduction, page xxi, line from the bottom, for " " read " ." * * * * * gallipoli diary by general sir ian hamilton, g.c.b. author of "a staff officer's scrap-book," etc. with illustrations and maps in two volumes vol. ii new york george h. doran company printed by unwin brothers, ltd.--woking--england * * * * * [illustration: _"central news" phot._ braithwaite, sir ian and freddie maitland] contents chapter page xiii. k.'s advice and the p.m.'s envoy xiv. the force--real and imaginary xv. sari bair and suvla xvi. kavak tepe attack collapses xvii. the last battle xviii. misunderstandings xix. the french plan xx. loos and salonika xxi. the beginning of the end appendix i. statement on artillery by brigadier-general sir h. s. baikie appendix ii. notes by lieut.-col. c. rosenthal relating to artillery at anzac appendix iii. sir ian hamilton's instructions relating to the suvla operations appendix iv. instructions to major-gen. h. de lisle index list of illustrations braithwaite, sir ian, and freddie maitland _frontispiece_ facing page major-gen. sir g. f. ellison, k.c.m.g. lieut.-gen. sir a. g. hunter-weston, k.c.b., d.s.o suvla from chunuk bair general sir w. r. birdwood, bart., g.c.m.g., k.c.b. lieut.-gen. sir a. j. godley, k.c.b., k.c.m.g. general bailloud fish from the enemy marshal liman von sanders cremating the enemy dead map suvla and anzac _at end of volume_ * * * * * +-------------------------------------------------------------------+ |transcriber's note: some tables were too wide to place as in the | |original. they have been split, with the right hand side positioned| |directly below the left hand side. | +-------------------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * gallipoli diary chapter xiii k.'s advice and the p.m.'s envoy _ th july, ._ worked in my office from early morning till . . the whole scheme for to-morrow's attack is cut and dried, according to our cloth: time tables fixed and every round counted. freddy stopford and his staff turned up from mudros. stopford in very good form. the first thing he did was to deliver himself of a personal message from lord k. he (stopford) wrote it down, in the ante-room, the moment he left the presence and i may take it as being as good as verbatim. here it is:-- "lord kitchener told me to tell you he had no wish to interfere with the man on the spot, but from closely watching our actions here, as well as those of general french in flanders, he is certain that the only way to make a real success of an attack is by surprise. also, that when the surprise ceases to be operative, in so far that the advance is checked and the enemy begin to collect from all sides to oppose the attackers, then, perseverance becomes merely a useless waste of life. in every attack there seems to be a moment when success is in the assailant's grasp. both the french and ourselves at arras and neuve chapelle lost the opportunity." well said! k. has made stopford bring me in his pocket the very text for what i wanted to say to him. only my grumbling thoughts find expression by my pen but i have plenty of others and my heart has its warm corner for k. whenever he cares to come in. as i told stopford, k. has not only anticipated my advice but has dived right down into this muddle of twentieth century war and finds lying at the bottom of it only the old original idea of war in the year . at our first landing the way was open to us for just so long as the _surprise_ to the turks lasted. that period here, at the dardanelles, might be taken as being perhaps twice as long as it would be on the western front which gave us a great pull. the reason was that land communications were bad and our troops on the sea could move thrice as fast as the turks on their one or two bad roads. yet, even so, there was no margin for dawdling. hunter-weston and d'amade had tried their best to use their brief _surprise_ breathing space in seizing the key to the opening of the narrows--achi baba, and had failed through lack of small craft, lack of water, lack of means of bringing up supplies, lack of our per cent. reserves to fill casualties. at that crucial moment when we had beaten the local enemy troops and the enemy reinforcements had not yet come up, we could not get the men or the stuff quick enough to shore. still, we had gained three or four miles and there were spots on the peninsula where, to-day, three or four miles would be enough. also, supposing he had to run a landing, his (stopford's) action would take place under much easier conditions than hunter-weston's on april th. first and foremost, in our "beetles" or barges, conveying men under their own engines, we had an instrument which reduced the physical effort three quarters. this meant half the battle. when we made our original landing at anzac we could only put , men ashore, per trip, at a speed of - / miles per hour, in open cutters. were a commander to repeat that landing now, he would be able to run , men ashore, per trip, at a speed of five miles per hour with no trouble about oars, tows, etc., and with protection against shrapnel and rifle bullets. as to the actual landing on the beach, that could be done--we had proved it--in less than one quarter of the time. each beetle had a "brow" fixed on to her bows; a thing to be let down like a drawbridge over which the men could pour ashore by fours; the same with mules, guns, supplies, they could all be rushed on land as fast as they could be handled on the beaches. secondly, we had already been for some time at work to fix up the wherewithal to meet our chronic nightmare, the water trouble. thirdly, the system of bringing up food and ammunition from the beaches to the firing line had now been practically worked out into a science at helles and anzac where stopford would be given a chance of studying it at first hand. as to place, date, command, and distribution of forces, these were still being considered; still undetermined; and i could say no more at present. braithwaite was away at helles but, if he would go over to the general staff, he would find aspinall, my g.s. ( ), and the q. staff who would give him the hang of our methods and post him in matters which would be applicable to any date or place. there was more in this message as taken down by stopford. after going into some details of trench warfare, k.'s message went on:-- * * * * * "it is not the wish of the cabinet that sir ian hamilton should make partial attacks. they (the cabinet) consider it preferable that he should await the arrival of his reinforcements to make one great effort, which, if successful, will give them the ridge commanding the narrows. it is not intended, however, that sir ian should do nothing in the meantime and if he gets a really good opportunity he is to seize it." there is something in this reminds me of kuropatkin's orders to stakelberg, yet i am glad to find that our spontaneously generated scheme jumps with the views of the cabinet, for, there is only one "ridge commanding the narrows" (kilid bahr is a plateau), and it is that ridge we mean to try for by "one great effort." in my reply i shall merely acknowledge. sari bair is my secret; my open sesame to the cave where the forty thieves of the committee of union and progress have their headquarters. it makes me uneasy to think the cabinet are talking about sari bair. a battle is a swirl of "ifs" and "ands." the commander who enters upon it possessed by some just and clear principle is like a sailing ship entering a typhoon on the right tack. after that he lives from hand to mouth. how far will wise saws cut ice? how much nearer do you get to shooting a snipe by being _told_ how not to take your aim? well thought out plans and preparations deserve to win; order and punctuality on the part of subordinates tend to make the reality correspond to the general staff conception; surprise, if the commander can bring it off, is worth all k. can say of it; the energy and rapidity of the chosen troops will exploit that surprise for its full value--bar, always, luck--the joker; and wish to fight and will to win are the surest victory getters in the pack. the more these factors are examined, the more sure it is that everything must in the last resort depend upon the _executive_ commander; and here, of course, i am referring to an _enterprise_, not to a huge, mechanically organized dead-lock like the western front. stopford was away in g.h.q. staff tents all afternoon; afterwards both he and adderley, his a.d.c., dined. stopford likes reed who is, indeed, a very pleasant fellow to work with. still, i stick to what i wrote wolfe murray:--the _combination_ of stopford and reed is not good; not for this sort of job. _ th july, . imbros._ had meant to start for helles an hour before daylight to witness the opening of the attack by the french corps and the lowland division. but am too bad with the universal complaint to venture many yards from camp. stopford and staff breakfasted. he has fallen in love with our ideas. after lunch he and his party left for mudros. am forcing myself to write so as to ease the strain of waiting: the battle is going on: backwards and forwards--backwards and forwards--i travel between my tent; the signal station, and the g.s. map tent. a delightful message from k., thanking me for my letters: patting me on the back; telling me that altham is coming out to run the communications, and ellison to serve on my staff. thank heavens we are at last to have a business man at the head of our business! as to ellison, k.'s conscience has for long been smiting him for not having let me take my own c.g.s. with me in the first instance. but braithwaite has won his spurs now in many a hair-raising crisis, so k. may let his mind rest at ease. [illustration: maj.-gen. sir g. f. ellison, k.c.m.g. _f.a. swaine phot._] freddie maitland and i dined with the vice-admiral who kept a signaller on special watch for my messages from the shore--but nothing came in. he, the admiral, wants to take all the stokers serving in the royal naval division back to the ships. this will be the last straw to the division. we had the treat of being taken off the _triad_ in the admiral's racing motor boat and when we got ashore found good news which i have just cabled home:-- * * * * * "in the southern section we attacked at daylight to-day with our right and right centre. after heavy fighting lasting all day the troops engaged, namely, the french corps and the liind lowland division, have succeeded in carrying the two strongly held and fortified lines of turkish trenches opposite to them. the ground covered by the advance varies in depth from to yards, and if we can maintain our gains against to-night's counter-attacks the effect of the action will be not only to advance but greatly to strengthen our line. full details to-morrow." _ th july, . imbros._ still feeling very slack. nothing clear from helles. my cable best explains:-- * * * * * "troops have been continuously engaged since my last cable, but situation is still too confused to admit of definition, especially as telephone wires all cut by shell or rifle fire. "so far as can be gathered the sum total of the engagements taking place in a labyrinth of trenches is satisfactory up to the hour of cabling and we have taken some prisoners. i hope i shall be able to send definite news to-morrow morning." oh, energy, to what distant clime have you flown? i used to be energetic; not perhaps according to evelyn wood's standards--but still--energetic! yet, see me to-day, when a poor cousin to the cholera--this cursed enteritis--lays me by the heels; fills me with desperate longing to lie down and do nothing but rest. more than half my staff and troops are in the same state of indescribable slackness and this, i think, must be the reason the greeks were ten long years taking troy. some newspaper correspondents have arrived. i have told them they may do whatever they d--d well please. ashmead-bartlett is vexed at his monopoly being spoiled. charlie burn, who came with the king's bag, lunched. the vice-admiral, roger keyes, and flag-lieutenant bowlby dined; very good of them to leave their own perfectly appointed table for our rough and ready fare. the a.d.c.s between them managed to get some partridges, opulent birds which lent quite a ritzian tone to our banquet. as was expected, the turks counter-attacked heavily last night but were unable to drive us out except in one small section on our right. to-day, fighting is still going on and the naval division are in it now. we have made a good gain and taken over prisoners and a machine gun. we are still on the rack, though, as there are a lot of turks not yet cleared out from holes and corners of our new holding, and ammunition is running very short. if our ammunition does not run out altogether and we can hold what we have, our total gain will be yards depth. since june th, when we had to whang off the whole of our priceless rounds of h.e., we have had _none_ for -prs. on the peninsula--not one solitary demnition round; nor do we seem in the least likely to get one solitary demnition round. hunter-weston and his c.r.a. explain forcibly, not to say explosively, that on the th june the right attack would have scored a success equally brilliant to that achieved by the th division on our left, had we been able to allot as many shell to the turkish trenches assaulted by the th brigade--lowland division--as we did to the sector by the sea. but we could not, because, once we had given a fair quota to the left, there was not enough stuff in our lockers for the right. such is war! no use splitting the difference and trying to win everywhere like high brows halting between flanders and gallipoli. but i _am_ sick at heart, i must say, to think my brother scots should have had to catch hold of the hot end of the poker. also to think that, with another couple of hundred rounds, we should have got and held h. . h. which dominates--so prisoners say--the wells whence the enemy draws water for the whole of his right wing. to-day the old trouble is a-foot once again. hunter-weston tells us the turkish counter-attacks are being pressed with utmost fury and are beginning to look ugly, as we can give our infantry no support from our guns although the enemy offer excellent artillery targets. when k. is extra accommodating it is doubly hard to be importunate, but it's got to be done:-- * * * * * _general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener._ "with reference to my telegrams no. m.f. of th june and no. m.f. of th june. each successive fight shows more clearly than the last how much may hang on an ample supply of ammunition, more especially high explosive howitzer ammunition. in my telegram no. m.f. i said that i hoped we might be able to achieve success with the ammunition already promised, and i adhere to that opinion; but every additional rounds means some reduction of risks and greater assurance of success. i raise this question again because i gather from what i hear that matters in the other theatre of operations may possibly be at a standstill without much prospect of any vital alteration before the autumn fairly sets in. if this should be the case it is for you to consider whether a larger and more regular supply of ammunition should be sent to me in order to give this force the utmost chance of gaining an early success. judging from the increased effect of the bombardments before the last two attacks on facilitating the infantry advance i am led to hope that this success would not be long delayed under the cumulative effect of unremitting bombardment. if, therefore, any change in the general situation should make it possible to allow me temporary preferential claim to all the ammunition i should like, i would ask for the following amounts to be here by st august, in addition to those accompanying the troops and already promised, namely, . -inch howitzer, , rounds; -inch howitzer, , rounds; -inch howitzer, , , and . -inch howitzer, rounds, all high explosive. i should also ask for a monthly supply on the following scale, first consignment to arrive before th august:-- " -pr. , " . -inch howitzer , " -inch howitzer , " -inch howitzer , " -pr. , " . -inch howitzer , "the howitzer ammunition to be all high explosive, the -pr. to be one-third shrapnel and two-thirds high explosive, and the -pr. to be half of each. "the above monthly scale includes ammunition for the following additional ordnance which i should like to get, namely, two batteries of . -inch howitzers for each of the xth and xith divisions (since -inch howitzers are found to be too inaccurate to bombard the enemy trenches even in close proximity to our own), one battery of -inch howitzers and four . -inch howitzers. "on the assumption already made it might be possible for you to arrange to forward to ordnance stores, marseilles, the ammunition asked for to be here by st august. time would thus be gained to accumulate the supply required, and i could arrange with the vice-admiral to send a fast steamer of , tons hold capacity to bring the consignment of high explosives from marseilles. to get the steamer coaled, to arrive at marseilles, coal again and be ready to receive the ammunition, would take seven days. "please understand that this suggestion is only prompted for the following reasons: ( ) my growing belief that ample artillery might, within a limited period, lead to quite a considerable success in this theatre, and ( ) because the reports which reach me seem to indicate that an offensive is not likely to be undertaken elsewhere at present (and i have mainly asked for offensive ammunition). "the monthly supply above detailed i should not expect would be required for more than two months." if our government really--whole-heartedly--_will_ that there should be a complete success in the east, they must, equally, with whole hearts and braced-up _will_, resist (for a while) the idea of any offensive in the west. in saying this i speak of the a.b.c. of war. the main theatre is where the amphibious power wishes to make it so. this cable of mine sent to a man like lord k. is a very strong order. but now is the time to speak up and let him realize that he must let the fields of france lie fallow for the summer if he wishes to plough the black sea waves in autumn. _ th july, . imbros._ wrote letters in the morning, and in the evening went for a ride to the salt lake and there inspected the new aeroplane camp on the far side of the water. last night more counter-attacks, all driven off. the french right is now actually on the mouth of the kereves dere where it runs into the sea. we have made about prisoners and have captured a machine gun. hunter-weston had to transfer the command of the nd division, temporarily, to shaw, the new commander of the th division. baikie is crying out to us for shells as if _we_ were bottling them up! there are none. _ th july, . imbros._ the answer has come in from the war office:--the answer, i mean, to mine of the day before yesterday in which it is suggested that _if_ our rich brethren were off their feed for the moment, some crumbs of high explosive might be spared:-- * * * * * "we have great difficulty in sending you the amounts of ammunition mentioned in our no. , cipher, and even now the proportion of -pr. high explosive will be less than stated therein. in response, however, to your no. m.f. , we are adding , rounds . -inch, -- -inch, -- -inch and -- . -inch. it will be quite impossible to continue to send you ammunition at this rate, as we have reduced the supply to france in order to send what we have to you, and the amounts asked for in the second part of your telegram could not be spared without stopping all operations in france. this, of course, is out of the question." "this, of course, is out of the question." "stopping all operations in france" is the very kernel of the question. if half the things we hear about the bosche forces and our own are half true, we have no prospect of dealing any decisive blow in the west till next spring. and an indecisive blow is worse than no blow. but we can _hold on_ there till all's blue. now h.e. is offensive and shrapnel is defensive. i ought to attack at once; french mustn't. therefore, we should be given, _now_, dollops of h.e. this talk does not come through my hat. some of the best brains on the western field are in touch with those of some of my following here. the winning post stares us in the face; my old chief gallops off the course; how can i resist calling out? and then i get this "of course" cable (not written by k. i feel sure) which shows, if it shows anything, that "of course" we ought never to have come here at all! simple, is it not? in war all is simple--that's why it's so complex. never mind; my cable has not been wasted. we reckon the , extra rounds it has produced may save us british casualties. rode over to "k" beach and inspected the th casualty clearing station, commandant lieutenant-colonel mackenzie. walked through the different hospital wards talking to some twenty officers and two hundred men; mostly medical cases. did not think things at all up to the mark. made special note of the lack of mosquito nets, beds, pyjamas and other comforts. for weeks past jean has been toiling to get mosquito nets bought and made up, which was simple, and to get them out to us, which seems impossible. too bad when so much money is being spent to see men lying on the ground in their thick cord breeches in this sweltering heat, a prey to flies and mosquitoes. discussing the landing of the new divisions in suvla bay and the diversion to be made by legge on the right by storming lone pine, birdwood makes it clear in a letter just to hand, that he has told his two divisional generals everything. i had not yet gone into some of these details with hunter-weston, stopford or bailloud, all corps commanders, for i am afraid of the news filtering down to the juniors and from them, in the mysterious way news does pass, to the rank and file of both services. thence to the turks is but a step. were the turks to get wind of our plan, there would be nothing for it but to change the whole thing, even now, at the eleventh hour. lieutenant-colonel f. g. fuller, my late g.s.o. ( ) in the central force, came over to lunch. he is now g.s.o. ( ) of the th corps. at . p.m. rode over to "k" beach for the second time and inspected the indian brigade under brigadier-general cox. they had to be pulled out some time ago and given a rest. on parade were the th, th and th gurkha battalions with the th sikhs. walked down both lines and chatted with the british and indian officers. the men looked cheerful and much recovered. in the evening charlie burn, king's messenger, and captain glyn came to dinner. glyn has been sent out as a sort of emissary, but whether by k. or by the intelligence or by the admiralty neither braithwaite nor i are quite able to understand. cabled the war office _insisting_ that the lack of ammunition is "disturbing." also, that "half my anxieties would vanish" if only the master-general of ordnance would see to it himself that the fortnightly allowance could be despatched regularly. i could hardly put it stronger. _midnight._--just back from g.s. tent with the latest. so far, so good. bailloud and hunter-weston have carried two lines of turkish trenches, an advance of two to four hundred yards. but the ammunition question has reached a crisis, and has become dangerous--very dangerous. on the whole southern theatre of operations, counting shell in limbers and shell loaded in guns, we have , rounds of shrapnel. no high explosive--and fighting is still going on! _hi jaculis illi certant defendere saxis._ to whomsoever of my ancestors bequeathed me my power of detachment deep salaams! how many much better men than myself would not close their eyes to-night with a battle on the balance and , rounds wherewith to fight it? but i shall sleep--d.v.; i can't create shell by taking thought any more than gouraud could retake the _haricot_ by not drinking his coffee. _ th july, . imbros._ forcing myself to work though i feel unspeakably slack; wrangling with the war office about doctors, nurses, orderlies and ships for our august battles. a few days ago i sent the following cable and they want to cut us down:-- * * * * * "it seems likely that during the first week of august we may have , rifles in the firing line striving for a decisive result, and therefore certain that we shall then need more medical assistance. quite impossible to foresee casualties, but suppose, for example, we suffered a loss of , men; though the figure seems alarming when put down in cold blood, it is not an extravagant proportion when calculated on basis of dardanelles fighting up to date. if this figure is translated into terms of requirements such a battle would involve conversion of, say, transports into temporary hospital ships, and necessitate something like extra medical officers, with royal army medical corps rank and file and nurses in proportion. if my prognosis is concurred in, these should reach mudros on or about st august. some would d.v., prove superfluous, and could be sent back at once, and in any case they could return as soon as possible after operations, say, st september. medical and surgical equipment, drugs, mattresses in due proportion. in a separate message i will deal with the deficiencies in ordinary establishment, but i think it best to keep this cable as to specified and exceptional demands distinct." _ th july, . imbros._ after lunch felt so sick of scribble, scribble, scribble whilst adventure sat seductive upon my doorstep that i fluttered forth. at o'clock boarded h.m.s. _savage_ (lieutenant-commander homer) and, with aspinall and freddie, steered for gully beach. we didn't cast anchor but got into a cockleshell of a small dinghy and rowed ashore under the cliffs, where we were met by de lisle. along the beach men were either bathing or basking mother-naked on the hot sand--enjoying themselves thoroughly. i walked on the edge of the sea, as far as the point which hides the gully's mouth from the turkish gunners, and was specially struck by the physique and class of the th east lancashires under colonel cole hamilton. then mounted and rode to the headquarters of general shaw, commanding the th (new) division. shaw was feeling his wounds; he had already been once round his lines; so i would not let him come again. but colonel gillivan, g.s.o. , major hillyard, g.s.o. , captain jackson, g.s.o. , colonel burton, a.a. and q.m.g., joined us. first we went to the headquarters of the th brigade commanded by brigadier-general cayley (the brigade major is captain simpson). then i went and looked at the trenches j. - - , where i met colonel palmer of the th warwicks, colonel jordan, d.s.o., of the th gloucesters, colonel nunn of the th worcesters, colonel andrews of the th north staffordshires. we tramped through miles of trenches. the men were very fit and cheery. it was the day when they were relieving one another by companies from the reserve and there was a big crowd in the ravine. de lisle told me that one week had made the most astonishing difference to the savvy of these first arrivals of the new army. at first there was confusion, loss of energy and time; by the end of the week they had picked up the wrinkles of the veterans. there was a good lot of shelling from the turks but, humanly speaking, we were all quite snug and safe in the big gully or moving down the deep communication trenches. no one, not even the new th division, paid the smallest deference to the projectiles. now began one of these semi-comic, semi-serious adventures which seem to dog my footsteps. just as i got into the little dinghy, two bluejackets pulling and a petty officer steering, the turks began to shell h.m.s. _savage_ as she lay about a hundred yards out. she did not like it, and, instead of waiting to let us get aboard, commander homer thought it wiser to sheer off about half a mile. when she quitted the turks turned their guns on to our cockleshell, and although none of the shot came near us they still came quite near enough to interest the whole gallery of some thousands of bathing tommies who, themselves safe in the dead ground under the cliff, were hugely amused to see their c.-in-c. having a hot time of it. after ten minutes hard rowing we got close to the destroyer and she, making a big circle at fairly high speed, came along fast as if she was going to run us down, with the idea of baffling the aim of the enemy. not a bad notion as far as the destroyer was concerned but one demanding acrobatic qualities of a very high order on the part of the commander-in-chief. anyway just as she was drawing abreast and i was standing up to make my spring a shell hit her plump and burst in one of her coal bunkers, sending up a big cloud of mixed smoke and black coal dust. the commander was beside himself. he waved us off furiously; cracked on full steam and again left us in the lurch. we laughed till the tears ran down our cheeks. soon, we had reason to be more serious, not to say pensive. the _savage_ showed a pair of clean heels this time and ran right away to helles. so there we were, marooned, half a mile out to sea, in a tiny dinghy on which the turks again switched their blarsted guns. the two bluejackets pulled themselves purple. they were both of them fat reservists and the mingling of anxiety and exertion, emotion and motion, made the sweat pour in torrents down their cheeks. each time a shell plunked into the water we brightened up; then, gradually, until the next one splashed, our faces grew longer and longer. at last we got so far away that the turks gave us up in disgust. how much i should like to see that battery commander's diary. altogether, by the time we had boarded the _savage_, we had been in that cursed little dinghy for just exactly one hour, of which i should think we were being gently shelled for three quarters of an hour. on board the destroyer no harm to speak of: only one man wounded. cast anchor at imbros at p.m. general legge and captain h. lloyd came over to stay the night. mail from england. have cabled again to stir them up about the hospital ships. _ th july, ._ church parade. inspected troops. wrote in camp all the afternoon. walked out to the lighthouse in the evening and watched the shells bursting over gully beach where we were yesterday. how often have i felt anxious seeing these shrapnel through the telescope. on the spot, as i know from yesterday's experience, their bark is worse than their bite. colonel ward of the intelligence came to dinner and captain doughtie, commanding h.m.s. _abercrombie_, paid me a visit. _ th july, ._ too much office work. mr. schuler, an australian journalist and war correspondent, turned up. seems a highly intelligent young fellow. he had met me on tour in australia. gave him leave to go anywhere and see everything. the staff shake their heads, but the future is locked away in our heads, and the more the past is known the better for us. braithwaite has heard from the war office that the brigade of russians which had started from vladivostock to join us here has been counter-ordered. the war office seem rather pleased than otherwise that this reinforcement has fallen through. why, i can't imagine. as they are sending us a big fresh force of britishers, they probably persuade themselves that , russians would be more trouble than they are worth, but they forget the many thousands of shortage in my present formations. since they fixed up to send me the new divisions i must have lost ten thousand rifles, but as all my old divisions remain at the dardanelles _in name_, they are being regarded at home, we strongly suspect, as a sort of widow's cruse, kept full by miracles instead of men and still, therefore,--divisions! in the evening the vice-admiral came over and we rode together down to the naval seaplane camp. the king's messenger left at p.m. _ th july, . imbros._ wrote double quick, then galloped over to kephalos to see the new army, _sub rosa_. the men we struck were a. . they belong to the nd and th brigades of the th division. the rd has gone to helles to get salted. hunter-weston is still staying with the admiral. he has had a hard time and a heavy responsibility and is quite worn out. i devoutly trust he may be on his legs again ere long. have put in stopford to act for him at helles. this should teach the young idea how to shoot. with every aspect of the command and administration of the southern theatre of operations thus under his immediate orders he has a rare chance of learning how to do it and how not to do it. _ st july, ._--just signed a letter to the chief of the imperial general staff and as it gives the run of my thoughts at the moment i spatchcock the opening and final paras:-- * * * * * "my dear wolfe murray, "how do you manage to find time to write these charming letters of yours with your own hand? they come like a gift from some oriental potentate and carry with them the same moral obligations; i.e., that they ought to be returned in kind. but to-day the time limit interposes, and i know you will pardon me for once if i dictate. [illustration: _f. a. swaine phot._ lieut.-gen. sir a. hunter-weston, k.c.b., d.s.o.] "i am immensely interested in what you say with reference to the th division being below strength, namely, that we are getting short of men. well,--though one of the keenest voluntary service people existing, i have always envisaged the fact that during a war we might be driven to compulsion. also in writing out fully my views on this subject (views which i was not permitted by late chiefs of the general staff to publish) i have always, for that reason, pressed for national registration. it does no one any harm, and rubs into the mind of the young man that, under certain conditions, the state has first pull on his pocket, labour, life and everything else. but, of course, if your own wish that the th division should take out per cent. extra for drafts (like the regiments do in france), had been carried into effect, they would never have fallen as low as they actually did. * * * * * "freddy stopford and reed have been staying with me for hours, and the former is now in command of the th corps on the peninsula, hunter-weston having gone sick. he asked to stay with the admiral for a couple of days' rest, and the very moment he got safe on board ship the overstrain of the past month told on him and he went down with a sharp go of fever. i earnestly pray he will get right again quickly for there are not many commanders of his calibre. freddy stopford will now have a good chance of getting the hang of this sort of fighting generally, surrounded as he will be by hunter-weston's experienced staff. after sending my last letter i rather repented of one or two harsh things i said about reed. there is some truth in them, but i need not have said them. i hope he will do very well out here." now since that letter was written (yesterday) in comes a cable from k. saying winston can't leave england but that hankey starts in his place. k. says he is sure i will give him every facility. a pretty stuffy cable in from the war office on the hospital ships and medical personnel and material wrangle which is still going on. i, personally, have checked every item of my estimate with closest personal attention, although it took me hours in the midst of other very pressing duties. this is not braithwaite's pidgin but woodward's and there was no help for it. our first landing found out a number of chinks in our arrangements, and now, my director of medical services is (quite naturally) inclined to open his mouth as wide as if ships were drugs in the market. so i have tried very hard, without too much help, to hit the mean between extravagance and sufficiency. now the war office, who would be the first to round on me if anything went wrong with my wounded, query my demands as if we had just splashed off a cable asking for the first things that came into our heads! i am all for thrift in ships, but thrift in the lives of my wounded comes first; my conscience is clear and i have answered sticking to my point,--firmly! they say the thing is impossible; i have retaliated by saying it is imperative. chapter xiv the force--real and imaginary _ nd july, . imbros._ had a jolly outing to-day. left for cape helles by trawler just before o'clock. aspinall, bertier and young brodrick came with me. lunched at th army corps headquarters with stopford and handed him a first outline scheme of the impending operations. we read it through together and he seems to take all the points and to be in general agreement. left aspinall behind to explain any questions of detail which might not seem clear, whilst i went a tour of inspection through the eski lines of trenches held by the th and th manchesters of the nd division. these eski lines were first held about the th or th may and have since been worked up, mainly by the energy of de lisle, into fortifications, humanly speaking, impregnable. general douglas, commander of the division, came round with me. he reminds me greatly of his brother, the late chief of the imperial general staff; excellent at detail; a conscientious, very hard worker. when i had seen my manchester friends i passed on into the royal naval division lines. there general paris convoyed me through his section as far as zimmerman's farm, where i was joined by bailloud with his chief of staff and chief of operations. together we made our way round the whole of the french trenches winding up at de tott's battery. after this whopping walk, we left by pinnace from below de tott's wondering whether the asiatic batteries would think us game worth their powder and shot. they did not and so we safely boarded our trawler at cape helles. didn't get back to imbros harbour till p.m. being so late, boarded the ever hospitable _triad_ on chance and struck, as usual--hospitality. hunter-weston is really quite ill with fever. he did not want to see anyone. as we were sitting at dinner i saw him through the half open door staggering along on his way to get into a launch to go aboard a hospital ship. he is suffering very much from his head. the doctors prophesy that he will pull round in about a week. i hope so indeed, but i have my doubts. aspinall reports that stopford is entirely in accord with our project and keen. _ rd july, . imbros._ spent day in camp trying to straighten things out: ( ) the personal, ( ) the strategical and ( ) the administrative arrangements. ( ) hunter-weston has to go home and i have begged for bruce hamilton in his place, and have told them i would have a great champion in him. he and smith-dorrien were my best brigadiers in south africa. they stood on my right hand and on my left all the way between bloemfontein and pretoria, and i never quite made up my mind as to which was the better. bruce is a fighting man with an iron frame, and, in gallipoli, his chief crab, his deafness, will be rather a gain to him. ( ) bailloud, with his own war minister in the background, is doing all he knows to get , of my new troops allotted to a side show, not for strategy's sake, but for the tactical relief of his troops from the shelling. i quite sympathize with his reason as, after all, he is responsible for his own troops and not for the larger issue. but, to take one objection only, the navy could not land a force at besika bay and at the same time carry out landings at suvla and anzac. again, since bailloud urged these views, the guns fixed up at de tott's battery have already begun to gain mastery over the fire from the site of troy. when we have one of the new -inch gunned monitors moored off rabbit island we shall get cross fire observations and give the turkish asiatic guns the clean knock out. amphibious operations are ticklish things: allied operations are ticklish things: but the two together are like skating on thin ice arm in arm with two friends who each want to cut a figure of his own. ( ) slovenly bills of lading. bertie lawrence, who was sent to mudros in june when things were growing desperate, was here yesterday and has made a report on the present business situation which, though less chaotic, is still serious. there are not launches enough to enable people to get about. there are not lighters enough to work the daily transhipment of tons. but the worst trouble lies in the bills of lading. sometimes they arrive a week after their ships. usually cargo shipped at malta or alexandria is omitted. half the time we can't lay hands on vital plant, tackle, supplies, munitions, because we have no means of knowing what is, or is not, on board some ship in the harbour. the trouble is of old date but has reached its climax owing to our shortage of rounds for our -pounders. we were notified a new fuse key would be required for the new shells on the th june. the shells arrived but the keys were not despatched till the th july! the vouchers are all wrong, and there, in idleness, lies the stuff that spells success. a soldier is not a conjurer that he should be handed over a fully laden ship and told to ferret out a fuse key. _ th july, ._ last night the turkish commander drove his troops into their tenth attack upon our extreme left where they were beaten off as usual with a loss of several hundreds--this time we only suffered about a dozen casualties. together with braithwaite, i rode over to "k" beach at a.m. to inspect part of the th division there encamped. general hammersley, divisional commander, met me. also colonel malcolm, his general staff officer and major duncan. the first brigade i looked at was sitwell's--the th. a fine looking lot of men:-- th northumberland fusiliers, th dorsets, th lancashire fusiliers, coy. th manchester fusilers. next i passed on to haggard's brigade--the nd. on parade were-- th west yorkshires, th yorkshires, th west riding regiment, th york and lancashires. lastly i inspected the th and th companies r.e. of the th fortress company, as well as the field ambulance. officers and men looked splendid. i was glad indeed to be able to congratulate hammersley on his command. the doctors tell me, that, short as has been their stay, a large number of the men are already infected by the prevalent disease. well, they don't look like that,--and it won't kill them that's certain, for i have had it on me strong for the best part of two months. but it knocks out the starch from its victims, and if fair play existed in moonlit lands, every white man here should be credited with per cent. extra kudos for everything that he does with his brains or his body under the shadow of this pestilence. have got a reply from the war office (q.m.g. ) making light of my shipping troubles and saying the war office has always cabled full advices. what can i say to that? as the lamb thought to himself when the wolf began to growl. _ th july, ._ spent most of the day in camp. church parade at a.m. charles lister came over from "k" beach to lunch. he is a fascinating creature and has made a name for himself with the naval division, where standards are high, as being the keenest of the keen and the bravest of the brave. hammersley, malcolm and aitkin called in the evening, but i had gone for a stroll and missed them. the great turkish attack timed by all our spies for the rd has never come off but, as showing the fine spirit which animates the anzacs, it is worth noting that on that day not one soul reported sick. they would not go near the doctors for fear they might be made to miss a battle. last night the french took a small trench, and though the turks had a dash at it in the morning, they were easily beaten off. twice out of three times we gain something when we fight and the third time we lose no ground. given, therefore, the factors of the problem, men, munitions and the distance to be covered (two to three miles), the result pans out like a proposition by euclid. no question of breaking through is involved as in any other theatre, but merely a question of pushing back a very clearly limited number of yards. the men have in their hearts a reservoir of patience which will never run dry so long as they are sure of the will to win at their backs. they need have no qualms about g.h.q. here, but politicians are more--shall we say, mercurial? and the experts from france are throwing cold water on our cause by day and night. therefore, as the fleet is not going to have a dash, it is just as well we are about to try the one great effort and get it done quickly. we will gain a lot of ground; so much is certain, and it's as sure as anything can be in war that somewhere we shall make good a key to the position. _ th july, ._ stifling. am sticking out about the lack of proper advices of shipments. ammunition _makes_ itself scarce enough without being _made_ scarce. rare and curious articles are worth careful booking; that's the text of my cable. _ th july, . imbros._ hard at it. altham came in to see me and spent an hour and a half. a man of business! mahon arrived at mid-day. very cheery but he feels that he is the only lieutenant-general executively employed with troops who has so small a command as a division. he says that either he should be given a corps, or that his lieutenant-general's rank should be reverted to that of major-general. i quite agreed. i feel as strongly as he does that, as a lieutenant-general, he is clean out of his setting in a major-general's appointment and has blocked the way to a go-ahead young corps commander, because that corps commander must, by k.'s decision, be his senior. still, there didn't seem to be anything to be done, so after my telling him how things stood here, and hearing with great pleasure the fine account he gave me of his irish division, we adjourned to lunch. colonel king, his g.s.o. ( ), also lunched and seemed to be a very nice fellow. after lunch they both went off to the g.s. to be posted. admiral wemyss came over from mudros and saw me. he is senior to de robeck but has waived that accident of rank seeing we are at war. an interesting man and a keyesite; i.e., he'd go right through the straits to-morrow,--or go under. he is one of those men, none too common in the services, whose mind has gained breadth in the great world without losing its keenness. these rival tenets are straining the fabric of the fleet, but, as i constantly tell our general staff, my course is as clear to me as a pikestaff. i back the policy of the _de facto_ naval commander-in-chief--my own coadjutor. there is a temptation to do wrong, but i resist it. what would it not be to me were the whole fleet to attack as we land at suvla! but obviously i cannot go out of my own element to urge the fleet to actions, the perils of which i am professionally incompetent to gauge. at . p.m. i went off riding with de robeck, ormsby johnson and freddie maitland. we cantered over to seaplane camp; passed the time of day to the men there and over-hauled some of the machines. coming back, we passed through part of the th division camp; all very ship-shape and clean. freddie maitland and i dined on board the _beryl_ with sir douglas gamble. he seems highly pleased with everyone and everything; i wouldn't go quite so far! there we met de robeck, keyes, altham, ellison and captain stephens. got back at . _ th july, ._ a cable from k. about hunter-weston's breakdown, telling me the prime minister thinks that bruce hamilton is too old for active work and heavy strain. instead i am to have davies. i know joey davies--everyone does. but i also know bruce hamilton. there is no tougher man or more resolute fighter in the army. in my letter to k. i said, "the only man i can think of who would really inspire me with full confidence in these emergencies, excursions and alarms, would be bruce hamilton. bruce hamilton is a real fighting man, and his deafness here would be a great asset as he would be able to sleep through the shell and rifle fire at night." the older officers will be sorry indeed to hear bruce hamilton is barred. shaw, the new commander of the th division, will be especially disappointed. admiral gamble came off to see me and afterwards dined. i was very careful as i don't want to be quoted about the sister service. gamble sings praise of our outfit, but i can't help wondering how, when and where he has got it into his head that we have small craft in abundance! _ th july, . imbros._ stuck to camp, and lucky i did so, for the cipher of a queer cable from s. of s. for war came in and called for as much thought as is compatible with prompt handling. the message begins with a ripe sugar plum:-- * * * * * "at this stage of the operations which you have conducted with so much ability and in which your troops have so greatly distinguished themselves, we" (this "we" is a new expression; the s. of s. always says "i") "consider it advisable to summarize what we are placing at your disposal for the effort which we hope will bring your operations to a successful termination. "we have sent you out" and then the cable launches out into an inventory of the forces entrusted to me which, though very detailed, is yet largely based on what we call the widow's cruse principle. as to the demnition total, "we" tells "me," categorically, (as the lawyers say when they describe the whiteness of soot) that i have "a total of about , men for the forthcoming operations." the a.g. who brought me the cable could make nothing of it. braithwaite then came over and he could make nothing of it. we can none of us see the point of pretending to _us_ that my force has been kept up to the strength all the time, or of adding bayonets to the french or of assuming to _us_ that _we_ possess troops which maxwell has told me time and again he requires for egyptian defence. were these figures going to the enemy chief they might intimidate him--coming here they alarm me. there is a "we" at the other end of the cable which knows so little that it tells me, who know every gun, rifle and round of ammunition i have at my disposal, that i have double that number to handle. we won't defeat the enemy by paper strengths. as far as sentiments go, the cable is by chalks the heartiest handshake we poor relations to the west have had since we started. from the outset we've been kicked by phrases such as, if you don't hurry up we will have to "reconsider the position," etc., etc. now, the "wees" wind up with a really wonderful paragraph:-- * * * * * "we should like to hear from you after considering your plans whether there is anything further in the way of personnel, guns or ammunition we can send you, as we are most anxious to give you everything you can possibly require and use. you will realize that as regards ammunition we have had to stop supplying france to give you the full output, which will be continued as long as possible; in the short time available before the bad weather intervenes the dardanelles operations are now of the highest importance." the position seems now, to me, extraordinarily delicate. are we to let the mistakes in this flattering cable slide, and build upon its promises, or, are we to pull whoever believes these figures out of their fool's paradise? well, i feel we must have it out and although deeply grateful for the nice words and for the splendid effort actually being made, we _cannot_ let it be assumed by _anyone_ that our vanishing naval and territorial divisions are complete and up to strength. as to ammunition, i asked plainly over a fortnight ago, for what i thought was necessary to rapid success. i was told in so many words that france would not spare it; though it would have been a small affair to them. now; as if these cables had no existence, they ask if there is "anything in the way of _personnel, guns or ammunition you can possibly require and use_." the truth is, i don't like this cable; in spite of its flowery opening i don't like it at all. as to personnel, i ask for young and energetic commanders, byng and rawlinson, and am turned down. next i ask for an old and experienced commander, bruce hamilton, and am turned down. next i say that reed, who would be a good staff officer to some generals, is not well suited to stopford; i am turned down. i try to get a business man to run mudros and have been turned down till just the other day. in all these points the war office are supreme and are acting well within their rights. but they show some want of consistency in talking to me all of a sudden, as if it was a matter of course i should be met half way in my wishes. so there and then we roughed out this reply:-- * * * * * "your nos. and . your appreciation of our efforts will afford intense gratification and encouragement to everyone. "in regard to what we should like if it is available in the shape of guns and ammunition, please see my no. m.f. , of th july, which still holds good. as to the final paragraph of your no. , i did not realize that you were stopping supplies to france in order to give us full output, since a fortnight ago your no. stated that it was then impossible for you to send the ammunition i asked for, and that it would be impossible to continue supplies even on a much lower scale, since it would involve the reduction of supplies to france. naturally, i have always realized that you, and not i, must judge of the comparative importance of the demands from the dardanelles and from france. "with regard to numbers, the grand total you mention does not take into account non-effectives or casualties; it includes reinforcements such as livth and part of the liiird divisions, etc., which cannot be here in time for my operation, and it also includes yeomanry and indian troops which, until this morning, i was unaware were at my unreserved disposal. for the coming operation, the number of rifles available is about half the figure you quote, viz., , . i am only anxious, in emphasizing this point, to place the statement regarding my strength on the correct basis, and one which gives a true view of the position. "what i want in a hurry is as much additional high explosive shell as you can send me up to amounts asked for in my no. m.f. , and as many of the . -inch and -inch howitzers asked for in that telegram as there is ammunition for. i am despatching a ship immediately, and its time of arrival at marseilles will be telegraphed later. "with regard to sending the iind mounted division unmounted, i am at once telegraphing maxwell to obtain his views." the mail bag went out this morning. hankey is now busy going over the peninsula. i have not seen much of him. a g.s. officer has been told off to help him along and to see that he does not get into trouble. i am not going to dry nurse him. he showed me of his own free will a copy of a personal cable he had sent to lord kitchener in which he says, speaking of his first visit to anzac, "australians are superbly confident and spoiling for a fight." this is exactly true and i feel it is good that one who has the ear of the insiders should say it. i wrote wolfe murray a week ago that he was a successor to those commissioners who were sent out by the french republic in its early days. actually, i am very glad to have him. lies are on the wing, and he, armed with the truth, will be able to knock some of them out hereafter when he meets them in high places. i have been bothered as to how to answer a letter from a statesman for whom i cherish great respect, who has always been very kind to me and whom i like very much. he writes:-- * * * * * "it may interest you to know the cabinet has entrusted the superintendence of the dardanelles business to a comparatively small and really strong committee drawn equally from the two parties. we most thoroughly understand the extreme difficulty of your task and the special conditions of the problem in front of you and the admiral. all we ask from you is complete confidence and the exact truth. we are not babes and we can digest strong meat. do not think that we ever want anything unpleasant concealed from us, nor do we want you ever to swerve one hair's breadth from your own exact judgment in putting the case before us, certainly never on the pleasant side; if you ever swerve pray do so on the unpleasant side.... if you want more ammunition say so...." "could you eat a bun, my boy?" said the old gentleman to the little boy looking in at the shop window. "could i eat ten thousand b ... buns and the baker who baked them?" so the dear little fellow answered. if i want more ammunition indeed? if ...? i fear the "comparatively small and really strong committee." they fairly frighten me. there they sit, all wishing us well, all evidently completely bamboozled. "if you want more ammunition, say so!" anyway, my friend means me well but my path is perfectly clear; i have only one chief--k.--and i correspond with no one but him, or his staff, whether on the subject of ammunition or anything else.... as to the letter, i know it is entirely kind, genuine and inspired by the one idea of helping me. but i've got to say no thank you in some unmistakable manner. so i have replied:-- * * * * * "i am grateful for your reassuring remarks about your committee having confidence in my humble self. for my part i have confidence in the _moral_ of my troops and in the devotion of the navy which are the two great and splendid assets amidst this shifting kaleidoscope of the factors and possibilities of war. "i am not quite sure that i clearly understand your meaning about cabling home the exact truth. is there any occasion on which i have failed to do so? i should be very sorry indeed to think i had consciously or unconsciously misled anyone by my cables. there is always, of course, the broad spirit of a cable which depends on the temperament of the sender. it is either tinged with hope or it has been dictated by one who fears the worst. if you mean that you would prefer a pessimistic tone given to my appreciations, then i am afraid you will have to get another general." _ th july, ._ gascoigne of "q" branch lunched. on getting news of the decisive victory on the euphrates i caused a _feu de joie_ to be fired precisely at p.m. by all the troops on the peninsula. at the appointed hour i walked up the cliff's edge whence i clearly heard the roll of fire. the question of whether musketry sounds will carry so far is settled. evidently the turks have taken up the challenge for it was quite a long time before the distant rumbling died away. in the cool of the evening took a walk. commandant bertier and la borde dined. stopford, now commanding at helles, has endorsed a report from the commander of the nd east lancs division saying that out of a draft of recruits just come from home three have been cast as totally unfit and nine as permanently unfit through blindness. stopford says that he can't understand this, as the second line battalion, from which these poor fellows were selected, contained good soldiers and tall fellows quite lately when they were under his command in england. have cabled the facts home; also the following, showing the result of the admiralty's attitude towards their own naval division now winston has departed:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. the effective strength of the marine brigade is now reduced to officers and , rank and file. in addition, only five battalions, royal naval volunteer reserve battalions, are now remaining in the division, as the anson battalion has been withdrawn for special work in connection with the forthcoming operations. moreover, men, stokers, from this division have been handed over to the navy for work in auxiliary vessels, see my telegram no. m.f.a. , of th july. i have consequently decided to reduce the division to eight battalions and to reorganize it into two brigades as a temporary measure. can you give me any idea when the reinforcements for this division are likely to be despatched and when they may be expected here? i should like to see the division again at its strength of battalions, and do not want to lose it, as it contains a very valuable war-trained nucleus, but unless it is brought under army administration, it does not appear likely that it can be maintained." _ st july, . imbros._ quiet day spent in trying to clear my table before sailing for mitylene to see the new irish division. the grand army with which some war office genius credited us appear to have served their purpose. at our challenge they have now taken to their heels like falstaff's eleven rogues in buckram suits. the s. of s. (cabling this time as "i" and not as "we,") says, "it is not worth while trying to reconcile numbers by cable and it is difficult to make up accurate states." do not let me forget, though, that a slice of solid stuff is sandwiched into this cable--we are to get some . shell _via_ marseilles; h.e. we hope: also, two batteries of . howitzers: also that the a.g. has been trying hard to feed the th division. the territorials are the people who are being allowed to go to pot--not a word of hope even, and before the eyes of everyone. _ st august, . imbros._ the usual rush before leaving. no time to write. sent two cables, copies attached. the first to the war office, in answer to one from the a.g. wherein he plumes himself upon the completeness of the th division. that completeness, alas, is only so relatively; i.e., in comparison with the sinking condition of the territorial divisions:-- * * * * * "we are deeply grateful to you for the drafts you have despatched for the xxixth division as the fighting existence of that fine formation has been prolonged by their timely arrival, but i fear that you are very wide of the mark in your assumption that these drafts have completed the division. "as i have ventured to point out incessantly since my arrival here, constant large numbers of casualties must occur between the demands for and the arrival of drafts owing to the length of the sea voyage. it was for this very plain reason that it was doubly necessary to have here the per cent. margin granted in the case of battalions going to france. we must always be considerably under establishment in the absence of some such margin. "i fully realize, in saying this, that it may be quite impossible to meet such demands as i suggest, but i feel bound to let you know the only possible terms on which any unit in this force can ever be up to establishment. "at the present moment, excluding , drafts coming on _simla_ and _themistocles_, the actual infantry strength of the xxixth division is officers and , other ranks." the second cable is to k. the war office army has melted into thin air and it only remains to express my heartfelt thanks for the real army:-- * * * * * "with reference to your no. . very many thanks. you have done everything for us that man can do. the ship will probably not reach me in time but since i know that the ammunition is actually _en route_ for me, and that it will (d.v.) arrive, i need not husband what we have, but can fire freely if i see great results thus obtainable. the turk, at any rate, where he knows that he is fighting for constantinople, is a stubborn fighter, and the difficulty is not so much in the taking of positions as in the maintaining of them. "hence the extra ammunition you are sending me will come in the nick of time. the ship will arrive at marseilles p.m. th august, as i telegraphed to the quartermaster-general yesterday. many thanks for the two batteries of . -inch howitzers, they are worth their weight in gold to us." at p.m. embarked on h.m.s. _chatham_ (captain drury lowe) with george lloyd of the general staff and young brodrick. at p.m. sailed for mitylene. _ nd august, . h.m.s. "chatham," mitylene._ we opened mitylene harbour at . a.m. so narrow was the entrance, and so hidden, that at first it looked as if the _chatham_ was charging the cliffs; next as if her long guns must entangle themselves in the flowering bushes on either side of the channel; then, as we sailed out over a bay like a big turquoise, i felt as though we were at peace with all men, making a pilgrimage to the home of sappho, and that we had left far behind us these giant wars. but only for a moment! after early breakfast, where i met captain grant of h.m.s. _canopus_, left in a steam pinnace to inspect the th brigade under brigadier-general hill. inspected:-- h.m.t. _alaudia_, . a.m. th royal dublin fusiliers, th royal dublin fusiliers, col g. downing, th r.d.f., in command. h.m.t. _andania_, . a.m. th r. inniskilling fusiliers, th royal irish fusiliers, lt.-col. m. pike, th r.i.f., in command. h.m.t. _canada_, . a.m. th royal irish fusiliers, lt.-col. f. a. greer in command. h.m.t. _novian_, p.m. th royal inniskilling fusiliers, lt.-col. h. vanrennan in command. the royal irish fusiliers and royal inniskilling fusiliers had not got back on board ship by the time i was ready for them, so i hurried off by motor launch to a landing in another part of the bay and, walking through a village, caught them resting by their piled arms after a route march. all of these men looked very well and cheery. the villagers were most friendly and had turned out in numbers, bringing presents of flowers and fruit. not more than per cent. of the men are irish, the rest being either north of england miners or from somerset. in the evening, crossed the glassy bay and motored to pay a double-barrelled visit to the military and civil governors. topping the watershed, yet another pleasure shock. through the sea haze mitylene shines out like an iridescent bubble of light. never had i seen anything so vivid in its colour and setting as this very ancient, very small, very brilliant city of mitylene. rio de janeiro, sydney, the golden horn are sprawling daubs to flawless mitylene. hesketh smith and compton mackenzie were with us. the governors very polite. the soldier man is a cretan and seemed a good sort. we took tea at the hotel and then made our way back to the _chatham_. found messages from g.h.q. to say all's well and stuff being smuggled in without hitch at anzac. at p.m. we sailed for imbros; a breeze from the west whipping up little waves into cover for enemy periscopes. so the moment we left the harbour we took on a corkscrew course, dodging and twisting like snipe in an irish bog, to avoid winding up our trip in the dark belly of a german submarine. soon emerged from the sea a huge piled up white cloud, white and clear cut at first as the breast of a swan upon a blue lake, slowly turning to deep rose colour flecked here and there with gold. as it swallowed up the last lingering colours of the sunset, the world grew grey, then black, and we were, humanly speaking, safe. _ rd august, . imbros._ anchored at imbros roadstead . a.m. braithwaite not up yet so altham got first innings about transport and supply. next the g.s. all our preliminaries are working on quite smoothly towards the climax and, so far, it seems likely the turks have no notion of the scheme. girodon steamed over from helles to see me and went back again in the evening. he is the mirror of french chivalry, modesty and good form, besides being an extraordinary fine soldier. the rd brigade, sent by me to gain wisdom at helles, have now been brought here so that the whole th division can start off together. just as the peculiar foggy air of lancashire is essential to the weaving of the finer sorts of tissues, so an atmosphere of misunderstandings would really seem to suit the war office. in the cable telling me i would have , troops for my push, the s. of s. had informed me categorically that the , yeomanry and mounted troops in egypt, as well as , indian troops and the artillery stationed there _were mine_. as the present garrison of egypt numbers over , and as the old peace garrison of egypt was , and as, further, there is no question of serious attack on egypt from outside, it seemed to us there might be men in this part of the message. leaving the indian troops out of the account, for the moment, i therefore wired to maxwell and asked him if he thought he would be able to organize a _portion_ of the , mounted men, in order that, at a pinch, they might be able to come and reinforce us here. so the matter stood when i got another cable from the s. of s. telling me , drafts are "_en route_ or under orders" to join the th division and that the war office are "unable to carry out your views about additional marginal drafts." s. of s. then goes on:-- * * * * * "maxwell wires that you are taking officers and , men of his mounted troops. i do not quite understand why you require egyptian garrison troops while you have the liiird division at alexandria, and the livth, the last six battalions of which are arriving in five or six days, on the _aquitania_. "when i placed the egyptian garrison at your disposal to reinforce at the dardanelles in case of necessity, maxwell pointed out that egypt would be left very short, and i replied that you would only require them in case of emergency for a short time, and that the risk must be run. i did not contemplate, however, that you would take troops from the egyptian garrison until those sent specially for you were exhausted. how long will you require maxwell's troops, and where do you intend to send them? they should only be removed from egypt for actual operations and for the shortest possible time." we may read this cable wrong but it seems to us to embody a topsy-turvy tactic! to wait till one part of your forces are killed off (for that is the plain english of "exhausted") before you bring up the other part of your forces. it is not easy to know what to do. the very best we can do, it sometimes seems to me, is to keep quiet rather than add one iota to the anxieties of people staggering under a load of responsibilities and cares. in the good old days the gordons fought in two decisive battles in two continents within a few months and no one worried the war office about drafts! the nd carried on--had to carry on; they fell to quarter strength--still they were the gordons and they carried on, just as if they counted a thousand rifles in their ranks. now, i am quite prepared to do that to-day--_if that is the policy_. if that _were_ the policy; not one grouse or grumble should ever cross my lips. but that is _not_ the policy. press and people believe a division is a unit made up in scientific proportions of different branches and numbering a certain number of rifles. they are told so; the war office keep telling them so; they believe it, and, in fact, it is an absolute necessity of this modern trench war that it should be so. although the gordons got no _drafts_ between the battle of kandahar and the battle of majuba hill, they got six months' _rest_; which was even better. in those days, apart from sieges, a battle was an event, here it is the rest or respite that is an event. even british soldiers can't stick day and night fighting for ever. the attack spirit begins to ebb _unless_ it is fed with fresh blood. whether k.'s mind, big with broad views, grasps this new factor with which he has never himself come into personal contact, god knows. but for his sake, every bit as much as for my own, it is up to me to keep hammering, hammering, hammering at drafts, drafts, drafts. dined with the ever hospitable and kind hearted de robeck on _triad_. the navy are still divided. some there are who would wish me to urge the admiral to play first fiddle in the coming attack. this _i will not do_. i have neither the data nor the technical knowledge which would justify me to my conscience in doing so. _ th august, . imbros._ have been out seeing the new army at work. some of the xith division were practising boat work in the evening and afterwards a brigade started upon a night march into the mountains. the men are fit, although just beginning to be infected with the eastern mediterranean stomach trouble; i.e., the so-called cholera, which saved constantinople from the bulgarians in the last war. _ th august, . imbros._ the day so longed for is very near now. o that it had come at the period of our victories! but there is time enough still, and the first moves of the plan are working smooth as oiled machinery. for the past few nights there has been steady flow into anzac of troops, including a division of the new army. this has taken place, without any kind of hitch, under the very noses of the turkish army who have no inkling of the manoeuvre--as yet! the navy are helping us admirably here with their organization and good sea discipline. also, from what they tell me, shaw and the th division of the new army are playing up with the clockwork regularity of veterans. all this marks us up many points to the good, before even the flag drops. for, given the fine troops we have, the prime factors of the whole conception; the factors by which it stands or falls; are:-- * * * * * ( ) our success in hoodwinking the turks; i.e., surprise. ( ) our success in getting the th division and the indian brigade unnoticed into anzac. ( ) our success in landing the divisions from imbros, lemnos and mitylene, at moments fixed beforehand, upon an unknown, unsurveyed, uncharted shore of suvla. of these three factors ( ) and ( ) may already be entered to our credit; ( ) is on the knees of the navy. the day before the start is the worst day for a commander. the operation overhangs him as the thought of another sort of operation troubles the minds of sick men in hospitals. there is nothing to distract him; he has made his last will and testament; his affairs are quite in order; he has said _au revoir_ to his friends with what cheeriness he can muster. looking back, it seems to me that during two months every conceivable contingency has been anticipated and weighed and that the means of dealing with it as it may arise is now either:--embodied in our instructions to corps commanders, or else, set aside as pertaining to my own jurisdiction and responsibility. to my thinking, in fact, these instructions of ours illustrate the domain of g.h.q. on the one hand and the province of the corps commander on the other very typically. the general staff are proud of their work. nothing; not a nosebag nor a bicycle has been left to chance.[ ] davies and diggle, his a.d.c., lunched and the admiral came to haul me out for a walk about p.m. have written k. by this evening's mail bag about the sickness of the australians, and indeed of all the troops here, excepting only the native indian troops, and also about our medical _band-o-bast_ for the battle. no question about it, the dardanelles was the theatre of all others for our indian troops. have now seen all the new army units except six battalions of the th division. french has written me a very delightful letter. footnotes: [footnote : see appendix iii containing actual instructions, together with a brief explanatory heading.--ian h., .] chapter xv sari bair and suvla _ th august, . imbros._ o! god of bethel, by whose hand thy people still are fed,--i am wishing the very rare wish,--that it was the day after to-morrow. men or mice we will be by then, but i'd like to know which. k.'s new army, too! how will they do? what do they think? they speak--and with justice--of the spirit of the commander colouring the _moral_ of his men, but i have hardly seen them, much less taken their measure. one more week and we would have known something at first hand. now, except that the th division and the rd brigade gained good opinions at helles, all is guess work. went down to "k" beach to see the th division go off. young brodrick, who was with us, proved himself much all there on the crowded pier and foreshore; very observant; telling me who or what i had not noticed, etc. first the destroyers were filling up and then the lighters. the young naval officers in charge of the lighters were very keen to show me how they had fixed up their reserves of ammunition and water. spent quite a time at this and talking to hammersley and malcolm, his g.s.o. ( ); also to coleridge, g.s.o. ( ), and to no end of regimental officers and men. hammersley has been working too hard; at least he looked it; also, for the occasion, rather glum. quite natural; but i always remember wolseley's remark about the moral stimulus exerted by the gay staff officer and his large cigar. the occasion! yes, each man to his own temperament. some pray before battle; others dance and drink. the memory of cromwell prevails over that of prince rupert with most englishmen but prince rupert, _per se_, usually prevailed over cromwell. to your adventurous soldier; to our heroes, bobs, sir evelyn, garnet wolseley, charles gordon (great psalm-singer though he was) an occasion like to-night's holds the same intoxicating mixture of danger and desire as fills the glass of the boy bridegroom when he raises it to the health of his enigma in a veil. but i don't know how it is; i used to feel like that; now i too am terribly anxious. disappointed not to see stopford nor reed. they were to have been there. besides the men on the beetles there are men packed like herrings upon the decks of the destroyers. i had half a mind to cruise round in the motor launch and say a few words to them elandslaagte fashion, but was held back by feeling that the rank and file don't know me and that there was too long an interval before the entry into the danger zone. the sea was like glass--melted; blue green with a dull red glow in it: the air seemed to have been boiled. officers and men gave me the "feel" of being "for it" though over serious for british soldiers who always, in my previous experience, have been extraordinarily animated and gay when they are advancing "on a koppje day." these new men seem subdued when i recall the blaze of enthusiasm in which the old lot started out of mudros harbour on that april afternoon. the _moral_ of troops about to enter into battle supplies a splendid field of research for students of the human soul, for then the blind wall set in everyday intercourse between commander and commanded seems to become brittle as crystal and as transparent. only for a few moments--last moments for so many? but, during those moments, the gesture of the general means so much--it strikes the attitude of his troops. it is up to stopford and hammersley to make those gestures. stopford was not there, and is not the type; hammersley is not that type either. how true it is that age, experience, wisdom count for less than youth, magnetism and love of danger when inexperience has to be heartened for the struggle. strolled back slowly along the beach, and, at . , in the gathering dusk, saw the whole flotilla glide away and disappear ghostlike to the northwards. the empty harbour frightens me. nothing in legend stranger or more terrible than the silent departure of this silent army, k.'s new corps, every mother's son of them, face to face with their fate. but it will never do to begin the night's vigil in this low key. capital news from the aeroplanes. samson has sent in photographs taken yesterday, showing the suvla bay area. not more than to yards of trenches in all; half a dozen gun emplacements and, the attached report adds, no turks anywhere on the move. [illustration: suvla from chunuk bair] _ th august, . imbros._ sitting in my hut after a night in the g.s. tent. one a.d.c. remains over there. as the cables come in he runs across with them. freddie maitland runs fast. i am watching to see his helmet top the ridge of sand that lies between. the th corps has got ashore; some scrapping along the beaches but no wire or hold-up like there was at sedd-el-bahr: that in itself is worth fifty million golden sovereigns. the surprise has come off! i'd sooner storm a hundred bloody trenches than dangle at the end of this wire. but now, thank god, the deadliest of the perils is past. the new army are fairly ashore. that worst horror of searchlights and of the new troops being machine gunned in their boats has lifted its dark shadow. at anzac, the most formidable entrenchment of the turks, "lone pine," was stormed yesterday evening by the australian st brigade; a desperate fine feat. at midnight birdie cabled, "all going on well on right where men confident of repelling counter-attack now evidently being prepared: on left have taken old no. post and first ridge of walden point, capturing machine gun: progress satisfactory, though appallingly difficult: casualties uncertain but on right about killed; wounded." at helles a temporary success was scored, but, during the early part of the night, counter-attacks have brought us back to "as you were." fighting is going on and we ought to be pinning the enemy to the south which is the main thing. from suvla we have no direct news since the "all landings successful" cable but we have the repetition of a wireless from g.h.q. ixth corps to the vice-admiral at . a.m. saying, "prisoners captured state no fresh troops have arrived recently and forces opposed to us appear to be as estimated by g.h.q. apparently one regiment only was opposed to our advance on left." i have caused this cable to be sent to stopford:-- * * * * * " . p.m. g.h.q. to th corps. have only received one telegram from you. chief glad to hear enemy opposition weakening and knows you will take advantage of this to push on rapidly. prisoners state landing a surprise so take every advantage before you are forestalled." _ th august, . imbros._ another night on tenter hooks: great news: a wireless from a warship to tell us the suvla troops are up on the foothills: two cables from stopford: many messages from anzac and helles. " . a.m. ixth corps to g.h.q. as far as can be ascertained rd brigade hold line the sea about .i. to suvla east corner[ ] of salt lake to lala baba inclusive. north of salt lake st and nd brigade extended east of asmak .u. preparatory. th brigade advancing having followed retreating enemy towards line diagonally across .x. and .d. one battalion latter brigade occupy high ground about square .x." " . a.m. ixth corps to g.h.q. yilghin burnu is in our hands. no further information." awful work at lone pine. desperate counter-attacks by enemy, but now birdie thinks we are there to stay. bulk of turkish reserves engaged there whilst godley's new zealanders and the new th division under shaw are well up the heights and have carried chunuk bair. koja chemen tepe not yet; but chunuk bair will do: with that, we win! at helles we have pushed out again and the east lancs division have gallantly stormed the vineyard which they hold. the turks are making mighty counter-attacks but their columns have been cut to pieces by the thin lines of the lancashire fusiliers. neither from helles nor from the southern area of anzac are the enemy likely to spare men to reinforce sari bair or suvla. at . i ordered the _arno_ for mid-day sharp. then happened one of those aquatic incidents which lend an atmosphere all their own to amphibious war. rear-admiral nicholson, in local naval command here, had ordered the _arno_ to fill up her boilers. some hitch arose, some d--d amphibious hitch. thereupon, without telling me, he ordered the commander of the _arno_ to draw fires, so that, when my signal was sent, a reply came from the rear-admiral saying he was sorry i should be inconvenienced, but he thought it best to order the fires to be drawn; otherwise the boilers might have suffered. when, at a crisis, a boiler walks into the middle of his calculations, a soldier is simply--boiled! i could not altogether master my irritation, and i wrote out a reply saying this was not a question of convenience or inconvenience but one of preventing a commander-in-chief from exercising his functions during battle. i sent the signal down to the signal tent and about an hour later braithwaite came over and said he had taken it upon himself to tone it down.[ ] just as well, perhaps, but here i was, marooned upon an island! no other ship could be signalled. as a rule there was a destroyer on patrol about helles which could be called up by wireless, but to-day there was no getting hold of it. i began to be afraid we should not get away till dark when, at about . p.m. nicholson signalled that the _triad_ was sailing for suvla at . p.m., and would i care to go in her, the _arno_ following after she had watered. we were off like a shot, young brodrick, captain anstey and myself for suvla. braithwaite remained to carry on with anzac and helles. the moment i quit my post i drop out and he takes up the reins. his hands are capable--fortunately! to-day's cables before i left were right from helles; splendid from anzac and nothing further from suvla.[ ] as we sailed in, that bay, always till now so preternaturally deserted and silent, was alive and bustling with ships and small craft. a launch came along from the _chatham_ and i jumped in whilst we were still going pretty fast and shot off to see de robeck. he seemed to think things naval were going pretty well and that rear-admiral christian had been coping quite well with his share, but suggested that, as he was under a severe strain, i had better leave him alone. as to the soldiers' show, he said what turks were on the ground, and there weren't many, had been well beaten--but--but--_but_; and all i could get him to say was that although he was well aware the fighting at helles and anzac demanded my closest attention; still, that was in practised hands and he had felt bound to wireless to beg me to come up to suvla and see things for myself. roger keyes said then that the landings had come off, on the whole, a. . our g.h.q. idea, which the navy had shared, that the whole of the troops should be landed south of lala baba had been sound. the rd brigade had landed there without shot fired; the nd had been sharply, but not very seriously opposed; the brigade (the th) which we, to meet the wish of the corps, had tried to land for them opposite hill inside the bay, instead of with the others as we had originally arranged, had only been able to find depth at the mouth of the salt lake; had suffered loss from rifle fire and had been thrown into disorder by the grounding of some lighters. the long wade through the water and mud had upset the cohesion of the brigade. aspinall now turned up. he was in a fever; said our chances were being thrown away with both hands and that he had already cabled me strongly to that effect. neither the admiral's message nor aspinall's had reached me.[ ] not another moment was to be lost, so keyes took us both in his motor boat to h.m.s. _jonquil_ to see stopford. he (stopford) seemed happy and said that everything was quite all right and going well. mahon with some of his troops was pressing back the turks along kiretch tepe sirt. there had been a very stiff fight in the darkness at lala baba and next morning the turks had fought so hard on a little mound called hill that he (stopford) had been afraid we were not going to be able to take it at all. however, it had been taken, but there was great confusion and hours of delay in deploying for the attack of the foothills. they were easily carried in the end but by that time the men were so thirsty and tired that they did not follow up the beaten enemy. "and where are they now?" i asked. "there," he replied, "along the foot of the hills," and he pointed out the line, north to south. "but they held that line, more or less, yesterday," i said. "yes," said stopford, and he went on to explain that the brigadiers had been called upon to gain what ground they could without serious fighting but that, actually, they had not yet occupied any dominating tactical point. the men had been very tired; he had not been able to get water up to them or land his guns as quickly as he had hoped. therefore, he had decided to postpone the occupation of the ridge (which might lead to a regular battle) until next morning. "a regular battle is just exactly what we are here for" was what i was inclined to say, but what i did say was that most of this was news to me; that he should have instantly informed me of his decision that he could not obey my cabled order of yesterday afternoon to "push on rapidly." stopford replied that he had only made up his mind within the past hour or so; that he had just got back from the shore and was going to send me a full message when i arrived. now, what was to be done? the turks were so quiet it seemed to me certain they must have taken the knock-out. all along the beaches, and inland too, no end of our men were on the move, offering fine targets. the artillery which had so long annoyed anzac used to fire from behind ismail oglu tepe; i.e., within point blank range of where our men were now strolling about in crowds. yet not a single shell was being fired. either, the enemy's guns had been run back over the main ridge to save them; or, the garrison of ismail oglu tepe was so weak and shaken that they were avoiding any move which might precipitate a conflict. i said to stopford, "we must occupy the heights at once. it is imperative we get ismail oglu tepe and tekke tepe _now_!" to this he raised objections. he doubted whether the troops had got their water yet; he and reed were agreed we ought to get more guns ashore; the combination of naval and military artillery was being worked out for the morning; orders would all have to be re-written. he added that, whilst agreeing with me on principle as to the necessity for pushing on, there were many tactical reasons against it, especially the attitude of his generals who had told him their men were too tired. i thought to myself of the many, many times lord bobs, french, every leader of note has had to fight that same _non possumus_; of the old days when half the victory lay in the moral effort which could impel men half dead with hunger, thirst and sleeplessness to push along. a cruel, pitiless business, but so is war itself. was it not the greatest of soldiers who said his marshals could always find ten good reasons for putting off an attack till next day! so i said i would like to see the g.o.c. division and the brigadiers personally so as to get a better grip of things than we could on board ship in harbour. stopford agreed; nothing, he said, would please him more than if i could succeed where he had failed, but would i excuse him from accompanying me; he had not been very fit; he had just returned from a visit to the shore and he wanted to give his leg a chance. he pointed out hammersley's headquarters about yards off and said he, hammersley, would be able to direct me to the brigades. so i nipped down the _jonquil's_ ladder; tumbled into roger keyes' racing motor boat and with him and aspinall we simply shot across the water to lala baba. every moment was priceless. i had not been five minutes on the _jonquil_ and in another two i was with hammersley. under the low cliffs by the sea was a small half-moon of beach about by yards. at the north end of the half-moon was hammersley. asked to give me an idea of the situation he gave me much the same story as stopford. the th west yorks and th yorks had done a. storming lala baba in the dark. there had been marching and counter-marching in the move on hill . the brigadier had not been able to get a grip of his battalions to throw them at it in proper unison and form. a delay of precious hours had been caused in the attack on yilghin burnu by a brigadier who wanted to go forward finding himself at cross purposes with a brigadier who thought it better to hold back. at present all was peaceful and he expected a staff officer at any moment with a sketch showing the exact disposition of his troops. he could not, he feared, point me out the brigade headquarters on the ground. the general line held followed the under features of the hills. malcolm, g.s.o. , was then called and came up from the far end of the little beach. he was in the act of fixing up orders for next morning's attack. i told both officers that there had never been a greater crisis in any battle than the one taking place as we spoke. they were naturally pleased at having got ashore and to have defeated the turks on the shore, but they must not fly away with the idea that with time and patience everything would pan out very nicely. on the contrary, it was imperative, absolutely imperative, we should occupy the heights before the enemy brought back the guns they had carried off and before they received the reinforcements which were marching at that very moment to their aid. this was no guess: it _was_ so: our aeroplanes had spotted turks marching upon us from the north. we might be too late now; anyway our margin was of the narrowest. hammersley assured me that sheer thirst, and the exhaustion of the troops owing to thirst, had been the only reason why he had not walked on to ismail oglu tepe last night. after yilghin burnu had been carried, there was nothing to prevent the occupation of the heights as the turks had been beat, but no one could fight against thirst. i asked him how the water question stood. he said it had been solved by the landing of more mules; there was no longer any serious supply trouble. all the troops were now watered, fed and rested. they had been told they should gain as much ground as they could without committing themselves to a general action, but they had not, in fact, made much progress. thereupon, i pressed again my view that the division should get on to the ridge forthwith. let the brigade-majors, i said, pick out a few of their freshest companies and get on to the crest right now. hammersley still clung to the view that he could not get any of his troops under weigh before daylight next morning. the units were scattered; no reconnaissance had been made of the ground to their front; that ground was jungly and blind; it would be impossible to get orders round the whole division in time to let the junior ranks study them. hammersley's points were made in a proper and soldierly manner. every general of experience would be with him in each of them, but there was one huge danger rapidly approaching us; already casting its shadow upon us, which, to me as commander-in-chief, outweighed every secondary objection. we might have the hills at the cost of walking up them to-day; the lord only knew what would be the price of them to-morrow. helles and anzac were both holding the turks to their own front, but from asia and bulair the enemy were on the march. once our troops dug themselves in on the crest no number of turks would be able to shift them. but; if the turks got there first? if, as colonel malcolm said, it was impossible to get orders round the division in time,--a surprising statement--was there no body of troops--no divisional reserve--no nothing--which could be used for the purpose of marching a couple of miles? seemingly, there was no reserve! never, in all my long soldiering had i been faced with ideas like these. i have seen attack orders dictated to a division from the saddle in less than five minutes. here was a victorious division, rested and watered, said to be unable to bestir itself, even feebly, with less than twelve hours' notice! this was what i felt and although i did not say it probably i looked it, for malcolm now qualified the original _non possumus_ by saying that although the irish and the rd and th brigades could not be set in motion before daylight, the nd brigade, which was concentrated round about sulajik, would be ready to move at short notice. the moment had now come for making up my mind. i did so, and told hammersley in the most distinct terms that i wished this brigade to advance _at once and dig themselves in on the crestline_.[ ] if the brigade could fix themselves upon the heights overlooking anafarta sagir they would make the morning advance easy for their comrades and would be able to interfere with and delay the turkish reinforcements which might try and debouch between the two anafartas during the night or march down upon suvla from the north. viewed from the sea or studied in a map there might be some question of this hill, or that hill, but, on the ground it was clear to half an eye that tekke tepe was the key to the whole suvla bay area. if by dawn, i said, even one company of ours was well entrenched on the tekke tepe height we should have the whip hand of the enemy in the opening moves next morning. hammersley said he understood my order and that the advance should be put in hand at once. malcolm hurried off; i left a little before . and went, _via_ the _chatham_, back to the _triad_. the _arno_ had by now come in, but de robeck has kindly asked me not to shift quarters if anzac and helles troubles will permit me to stay the night at suvla. all was dead quiet ashore till p.m. i was on the bridge until then and, seeing and hearing nothing, felt sure the brigade had made good tekke tepe and were now digging themselves in. captain brody dined. the scraps of news picked up from the sailormen, mainly by young brodrick, confirm what the soldiers had told us about the landing inside suvla bay along the narrow strip of land west of the salt lake. the attacks on hill went to pieces, not against the turks, but by mishap. the first assault made by one or two companies succeeded, but the assailants were taken for turks and were attacked in turn and driven off by others of our men. a most distressing affair. if there was hesitation and mix-up in the general handling, the regimental folk atoned and there were many incidents of initiative and daring on the part of battalions and companies. mahon with some of his irish and a manchester battalion are fighting well and clearing kiretch tepe sirt. until this morning bullets from that ridge were falling on "a" beach; now the working parties are not in any way disturbed. _ th august, . imbros._ with the first streak of dawn i was up on the bridge with my glasses. the hills are so covered with scrub that it was hard to see what was going on in that uncertain light, but the heavyish shrapnel fire was a bad sign and the fact that the enemy's guns were firing from a knoll a few hundred yards east of anafarta sagir was proof that our troops were not holding tekke tepe. but the officer of the watch said that the small hours passed quietly; no firing ashore during the hours of darkness. could not make head or tail of it! as the light grew stronger some of ours could be seen pushing up the western slopes of the long spur running out south-west from anafarta. the scrub was so thick that they had to climb together and follow-my-leader along what appeared to be cattle tracks up the hill. on our right all seemed going very well. looking through naval telescopes we thought--we all thought--ismail oglu tepe height was won. very soon the shrapnel got on to those bunches of men on our left and there was something like a stampede from north to south. looking closer we could see the enemy advancing behind their own bursting shrapnel and rolling up our line from the left on to the centre. oh for the good "queen bess," her high command, and her -inch shrapnel! one broadside and these turks would go scampering down to gehenna. the enemy counter-attack was coming from the direction of tekke tepe and moving over the foothills and plain on sulajik. our centre made a convulsive effort (so it seemed) to throw back the steadily advancing turks; three or four companies (they looked like) moved out from the brush about sulajik and tried to deploy. but the shrapnel got on to these fellows also and i lost sight of them. then about a.m., the whole lot seemed suddenly to collapse:--including the right! not only did they give ground but they came back--some of them--half-way to the sea. but others made a stand. the musketry fire got very heavy. the enemy were making a supreme effort. the turkish shell fire grew hotter and hotter. the enemy's guns seemed now to be firing not only from round about anafarta sagir, but also from somewhere between and , , yards or so south-west of anafarta. still these fellows of ours; not more than a quarter of those on the ground at the outset--stuck it out. my heart has grown tough amidst the struggles of the peninsula but the misery of this scene well nigh broke it. what kept me going was the sight of sari bair--i could not keep my eyes off the sari bair ridge. guns from all sides, sea and land, turks and british, were turned on to it and enormous explosions were sending slices off the top of the high mountain to mix with the clouds in the sky. under that canopy our men were fighting for dear life far above us! between . and . the turkish reinforcements at suvla seemed to have got enough. they did not appear to be in any great strength: here and there they fell back: no more came up in support: evidently, they were being held: failure, not disaster, was the upshot: few things so bad they might not be worse. by . the musketry and the shelling began to slacken down although there was a good deal of desultory shooting. we were holding our own; the welsh division are coming in this morning; but we have not sweated blood only to hold our own; our occupation of the open key positions has been just too late! the element of surprise--wasted! the prime factor set aside for the sake of other factors! words are no use. looked at from the bridge of the _triad_--not a bad observation station--the tendency of our men to get into little groups was very noticeable: as if they had not been trained in working under fire in the open. as to the general form of our attack against the hills on our right, it seemed to be what our french allies call _décousu_. after a whole day's rest and preparing, there might have been more form and shape about the movement. yet it was for the sake of this form and shape that the turkish reinforcements have been given time to get on to the heights. our stratagems worked well, but there is a time limit set to all make-believes; the hour glass of fate was set at forty-eight hours, and now the sands have run out. before going over to anzac i had to get hold of stopford so as to hear what news had come in from hammersley and from mahon. if only mahon is pushing forward to ejelmer bay and can occupy the high range to the east of it that would make amends for much. after breakfast, therefore, at . got into a launch and landed at ghazi baba with young brodrick as my only companion. our boat took us into a deep, narrow creek cut by nature into the sheer rock just by ghazi baba--a name only; there is nothing to distinguish that spot from any other. along the beach feverish activity; stores, water, ammunition, all the wants of an army being landed. walking up the lower slope of kiretch tepe sirt, we found stopford, about four or five hundred yards east of ghazi baba, busy with part of a field company of engineers supervising the building of some splinter-proof headquarters huts for himself and staff. he was absorbed in the work, and he said that it would be well to make a thorough good job of the dug-outs as we should probably be here for a very long time. i retorted, "devil a bit; within a day or two you will be picking the best of the anafarta houses for your billet." from the spot he had selected the whole of suvla bay and the salt lake lay open; also the anafartas and yilghin burnu. but, being on a lower spur of kiretch tepe sirt, his post was "dead" to the fighting taking place along the crest of kiretch tepe sirt itself. i remarked on this and asked what news of the irish, saying that now we were certainly forestalled at yilghin burnu and, apparently, on tekke tepe also, it was doubly essential mahon should make a clean sweep of the ridge. stopford said he was confident he would be able to do so, aided as he would be by the fire from the ships in the harbour--a fire which enfiladed the whole length of this feature. as to this morning's hold up, stopford took it philosophically, which was well so far as it went, but he seemed hardly to realize that the turks have rushed their guns and reinforcements here from a very long way off whilst he has been creeping along at the rate of a mile a day. stopford expected hammersley would be in to report progress in person; he will keep me well posted in his news and he understands that the welsh division will be at his disposal to help the th division. as stopford could give me no recent news from mahon i suggested i should go and find out from him personally how matters then stood. stopford said it was a good idea but that he himself thought it better not to leave his headquarters where messages kept coming in. i agreed and started with george brodrick to scale the hill. about half a mile up we struck a crowd of the irish pioneer regiment (granard's) filling their water bottles at a well marked on the map as charak cheshme. in their company we now made our way northwards along a path through fairly thick scrub as high as a man's waist. we were moving parallel to, and about yards below, the crestline of the ridge. when we had gone another mile a spattering of "overs" began to fall around like the first heavy drops of a thunderstorm. so wrapped in cotton wool is a now-a-days commander-in-chief that this was the first musketry fire i could claim to have come under since the beginning of the war. to sit in a trench and hear flights of bullets flop into the sandbag parapet, or pass harmlessly overhead, is hardly to be under fire. an irregular stream of irishmen were walking up the path along with us; one of them was hit just ahead of me. he caught it in the thigh and stretcher men whipped him off in a jiffy. at last we got to a spot some - / miles from suvla and had not yet been able to find mahon. so i sat down behind a stone, somewhere about the letter "k" of kiretch tepe sirt, and sent young brodrick to espy the land. he found that we had pulled up within a couple of hundred yards of the brigade headquarters, where portions of the th, st and th brigades (sounds very formidable but only five battalions) were holding a spur and preparing to make an attack. general mahon was actually in the brigade headquarters (a tiny ditch which only held four or five people) and came back to where i was sitting. he is angry, and small wonder, at the chaos introduced somehow into the corps. he is commanding some of hammersley's men and hammersley has the bulk of his at the far extremity of the line of battle. he besought me to do my utmost to get hill and his troops back to their own command. i told him g.h.q. had always understood stopford would land his, mahon's, two brigades intact at a beach. when the naval people could not find a beach at a, they, presumably with stopford's concurrence, had most unluckily dumped them ashore several miles south at c beach. this was the cause of the mix-up of his division which stopford, no doubt, would take in hand as soon as he could. mahon seemed in fighting form. he said he could clear the whole of kiretch tepe sirt, but that he did not want to lose men in making frontal attacks, so he was trying to work round south through the thick scrub so as to shift the enemy that way. he had reckoned five or six hundred men were against him--gendarmes. but there were more than there had been at daylight. my talk with mahon made me happier. here, at least, was someone who had an idea of what he was doing. the main thing was to attack before more turks came down the coast. my own idea would certainly have been to knock the turks out by a bayonet charge--right there. so far they had not had time to dig a regular trench, only a few shallow scrapings along a natural fold of the ground. if mahon wished to make a turning movement, then, i think, he would have been well advised to take it by the north where the ground over which he must advance was not only unentrenched and clear of brush, but also laid quite open to the supporting fire of the fleet. but i kept these views to myself until i could see stopford; said good-bye to mahon and wished him luck; found brodrick had wandered off on his own to see the fun at close quarters; legged it, all alone, down the open southern slope of the kiretch tepe sirt and got down into ground less open to snipers' fire from the scrub-covered plain.[ ] then, still quite alone, i made my way back south-west towards ghazi baba on suvla bay. after a little i was joined by two young irish soldiers. i don't know who or what they took me for; certainly not for the generalissimo. they came along with me and discussed identical adventures from diametrically different standpoints. one, in fact, was an optimist; the other a pessimist. one found fault with the war for not giving him enough hardship and adventure; the other was entirely fed up with adventures and hardships. this seems a trivial incident to jot down amidst issues so tremendous, but life is life, and my chat with these youngsters put some new life into me. nearing the shore, i again struck stopford's headquarters, now beginning to look habitable. braithwaite, and one or two others of my staff turned up from imbros at that moment. he shoved some cables into my hand and hastened off to interview reed. helles and anzac have been duly warned we are both here for a few hours; all the component parts of my machine, its cranks, levers, pulleys, are assembled at imbros, and g.h.q. simply cannot be left under a junior much longer. meanwhile i told stopford about mahon and the gendarmes. when i said that the sooner the kiretch tepe nettle was grasped the less it would sting, he informed me he had issued an order that commanders were not to lose men by making frontal attacks on trenches but were to turn them. so here is a theory which south african practice proved to be more often wrong than right being treated as an axiom at gallipoli! we next went into the question of digging a defensive line of trenches half-way between corps headquarters and mahon's force. here we were in accord. no man knows his luck and the tide may turn any moment. both at liao-yang and the shaho the japanese began to dig deep trenches directly they captured a position. young brodrick rejoined me here; rather anxious at having lost me. he had found mahon with the brigade staff. he had been shown the exact positions on a rough sketch map made by one of the officers. we had three battalions in the firing line and two in reserve. the gendarmerie had been reinforced and were now estimated at without machine guns or artillery. we had a mountain battery shelling the gendarmes and a monitor occasionally gave them a big fellow. the brigade staff had said nothing to him about a battalion working round to the south. i repeated this to stopford and begged him to make a push for it here. by now braithwaite had finished with reed, so we hurriedly discussed his budget of news. hammersley is expected but he has not turned up yet. indeed the situation is still by no means free from anxiety although the arrival of the welsh division gives confidence. a battalion of the nd brigade did get up on to tekke tepe last night, it seems, but were knocked off this morning before they had time to entrench.[ ] seeing they should have had several hours time to dig in, that seems strange. braithwaite handed me a bunch of signals and wires; also the news of what i had known at the back of my mind since morning,--the fact that we had not got sari bair! then we started back to see de robeck and keyes. for the first time in this expedition roger keyes seemed down on his luck: we had often before seen him raging, never dejected. these awful delays:--delay in landing the irish; delay in attacking on the th; delay all night of the th; delay during the day of the th and night of the th, have simply deprived him of the power of speech,--to soldiers, that is to say, though, to shipmates, no doubt...! now for anzac. since dawn a fever about anzac had held me. shades of staff college professors, from you no forgiveness to a chief who runs about the mountain quitting his central post. but the luminous shade of napoleon would better understand my desperation. some generals are just accumulators of the will of the c.-in-c. when that is the case, and when they run down, there is only one man who can hope to pump in energy. exact at noon roger keyes and i pushed off in the racing motor boat. on our way we stopped at "c" beach and picked up commander worsley. next to anzac, but at the cove, found that birdwood had left word he would meet me at the ex-turkish post no. ,--so, as the water was shoal in spots, we rowed down there in a dinghy, along the shore where our lives would not have been worth half a minute's purchase just three days ago. after scrambling awhile over the new trenches, birdwood, godley and i sat down on a high spur above godley's headquarters which gave us a grand outlook over the whole suvla area, and across to chunuk bair. here we ate our rations and held an impromptu council of war; shaw, commanding the new th division, joining in with us. all three generals were in high spirits and refused to allow themselves to be damped down by the repulse of the morning's attack on the high ridge. they put down that check to the lethargy of suvla. had stopford taken up any point on the watershed yesterday when it was unoccupied except by some fugitives, the whole turkish position on the peninsula would have become so critical that they could not have spared the numbers they have now brought up to defend "q" and koja chemen tepe. the anzac generals allowed that they themselves had got into arrears in their time tables, but they had been swift compared to suvla. even as godley was holding forth, messages came to hand to say that the turks were passing from the defensive to the offensive and urging fresh attacks on the new zealanders holding chunuk bair. godley is certain the turks will never make us quit hold. shaw, who also has some of his men up there, is equally confident. birdwood thinks chunuk bair should be safe, though not so safe as it would have been had we held on to that ridge at "q" where baldwin's delay from causes not yet known, lost us the crestline this morning. birdie said he could have cried, and is not quite sure he didn't cry, when the bombardment stopped dead and minute after minute passed away, from one minute to twenty, without a sign of baldwin and his column who had been booked to spurt for the top on the heels of the last shell. unaided, the th gurkhas got well astride the ridge, but had to fall back owing to the lack of his support. none the less, these anzac generals are in great form. they are sure they will have the whip hand of the narrows by to-morrow. [illustration: general sir w. r. birdwood, g.c.m.g., k.c.b. _"elliott and fry" phot._] birdie was offered my last reserves, the th essex territorials under inglefield. but he can't water them. the effort to carry food, water and cartridges to the firing lines is already overtaxing the corps. if inglefield's men were also pushed in they simply could not be kept going. when communication trenches have been dug and brushwood and rocks flattened out, it will be easier. till then, the generals agreed they would rather the extra pressure was applied from suvla. birdwood and godley were keen, in fact, that the essex division should go to stopford so that he might at once occupy kavak tepe and, if he could, tekke tepe. all that the anzacs have seen for themselves, or heard from their own extreme left or from aeroplanes, leads them to believe that the turkish reinforcements to the suvla theatre came over the high shoulder of tekke tepe or through anafarta sagir about dawn this morning and that the enemy are in some strength now along the ridge between anafarta sagir and ismail oglu tepe with a few hundred on kiretch tepe sirt: the turkish centre was a gift to us yesterday; certainly yesterday forenoon; now it can only be won by hard fighting. but the turks have not yet had time to work round on to the high ridges east of suvla bay and although a few turks did pass over kavak tepe, it seems to be now clear of any enemy. there is no sign of life on the bare eastern slope of that mountain. probably one half of the great crescent of hills which encircles the suvla plain and, in places, should overlook the narrows, still lies open to an advance. so together we composed a message to stopford and godley sent it off by telephone--now rigged up between the two corps headquarters: the form was filled in by godley; hence his counter signature:-- * * * * * to:--g.o.c., ixth corps. sender's number. day of month. in reply to n.z.g. number aaa after speaking to birdwood and godley think most important use fresh troops could be put to if not urgently required to reinforce would be the occupation as early as possible of the commanding position running through square - aaa ismail oglu tepe are less vital to security of base. sir ian hamilton. _from_ _place_ fisherman's hut. _date_ p.m. th august, . a. j. godley, maj. gen. * * * * * took leave of the anzacs and the anzac generals about . p.m. the whole crowd were in tip-top spirits and immensely pleased with the freedom and largeness of their newly conquered kingdom. we of the g.h.q. were bitten by this same spirit; suvla took second place in our minds and when we got on board the _arno_ the ugly events of the early morning had been shaken, for the moment, out of our minds. but, on the sail home, we were able to look at the peninsula as a whole. because the anzacs, plus the th division of the new army, had carried through a brilliant stroke of arms was a reason, not for shutting our eyes to the slowness of the suvla generals, but for spurring them on to do likewise. there is nothing open to them now--not without efforts for which they are, for the time being, unfit--but kavak tepe and the aja liman anafarta ridge. so, on arrival at p.m., wrote out the following message from myself to general stopford:-- * * * * * "i am in complete sympathy with you in the matter of all your officers and men being new to this style of warfare and without any leaven of experienced troops on which to form themselves. still i should be wrong if i did not express my concern at the want of energy and push displayed by the th division. it cannot all be want of experience as th have shown dash and self-confidence. turks were almost negligible yesterday once you got ashore. to-day there was nothing to stop determined commanders leading such fine men as yours. tell me what is wrong with the th division. is it the divisional generals or brigadiers or both? i have a first-rate major general i can send at once and can also supply two competent brigadiers. you must get a move on or the whole plan of operations is in danger of failing, for if you don't secure the aja liman anafarta ridge without delay the enemy will. you must use your personal influence to insist on vigorous and sustained action against the weak forces of the turks in your front, and while agreeing to the capture of w hills and spur mentioned in c.g.s. letter to you of to-day, it is of vital importance to the whole operation that you thereafter promptly take steps to secure the ridge without possession of which suvla bay is not safe. you must face casualties and strike while the opportunity offers and remember the aja liman anafarta ridge is your principal and dominant objective and it must be captured. every day's delay in its capture will enormously multiply your casualties. i want the name of the brigadier who sent the message to say his left was retiring owing to a strong attack and then subsequently reported that the attack in question has never developed. keep birdwood informed as he may be able to help you on your right flank." [illustration: lieut. gen sir a. j. godley, k.c.b., k.c.m.g. _"elliott and fry phot."_] this message seemed so important that it was sent by hand of hore-ruthven and another officer by special destroyer. braithwaite tells me that, when he was at th corps headquarters to-day he showed general stopford the last two paragraphs of this memo which i had written when toning down the wording of a general staff draft:-- * * * * * "c.g.s. "( ) i do not think much good rubbing it into these fellows, there are very few turks opposed to them. we have done it, and that was right, but we must not overdo it. "( ) but the men ought to be made to understand that really the whole result of this campaign may depend on their quickly getting a footing on the hills right and left of anafarta. officers and rank and file must be made to grasp this. "( ) if lindley and his new men were kept intact and thrown in on the anzac flank, surely they ought to be able to make a lodgment. (_initialled_), "ian h." footnotes: [footnote : must have meant south-east?--ian h., .] [footnote : long afterwards--long after the dardanelles commission had finished their report--i had the curiosity to get permission to look at the log of the _exmouth_ (rear-admiral nicholson) to see how my cable had been translated. here it is, very much bowdlerized:--"sent . , received . . sir i. hamilton to rear-admiral . urgent. 'understand _arno_ drawing fires. can this be stopped and _arno_ sent (to) _mercedes_ to water at once? _arno_ specially put at my disposal by vice-admiral and i may require her at any moment.'" the _mercedes_ was the ship with our military drinking water.] [footnote : there is a hiatus in my diary here which i must try and bridge over by a footnote especially as my story seems to run off the rails when i say that "nothing further" had come in from suvla. at . a.m. a further cable did come in from suvla:-- * * * * * "approximate position of troops under general hammersley this morning. two battalions rd brigade sea to s.e. corner of salt lake: will be moved forward shortly to connect if possible with anzac troops. two battalions rd holding yilghin burnu. position on hill yards east yilghin burnu not yet certain. from yilghin burnu st brigade holds line through baka baba crossroads, thence north to about . nd and th brigades ordered forward from hill ( r) where they spent night to line m.r.w. to fill gap with tenth division. detailed information of tenth division not yet definite: will report later. consider major-general hammersley and troops under him deserve great credit for result attained against strenuous opposition and great difficulty." manifestly, the data in this cable were not enough to enable me to form any opinion of my own as to the credit due to anyone; but every soldier will understand that it was up to me to respond: "to g.o.c. th corps. "from general sir ian hamilton. "you and your troops have indeed done splendidly. please tell hammersley how much we hope from his able and rapid advance." i made no written note of this . a.m. cable (or of my reply to it) at the time and, eighteen months later, no mental note of it remained, probably because it had only added some detail to the news received during the night. but i had reason to regret this afterwards when i came to read the final report of the dardanelles commission, paragraph . there i see it stated that "with regard to this message" (my pat on the back for hammersley) "sir frederick stopford informed us that the result of the operations on the night of the th and day of the th was not as satisfactory as he would have liked but he gathered from sir ian hamilton's congratulations that his dispositions and orders had met with the latter's approval" as to my actual feelings that forenoon, i do remember them well. at sunrise victory seemed assured. as morning melted into mid-day my mind became more and more uneasy at the scant news about the irish division and at the lack of news of a further advance of the th division. this growing anxiety drove me to quit my headquarters and to take ship for suvla.] [footnote : the admiral's wireless had said, so i was told:--"it is important we should meet--shall i come to kephalos or are you coming to suvla?" as stated in text i did not get this cable at the time nor did i ever get it. four years later the signal logs of the only ships through which the message could have passed; viz., _triad_, _exmouth_, _chatham_, were searched and there is no trace of it. so i think it must have been drafted and overlooked.--ian h., . aspinall's cable:--"just been ashore where i found all quiet aaa. no rifle fire, no artillery fire and apparently no turks aaa. ixth corps resting aaa. feel confident that golden opportunities are being lost and look upon the situation as serious." i received this next morning from braithwaite.--ian h., .] [footnote : looking to the distance of sulajik, the brigade might have been expected to move in about an hour and a half. but, as i did not know at the time, or indeed till two years later, this brigade was _not_ concentrated. only two battalions were at sulajik; the other two, the th east yorks and the th west yorks, were in possession of hill , vide map.--ian h., .] [footnote : my aide-de-camp, george brodrick, has permitted me to use the following extract from a letter of his written to his father, lord midleton, at the time. * * * * * "i went to suvla with sir ian in the afternoon of august th, and we arrived to find 'nothing doing.' the beaches and hillsides covered with our men almost like a bank holiday evening at hampstead heath. vague shelling by one of our monitors was the only thing which broke the peace of a most perfect evening--a glorious sunset. "we went over to the destroyer where general stopford had his headquarters, and i fancy words of exhortation were spoken to him. we slept on the triad, admiral de robeck's yacht. i had a camp bed on the bridge, so as to hear any happenings during the night. about dawn our monitors started to shell the heights behind anafarta and a sort of assault was made; the turkish battery opened with shrapnel, and our fellows did not seem to get very far. "we went ashore on 'a' beach about a.m. and walked up to stopford's headquarters, as he had gone ashore the night before. they all seemed a very lifeless crew, with but little knowledge of the general situation and no spirit in them. we made our way on across some rocky scrubby country towards brigade headquarters; fairly heavy rifle fire was going on, and after about two miles bullets began to ping unpleasantly all round us. i persuaded sir ian to lie down behind a rock, much against his will, and went on myself another yards to where the brigade staff were sitting in a dip behind a stone wall. they told me that about turks were in front of them with no machine guns. we had battalions in the firing line and two in reserve and yet could not get on."] [footnote : only one company we hear now.--ian h., . . .] chapter xvi kavak tepe attack collapses _ th august, . imbros._ had to remain at g.h.q. all day--the worst of all days. my visit to anzac yesterday had infected me with the hopes of godley and birdwood and made me feel that we would recover what we had missed at suvla, and more, if, working from the pivot of chunuk bair, we got hold of the rest of sari bair. they believed they would bring this off and then the victory would have been definite. now--chunuk bair has gone! the new zealand and new army troops holding the knoll were relieved by two new army battalions and, at daylight this morning, the turks simply ran amok among them with a division in mass formation. trenches badly sited, they say, and turks able to form close by in dead ground. many reasons no doubt and lack of swift pressure from suvla. the turks have lost their fear of stopford and concentrated full force against the anzacs. by birdie's message, it looks as if the heavy fighting was at an end--an end which leaves us with a fine gain of ground though minus the vital crests. next time we will get them. we are close up to the summit instead of having five or six hundred feet to climb. news from suvla still rotten. here is the result of hammersley's visit to stopford after i left:-- * * * * * "august . . . suvla bay. "dear braithwaite, "i have had a talk with hammersley and he tells me that his troops are much exhausted, have had very heavy fighting, severe losses and have felt the want of water very much. he does not consider that they are fit to make a fresh attack to-morrow. "i have decided after consultation with him to make an attempt on the ridge about abrikja with three fresh territorial battalions and six which have been used to-day. i am afraid from what i hear that the naval guns do not have much effect on account of difficulty of accurate observation but i will arrange a programme, to be carefully timed, with brigadier-general smith, my brigadier r.a., and of course all the field guns will also help. i _must_ see smith so please ask the v. admiral to place a boat at smith's disposal to bring him here to see me and then to see generals hammersley and lindley. general lindley will be in immediate command of the operations as all troops engaged in the attack will be territorials. "i trust the attack will succeed though to-day's did not, but in view of the urgency of the matter i feel the attempt ought to be made. "it is absolutely necessary that i should see smith. "yours sincerely, (_sd._) "fred w. stopford." at mid-day, got a cable from the th corps saying that lindley's division had duly gone at hill , a key feature on the ridge, about , yards north-east of yilghin burnu--and had failed! in giving me this news, stopford proposes to make a second attack this afternoon with the same division. have caused braithwaite to cable: * * * * * "hear you propose attacking again. chief doubts advisability with tired troops after morning's failure; if you agree consolidate where you are and rest and reorganize." in a letter from stopford in answer to my signal of yesterday from fisherman's hut, he says:-- "no. . _date_, aug. . _time_, p.m. _place_, suvla bay. "to: "dear sir ian, "i have received your message from fisherman's hut. hammersley has not been able to advance to-day, but the turks have been counter-attacking all day and he has had to put in one of the territorial brigades to prevent being driven back. "i quite realize the importance of holding the high ground east of suvla bay, but as the turks advance through the gap between the two anafartas where all the roads are, it is absolutely necessary to keep sufficient troops between anafarta sagir and ismail oglu tepe, as otherwise if i were to seize the high ground between anafarta sagir and ejelmer bay without securing this gap, i might find myself holding the heights and the turks pouring down to the harbour behind me. i will bear what you say in mind, and if i get an opportunity with fresh troops of taking the heights whilst holding on tight to my right flank i will do so. i understand that one reason why it was necessary to go for ismail oglu tepe was that if i did not hold the turks there they would fire into the rear of birdwood's troops attacking hill . "i am, sir, "yours sincerely, (_sd._) "fred w. stopford." for myself i wish the turks would try to pour down over that flat, open country by the salt lake to seize the beaches under the guns of the warships. * * * * * well, we had chunuk bair in our hands the best part of two days and two nights. so far the turks have never retaken trenches once we had fairly taken hold. have they done so now? i hope not. birdie and godley are at work upon a scheme for its recapture. the turks are well commanded: that i admit. their generals knew they were done unless they could quickly knock us off our chunuk bair. so they have done it. never mind: never say die. meanwhile we have the east anglian division available to-morrow, and i have been over in the g.s. marquee working out ways and means of taking kavak tepe which may also give us an outlook, more distant, but yet an outlook, on to the dardanelles. _ th august, . imbros._ did not dare to break away from the wire ends. a see-saw of cardinal events between suvla and anzac. a workable scheme of attack has now been put into such shape as to let stopford dovetail his corps orders into it, and first thing sent him this cable:-- * * * * * "g.h.q. to ixth corps. general commanding wishes th division infantry to attack line kavak tepe peak . . at dawn to-morrow after night march to foothills; g.s.o. proceeding with detailed instructions. see inglefield, make arrangements and give all assistance possible by landing rd signal company, water gear and tools. rd division becomes general reserve." at . p.m., a letter from stopford anent the failure of the rd division,--depressing in itself but still more so in its inferences as to the th division. he says these troops showed "no attacking spirit at all. they did not come under heavy shell fire nor was the rifle fire very severe, but they not only showed no dash in attack but went back at slight provocation and went back a long way. lots of the men lay down behind cover, etc. they went on when called upon to do so by staff and other officers but they seemed lost and under no leadership--in fact, they showed that they are not fit to put in the field without the help of regulars. i really believe that if we had had one brigade of regulars here to set an example both the new army and territorials would have played up well with them but they have no standard to go by." worse follows, for stopford takes back his assurance given me after my cable of the th when he said, "given water, guns and ammunition, i have no doubt about our being able to secure the hills." he tells me straight and without any beating about the bush, "i am sure they" (the territorials) "would not secure the hills with any amount of guns, water and ammunition assuming ordinary opposition, as the attacking spirit was absent; chiefly owing to the want of leadership by the officers." ignoring our kavak tepe scheme, he goes on then to ask me in so many words, not to try any attack with the th division but to stick them into trenches. this letter has driven me very nearly to my wits' ends. things can't be so bad! none of us have any complaint at all of the new army troops; only of their old army generals. stopford says the th division were not reliable when they were at helles, whereas now, under godley at anzac they have fought like lions. rushed off in this, the good tub _imogene_ (lieutenant-commander potts). there the rushing ceased as she steamed along so slowly that we didn't get to suvla till p.m. walked up with braithwaite and freddie to the th corps headquarters. saw stopford. wrestled with him for over an hour; braithwaite doing ditto with reed. stopford urged that these last two territorial formations sent out to us were sucked oranges, the good in them having been drafted away into france and replaced by rejections. he says he would have walked on to the watershed the first day had we only stiffened his force with the th division. there happened to be some pretty decisive objections but there was no use entering into them then. so i merely told him that the th corps and the territorials being now well ashore we may be able to bring up the th. no doubt--had we a couple of regular divisions here--british or indian--at full strength--no doubt we could astonish the world. having the rd and the th divisions, half-trained and at half strength, i tried to make stopford see we must cut our coats with the stuff issued to us. the th were good last winter, and, even if the best have been picked out of them, the residue should do well under sound leadership: inglefield was a practised old warrior, and would not let him down. there was nothing solid to go upon in crying down the credit of the th beyond hearsay and the self-evident fact that they are half their nominal strength. to assume they won't put up a fight is a certain way of making the best troops gun-shy. we are standing up to our necks in a time problem, and the tide is on the rise. there is not a moment to spare. the turks have reinforced and they have brought back their guns; that is true. now they will begin to dig trenches--indeed they are already digging--and more and more enemy troops will be placed in reserve behind the anafartas and to the east of the tekke tepe--ejelmer bay range. on the th the helles people reported that, in spite of their efforts to hold the turks, they had detached reinforcements to the north. these extra reinforcements may arrive to-morrow at anzac or on the anafartas; but, for at least another twenty four hours, they will not be able to get round to the high ridge between anafarta and ejelmer bay. so far as can be seen by aeroplane scouting, this ridge is still unoccupied; certainly it is unentrenched. stopford who, at first, was dead set on digging agreed to have a dart at kavak tepe. he will throw the th at it. he will turn out the th corps and, if chance offers, they will attack along their own front. his chief remaining ghost inhabits the jungly bit of country between anafarta ova and the foothills. in that belt he fears the turkish snipers may harass our line of supply so that, when the heights are held, we may find it hard to feed and water our garrison. the new armies and territorials have no trained counter-snipers and are much at the mercy of the skilled anatolian shikarris who haunt the close country. so i suggested blockhouses on the south african system to protect our line where it passed through the three quarters of a mile or so of close country. the enemy artillery would not spot them amongst the trees. i promised him also one hundred picked australian bushmen, new zealand maoris and gurkhas to act as scouts and counter-snipers. stopford took to this idea very kindly; has fixed up a conference of th corps and territorial generals early to-morrow morning to discuss the whole plan, and will make every effort to occupy kavak tepe to-morrow night. stopford seemed in much better form to-night; i think he is more fit: there has been hours' delay but by waiting that time inglefield and the essex will have the help of a body of first-class scouts--quite a luminous notion. stopford, himself, presides at to-morrow's conference. inglefield is a good, straight fellow, not so young as we were in south africa, but quite all right. boarded the _imogene_. dropped anchor at p.m. at imbros. _ th august, . imbros._ last thing last night stopford promised to let me know the result of the conference to be held at his headquarters, and upon the plans for the lines of supply. sent him a reminder:-- * * * * * "g.h.q. to ixth corps. have you arranged practical system for supplying troops in the event of tekke tepe ridge being secured?" a cable from k.:-- * * * * * "i am sorry about the xth and xith divisions in which i had great confidence. could you not ginger them up? the utmost energy and dash are required for these operations or they will again revert to trench warfare." k.'s disappointment makes me feel _sick_! i know the great hopes he has built on these magnificent divisions and i know equally well that he is not capable of understanding how he has cut his own throat, the men's throats and mine, by not sending young and up-to-date generals to run them. k. in this, and this alone, is with tolstoi. the men are everything; the man nothing. have cabled back saying, "i am acting absolutely as you indicate by 'ginger'; i only got back at last night from a further application of that commodity. as a result a fresh attack will be made to-morrow morning by the ixth corps and the livth division." as to the new army i point out to k. that "they are fighting under conditions quite foreign to their training and moreover they have no regulars to set them a standard": also, (and pray heaven it is truth) "everyone is fully alive to the necessity for dash, so i trust the attack of to-morrow will be much better done than were the two previous attempts." hardly had my cable to k. been despatched when stopford gives us a sample specimen of "dash" by his answer to my reminder. he wires:-- * * * * * "ixth corps to g.h.q. i foresee very great difficulty. the only system possible at first probably will be convoy under escort." twelve hours ago, more or less, stopford had agreed that there was a difficulty which it was up to him to solve and that, at first, (i.e., till blockhouses had been built) the system would be convoy under escort. we ask him what he had done, expecting to get the particulars worked out by his staff after the conference of generals, and this is the reply! five minutes later, in came another wire giving the general situation at suvla; saying the rd division had failed to clear ground from which the right of the advance of the th division might be threatened, and that stopford wished to postpone his night march another four and twenty hours. so this is the result of our "ginger," and braithwaite or i must rush over to suvla at once. meanwhile, tactics and kavak tepe must wait. wired back:-- * * * * * "in the circumstances the operation for to-morrow is postponed. chief sending c.g.s. over now to see you." braithwaite went: is back now: has seen both stopford and reed: has agreed (with a sad heart) on my behalf to the night march being put off another twenty four hours. have had, therefore, to cable k. again, shouldering the heavy blame of this further delay:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. after anxiously weighing the pros and cons, i have decided that it is wiser to wait another hours before carrying out the general attack mentioned in my no. m.f. . braithwaite has just returned from the ixth corps, and he found that the spirit and general organization were improving rapidly. a small attack by a brigade, which promised well, was in progress. this morning the xth division captured a trench." the story of the suvla council of war:--at first the generals were for fighting. inglefield, of the livth, who is told off for the attack, was keen. all he asked was, a clean start from anafarta ova. if his division could jump off, intact and fresh, from that well-watered half-way house, kavak tepe was his. the liiird division for their part agreed to make good anafarta ova; to clear out the snipers and to hold the place as a base for the livth. so at a.m. stopford issued orders saying the livth must march off at p.m. moving east of anafarta ova. then,--when at last all seemed settled, in came a message from the g.o.c. liiird division, saying he could not undertake to clear anafarta ova of snipers and to hold it as a cover to the advance of the livth. stopford thereupon cancelled his first order, and, at . p.m., issued fresh orders directing the livth division _to send in one of their own brigades_ as an advance guard to clear the ground up to a point east of anafarta ova. braithwaite stayed at corps headquarters at suvla until this brigade, the rd, was moving on anafarta ova driving the snipers before them. mahon, too, after sitting for three days where i left him on the morning of the th, has got tired of looking at the gendarmes and has carried their trenches by the forbidden frontal bayonet charge without much trouble or loss although, naturally, these trenches have been strengthened during the interval. amidst these tactical miss-fires entered hankey. he has had a cable from his brother secretary, bonham carter, saying the prime minister wishes him to stay on longer and that lord k. would like to know if he can do anything to give an impetus to the operations. hankey showed me this cable; also his answer:-- * * * * * "reference your . i am glad to stay as desired. the chief thing you could send to help the present operations would be more ammunition. for supplies already sent everyone is most grateful. it is also important that units should be kept up to strength. "as general officer commanding has already apprised you fully of the situation i have nothing to add." in the gordons' mess "a marine" used to stand as synonym for emptiness. asquith's "marine"[ ] is the reverse. into two sentences totalling words he boils down the drift of hundreds of cables and letters. _ th august, . imbros._ well, i must put it down. worked till lunch. in the afternoon, left in h.m.s. _arno_ and sailed over to suvla to have a last look over the _band-o-bast_ for to-morrow's twice to-morrowed effort. first, saw the admiral and commodore who are simply dancing with impatience. no wonder. whether or no kavak tepe summit gives a useful outlook on to the back of sari bair and the dardanelles, at least it will give us the whip hand of the guns on the anafarta ridge and save our ships from the annoying attentions they are beginning to receive. the sailors think too they have worked out an extra good scheme for ship and shore guns. stopford then came aboard; in the mood he was in aboard the _jonquil_ on the th,--only more so! the divisional generals are without hope, that is the text of his sermon. hopeless about to-night, or to-morrow, that is to say; for there are rosy visions and to spare for next week, or the week after, or any other time, so long as it is not too near us. there is something in this beats me. we are alive--we are quite all right--the brigade of the livth sent on to kuchuk anafarta ova made good its point. true, one battalion got separated from its comrades in the forest and was badly cut up by turkish snipers just as was braddock's force by the redskins, but this, though tragic, is but a tiny incident of a great modern battle and the rest of the rd brigade have not suffered and hold the spot whence, it was settled, the attack on kavak tepe should jump off. nothing practical or tactical seems to have occurred to force us to drop our plan. but no; stopford and reed count the liiird division as finished: the livth incapable of attack; the rest of the ixth corps immovable. if i accept; we have lost this battle. we are not beaten now--the men are not--but if i accept, we are held up. there is no way out. whether there is any good looking back even for one moment, god knows; i doubt it! but i feel so acutely, i seem to see so clearly, where our push for constantinople first began to quit the rails, that i must put it down right here. the moment was when i asked for rawlinson or byng, and when, in reply, the keen, the young, the fit, the up-to-date commanders were all barred, simply and solely that mahon should not be disturbed in his divisional command. i resisted it very strongly: i went so far as to remind k. in my cable of his own sad disappointment at bloemfontein when he (k.) had offered him a cavalry brigade and he returned instead to his appointment in the sudan. the question that keeps troubling me is, ought i to have fought it further; ought i to have resigned sooner than allow generals old and yet inexperienced to be foisted on to me? these stories about the troops? i do not accept them. the troops have lost heavily but they are right if there were leaders. i know quite well both territorial divisions. i knew them in england that is to say. since then, they have had their eyes picked out. they have been through the strainer and the best officers and men and the best battalions have been serving for months past in france. the three show battalions in the th (essex) division are in france and their places have been taken by the th and th london and by the th hants. essex is good; london is good and hants is good; but the trinity is not territorial. the same with the welshmen. yet even so; taking these territorials as they are; a scratch lot; half strength; no artillery; not a patch upon the original divisions as i inspected them in england six months ago; even so, they'd fight right enough and keen enough if they were set fair and square at their fence. in the fight of the th the welshmen were not given a chance. sent in on a narrow front--jammed into a pocket;--as they began to climb the spur they caught it from the guns, rifles and machine guns on both flanks. we might still do something with a change of commanders. but i have been long enough military secretary both in india and at home to realize that ruthlessness here is apt to be a two-edged sword. you can't clap a new head on to old shoulders without upsetting circulation and equilibrium. still, i would harden my heart to it now--to-night--were not my hands tied by mahon's seniority. mahon is the next senior--in the whole force he stands next to myself. had not bruce hamilton been barred by the p.m. when i wanted to put him in vice hunter-weston at helles, the problem would be simple enough. even if i had not, at the outset, given that well-tried, thrusting old fighter the conduct of the suvla enterprise, at least i would have brought him in on the morning of the th instant quite easily and without causing any upset to anyone or anything. he ranks both stopford and mahon and nothing would have been simpler than to let him bring up a contingent of troops from helles, when, automatically, he would have taken command in the suvla area. what it would have meant to have had a man imbued with the attack spirit at the head of this ixth corps would have been just--victory! anchored at p.m. and, before going to bed, sent following cable:-- * * * * * "from general sir ian hamilton to secretary of state for war. "the result of my visit to the ixth corps, from which i am just back, has bitterly disappointed me. there is nothing for it but to allow them time to rest and reorganize, unless i force stopford and his divisional generals to undertake a general action for which, in their present frame of mind, they have no heart. in fact, these generals are unfit for it. with exceeding reluctance i am obliged to give them time to rest and reorganize their troops. "though we were to repeat our landing operations a hundred times, we would never dare hope to reproduce conditions so favourable as to put one division ashore under cover of dark and, as the day broke, have the next division sailing in to its support. no advantage was taken of these favourable conditions and, for reasons which i can only explain by letter, the swift advance was not delivered,--therefore, the mischief is done. until we are ready to advance again, reorganized and complete, we must go slow." _ th august, . imbros._ before breakfast, braithwaite brought me a statement of our interview of last night with stopford. he dictated it, directly he got back last night; i.e., about three hours after the event. i agree with every word:-- * * * * * "notes of an interview which took place on board h.m.s. _triad_ between and p.m. on the th august, , between the general commanding and sir frederick stopford, commanding th corps. _present_:-- general sir ian hamilton, g.c.b., d.s.o., a.d.c., lieut.-general hon. sir frederick stopford, k.c.m.g., etc., major-general braithwaite, c.b. * * * * * "sir frederick represented that the th corps were not fit to undertake an advance at the present moment. questioned why, he replied that the losses had been considerable, that the disorganization of units was very great, and that the length of the line he had to hold was all too thinly held as it was. he stated that his divisional generals were entirely of the same opinion as himself; in fact, he gave us completely the impression that they were 'not for it,' but he only specifically mentioned hammersley and lindley. he said water was no difficulty. he implied that the troops were getting better every day, and given time to rest and reorganize, he thought they would be able in time to make an advance. but he was very emphatic on the point that at present such a thing as an attack had practically no chance of success. he told us that the opposition in the centre about anafarta ova could no longer be classed as sniping, but that it was regular opposition. but as he also told us that his landing was an opposed landing, i think perhaps that during the short time he has been on active service in this country he has not quite realized what opposition really means. but the salient fact remains that none of his divisional generals who would be employed in the attack thought that that attack would have any chance of success whatever. indeed, he saw every difficulty, and though he kept saying that he was an optimist, he foresaw every bad thing that could possibly happen and none of the bright spots. it was a most depressing interview, but it left no doubt in the minds of the hearers that it would be quite useless to order an attack to be undertaken by a commander and divisional generals whose hearts were confessedly not in it, who saw a turk behind every bush, a battalion behind every hill, and a brigade behind every mountain." at lunch time lord k. answered my last night's cable:-- * * * * * "if you should deem it necessary to replace stopford, mahon and hammersley, have you any competent generals to take their place? from your report i think stopford should come home. "this is a young man's war, and we must have commanding officers that will take full advantage of opportunities which occur but seldom. if, therefore, any generals fail, do not hesitate to act promptly. "any generals i have available i will send you." close on the top of this tardy appreciation of youth, comes another cable from him saying he has asked french to let me have byng, horne and kavanagh. "i hope," he says, "stopford has been relieved by you already." have cabled back thanking him with all my heart; saying i shall be glad of the generals he mentions as "byng, kavanagh and horne are all flyers." between them, these two messages have cleared the air. mahon's seniority has been at the root of this evil. k.'s conscience tells him so and, therefore, he pricks his name now upon the fatal list. but he did not know, when he cabled, that mahon had done well. i shall replace stopford forthwith by de lisle and chance mahon's seniority. de robeck came over for an hour in the evening. lord and lady brassey arrived in the _sunbeam_, together with two young friends. they have both of them shown great enterprise in getting here. the dear old man gave me a warm greeting, but also something of a shock by talking about our terrible defeat: by condoling and by saying i had been asked to do the impossible. i have _not_ been asked to do anything impossible in taking constantinople. the feat is perfectly feasible. for the third time since we began it trembled in the balance a week ago. nor is the capture of suvla bay and the linking up thereof with anzac a defeat: a cruel disappointment, no doubt, but not a defeat; for, two more such defeats, measured in mere acreage, will give us the narrows. a doctor at kephalos, it seems, infected them with this poison of despondency. in their _sunbeam_ they will make first class carriers. _ th august, . imbros._ de lisle has come over to relieve stopford. he has got his first instructions[ ] and is in close communication with myself and general staff on the preparations for the next move which will be supported by the yeomanry from egypt and by some more artillery. i had meant to make time to run across to suvla to-day but stopford may wish to see me on his way to mudros so i shall sit tight in case he does. cables to and from k. about our new generals. byng, maude and fanshawe are coming. a brilliant trio. all of the three fanshawe brothers are good; this one worked under me on salisbury plain. maude is splendid! byng will make every one happy; he never spares himself. k. has agreed to let de lisle hold the command of the th corps until byng turns up. he wants birdie to take over the control of the whole of the northern theatre, i.e., anzac and suvla. i must think over this. meanwhile, have cabled back, "i am enchanted to hear byng, maude and fanshawe are coming--i could wish for no better men." sent also following which explains itself:-- * * * * * "when i appointed de lisle to command temporarily the ixth corps i sent the following telegram to mahon:-- * * * * * "'although de lisle is junior to you, sir ian hopes that you will waive your seniority and continue in command of the xth division, at any rate during the present phase of operations.' "to this mahon sent the following reply:-- * * * * * "'i respectfully decline to waive my seniority and to serve under the officer you name. please let me know to whom i am to hand over the command of the division.' "consequently, i have appointed brigadier-general f. f. hill to command temporarily the division and have ordered mahon to go to mudros to await orders. will you please send orders as to his disposal. as peyton is not due from egypt till th august, he was not in any case available." also:-- * * * * * "personal. you will like to know that the xiiith division is said to have fought very well and with great tenacity of spirit. in many instances poor company leading is said to have been responsible for undue losses." _ th august, . imbros._ a great press of business. amongst other work, have written a long cable home giving them the whole story up to date. lots of petty troubles. stopford goes to mudros direct. de lisle makes a thorough overhaul at suvla. glyn and hankey both looked in upon me. it is a relief to have an outsider of hankey's calibre on the spot. he said, "thank god!" when he heard of k.'s cable, and urged birdie should be told off to take suvla in hand, in his stead. i suppose the g.s. have let him get wind of k.'s identical suggestion. as i told hankey, i have not yet made up my mind. but it would be an awkward job for birdie with all the anzacs to run, and no nearer suvla really--in point of time--than we are. nor is he staffed for so big a business. hankey has been too long away from executive work to realize that difficulty. but the decisive factor is this; that having been closely associated with him and with his work for a good many years, i know as hankey cannot know, how much of his strength lies in his personal touch and presence:--spread his powers too wide he loses that touch. felt the better for my talk with hankey. he can grasp the bigness of what we are up against and can yet keep his head and see that the game is worth the candle and that it is in our hands the moment we make up our minds to pay the price of the illuminant. have written to the chief of the imperial general staff saying:-- * * * * * "i have just been through a horrible mental crisis quite different from the ordinary anxiety of the battlefield, where i usually see what i think to be my way and chance it. i refer to freddy stopford. here is a man who has committed no fault; whose life-long conscientious study of his profession has borne the best fruits in letting him see the right thing to do and how it should be done. and yet he fails when many a man possessing not one quarter of his military qualifications carries on with flying colours. for there is no use beating about the bush now and, simply, he was not big enough in character to face up to the situation. it overwhelmed him. * * * * * "a month ago we had the turks down, undoubtedly and, whenever we could get a little ammunition together, we were confident we could take a line of trenches. as for their attacks, it was obvious their men were not for it. now their four new divisions of fine fighting material seem to have animated the whole of the rest of the force with their spirit, and the turks have never fought so boldly as they are doing to-day. they are tough to crack, but d.v., we will be the tougher of the two." _ th august, . imbros._ from his cable of the th, k. seems prepared to see me relieve mahon of his command. but mahon is a fighter and if i give him time to think over things a bit at mudros, he'll be sure to think better. i am sure the wisest course to take, is to take time. a lieutenant-general in the british army chucking up his command whilst his division is actually under fire--is a very unhappy affair. lord bobs used to say that a soldier asked, for the good of the cause, to serve as a drummer boy under his worst enemy should do so not only with alacrity but with joy. braithwaite agrees with me that we must just take the responsibility of doing nothing at all and of leaving him quietly to cool down at mudros. hill, who carries on, was the general in command at mitylene when i inspected there; he is a good fellow; he was anxious to push on upon that fatal th august at suvla and everyone says he is a stout fellow. have got the name of the doctor who upset the brasseys with his yarns. he declares he only retailed the tales of the wounded youngsters whom he tended. no more to be said. he has studied microbes extensively but one genus has clearly escaped his notice: he has never studied or grasped the fell methods of the microbes of rumour or panic. am i sure that i myself have not crabbed my own show a bit in telling the full story of our fight to k. this afternoon? no, i am by no means sure. "(no. m.f. .) from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. have thought it best to lay the truth fully before you, and am now able to give a complete _résumé_ of the past week's operations, and an appreciation of the situation confronting me. "in broad outline, my plan was to hold the turks in the southern zone by constant activity of french and viiith corps, and to throw all the reinforcements into the northern zone with the object of defeating the enemy opposite anzac, seizing a new base at suvla, and gaining a position astride the narrow part of the peninsula. with this object, i reinforced general birdwood with the xiiith division, th brigade, xth division, and th indian brigade, all of which were secretly dribbled ashore at anzac cove on the three nights preceding commencement of operations. this was done without arousing the suspicions of the enemy. arrangements were made for the xith division to land at suvla bay on the same night as general birdwood commenced his attack. meanwhile, the turks were deceived by ill-concealed preparations for landings on asiatic coast near mitylene, at enos, south of gaba tepe. "following is detailed plan of operations:-- * * * * * "on the afternoon of th august the viiith corps were to attack krithia trenches, and simultaneously general birdwood was to attack lone pine trenches on his right front, as though attempting to break out in this direction. in this way it was hoped to draw the turkish reinforcements towards krithia and gaba tepe and away from anzac's left and suvla bay. at p.m. general birdwood's main attack was to develop on his left flank, the turkish outposts were to be rushed and an advance made in several columns up the precipitous ravines leading to chunuk bair and the summit of hill , which it was hoped might be captured before daybreak. "as soon as the high ridge was in our hands an advance was to be made down the hill to take in the rear the trenches on baby (see enlarged map of anzac positions) and at the same time the troops in the original anzac position were to attack all along the line in an endeavour to break out and hurl the enemy off the sari bair. meanwhile the xith division was to commence landing . p.m. on th august, one brigade inside suvla bay, two brigades on shore to south were to seize and hold all hills covering bay and especially yilghin burnu and ismail oglu tepe on which enemy were believed to have guns which could bring fire to bear either on back of general birdwood's advance on hill , or on suvla bay. the ridge from anafarta sagir to aja liman was also to be lightly held. the xth division, less one brigade, was to follow xith division at daybreak and liiird division was held in general reserve. the livth division had not arrived and could not be employed in the first instance. "the moment stopford had fulfilled the above tasks, which, owing to the small number of the enemy in this neighbourhood and the absence of any organized system of trenches, were considered comparatively easy, he was to advance south-west through biyuk anafarta with the object of assisting birdwood in the event of his attack being held up. "reliable information indicated the strength of the enemy about suvla bay to be one regiment, one squadron and some gendarmerie with at most twelve guns, and events have shown that this estimate was correct. it was also believed that the enemy had , in the southern zone, , against anzac, and , in reserve. also , near keshan who could not arrive for three days and , on asiatic shore. "the attack by the viiith corps opposite krithia took place as arranged, but was met by determined opposition. some enemy trenches were captured, but the turks were found in great strength and full of fight. they counter-attacked repeatedly on the night of th/ th, and eventually regained the ground we had taken. prisoners captured stated that the turks had planned to attack us that night in any case which accounts for their strength. "in the northern zone general birdwood's afternoon attack was successful and lone pine trenches were captured by a most gallant australian assault. throughout the day, and for three successive days the enemy made repeated attempts to recapture the position, but each time were repulsed with severe loss. at p.m. the main advance on the left flank by the new zealanders, xiiith division, th brigade and cox's brigade began, and in spite of stupendous difficulties, moving by night in most difficult country, all enemy's posts in foot of hills were rushed and captured up to and including damakjelik bair. the enemy was partly surprised, but his reinforcements were all called up, and this, coupled with the extreme difficulty of the country, made it impossible to reach the crest of the hill that day or the following. the position immediately below the crest, however, was reached, and on the morning of the th, after severe fighting, two battalions of the xiiith division and gurkhas reached the top of kurt ketchede, and two battalions of new zealanders established themselves on the crest of the ridge at chunuk bair. "unfortunately, the troops on kurt ketchede were shelled off the ridge by our own gun fire, and were unable to recapture it; and hours later two battalions of the xiiith division, who had relieved tired new zealanders on chunuk bair, were driven back by determined daybreak assault, carried by the turks in many successive lines, shoulder to shoulder. our troops were too weary, and much too disorganized to make a counter-attack at that time, and could only maintain positions below crest. water supply, which had always been an anxiety, began to fail, and grave difficulties arose which prevented the possibility of reinforcing birdwood, and almost necessitated our giving up our gains. all this, however, has now been put right. "meanwhile, stopford's corps at suvla had landed most successfully, but, owing to lack of energy and determination on the part of leaders, and, perhaps, partly to the inexperience of the troops, had failed to take advantage of the opportunities as already reported. "the result is that my coup has so far failed. it was soon realized that it was necessary to give impetus to the ixth corps, and the liiird division was put in on th- th. by this time the livth division was available as general reserve. unfortunately, the liiird division broke in my hand, leaving me like a fencer with rapier broken, and by the time the livth division arrived the remaining troops of the corps were too tired and disorganized for further immediate effort. "the ixth corps holds the position from kiretch tepe sirt, bench mark ; sulajik; yilghin burnu, with right flank thrown south to connect with birdwood at kazlar chair. godley has picket between kazlar chair and damakjelik bair, whence his line runs south-east to the spur south of abdel rahman bair, thence south-west to square d, south-east again to within yards of point on chunuk bair, and thence back to the left of the anzac position. "de lisle has at his disposal the xth division, less one brigade, the xith, liiird and livth divisions; total rifles, owing to casualties, under , . the suvla losses have been too severe considering extent and nature of the fighting that has taken place, and can only be attributed to the inexperience of the troops and their leaders, and the daring way in which the enemy skirmishers presumed upon it in the broken and wooded country. birdwood has lost about , since the action began, and has now available some , rifles. the viiith corps has , rifles, and the french , rifles. "the turks have continued to be most active in the south, no doubt with the object of preventing us moving troops, but apparently they have now no more than , in this zone. the majority of the enemy commander's troops are against anzac and in reserve in the valley between hills and , his strategic flank. "in the northern zone, in the fighting line at suvla and anzac and in reserve he may now have in all , , and can either reinforce hill or issue through the gap between the two anafartas to oppose any attack on ismail oglu tepe or on the ridge running thence to anafarta sagir. he has guns on hill , on ismail oglu tepe, and on the ridge north of anafarta sagir from which he can shell landing places at suvla bay, but is not holding the latter ridge in strength, nor do i think he has enough troops to enable him to do so. "the position regarding the turkish reinforcements from keshan is not clear. only small parties have been located by aeroplanes marching south, and it appears that either this information was incorrect or that the enemy's forces had already got as far as the peninsula before fighting began. "i consider it urgently necessary to seize ismail oglu tepe and anafarta sagir at the earliest possible moment, and i have ordered de lisle to make the attempt at the earliest opportunity. i have also ordered birdwood to make a fresh attack on hill as soon as troops are reorganized and the difficulties of water supply solved, but for this he will require drafts and fresh troops. i have great hopes that these attacks may yet be successful, but it is impossible to disguise the fact that owing to the failure of the ixth corps to take advantage of opportunities and the fact that surprise may now be absent, and that the enemy is prepared and in much greater strength, my difficulties are enormously increased. in any case my cadres will be so depleted as a result of action that i shall need large reinforcements to enable me to bring the operations to a happy conclusion. "the turkish losses have been heavier than ours, and the total number of prisoners taken is , but i estimate that they have now in the peninsula at least , rifles to my , and they have all the advantage of position. they have, apparently, all the ammunition they need and obtain reinforcements as they are wanted. in particular, we have had no news of the arrival of the , troops reported to be at keshan, and only one of the asiatic divisions has as yet come over. i had hoped that their reinforcements would be of poor quality and not a match for ours but this is not the case, and unfortunately the turks have temporarily gained the moral ascendency over some of our new troops. if, therefore, this campaign is to be brought to an early and successful conclusion large reinforcements will have to be sent to me--drafts for the formations already here, and new formations with considerably reduced proportion of artillery. it has become a question of who can slog longest and hardest. "owing to the difficulty of carrying on a winter campaign, and the lateness of the season, these troops should be sent immediately. my british divisions are at present , under establishment, exclusive of about , promised or on the way. if this deficit were made up, and new formations totalling , rifles sent out as well, these, with the , rifles which i estimate i shall have at the time of their arrival, should give me the necessary superiority, unless the absence of other enemies allows the turks to bring up large additional reinforcements. "i hope you will realize how nearly this operation was a success complete beyond anticipation. the surprise was complete, and the army was thrown ashore in record time, practically without loss, and a little more push on the part of the ixth corps would have relieved the pressure on anzac, facilitated the retention of chunuk bair, secured suvla bay as a port, and threatened the enemy's right in a way that should have enabled anzac to turn a success into a great victory. "we are up against the turkish army which is well commanded and fighting bravely." after all's said and done the troops at helles and anzac are still perfectly game and we have got nearer our goal. we started forth to:-- * * * * * ( ) seize suvla bay; ( ) break out of anzac and join on to suvla; ( ) seize sari bair crestline; ( ) hold enough of the hinterland of suvla bay to make it a comfortable harbour. * * * * * ( ) and ( ) we have carried through handsomely. we have trebled our holding at anzac and we have put suvla bay in our pocket. ( ) we have not done; we are short of it by a couple of hundred yards; ( ) we have not done; it is a practicable harbour but subject certainly to annoyance. in honest, gambler's language, we have won a good stake but we have not broke the ottoman bank. de lisle reports confusion throughout suvla bay area. he _must_ have three or four days to pull the troops together before he organizes a fresh offensive. the ixth corps has been _un corps sans tête_. footnotes: [footnote : hankey belonged to the royal marine artillery.--ian h., .] [footnote : see appendix iv containing actual letter of instructions.--ian h., .] chapter xvii the last battle _ th august, . imbros._ freddie and i left in the _arno_ this morning; braithwaite and his boy val came with us. we sailed for suvla _via_ anzac and held a meeting which was nearer a council of war than anything up to date. dawnay, deedes and beadon stood by; so did generals skeen, hammersley and peyton. reed, c.g.s., ixth corps, was also present. the discussion of the steps to be taken within the next two or three days lasted an hour and a half. every one who spoke had studied the data and the ground and there was no divergence of view, which was a comfort. our attack will have as its objective the seizure of a foothold on the high ground. anzacs will co-operate. as i explained to the generals, we hardly dare hope to make a clean break through till drafts and fresh munitions arrive as the turks now have had too long to dig in. but if we can seize and keep a point upon the watershed (however small) from which we can observe the drop of our shell, we can knock out the landing places of the turks. at the end, i told them i had asked for , fresh rifles, , in new formations, , to bring my skeleton units up to strength, adding, that if i was refused that help then i felt government had better get someone cleverer than myself to put their fleet into the marmora. the generals seemed satisfied with my demands and sympathetic towards my personal attitude. as to the coming attack, the tone of the conference was hopeful. they agreed that the nut was hard for our enfeebled forces to crack, but they seemed to think that if we were once to get the enemy on the run, with the old th division and the new, keen yeomanry on their heels, we might yet go further than we expected. one brigade of the th division has been brought round from helles to put shape and form into the rd division. peyton's men are to be attached to the irish division. there is a new spirit of energy and hope in the higher ranks but the men have meanwhile been aimlessly marched and counter-marched, muddled, and knocked about so that their spirit has suffered in consequence. no end of yeomen on the beaches; the cream of agricultural england. many of them recognized me from my various home inspections. would like very much to have had a war inspection, but the enemy gunners are too inquisitive. de lisle tells me he has now been round every corner of suvla and that the want of grip throughout the higher command has been worse than he dared to put on paper. to reorganize will take several weeks; but we have to try and act within two or three days. skeen told us that when the turks stuck up a placard saying warsaw had fallen, the australians gave three hearty cheers. the chief trouble in making plans for the coming attack lies in the want of cover on, and for a mile inland of, the suvla bay beaches. the whole stretch of the flat land immediately east and south of the bay lies open to the turkish gunners. this is no longer a serious drawback if the men are holding lines of trenches. but when the trench system is not yet in working order, and they want to deploy, then it is so awkward a factor that i would have been prepared to turn the whole battle into a night attack. the others were not for it. they thought that the troops were not highly enough trained and had lost too many officers to be able to find their way over this country in the darkness. they are in immediate touch with the men: i am not. lindley asked if he might walk with me to the beach, and on the way down he told me frankly his division had gone to pieces and that he did not feel it in himself to pull it together again. very fine of him to make a clean breast of it, i thought, and said so: also advised him to put what he had told me into writing to de lisle, when we will relieve him and i promised for my part, to try and fit him with some honourable but less onerous job. on hammersley's report, sitwell, brigadier of the th brigade, th division, has just been relieved of his command. _ th august, . imbros._ sat sweating here, literally and metaphorically, from morn till dewy eve. king's messenger left in the evening. altham came over from mudros. he stays to-night and we will work together to-morrow when the mails are off my mind. hankey dined and left with the king's messenger by the _imogene_. he has been a real help. the staff has never quite cottoned to the chief among us takin' notes, but that is, i think, from a notion that it is not loyal to lord k. to press the p.m.'s p.s. too closely to their bosom. from my personal standpoint, it will be worth anything to us if, amidst the flood of false gossip pouring out by this very mail to our dardanelles committee, to the press, to egypt and to london drawing rooms, we have sticking up out of it, even one little rock in the shape of an eye-witness. a shocking aeroplane smash up within a few yards of us. a brilliant young officer (captain collet of the r.f.c.) killed outright and three men badly hurt. _ th august, ._ stayed in my tent keeping an eye on to-morrow. put through a lot with altham. am pressing him to hurry up with his canteens at helles, anzac and suvla. in may i cabled the q.m.g. begging him either to let me run a canteen on the lines of the south african field force canteen, myself; or, to run it from home, himself; or, to put the business into the hands of some private firm like the mess and canteen company, or lipton's, or harrods or anything he liked. in south africa we could often buy something. in france our troops can buy anything. here, had they each the purse of fortunatus, they could buy nothing. a matter this, i won't say of life and death, but of sickness and health. now, after three months without change of diet, the first canteen ship is about due. a mere flea bite of £ , worth. i am sending the whole of it to the anzacs to whom it will hardly be more use than a bun is to a she bear. only yesterday a letter came in from birdie telling me that the doctors all say that the sameness of the food is making the men sick. the rations are a. ., but his men now loathe the very look of them after having had nothing else for three months. birdie says, "if we could only get this wretched canteen ship along, and if, when she comes she contains anything like condiments to let them buy freely from her, i believe it would make all the difference in the world. but the fact remains that at present we cannot count on anything like a big effort from the men who have been here all these months." de robeck came over at p.m., by formal appointment, to talk business, and deadly serious business at that! he has heard, by cable i suppose, that the people at home will see him through if he sees his way to strike a blow with the fleet. he takes this as a pretty strong hint to push through, or, to make some sort of a battleship attack to support us. de robeck knows that when the fleet goes in our fighting strength goes up. but he can gauge, as i cannot, the dangers the fleet will thereby incur. every personal motive urges me to urge him on. but i have no right to shove my oar in--no right at all--until i can say that we are done unless the fleet do make an attack. can i say so? no; if we get the drafts and munitions we can still open the straits on our own and without calling on the sister service for further sacrifice. so i fell back on first principles and said he must attack if he thought it right from the naval point of view but that we soldiers did not call for succour or ask him to do anything desperate: "you know how we stand," i said; "do what is right from the naval point of view and as to what _is_ right from that point of view, i am no judge." the admiral went away: i have been no help to him but i can't help it. hardly had he gone when braithwaite (who had heard what was in the wind by a side wind) came and besought me to try and induce the admiral to slip his battleships at the straits. all the younger men of war are dying to have a dash, he said. that's as it may be but my mind is clear. if a sailor on land is a fish out of water, a soldier at sea is like a game cock in a duckpond. when de robeck said on march nd he wanted the help of the whole army that was quite in order. he would not have been in order--at least, i don't think so--had he said in what manner he wanted the army to act after it had got ashore. we are being helped now by the navy; daily, hourly: we could not exist without the fleet; but it is not for me to say i think the battleships should or should not take chances of mines and torpedoes. brodrick is quite seedy. we are all afraid he won't be able to stick it out much longer although he is making the most heroic efforts. in the morning i attended the funeral of young collet, killed yesterday so tragically. a long, slow march through heavy sand all along the beach to kephalos; then up through some small rocky gullies, frightfully hot, until, at last, we reached a graveyard. the congregation numbered many of the poor boy's comrades who seemed much cut up about his untimely end. the p.m. has answered my cable to lord k. asking for , rifles to fill up and for , fresh rifles. k. is in france, he says, and i will have my answer when he gets back. the th royal scots are down to rank and file. i have just cabled about them. something must be done. certainly it must be "out" for that particular unit if they don't very soon get some men. the war office still refer to them as a battalion! _ st august, ._ sailed for suvla about o'clock with braithwaite, aspinall, dawnay, deedes, ellison, pollen and maitland. the first time i have set forth with such a staff. not wishing to worry de lisle, i climbed up to the karakol dagh, whence i got something like a bird's eye view of the arena which was wrapt from head to foot in a mantle of pearly mist. assuredly the ancients would have ascribed this phenomenon to the intervention of an immortal. nothing like it had ever been seen by us until that day and the cloud--mist--call it what you will--must have had an unfortunate bearing on the battle. on any other afternoon the enemy's trenches would have been sharply and clearly lit up, whilst the enemy's gunners would have been dazzled by the setting sun. but under this strange shadow the tables were completely turned; the outline of the turkish trenches were blurred and indistinct, whereas troops advancing from the Ã�gean against the anafartas stood out in relief against a pale, luminous background. as a result of our instructions; of conferences and of the war council we had got our plan perfectly clear and ship-shape. everyone understood it. the th division was corps reserve and was lying down in mass about the old hill in the scrub. we had to trust to luck here as they were under the enemy's fire if they were spotted. but very strict orders as to keeping low and motionless had been issued and we had just to hope for the best. the yeomanry were also corps reserve at lala baba where they were safe. but when they advanced, supposing they had to, they would have to cross a perfectly open plain under shell fire. this was the special blot on the scheme but there was no getting away from it. there was no room for them in the front line trenches and communication trenches to the front had not yet been dug. as to the attack:--on the extreme right the anzacs and indian brigade were to push out from damakjelik bair towards hill . next to them in the right centre the th division was to push for the trenches at hetman chair. on the left centre the th division were to storm the now heavily entrenched hill . holding that and ismail oglu tepe we should command the plateau between the two anafartas; knock out the enemy's guns and observation posts commanding suvla bay, and should easily be able thence to work ourselves into a position whence we will enfilade the rear of the sari bair ridge and begin to get a strangle grip over the turkish communications to the southwards. from the extreme left on kiretch tepe sirt by the sea, to sulajik where they joined the th division the rd and th divisions were simply holding the line. only the broad outline of the fighting was visible through the dim twilight atmosphere and i have not yet got any details. our bombardment began at . and lasted till p.m., very inadequate in duration but the most our munitions would run to. then, to the accompaniment of quick battery salvoes of shrapnel from the enemy and a heavy rattle of musketry, the whole line from about a mile due east of the easternmost point of the salt lake down to damakjelik bair, nearly two miles, began to stir and move eastwards. we had the joy of seeing the turks begin to clear out of the trenches on hill , and by . p.m. it seemed as if distinct progress was being made: about that time it was i saw the yeomen marching in extended order over the open ground to the south of the salt lake in the direction of hetman chair. the enemy turned a baddish shrapnel fire on to them, and although they bore it most unflinchingly, old experience told me that their nervous fighting energy was being used up all the time. if only these men could have been brought within charging distance, fresh and unbroken by any ordeal! but here was just one of the drawbacks of the battlefield and no getting over it. after a bit, i went down to de lisle and found him sitting on a little spur about fifty yards from his own headquarters with one of his staff officers. he was smoking a pipe--quite calm. there is usually nothing to be said or to be done once our war dogs have been slipped. a soldier might as well try to correct the aim of his bullet after he has pulled the trigger! whilst i was there we heard--probably about . --that the th division had captured the turkish first line trenches which run north and south of hetman chair. real good news this. we were considerably bucked up. climbed back to karakol dagh but, from that time onwards, could make out nothing of the course of the battle save that ismail oglu tepe was not yet taken. as to knoll , it was completely shrouded in dust and smoke. sometimes it seemed as if the turkish guns were firing against it; sometimes we thought they were our own. far away by kaiajik aghala things looked well as many enemy shrapnel were bursting there or thereabouts showing our men must have got home. by . it had become too dark to see anything. the dust mingling with the strange mist, and also with the smoke of shrapnel and of the hugest and most awful blazing bush fire formed an impenetrable curtain. as the light faded the rifles and guns grew silent. so i clambered down off my perch and went again to de lisle's post of command where i found him still sitting. he had seen no more than i had seen. the bulk of our reserves had been thrown in. no more news had come to hand. all was quiet now. our _rôle_, in fact, was finished, and marshall, the man on the spot, by now held our destinies in his hands. firm hands too. the telephone was working all right and i told de lisle to try and get a message through to him quickly saying that i hoped he would be able to dig in and hold fast to whatever he had gained. i have no fears about de lisle's nerve; nor of marshall's. went on board and sailed for headquarters, through darkness made visible by the fires blazing on the battlefield. no shooting. got on the wires and found no news from anzac nor more from de lisle. crossed backwards and forwards the best part of the night between my tent and the g.s. tent, but de lisle had heard nothing definite enough to report. brodrick still has fever. ruthven has been wounded. _ nd august, ._ suvla gone wrong again; anzac right. left g.h.q. at o'clock with braithwaite, commodore keyes, captain phillimore, aspinall, beadon, freddy and val in the _arno_ and went direct to anzac. there i picked up birdie and heard the anzac part of the battle. the indian brigade have seized the well at kabak kuyu, and that fine soldier, russell, fixed himself into kaiajik aghala and is holding on there tooth and nail. there was fighting going on there at the moment but russell is confident. how delightful it is to have to deal with men who are confident! this success of old cox's is worth anything. the well alone, i suppose, might be valued at twenty or thirty thousand a year seeing it gives us beautiful spring water in free gift from mother earth instead of very dubious fluid conveyed at god only knows what cost from the nile to anzac cove. if we can only hold on to kaiajik aghala, then the road between anzac and suvla will be freed from the sniper's bullet. went on to suvla and landed with all my posse, remaining in consultation with corps headquarters till . . our attack on hill and ismail oglu tepe has failed. the enemy has dug himself well in by now and, therefore, we depended far more on our gun fire than we did on the th, th, th and th. unfortunately, the bombardment seems to have been pretty near futile--not the fault of the gunners, but simply because, on the one hand, the mist interfered with the accuracy of their aim, on the other, shortage of shell prevented them from making up for inaccuracy by quantity. then the bush fires seem to have come along in the most terrible fashion and interposed between our brave th and the turks. the ancient gods fought against us yesterday:--mist and fire, still hold their own against the inventions of man. last but not least, all are agreed the fine edge of the th division has been at last blunted--and small wonder: there is no use attacking any more with the new army until it has been well rested and refreshed with new drafts. so far de lisle has no clear or connected story of the battle. the th division say they were shouldered off their true line of attack by the th division, then driven in by the fire; the th division, on their side, say that the yeomen barged into them and threw them off their line. had we been able to dig in we would have made good a lot of ground. but marshall, not showy or brilliant but one of my most sound and reliable soldiers, decided, although he knew my wishes and hopes, that the troops had got themselves so mixed up and disorganized that it would be imprudent. so orders were issued by him, on the battlefield, to fall back to the original line. there was neither use nor time to refer back to de lisle and he had to come to the decision himself. i am quite confident he will be able to give good reasons for his act. many of the men did not get the order and were still out at daylight this morning when they were heavily attacked by the turks and fell back then of themselves into their old trenches. another case of "as you were." we have lost a lot of men and can only hope that the turks have lost as many. i don't think for a moment they did, not at least in the suvla bay sphere, but cox and russell claim to have accounted for a very great number of them in their first retreat and in their counter-attacks in the southern sector of the battle. _ rd august, . imbros._ not one moment, till to-day, to weigh bearing of k.'s message of the th instant,--the message sent me in reply to my appeal for , fresh troops and , drafts. in it k. tells me that a big push is going to take place in the western theatre, and that i "must understand that no reinforcements of importance can be diverted from the main theatre of operations in france." certain named transports are carrying, he says, more troops to egypt, and he hopes maxwell will be able to spare me some. if we can't get through with these we must hang on as best we may. to-day it has been up to us to try and bring home to the higher direction the possible effects of trying to do two things at once; i.e., break through in france and break through here. we are to stand aside for a month or so just when we have made a big gain of ground but not the decisive watershed gain; when the turks, despite their losses in life, shell, trenches and terrain, are shaken only; not yet shattered. k. sees all the allied cards--we don't. but we do know our own hand. we know that our navy have now come clean down on the Ã�gean side of the fence, and have determined once for all to make no attack on their own. we have the _feel_ of the situation in our bones and it was up to us--i _think_ it was--to rub it in that although the british war direction may decree that the dardanelles are to hang on without further help, indefinitely, yet sickness is not yet under their high command, nor are the turks. so dawnay, who is making a name for himself as a master of plain business diction, was told off to draft me an answer to the war office which should remove as many beams as possible out of their optics. he overdid it: the whole tone of it indeed was despondent, so much so that, as i told braithwaite, a s. of s. for war getting so dark a presentment of our prospects would be bound to begin to think it might be better to recall the whole expedition. so i rewrote the whole thing myself:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to secretary of state for war. we will endeavour to do the best possible with forces at our disposal; we quite understand reason for your inability to send us reinforcements necessary to bring operations to a successful conclusion, and thank you for putting it so plainly. after the failure of the ixth corps to take prompt action after landing i took immediate steps to persevere with plan in spite of absence of surprise and reinforced northern wing with nd mounted division from egypt and xxixth division from cape helles. these movements and the necessary reorganization of the ixth corps formations which had become very mixed took time, so that i was not able to renew the attack until st august. "by then enemy positions in ratilva valley had been immeasurably strengthened and i was confronted with the difficulty that if i could not drive the turks back between anafarta sagir and biyuk anafarta my new line from right of old anzac position to sea coast north-east of suvla bay would be more than i could hold with the troops at my disposal. it would thus be a case of giving up either anzac cove or suvla bay. therefore, as a preliminary step to my fresh offensive i determined to mass every man available against ismail oglu tepe which position it was necessary for me to capture whether as a first step towards clearing the valley, or, if this proved impossible and i was thrown on the defensive, to secure comparative immunity from shell fire either for suvla bay or anzac cove. "de lisle planned the attack well. the liiird and the livth divisions were to hold enemy from sulajik to kiretch tepe sirt, and xxixth division and xith division were to attack ismail oglu tepe with two brigades of xth division and the iind mounted division ( , rifles) in corps reserve. i arranged that general birdwood should co-operate by swinging his left flank to susak kuyu and kaiajik aghala. "the troops attacked with great dash and stormed the lower slopes of the hill in spite of strong entrenchments, but i regret to say they were not able to attain their objective nor even to consolidate the position gained and yesterday found the whole line back in their original trenches except the left of the australians where one battalion of gurkhas and new australian battalion continue to hold susak kuyu. casualties not yet to hand, but i fear they amounted to some , in all. this renewed failure combined with the heavy total casualties since th august, and the fact that sickness has been greatly on the increase during the last fortnight has profoundly modified my position, and as you cannot now give me further reinforcements it is only possible for me to remain on the defensive. naturally, i shall keep on trying to harry the turks by local attacks and thus keep alive the offensive spirit but it must be stated plainly that no decisive success is to be looked for until such time as reinforcements can be sent. "the total casualties including sick since th august amount to , , and my total force is now only , , of which the fighting strength is , . the french fighting strength is about , . sick casualties are becoming abnormal chiefly owing to troops other than late arrivals being worn out with hardship and incessant shell fire, from which even when in reserve they are never free. where anzac evacuated a day they are now evacuating , where royal naval division evacuated they are now evacuating . the result is that i have only some , men in the north to hold a line from the right of anzac to the sea north-east of suvla, a distance of , yards. "when there is no serious engagement, but only daily trench fighting, the average net wastage from sickness and war is per cent. of fighting strength per month. the anzac corps, the xxixth division and the xliind division are very tired and need a rest badly. keeping these conditions in view, it appears inevitable that within the next fortnight i shall be compelled to relinquish either suvla bay or anzac cove, and must also envisage the possibility of a still further reduction of my front in the near future. taking the first question of abandoning anzac cove and closing to the north, suvla bay is now netted and comparatively secure from torpedo attack. further, it offers certain facilities for disembarkation in winter gales. it has, therefore, some decided advantages but though i should be able to hold it safely at present, it would present no facilities for further contraction of my line to meet the future wastage of my force. on the other hand, by retiring south of suvla i could first hold a line lala baba--yilghin burnu--kaiajik aghala, and then, when normal wastage diminished my strength below this limit i could, if necessary, withdraw into the original anzac position. for these reasons it must probably be suvla and not anzac which must be given up, though on account of its advantages as indicated above, and on account of the moral effect of retiring, you may rely on my not relinquishing it a single day before i am compelled. "i do not wish to paint a gloomy picture. it is a simple problem of arithmetic and measurement. on the basis of normal wastage and the present scale of drafts my total fighting strength by the middle of december, including the french, will be only, say, , . of this force, a certain percentage must of necessity be resting off the peninsula, and the remainder will only suffice to hold cape helles and the original anzac line unless, of course, the enemy collapses. until now, however, the turks replace casualties promptly, although frequently by untrained men. also our other foe, sickness, may abate, but seeing how tired are the bulk of my force, i doubt if it would be wise to reckon on this." at . , red hot from france, there arrived in camp byng (to command the th corps), maude and fanshawe (to command divisions); also tyrrell and byng's a.d.c., sir b. brooke, nephew of my old friend, harry brooke. all three generals remained for lunch and then the two divisionals made off respectively to the th and th divisions. byng and brooke stayed and dined. these fellows seem pretty cheery. maude especially full of ardour which will, i hope, catch on. _ th august, . imbros._ been resolving yesterday's long cable. how often it happens that a draft letter, if only it is well put, fixes the mind into its grooves. my words were brighter than dawnay's but the backbone was not really me. no one knows better than myself that a great deal more than arithmetic or measurement will be needed to make me give ground at suvla. the truth is, it is infinitely difficult to spur these high folk on without frightening them; and then, if you frighten them, you may frighten them too much. that's why cables are no substitutes for converse. to a commander standing in my shoes, the forces of the infidels are not one half of the battle. the wobblers sit like nightmares on my chest. "tell them the plain truth" cries conscience. what is the plain truth? where is it? is it in dawnay's draft, or is it in my message, or does it lie stillborn in some cable unwritten? god knows--i don't! but one thing at least is true:--to steer a course between an optimism that deprives us of support and a pessimism that may wreck the whole enterprise, there indeed is a scylla and charybdis problem, a two-horned dilemma, or whatever words may best convey the notion of the devil. the blessed cable is now lying on the well-known desk where k. will frown at it through his enormous spectacles. then he calls the adjutant-general and tells him hamilton must be mad as all his formations are full to overflowing and yet he says he is , short. next enters the master-general of the ordnance with a polite bow and k. tells him hamilton must be delirious as he keeps on raving for shell, bombs, grenades although as he, von donop, knows well, he has been sent more guns and explosives than any man has ever enjoyed in war. impossible to be so disrespectful to the field marshal or so inconsiderate to their department as to reject the soft impeachment. how easily do the great ones of this world kid themselves back into a comfortable frame of mind! then k. stalks off to the dardanelles committee. turns out that cox and russell did even better than birdwood had thought in the fighting on the st and the morning of the nd. they have killed more turks and the line held runs well out to the north-east and quite a good long way to the north of kaiajik aghala. byng left to take over his command. davies came over from helles and stayed for dinner. the _imogene_ sailed in with mails. news by wireless of german naval defeat in the baltic and italian declaration of war against turkey. well, that part at least of k.'s aspirations has come off; we have dragged in italy. now--will she send us a contingent? davies dined. with his ideas still framed on western standards he puts it forcibly, not to say ferociously, that we must, must, _must_ be given our fair share of trench mortars, bombs and gun ammunition. fresh from france he watched the artillery preparation at helles and (although we had thought it rather grand) says we simply don't know what the word bombardment means. instead of seeing, as in the western theatre, an unbroken wall of flame and smoke rising above the enemy trenches about to be stormed, here he saw a sprinkling of shells bursting at intervals of yards or so--a totally different effect. and yet the turks are as tough as the germans and take as much hammering! when i read the british press, starved and yet muzzled, i feel as if i could render my country no better service than to kill my friend the censor and write them one or two articles. by surprise either army can bulge in a sector of the opposing lines but, until one army loses its _moral_, neither army can break through. an engine will be found to restore marches and manoeuvres but, at this historic moment, our tactics are at that stage. to break through, armies must advance some six or seven miles; otherwise they can't bag the enemy's big guns. but, the backbone of their attack, their own guns, can't support them when they get beyond five or six miles. the enemy reserves come in; they come at last to a stop. a three or four mile advance _should_ be easy enough, but, in the west, that would mean just three or four miles of land; nothing more. but _here_, those three or four miles--nay, two or three miles--(so ineffective in france) are an objective in themselves; they give us the strategical hub of the universe--constantinople! suppose even that by paying the cost in lives we did succeed in driving the germans over the rhine, still we stand to gain less than by taking this one little peninsula! a quarter of the energy they are about to develop for the sake of getting back a few miles of _la belle france_ could give us asia; africa; the balkans; the black sea; the mouths of the danube: it would enable us to swap rifles for wheat with the russians; more vital still, it would tune up the hearts of the russian soldiery to the anglo-saxon pitch. victory by killing germans is a barbarous notion and a savage method. a thrust with small forces at a weak spot to bring the enemy to their knees by loss of provinces, resources and prestige is an artistic idea and a scientific stroke: the one stands for a cudgel blow, the other for rapier play. we take it for granted that we have to "push" in france and flanders; that we _have_ to exhaust ourselves in forcing the invaders back over their own frontiers. whereas, content to "hold" there, we might push wherever else we wished. i can well understand that a frenchman should say, "let the world go hang provided i get back my _patrie_, whole; undivided and at once." indeed, only the other day, one of the best french generals here, after speaking of the decisive, world-embracing consequences of a victory at the dardanelles, went on to say, "but we ought to be in france." seeing my surprise he added, "yes, i am quite illogical, i admit, but until our nine _departements_ are freed from the boche, world strategy and tactics may go to the devil for me." have been writing my weekly budget. part of my letter to k. harks back to the first suvla landing, and tries to give him a better notion of the failure to profit by the enemy's surprise. not that i have yet got any very clear conception of the detail myself. no coherent narrative does, in fact, exist. new troops, new staff, new generals, heavy losses, have resulted in the confusions, gaps and contradictions still obscuring the story of those first few days. now that i am getting more precise news about what fighting there was, it seems clear that this great mass of young, inexperienced troops failed simply because their leaders failed to grasp the urgency of the time problem when they got upon the ground, although, as far as orders and pen and ink could go, it had been made perfectly clear. but, in face of the turk, things wore another and more formidable shape. had lord bobs been commander of the th corps; yes, just think of it! how far my memory carries me back. every item needed for the rapid advance: water, ammunition, supplies and mules closely and personally checked and counter-checked. once the troops landed a close grip kept on the advance. at the first sign of a check nothing keeps him from the spot. the troops see him. in an hour they are up upon the crest. so far, so good. we had not another lord bobs and it would not have been reasonable of us to expect him. but when i come to the failure of the st, where i have a seasoning of regulars--as well as a commander of energy--still we do not succeed. this time, no doubt, the enemy were on the scene in force and had done ten days' digging; the non-success, in fact, may be traced to the loss of the element of surprise; energy, in fact, was met by preparation. the battle had to be fought like a manoeuvre battle and yet the enemy were ready for us, more or less, and already fairly well entrenched. since the morning of the th the chances had been rising steadily against us. still, even so, the lack of precise detail baffles me almost as much as in the case of the first suvla landing. chapter xviii misunderstandings _ th august, . imbros._ davies left for helles at mid-day. was to have gone with him but heard that bailloud with captain lapruin would like to see me, so stayed to receive them. have got k.'s answer to my cable pointing out the probable results of his declared intention of sending us no "reinforcements of importance" during an indeterminate period. "(no. , cipher). from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. your no. . you will, i hope, fully discuss the situation described by you with birdwood and the generals who have just joined you, and, when a thorough examination on the ground of the whole state of affairs has been made, give me the opinion at which you arrive. "it has been a sad disappointment to me that the troops have not been able to do better, and that the drafts and reinforcements sent out to you and egypt, excluding any you have drawn from egypt, amounting from th august to , , have not proved sufficient to enable you to contemplate holding your positions." braithwaite and i have been electrified by this reference to , drafts and reinforcements: it is so much greek to us here: had there been any question of reinforcements coming to us on that scale, my of rd august would never have been sent. on the heels of this has followed another:-- * * * * * "(no. , cipher). from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. my no. . i hope that the result of your deliberations will reach me by friday morning, as the decision to be taken is one of considerable importance." i have replied off the reel:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. with reference to your telegrams nos. and . i feel sure you cannot think i would be capable of sending a telegram of such import as my no. m.f. without the deepest consideration and sense of my personal responsibility which remains unaffected by any amount of conferences with my subordinate commanders. i was careful in this instance, however, to discuss the situation on the spot with both corps commanders concerned and i then cabled you my considered opinion. i constantly visit both suvla and anzac and have personally thoroughly examined the state of affairs. in view of your telegram no. , cipher, i do not understand your allusion to , drafts and reinforcements from th august as we have not been advised of any such number as , . i felt bound to lay the case plainly before you as to what might have to be undertaken, though i do not contemplate giving up any position one hour before i need. if the present wastage from sickness continues, however, and if my cadres are allowed to fall below their present attenuated strength i may be compelled to undertake such a step as i have indicated." bailloud arrived at tea time. away from piépape he is another person. at dinner, he cracked jokes even about serious things like the guns of asia. brodrick was carried off to the hospital ship. the doctors think there should be no real danger. we shall all miss him very much; as an aide he has been a. .; sympathetic and thoughtful. braithwaite dined to meet bailloud. _ th august, ._ after clearing my table and taking early lunch, started off in the _arno_ with c.g.s., pollen, freddie and val. sailed for suvla and went up straight to see byng, brought by the whirl of fortune's wheel from a french chateau to a dugout. during the two days he has been here, he has been working very hard. i hope he may not too regretfully look back towards _la belle france_. our old "a" beach was being briskly shelled as we walked down to our boats. between hill and the sea there were salvoes of shrapnel falling and about every thirty seconds a big fellow, probably a six incher, made a terrible hullaballoo. the men working at piling up stores "carried on." [illustration: general bailloud _"exclusive news" phot._] when we got back to g.h.q. there was a heavy thunderstorm in progress. mail bag closed . . during our inspection at suvla this "personal" from k. to myself has been deciphered:-- * * * * * "(no. , cipher). from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. personal. i considered it advisable, that as the decision the government may have to come to on your no. is one of grave importance, the generals out there should previously fully consider the situation on the gallipoli peninsula; hence my no. . it was intended to obviate any possibility of overlooking points and in such cases two or more heads sometimes elucidate matters that might otherwise be missed or not given due weight to. it was in no way intended thereby to detract from the importance of your views on the subject or to minimise your personal responsibility for them. "i have no idea of the french generals' views on the matter, and you were apparently not fully considering the drafts and reinforcements that were being sent out. "a detailed telegram is being sent you from the office of the , men mentioned in my no. . "i hope that the return of younghusband's brigade from aden to egypt will still further increase these in a day or two (less one battalion). "but you should look on the forces in egypt and your own as a whole, allowing, of course, for the proper defence of egypt, when you take the general situation at the dardanelles into consideration. "do you think the navy could do anything more than they are already doing to help the situation? i hear it is thought that they could land heavy naval -inch guns on positions such as those in square m and other points, and might threaten from aja liman the main road of turkish supplies between karna bili and solvili (by gunfire from ships) and also bring a heavy and effective shell fire on the turkish positions at and behind anafarta. there is a cabinet to-morrow." i would much like to sleep over this cable--so plain seemingly; really so obscure. at face value, how splendidly it simplifies the dardanelles problem! had i been, all along, as this cable seems to make me, the c.-in-c. of the eastern mediterranean with maxwell administering my egyptian base, then, humanly speaking, this entry would have been dated from constantinople. but am i? i can't believe it even now, with the words before me. anyway, whether by my own fault or those of others, one thing is certain, namely, that up to date there has been misunderstanding. now, the cabinet of to-morrow forces me to send a momentous wire without too much time to think it over. to clear my brain let me set down the sequence of facts as they have so far appeared to me:-- * * * * * less than a week ago-- th inst.--k. cables me he is sending certain units to egypt and certain other units to the dardanelles. the units and their ships are named. he says there is going to be a big push in france and that i must look to these troops, earmarked for the dardanelles, plus any i "can obtain from egypt" to carry on. he winds up by saying, "it is hoped the troops going to egypt will enable maxwell to send you more fighting men on your demand." this same assumption that the g.o.c., egypt, and myself are two equals each having equal command over his own troops, is fully borne out by another cable of the st august. my cable of rd august is based on these messages; i.e. on the idea that we must carry on here for a good long time to come with very little to help us. then comes k.'s of the th telling me he is sorry , drafts and reinforcements he has sent to maxwell and myself since th august are not going to be enough to enable me to hold on. but no one can make head or tail of these , drafts and reinforcements; no one can run them to ground. he has notified me the units and the ships, but the total coming to maxwell _and_ myself don't tot up to that figure, much less the portion of them detailed for the dardanelles.[ ] now comes to-day's cable in which egypt is spoken of as being mine, and the fatness thereof. taking this message _per se_, any one might imagine i could draw any troops i liked from that country provided that _i_ thought _i_ was leaving enough to defend the suez canal: and, apparently, the , men are about to make an effort to materialize inasmuch as we are told that details are being wired us. finally, younghusband's brigade sails to help us! _ th august, . imbros._ as there is a cabinet to-day i had to get off my answer last night. in it i have made a desperate effort to straighten out the tangle:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. on returning from suvla i have just found your no. , cipher. i hope there may be no misunderstanding as to meaning or intention of my no. m.f. . i asked in my no. m.f. for such drafts and reinforcements as i considered necessary for the campaign to be brought to a conclusion before the winter began. you told me in your no. that you could spare no more reinforcements beyond those mentioned therein, and that if i could not achieve success with these i must remain on the defensive for some considerable time. i explained situation in my no. m.f. , and said that the question was one of arithmetic and measurement. i was anxious to hold all i had got and to gain more, but i required all my available force at the present time merely to hold what i had got. i pointed out that meanwhile a large proportion of my troops were urgently in need of rest, and sickness was so great that unless reinforcements were sent out my force would soon be too small for the number of yards of front to be held. in that case, i.e., if reinforcements could not be spared, but in that case only, it would be necessary to contract my line. this welcome news of , reinforcements, however, alters the whole situation. such a number will do much to complete my diminished cadres, and should materially lessen sick rate by giving more chance of taking tired troops out of the trenches. byng can certainly remain where he is at present, and will even be able to rest some of the tired xxixth division, while the arrival of the australian brigade will give general birdwood a similar chance of resting some of his troops. "general birdwood meanwhile is to make a further advance to-morrow on the left flank, to gain possession of important tactical feature, which will eventually help an advance when the time arrives. byng is getting everything in order and has infected all around him with his own energy and cheeriness and has quickly grasped the whole situation. "in communication with maxwell i find i can have seven territorial force units and the scottish horse, and now i have your welcome news of younghusband's brigade. please believe i am the last man in the world to give up anything we have gained except under direct necessity, which i trust may now never arise. the navy is supporting me to its full capacity. the guns of the four ships in suvla bay take on the turkish positions you mention almost as well as and certainly more safely than if they were landed and placed where you suggest. moreover, navy cannot lend those guns unless i supply the detachments to work them from the naval division, and the latter is fully employed at present and cannot spare the men. we are constantly sending ships round to aja liman to fire at enemy positions from there, but i know you realize that one must not rely too much upon effective fire on land targets from ships which are not moored, as is the case in suvla bay. "i have not consulted the french general about the situation in the north as he is at the southern end and on the right of the line there. he thinks more of asia than of these operations in which he has no troops engaged, but i discussed the matter with him only last night. before i sent my no. m.f. i discussed every point closely for two hours with the corps commanders." in the evening my a.g. brought me the promised details of the , drafts and reinforcements. he has gone into the detail in proper a.g. spirit, namely, as an arithmetician rather than a tactician. the result has given us a shock! , men of the th division and , drafts are shown in the war office cable as being still due to come to me as reinforcements whereas they had actually landed on the peninsula; had, indeed, been shown in my total fighting strength of , in my original cable, m.f. of rd august, and are, too many of them, alas already _hors de combat_. here is the passage sent four days ago:--"the total casualties including sick since th august amount to , , and my total force is now only , of which the fighting strength is , ." in this , were included , of the men shown in _subsequent_ war office cables as being drafts and reinforcements on their way to the dardanelles! so my a.g. has become a bit suspicious about the balance of the , . on paper, he says, it looks as if i might expect to draw from egypt and england , reinforcements, but--he remarks sententiously--"we know by now that paper is one thing and men are different." as to younghusband's brigade, it turns out they cannot be employed here: too many mahomedans. have sent the following reply:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to secretary of state for war. with reference to your telegram no. , cipher. have now received details of the , drafts and reinforcements in your no. cipher, and i find that this figure includes nearly , men of the livth division and , drafts, all of whom had been landed on the peninsula when i wrote my no. m.f. , and were reckoned in the total fighting strength of , mentioned in that telegram. the statement, however, shows that i can expect from england and egypt during the next six weeks a total of some , reinforcements, including new formations and two battalions of non-fighting lines of communication troops. "this is a better situation than i was led by your , cipher, to expect, and you may rely on me to do the best i can with this addition to my present very depleted strength. i hope, however, you realize that whereas my british divisions are now more than , rifles below their establishment only , of these , are drafts, and before the last of the drafts can arrive these divisions will have lost another per cent. of their remaining number by normal wastage. "in regard to younghusband's brigade, i learn that the three battalions are practically half mahomedans, and i am advised that it is better if it can be avoided not to use mahomedans so near the heart of islam. would it not be possible to exchange these for some hindu regiments in france?" these cables give us an uncomfortable feeling that the people at home wish to regard us as stronger than we are--a different thing from wishing to add to our strength. on the other hand, another sort of message has come in which sheds a ray of hope across our path so darkened at many other points:-- "(no , cipher). from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. although it is understood that we do not at present see our way to change the recent decision not to send any fresh complete divisional units, we wish to have all the material possible on which to form a judgment from time to time. therefore, will you please telegraph me your opinion, from the point of view of the military and strategical situation now existing on the peninsula, as to the prospects there are, after the experience you have recently had, of our achieving the main objective of turning the turks out and what force you would consider would be required to do this." taylor of the g.s. lunched. a big parcel mail came in. brodrick is to be sent to alexandria. _ th august, . imbros._ braithwaite and i both feel we must take time to think over last night's last cable and i have wired to say so. cox's attack on knoll to the north-east of kaiajik aghala came off well. the new zealanders under russell and the connaught rangers did brilliantly. fighting is still going on. a reply from the war office to mine of last week wherein i pointed out that the once splendid th battalion royal scots had fallen from a strength of , down to . they have had no one since the campaign began. to-day the battalion is just over --a company! now i am officially told that "no reinforcements can be found for the / th battalion of royal scots." this is the battalion which did so well about o'clock on the dreadful night of the nd may. i shall cable the lord provost of edinburgh. if we could get into touch with the human beings of edinburgh they would help us to keep a battalion like the royal scots on their legs even if they had to break up half a dozen new formations for the purpose. freddie and i dined with de robeck on board h.m.s. _triad_. the v.a. was well pleased with my cable of the th. _ th august, . imbros._ last night two cables:-- * * * * * "(no. , cipher. c.i.g.s.). from war office to general headquarters, mediterranean expeditionary force. reference your no. m.f.q.t. . the two territorial force battalions originally detailed--_see_ my no. of th august--to sail in the _orsova_ will be taken by the _ceramic_. of these, the / th devons is only about strong and contains a large percentage of recruits, while the / th royal scots contains about per cent. partially trained men and a new commanding officer who has only just been appointed. until it has had further training neither battalion is fit for anything more than garrison duty. i suggest that under these circumstances the _ceramic_ should proceed direct to egypt." "(no. , cipher, /a. .). from war office to inspector-general of communications, mediterranean expeditionary force. we are receiving from malta and alexandria very large demands for materials and explosives for making grenades. the supply of these seriously interferes with our manufacture of grenades. at present we are hoping to send you to , grenades weekly and this figure will be increased. when the materials already sent out to malta and alexandria have been used up, can the manufacture of grenades at those places cease? please reply at once; the matter is urgent." do what i will my pen carries me away and i find myself writing like an ill-conditioned "grouser." as an old war office "hand" i ought to know--and i do know--the frightful time of stress under which whitehall labours. but, just look at these two cables, you innocent and peaceful citizen of a thousand years hence! the residue of the famous , rifles sent me by the adjutant-general are now being valued by the official valuer, the chief of the imperial general staff. in all our calculations the / th devons has hitherto masqueraded as an efficient battalion at full strength. figures are sometimes more eloquent than words! as to the second cable, that deals us a worse blow. seeing clearly, at last, we should extract no hand grenades from the war office, we turned to maxwell and methuen, who have interested themselves in our plight and have been making us so many that, with what we ourselves can add to their manufacture, we are at last beginning to make things hum in the turkish trenches. then in comes this war office cable to crush our nascent industry and give us in exchange some pious aspirations. there is no good making any trouble about the hand grenades. as to the two raw battalions, i am asking they be sent, raw and weak as they are, as i can train them in the trenches much better and more quickly than they could be trained in egypt or england. church parade; office work; sailed over to "k" beach; inspected clearing stations and walked up to site for new camp. then back to g.h.q., to meet the v.a. and roger keyes. they remain the best of friends always. this evening we were all in good form owing to the news from anzac. knoll , now ours throughout, commands the biyuk anafarta valley with view and fire--a big tactical scoop. _ th august, . imbros._ still good news from anzac. seeing that the stunt was on a small scale, we seem to have got into the turks with a vengeance. in falling back as well as in counter-attacking after we had taken hill , the enemy were exposed to the fire from our trenches along the kaiajik dere. birdie declares that they have lost , . we have taken several machine guns and trench mortars as well as some fifty prisoners. have sent grateful message to all on the spot. at . four russian officers made their salaams. they are to report how things are going, and they seem to have the usual quick slav faculty for grasping essential points combined, no doubt, with the usual slav slackness which lets them go again. i told them everything i knew. they told us that our landing had saved the whole army of the caucasus; that the grand duke knew it and that his imperial highness bitterly regretted that, first of all, sheer lack of supplies; afterwards the struggles in galicia and poland, had prevented istomine and his army corps from standing by to help. at . the c.g.s., deedes, val., freddy and i crossed to helles in the _arno_. had a hard afternoon's walking, going first to th corps headquarters; next to the royal naval division and last to the nd divisional headquarters. returned to the th corps headquarters and there met bailloud. he is now full of good cheer. got back to headquarters without adventure or misadventure. have cabled home a suggestion made to me by mahon, that the th irish division at home might be used to fill up the gaps in the units of the th division out here. _ st august, ._ after early lunch, left in the _arno_ for suvla. with me were braithwaite, manifold, freddy and val. walked up to the th corps headquarters and saw byng. i am very anxious indeed he should work his men up into the mood for making a push. he charms everyone and he is fast pulling his force together. maude, fanshawe, and de lisle seem to be keen to do something, but byng, though he also is keen, has the french standards for ammunition in his head. he does not think we have enough to warrant us in making an attack. also, he does not realize yet that if he is going to wait until we are fitted out on that scale he will have to wait till doomsday. walked to de lisle's headquarters and saw him, and on to the th divisional headquarters where i met fanshawe and malcolm. with them i climbed back on to karakol dagh and sat me down on the identical same stone whereon i sweated blood during that confused and indecisive battle of the st august. from the karakol dagh i got a very fair idea of our whole trench system. on either flank we hold the hills; elsewhere we are on the flat. the th division have recovered and only need drafts to be as good a formation as any general could wish to command. in the evening i left in the _arno_ carrying off with me de lisle and captain hardress lloyd to dine and stay the night. quentin agnew also dined. my first feeble little attempt to act on k.'s assumption that egypt and its army are mine has fallen a bit flat. the war office promptly agreed to my taking these two weak, half-trained battalions, the / th royal scots and / th devons, to be trained in my trenches. that was yesterday. but the senoussi must have heard of it at once, for maxwell forthwith cables, "the attitude of the senoussi is distinctly dangerous and his people have been latterly executing night manoeuvres round our post at sollum." to me, the night manoeuvres of these riff-raff seem ridiculous. but distance, perhaps, has lent its enchantment to my view. the quibble that the troops in egypt are mine has been broken to pieces by my first touch! i have renounced the two battalions with apologies and now i daresay the senoussi will retire from his night manoeuvres round sollum and resume his old strategic position up maxwell's sleeve. _ st september, . imbros._ remained at headquarters working. wrote, amongst other things, to k. as follows:-- * * * * * "i have just finished two days' hard physical exercise going round visiting egerton and paris with davies, and fanshawe and de lisle with byng. at helles everything is quite right although they have only troops enough there for the defensive. they are getting a lot of stores in, and the really only anxious feature of the situation is the health of the men who are very, very tired right through, having had no sort of relief for months, and who go sick in large numbers. * * * * * "fanshawe is first class. full of go and plans, he will, if the lord spares him, be a real treasure. maude and mahon i am going to see after mail-day, and then i shall hope to inspect our new captured position on the left of anzac. "i do not know if they showed you the cable saying hammersley has gone home very ill with a clot of blood in his leg. he has to lie perfectly prostrate and still, so i am told, as the least movement might set it loose and it would then kill him. evidently he was not really fit to have been sent out on service. and this was the man, remember, on whom, under stopford, everything depended for making a push. "this suvla bay country, a jungle ringed round by high mountains, is essentially a country for boers or for indian troops. de lisle and others who have watched them closely in india, say that a native soldier on the peninsula (although there, too, he goes to pieces if he loses his officers and under too prolonged a strain) is worth at least two indian soldiers in france. the climate suits him better, but, most of all, the type of enemy is more or less the sort of type they are accustomed to encounter. not _sahibs_ and _ghora log_ in helmets but _mussalman log_ in turbans. as to the south africans there can be no two opinions, i think, that they would stand these conditions better than those of northern europe. indeed, we have one or two boers serving now with the australians, and they have done extremely well." some of k.'s questions take my breath away. i wish very much indeed he could come and spend a week with me. otherwise i feel hopeless of making him grasp the realities of the trenches. on the th of august he cables, "if required, i could send you a fresh consignment of junior officers. or have you sufficient supernumerary officers to fill all casualties?" i have replied to him that, in my four regular divisions, i am short of effective officers in the infantry alone. to meet my total shortage of , officers i have twenty-five young gentlemen who have lately been sent out here to complete their training! de lisle and hardress lloyd sailed back to suvla in the evening. footnotes: [footnote : as will be seen further on the , actually panned out at , , of whom two battalions were at once diverted to egypt, whilst two other battalions turned out to be non-fighting formations.--ian h., .] chapter xix the french plan _ nd september, . imbros._ an ugly dream came to me last night. my tent was at imbros right enough, and i was lying in my little camp bed, and yet i was being drowned, held violently under the hellespont. the grip of a hand was still on my throat; the waters were closing over my head as i broke away and found myself wide awake. i was trembling and carried back with me into the realms of consciousness an idea that some uncanny visitor had entered my tent. already the vision was fading. i could visualize the form of the presence, but the face remained hidden in shadow. never had i suffered from so fearful a dream. for hours afterwards i was haunted by the thought that the dardanelles were fatal; that something sinister was a-foot; that we, all of us, were pre-doomed. dreams go by contraries. strange that so black a night should be followed by a noon so brilliant--so brilliant beyond compare. k. cables the french are going to send three or four divisions to work with us along the asiatic mainland. from bankrupt to millionaire in hours. the enormous spin of fortune's wheel makes me giddy! these french divisions will be real divisions: _must_ be; they have no others. o, hallelujah! "the sending of a force of three or four divisions to operate on the asiatic mainland, independent as regards command, but in close relation with the british forces on the peninsula, is being considered by the french government. they will require an exclusively french military base at mitylene, and us to help with transport and fleet. "so far i have not discussed any details with the french, and have simply told them we shall be delighted to have the help, which would be given by such an expedition, towards the solution of the dardanelles problem. "presumably they would require their two divisions now at cape helles. what forces would you require to relieve them? i have asked sir john french if the xxviith and xxviiith divisions could be spared for this purpose. "wire me any points that you think i had better settle with the french authorities." _deo volente_ we are saved; constantinople is doomed. how clearly stand forth the mosques and minarets of the golden horn. mr. murdoch, an australian journalist, paid me a visit to thank me for having stretched a point in his favour by letting him see the peninsula. seemed a sensible man. glyn and holdich dined: both clever fellows in different ways. dawnay and glyn after dinner left for england. dawnay goes to explain matters first hand to k. next to my going home myself, or to k. himself coming out here, this is the best i can do. dawnay is one of the soundest young officers we have, but he is run down physically (like most of us) and jaded. he should benefit by the trip and so should the rumour-mongers at home. _ rd september, . imbros._ two cables: one to say that the news about the french divisions must be kept dark; the other, in reply to a question by me, refusing to let me consult de robeck on the matter. so braithwaite and i had to make out our cable expressing our delight and thankfulness, and advising how the troops might best be used entirely on our own. the cable took some doing but got it off my chest by mid-day and then sailed with ellison, braithwaite and val by the _arno_ to suvla. we landed this time on lala baba instead of at our usual ghazi baba. every five minutes the turks plumped one six-incher on to the beach. but nobody now seems to mind. a lot of generals present; byng, mahon, marshall, maude and peyton. mahon took me up to the top of lala baba and showed me the disposition of his division. he kindly asked us all to tea at his headquarters but as someone added that ashmead-bartlett was going to take a cinema photo of the scene i thought i would not be thus immortalized. the scottish horse were bivouacking on the beach; they have just landed but already they have lost a member or two of their mess from shell fire. no wonder they looked a little bewildered, but soon they will shake down. when we got back to the _arno_ we found she had been hit by shrapnel, but no damage. things at suvla are pulling together. no one gave me more confidence than maude. his mind travels beyond the needs of the moment. he is firmly convinced that no very out-of-the-way effort by the allies is needed to score a big point in the war game and that our hold-up here is not a reality but only a hold-up or petrefaction of the brains of the french and of our dardanelles committee. i longed to tell him he was doing them both, especially the french, an injustice, and that four splendid divisions were as good as on their way, but i had to content myself with saying to him and to all the generals that i was overjoyed at a piece of news received yesterday. _ th september, . imbros._ life would be as ditchwater were it not stirred to its depths by k.'s secret cable. sailed over with freddie at . to "k" beach and inspected the th brigade. had given orders to the _arno_ to stand by and to take me over to anzac in the afternoon, but the weather was so bad that i could not get off to her in the motor boat. at . p.m. the v.a. sent his picket boat for me and freddie and i went on board the _triad_. at p.m. she started for mudros. _ th september, . h.m.s. "triad." mudros._ anchored at mudros at a.m. breakfast over, was met by altham, colonel mcmunn and captain stephens who took me ashore. there i met lindley, now commanding the troops on the island; also general legge (commanding the nd australian division); lord dudley and colonel forster. lindley seems pleased at having been given this command; says he feels like a man out hunting who has a bad fall but alights on his feet, and altham tells me he is doing the work very well. dudley, too, seemed full of business and contented with his lot. the moment i got through the reception stunt i set myself to work like a nigger at the red cross stunt:--that's how people talk now-a-days. saw the th stationary hospital; the th indian field ambulance; "c" section of no. british indian hospital; ate a hearty lunch; inspected st australian stationary hospital. walking round a hospital and seeing whether things are clean and bright is a treat but trying to cheer people up and give a fillip to all good works--that implies an expenditure of something vital and leaves a man, after a few hours, feeling the worse for wear. by . the day's task was well over so refreshed myself by some right soldier business reviewing the th gurkhas under major tillard--a superb battalion-- , strong!!! had forgotten what a full battalion looks like. at . wound up by inspecting a huge convalescent depot under colonel forde and got back to the _triad_ just in time for dinner. wemyss dined also. _ th september, . h.m.s. "triad." mudros._ after breakfast sailed over to mudros west; lindley met me, also a host of doctors. walked to no. australian hospital with an old acquaintance whose italian name slips my memory at the moment; then to no. australian stationary hospital; then to convalescent depot of lowland division. at . ran down to my launch and was swiftly conveyed to lunch on board the _europa_ with admiral wemyss. such a lunch as a lost voyager may dream of in the desert. like roses blooming in a snowdrift, so puffs and pies and kickshaws of all rarest sorts appeared upon a dazzling white tablecloth, and then--disappeared. we too had to disappear and sail back to mudros west again. horses were waiting and i rode to no. stationary hospital and made a thorough overhaul of it from end to end; then tea with the officers of no. . in no. australian general were eighty nurses; in no. canadian stationary seven nurses; in no. canadian stationary twenty-four nurses. since lady brassey descended in some miraculous manner upon imbros, they were the first white women i had seen for six months. their pretty faces were a refreshing sight: a capable crowd too: all these hospitals were in good order, but the sick and wounded in charge of the girls looked the happiest--and no wonder. the canadian medicos are fresh from france and discoursed about _moral_. never a day passed, so they said, in france, but some patient would, with tears in his eyes, entreat to be sent home. here at mudros there had never been one single instance. the patients, if they said anything at all, have showed impatience to get back to their comrades in the fighting line. we discussed this mystery at tea and no one could make head or tail of it. in france the men got a change; are pulled out of the trenches; can go to cafes; meet young ladies; get drinks and generally have a good time. on the peninsula they are never safe for one moment (whether they are supposed to be resting or are in the firing line) from having their heads knocked off by a shell. returned to the _triad_ in time for dinner. admiral vexed as his motor boat has gone ashore. bowlby is with it trying to get it off. the french admiral commanding the mediterranean fleet has just sailed in. _ th september, . imbros._ at . left the _triad_ to call on admiral de la perriera on board the _gaulois_. thence to _h.m.s. racoon_ (lieutenant-commander hardy) and started back for imbros, where we arrived in time for tea. _ th september, . imbros._ trying to clear a table blocked with papers as a result of my two days' trip. have written to k. as the mail bag goes to-morrow. have told him i have had a nice letter from mahon, thanking me for allowing him to rejoin his division and saying he hopes he may stay with them till the end. have given him all my mudros news and have sent him a memo. submitted to me by birdwood showing how much of the sickness on the peninsula seems due to the war office having hung up my first request for a field force canteen. here is one of the enclosures to birdwood's memo.:-- * * * * * "n. z. and a. division. i desire to draw attention to the remarkable drop in the sick evacuations from this brigade as shown by the following figures:-- august -- . " -- . " -- . " -- . sept. -- . " -- . i am convinced that this amelioration, and the observable improvement in the condition of the men are largely to be attributed to the distribution, on august and of canteen stores, providing a welcome change of dietary. i strongly recommend that every effort be made to maintain such canteen supplies. (_sd._), monash." _ th september, . imbros._ at . admiral de la perriera returned my call. at . braithwaite, freddy and i went aboard the _gaulois_. [illustration: fish from the enemy, _"central news" phot._] a five course lunch and i had to make a speech in french. when i got back i found that general marshall, commanding the rd division, had come over from suvla to stay with me. lancelot lowther dined; he told us all the important things he was doing. _ th september, . imbros._ lancelot lowther left with the mails at a.m., glad, i suspect, to shake from his feet the sand of these barbaric headquarters. not easy to get marshall to loosen his tongue about the battle of the st, and he would not, or could not, add much to my knowledge. the strength of marshall depends not on what he seems but upon what his officers and men know. he has got his chance amidst the realities of war. in peace, except by a miracle, he would never have risen above the command of a battalion. the main reason i cannot draw him about the battle of the st is, beyond doubt, that he does not want to throw blame on others. marshall is a matter-of-fact, unemotional sort of chap, yet he told the sad tale of young o'sullivan's death in a way which touched our hearts. o'sullivan was no novice where v.c.s were the stake and the forfeit sudden death. _ th september, . imbros._ ran across in the motor boat to see the th brigade under brigadier-general percival. went, man by man, down the lines of the four battalions--no very long walk either! these were the royal fusiliers (major guyon), dublin fusiliers (colonel o'dowda), munster fusiliers (major geddes), lancashire fusiliers (major pearson). shade of napoleon--say, which would you rather not have, a skeleton brigade or a brigade of skeletons? this famous th brigade is a combination. were i a fat man i could not bear it, but i am as unsubstantial as they themselves. a life insurance office wouldn't touch us; and yet--they kept on smiling! _ th september, . imbros._ the c.o.'s, geddes, pearson, guyon and o'dowda, lunched: an ideal lot; young, ardent, on the spot. marshall left by the suvla trawler. windy day, but calmer in the evening and at night rained a little. _ th september, . imbros._ crossed again with freddie maitland and inspected the th field ambulance (highland territorials from aberdeen) under colonel fraser. became so interested the dinner hour was forgotten--a bad mark for a general. much pleased with the whole show: up to date, and complete in all respects. got back lateish. altham dined. sat up at business till midnight. dictated a long letter to callwell, director of military operations at the war office, on the suicidal behaviour of the military censor. in south africa, my chief of the staff's latchkey let many a clandestine tit-bit slip through to keep interest alive in england. k. regularly, when the mails came back to roost, went for me, but the messages had got home and done their duty as good little tit-bits should. the b.p. cannot work up the full steam of their war energy when the furnaces of their enthusiasms are systematically damped down; shut off from any breath from outside. your sealed pattern censor sees nothing beyond the mischief that may happen if the enemy gets to know too much about us; he does not see that this danger is negligible when compared with the keenness or dullness of the nation. general headquarters, medtn. expeditionary force, th september, . "dear callwell, "i am about to commit an atrocity by writing to an overworked man on a subject which may seem to him of secondary importance. still, to the soldiers out here, the said subject means encouragement or discouragement coming to them through the medium of their home letters,--so vital a factor in victory or failure that the thought emboldens me to proceed. "our misfire of last month came within only a fine hair's breadth of the grand coup and caused us proportionately bitter disappointment at the moment. yet, looking back over the whole affair in a more calm and philosophical spirit, any general, i think, would now be bound to admit that in some respects at least fortune had not been too unkind. "the australians and new zealanders have been extricated from what by all the laws and traditions of war, was, in theory, an untenable position; their borders have been enlarged; the heights they hold have become more elevated and commanding; they have been entirely released from shelling on the one flank and, on the other, the shelling has dwindled away to next door to nothing. north of them again we have captured a more or less practicable winter harbour, and have extended our grip on the coastline. from the extreme south point of anzacs to their extreme north was formerly - / miles. from the extreme south point of anzacs to our extreme north point (along which there is inter-communication) is now miles. thus we force the enemy to maintain a much larger number of troops on the peninsula (where he is already slowly bleeding to death under the stress of his supply and transport difficulties) or else dangerously to weaken parts of his line. "as to the fighting by which this has been accomplished, there is nothing from beginning to end that any army need be ashamed of. every word i sent home in my proemial cables might have been published without raising a blush to the cheek of the most ardent imperialist. in saying this i do not, of course, assume that raw troops could tackle a totally strange and uncomfortable proposition with the swift directness and savvy of veterans. the feat performed by the australians and new zealanders was of the class of the storming of the heights of abraham, only it was infinitely, infinitely more difficult in every respect. "on the other side, still assuming the philosophical mantle, consider what might have happened. had the australians and new zealanders been average troops, they would perhaps have burst through the first series of wire entanglements and trenches, but they would not have stormed the second, still less the third, fourth, fifth or sixth lines. again, had the turks got the smallest inkling of our intention, the landing at suvla bay would have failed altogether, and the new armies would have been virtually smashed to pieces without being able to show any _quid pro quo_. "we soldiers out here have then it seems to me, much for which to thank god on our bended knees. that, at least, is my personal attitude. "how is it then that our letters from home are filled with lamentations and that, having just gained a proportionately very large accretion of territory, we see headlines in the papers such as 'the gallipoli standstill,' whereas it does not seem to occur to anyone to speak about 'the french standstill'? "well, i will tell you. the system upon which the press bureau approaches the eagerly attentive ear of the british public is the reason. "why i begged the war office to change the method by which i sent copies of my proemial cables to maxwell was that i found he (animated, of course, by the best intentions) was improving the successes and minimising the failures. the finishing touch was given when, one day, he inserted the phrase 'the enemy is demoralized and has to submit by day and by night to our taking his trenches.' obviously, even the most stupid fellaheen after reading such a sentence must, in the course of time, begin to ask himself how, if trenches are being easily taken by day and by night, we still remain on the wrong side of achi baba! "turning now to the press bureau and our landing, there was nothing in that landing, as i have just said, which need have caused sorrow to a soul in the british isles excepting, of course, the deplorable heavy casualties which are inseparable now from making any attack. but, on the rd of august a correspondent cables to an american paper a sensational story of a decisive victory, which the press bureau must have known to be a tissue of lies. had the lies taken the shape of disasters to the british there would not, from the point of view of us soldiers, have been the smallest objection to publishing them. suppose mr. x, for instance, had said that the landing did not succeed, and had been driven off with immense slaughter? apart from the fact that such a cable would have made many poor women in england unhappy for a few hours, the fabrication would have done us positive good: when the truth was known the relief would have been enormous, we would have gained handsome recognition of what had actually been done, and german inspired lies would have been discounted in future. "but there is no _moral_ in the world that can stand against a carefully engineered disappointment. when you know perfectly well that the spirits of the people are bound to be dashed down to the depths within a few days, it is unsound statesmanship surely so to engineer the press that you raise those selfsame spirits sky high in the meantime. to climb up and up is a funny way to prepare for a fall! if you know that your balloon must burst in five minutes you use that time in letting out gas, not in throwing away ballast. if you want to spoil a man's legacy of £ tell him the previous evening he has been left £ , ! "as i began by saying, do please forgive me, my dear callwell, for taking up your most precious time. but you are more in touch with this particular business than anyone else at the war office and, from your large mindedness, i feel sure you will be able to spare me some sympathy, and perhaps even get some recognition for the general principle i herewith put forward:-- * * * * * "( ). do not too curiously censor false alarmist reports put about by the enemy. let the papers publish them with a query and then smash them as soon as this can be done with positive certainty. "( ). mercilessly censor any report which you think is, even in the smallest degree, overstating your own case. "the system needs courage but, with the british public, it would pay! "yours sincerely, (_sd._), "ian hamilton." as suspense had, by now, become unbearable, cabled home asking s. of s. to "let me know, as soon as you can safely do so," when the new divisions may be expected. i tell him i have "informal" news from the french but dare not take action on that. _ th september, . imbros._ mails in with ward as king's messenger. captain vitali (italian liaison officer) and captain williams dined. vitali is worried about his status. he was told in the first instance he was to be liaison officer between general cadorna and myself. on this understanding we agreed to his coming to our headquarters. once he was here the italian government (not cadorna he is careful to explain) said he must be permanently attached to us. vitali feels himself in a false position as he thinks that,--had we known, we might not have let him come. personally, i am quite glad to have him; but we did not have much talk as, immediately after dinner, braithwaite brought me the decipher of lord k.'s answer to my reminder to him. this has greatly saddened me and takes up the whole of my thoughts. "(no. , cipher). from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. reference your no. m.f. . i have just returned from france where i went to settle up the questions asked in that telegram which were in a very indefinite state owing apparently to a decision having been arrived at by the french government without reference to their military advisers. the outcome of my meeting with millerand, joffre and sarrail was that the french force of four divisions proposed to be sent to the dardanelles cannot leave until the result of the approaching offensive in france is determined. if it be as successful as hoped for your position in the dardanelles would naturally be affected favourably. it is hoped that the issue will be clear in the first few days of october, and if indecisive, that by th october two of our divisions may be at marseilles for embarkation to be followed closely by the four french divisions. the embarkation and transport of so large a force would, it is thought, take about a month, but this has still to be worked out in detail, so that by about the middle of november would be the time when all would be ready. "in the meantime, as transport is available, i shall continue to send you reinforcements and drafts of which you are fully informed, up to th instant, and on which you should alone calculate. "sarrail, backed by general bailloud, is greatly in favour of the french expedition being employed independently on the asiatic shore. "joffre greatly doubts the wisdom of this course, and millerand requested me to ask you to state fully and confidentially, for his personal information, your opinion on this matter. "joffre's objections appear to be that a landing in asia opens up a very wide field if the force be not immediately successful, and that in that case more troops, munitions and drafts would be eventually required than he could spare with due regard to the safety of france. "secondly, he is not very confident of sarrail's leadership, particularly as the plans sarrail has made seem to be worthless. joffre is having careful plans worked out by his staff for the expedition on the asiatic shore which, he says, though unfinished, do not look promising. the same objection on his part would not, i gather, be felt if the french troops were given a definite area and objective on the gallipoli peninsula, where the scope of their activities, and consequently the support required from france, could be limited." where's the use of m. millerand's consulting me over what lies on the far side of a dead wall? had he asked me to show why action here should have priority over action in france, then i might have been of some use. but that is settled: the four french divisions earmarked for the east will not now be sent until _after_ "the results of the coming offensive in france have been determined." "if the success of this push equals expectations you will reap the benefit." if indecisive then, "by the th october," two british divisions and four french divisions will be at marseilles ready to sail out here: "about the middle of november would be the time when everything would be ready." there are altogether too many ifs and ands and pots and pans about millerand's question. when a man starts going west who can foretell how long it will take him to arrive at the east? ( ) if the push in the west is victorious we will score, says k. that is so. far as the western battlefield lies from the scene of our struggle, the report of a german defeat in france would reverberate eastwards and would lend us a brave moral impetus. but the point i would raise is this:--did k., as representing a huge eastern empire, press firmly upon millerand and joffre the alternative,--_if the push in the east is victorious the west will score_? what express strategical gain do they expect from pushing back the germans? a blow which merely destroys a proportion of men and material without paralysing the resources of the enemy is a blow in the air. war cannot be waged by tactics alone. that is a barbaric method. to bend back the german lines in the west, or to push the first line back on to the second or third, or twentieth, has of itself but slight strategical or economic import. here, on the other hand, we have literally in our grasp a clear cut gift offered us by the gods. the impossible part, the landing, is done. all that remains is so many fresh men and so many thousand shell. the result is not problematical, but mathematical. napoleon is the only man who has waged a world war in the world as we know it to-day. napoleon said, i think it was on the famous raft, "who holds constantinople is master of the world." and there it lies at the mercy of the briton--could he only convince joffre that the shortest cut to freeing his country from the germans lies through the dardanelles. the principles which should underlie entente strategy will be clear to military historians although obscured to-day by jealousies and amateurishness: just the usual one, two, three they are, in this order:-- * * * * * (a) hold the sea. (b) hold the west. (c) smash the turk. a couple of miles won by us here gives england wheat and russia rifles; gives us the whip hand in the balkans plus security in a couple of continents. a couple of miles lost by us here leaves the german with a strengthened grip upon all the real world objectives for which he went to war: it leaves us with a ruined prestige in asia. but what is all that to joffre to whom, as a good frenchman, the balkans; the bracing up of the russian army; all the odessa corn; asia and africa thrown in, do not count against _one departement_ of _la patrie_. ( ) if the push in the west is indecisive then our push is only to be postponed. postponed! the word is like a knell. to write it gives me a feeling of sick despair. only postponed! as well cable at once, _only_ ruined!! ( ) but there is a third eventuality not mentioned by lord k. how if our attack upon the main strength of the entrenched germans is beaten off? to joffre france comes first and the rest nowhere--every time: that is natural. but our higher direction are not frenchmen--not yet! armageddon is actually being fought _here_, at the dardanelles, and the british outlook is focused on france. we are to sit here and rot away with cholera, and see the winter gales approach, until the big push has been made in the west where men can afford to wait--where they are healthy--where time is all on their side. and this push in the west is against the whole german empire linked to all its own vast resources by a few miles of the best railways in the world. we _can_ attack here with more men and more munitions than the enemy the very moment we care to accept the principle that, _at this moment_, constantinople and the heartening up of russia and ascendency amongst the balkan states are not only the true positive objectives of our strategy, but are the sole strategical stunts upon the board. we can do so because of our sea power. we can borrow enough howitzers, aeroplanes, munitions and drafts from the west; apply them here and then, if necessary, return them. we are not exploiting our own special characteristics, mobility and sea power! [illustration: marshall liman von sanders _"exclusive news" phot._] easy to preach patience to a nation in agony? yes, for the whole agony of the whole world is more important even than the agonies of france. we've got to win the war and win it quick. there's only one way to do that. the resources of the entente are not equal to carrying on two offensives at the same moment. if our army in the west will just sit tight awhile, we here will beat the turks, and snip the last economic lien binding the central powers to the outside world. once more, our game is to _defend_ in the west until the _attack_ in the east has borne economic fruit in the shape of ships and corn: political fruit in the sentiment of the balkans: military fruit in the fillip given to the whole force of the entente by actual tactical contact between the british soldiers and the rank and file of the ruskies. the collapse of the central powers,--eclipsed in full view of all asia and africa by the smoke from the funnels of the british fleet at anchor in the golden horn is what we are after here. even if french and joffre do drive the german main hordes back to the rhine the scope of their scoop would be far less than ours, for we by getting to constantinople can starve those main armies stiff. how few of our people know anything of the russians. at least, i have been attached for eight months to the armies which fought against them in the field; have visited russia and siberia and have done two peace manoeuvres as their guest. to send superior officers to russia only produces jealousy; to send supplies only breeds dishonesty. but with , british soldiers as yeast we could leaven , , muscovites; we could fire their inert masses with our ardour; this is the best of all uses to which , british soldiers could at present be put. from the early days when he told me the new army should go to salonika, k. had an intuition at the back of his big mind that victory would dawn in the east. but he is no longer the k. of k., the old k. of khartoum and pretoria. he still has his moments of god-sent intuition. first, he had _absolute_ knowledge that the germans would come through belgium: i repeat this. the assumption was not uncommon perhaps, but he _knew the fact_! secondly, when everyone else spoke of a six weeks' war; when every other soldier i can think of except douglas haig believed he'd be back before the grouse shooting was over; k. went nap on a three years' war. pray heaven he was wrong; but, right or wrong, he has already proved himself to have been nearer the mark than anyone else. thirdly, he had a call (by heavenly telepathy, i suppose) that his new armies must go out to the east. there is no more question about this than there is about belgium and the three years' duration. he has told me so; time and again. why then does he not act accordingly if he's in the almighty know? because he can't. with the one exception of the battle of paardeberg, he never in his palmiest days pretended to be a man of action. but now he has lost his faculty of forcing others to act. he makes a spurt but he can't stay the distance. he has met millerand, french and joffre in council and allowed the searchlights of his genius to be snuffed out! that is what surprises me:--he, who once could deflect joe chamberlain and milner from their orbits; who twisted stiff-necked boers round his little finger; who bore down asquith, winston, prince louis and beatty in valetta harbour--east _versus_ west--mediterranean _versus_ north sea--who, from p.m. to a.m., withstood, wrestled with and overthrew haldane's arguments in favour of his taking up the succession to the duke of connaught, and that although he had one arm tied to his side by having taken the king's shilling. what a marvel he was and now-- ichabod! there is something so tragical in what home letters let us guess that the pity of it almost makes me forget our own stillborn projects. _ th september, . imbros._ altham and major hood left g.h.q. for l. of c. headquarters. had another hour with altham before he got aboard his destroyer. gave an interview to buchanan, a.m.s. after lunch, braithwaite, val, wells, deedes, freddie and myself went off to suvla aboard h.m.s. _scourge_ (lieutenant-commander tupper). on landing, braithwaite branched off to see the g.s. byng has a keen sense of humour; is energetic and by his looks and manner attracts all ranks. no one could wish a better corps commander and i have never in all my experience known anyone take greater and more minute trouble with his field days and manoeuvres than he did in egypt the year before the war. but his sojourn on the western front has given him inflated standards as to the number of guns and stocks of h.e. shell which are essential to success; especially with troops who have suffered heavy losses. perhaps he is right. this para. from a letter written to the great man to-night explains more generally what i feel:-- * * * * * "maude is burning to get on and do something and i heard him myself ask byng when he was going to let him have a dash. as to byng, i think myself he is not quite sure yet about the spirit of his men. i have been trying to spur him on for the last day or so, although only by very gentle hints, as i think, with a man of byng's great reputation, one must leave him to himself for as long as possible. i daresay he may be quite right and very wise. still, these reinforcements have brought the suvla bay troops up to no less than , men, and i am most anxious they should do something soon a little more rapid than sapping out slowly towards the enemy's lines--which they are doing." after my talk with byng, we went on to meet fanshawe and de lisle. maude came along with me as far as the crestline. i asked him about his division. he replied: "sir ian, may i be frank with you about the division?" at these ominous words i shivered. they positively gave me the shivers. so i braced myself up when i answered, "but of course!" maude then said, "if you give the order now, and will arrange for a little artillery support, my division will storm and hold on to any thousand yards of turkish trench you like to point out; to-morrow." i could have embraced him, but i had to go steady and explain to him that a corps commander must judge all his divisions and that, taking the situation as a whole, byng did not think it fair on the men to let them have a dart yet--not, at least, till they had more munitions at their back. byng has had wide experiences in the west and he looks on it as trying the men unfairly to ask them to attack without a preliminary bombardment on a scale which we cannot at present afford. "yes," said maude, "that is all very well but after all you must remember the turks have neither the artillery nor the munitions the germans have at their command on the western front." "well," i replied, "you put your points to byng and you know i am a man who never yet in my life refused a good brave offer like yours." he has a great admiration for byng and so, though sadly, he went away. fanshawe met me at the south end of the division trenches, as bright and keen as a new nail. his men, too, seem full of go. fanshawe hopes to carry the whole ridge whenever he gets the order. the th division promise to be as fine a unit as any in the army once they get their gaps filled in. _ th september, . imbros._ we had quite a lively morning here. at . an enemy's biplane dropped four bombs on our headquarters camp and got away with hardly a shot fired at it. at . an enemy's taube came over and dropped bombs near my signal tent, also a little summer shower of small steel darts: five men were wounded. at . a.m. yet another enemy biplane circled round but was kept at a respectful distance by the ship's guns. gave an interview to colonel stewart, armoured car squadron. vice-admiral foumet and staff called on me in the forenoon. he replaces admiral nicol gone sick. mails went out this evening. freddie and i gave tone to our debilitated constitutions by dining with the ever hospitable v.a. on the _triad_. a cable from dawnay saying lord k. "would not regard unfavourably" a withdrawal from suvla bay. dawnay left under the cloud of the st august. he it was who rough-drafted the cable (in very much stronger terms than my final version) suggesting that we might have to draw in our horns if we were not kept up to strength. since then our skies have cleared; the spirit of the men has risen to set fair and we have got drafts enough, not for a big push but certainly to enable us to be delighted should the turks attempt any sort of an attack, either at suvla or anywhere else. the turks, in fact, are strictly on the defensive both actually and in their spirit. _ th september, . imbros._ had been going to anzac to inspect and then to bring birdie back to stay with me. but the weather was too bad. he got here all right as the wind is from the north and he was able to climb aboard under the lee of nibrunesi point. just as well, perhaps, we did not go, for one way or another a good deal of extra work had to be got through. one thing; two cables from maxwell to the war office have been repeated to us here; inadvertently we think; divertingly for sure. the story is this:-- * * * * * a few days ago we were offered the st and rd sikhs who, despite their titles, are half mahomedan. after consulting cox, birdie and other indian army officers i cabled back saying we would gladly have them "as soon as transport can be arranged," unless french is willing to exchange them for two purely non-mahomedan units. here are the collateral cables from maxwell to the war office:-- * * * * * "both the st and rd sikhs have already been disembarked. they had better remain off ship as long as possible, i think, since they are reported to be feverish. the troopship can wait at port said. the men on the canal, i should like to point out, barely get two nights in bed per week." "i have been asked by hamilton to send him a double company of patiala sikhs to reinforce the th sikhs. i can do this, and if you concur i think it is a better arrangement than to send him the st and rd sikhs." the sikhs meant for gallipoli are gone; we shall never see them more; they mount guard by night against the ghosts of the suez canal. another thing; a correspondent writes in and tells us that for the honour of his profession he feels bound to let us know that mr. ashmead-bartlett has secretly sent home an uncensored despatch _per_, of all people in the world, mr. murdoch! i had begun to wonder what had come over mr. murdoch and now it seems he has come over me! the next paper on the table was my draft cable of advice for m. millerand. joffre wants his four divisions to land on the peninsula; sarrail wishes them to work along the asiatic side. no doubt the views of the french generals are being coloured by their wish to stand as clear as they can of british command. so i have been careful to sweep away _that_ obstacle by offering to stand down. now they can fix up the problem on its merits:-- * * * * * "closest consideration has been given to your no. , cipher. until now i have consistently opposed a landing on the asiatic side of the straits with less than divisions--see my telegram no. m.f. of th june. on gallipoli peninsula area and difficulties of supply limited liabilities of the opposing forces whereas mainland of asia gave scope for the deployment of large forces by the enemy. now, however, the situation is clearing up and there has been a great change in the conditions. "the turks had formerly , to , men on asiatic shore with large reserves on the peninsula available to cross over there if necessary. now anatolia and syria have been drained of troops to oppose us on the peninsula where the turks have far longer front to hold, namely, - / miles instead of - / , whilst our position and strength at suvla and anzac are more threatening to their communications than was our position at anzac in june. if, therefore, we can be strong enough to maintain pressure on whole turkish line on the peninsula it is unlikely that turks could detach troops to oppose french landing on asiatic shore. assuming even that the turks were enabled to release every soldier from thrace by a definite understanding being arrived at with bulgaria, i calculate they might gather a total of five divisions but of these probably only one or at most two would be on asiatic side at beginning of the operations and would probably be scattered so that opposition in strength to surprise landing is improbable. moreover, only one of the divisions is composed of good nizam troops, others believed to be not up to establishment. the asiatic coast down to yukeri bay is now heavily trenched but i do not think much has been done below that point. supposing, therefore, french bring good divisions at war strength and succeed in keeping their destination secret, they appear to have a good chance of obtaining good covering positions without much loss and of thence advancing on chanak defeating any turkish forces sent against them. degree of their success would depend on whether the entrenched positions which have been prepared on the kum kale--ehren keui road could be turned by the good road which leads from yukeri through ezine and ishiklar to chanak, as it is unlikely that turks would be able to quickly organize new defensive positions with entirely new line of supply. the distance of landing place from objective is a secondary consideration. it is easier to march and fight miles than to take three lines of trenches. in the one case there is room for manoeuvre at which turks are bad while in the other case siege warfare results at which the turks stand supreme. once ehren keui reached, the turks between that place and kum kale would be forced to retire and kum kale would become our base, thereby greatly shortening line of supply. supposing turks endeavoured to make bridgehead on chanak promontory, the country is so big that large forces would be necessary and once the turks were cut off from north their supply difficulties would be most serious. french possession of chanak should be equivalent to victory, but as turks are stubborn fellows it is better to confine anticipations to commencement of results which i consider would be as follows:--cutting off of turkish supply line chanak to akbashi liman. narrows would be useless to turks. nagara communications could be cut. our -inch howitzer could be used to batter kilid bahr forts. allied fleets should be able to enter marmora without loss. "turning to alternatives. if french were held up and unable to reach chanak, at least the last turkish reserves would have been used up and i think happy termination of operations though postponed would begin to come clearly into view. supposing the worst happened and that the french were compelled to fall back after landing. in that case a clear road for retirement to a bridgehead would be open. positions covering landing could be taken up and there they would continue to draw towards them considerable turkish forces which would otherwise be available for use on peninsula. "finally, greater difficulties beset all other schemes. the notorious military disadvantages of independent command would be less harmful if the respective armies were separated by the straits than if they were mixed up together on peninsula. as achi baba is now one of the strongest fortresses in europe, it would be unpopular to palm off the cape helles end upon the french. moreover, all the french here are, and always have been, dead set on asia. if the french were employed at suvla they would have to fight side by side with the british, a situation which, with co-equal commanders, would be a military absurdity. were that course decided upon, i would ask the allied governments to make up their minds which general had the most daring, brains and experience, and if it were the frenchman i would serve under him loyally. "as to making the attempt to the north of the gulf of xeros: a landing there is certain to be opposed, and the turkish reinforcements which are always held ready in the neighbourhood of uzunkiupru and keshan could arrive in strength very quickly and imperil the whole project. a further objection lies in the distance of the french intermediate base and great strain it would throw on allied fleets. finally, it is all-important that absolute secrecy should be maintained. i suggest that it should be allowed to leak out that the destination of the french is enos, this would probably have the effect of tricking turkish troops in thrace, as enos is a destination which would gain most credence." birdie has at last worn off the fine edge of his keenness; he looks a little tired: general russell, the new zealander, dined also and was in great form. _ th september, . imbros._ a cable to say that the french government are anxious to form two bases each capable of supplying three divisions: one to be at mudros, the other at mitylene. is it business? in spite of delay, in spite of lost chances, is it business? chapter xx loos and salonika left g.h.q. at noon to-day, th, sailed to helles; lunched with davies; went up to inspect the east lanes division. the trenches are in apple-pie order and the men are in good heart, but the stomach has always been held to be the mainstay of the fighting man, and theirs are in the grip of enteritis. stopped at th corps headquarters on my way back. de putron and la borde came back with me. struck an interesting scientist called lawes whilst i was in the lancashire trenches. as we were entering the harbour at kephalos an enemy taube tried to drop a bomb aboard. no harm. dined with the v.a. together with birdie, lord anglesey and freddie. when we got back found this from war office. rather amusing to be in the know of the counter moves and to see their outcome:-- * * * * * "the exchange of battalions mentioned in no. , cipher, of th september cannot be effected, so that at present the st and rd sikhs will not proceed to france. from the general officer commanding, egypt's, telegram no. . e. of th september, it is understood that he can send you another double company of patiala sikhs to reinforce the th sikhs. possibly this will suffice for your requirements in the meantime, and the st and rd sikhs will be left at the disposal of general officer commanding, egypt. if so, will you please make arrangements with him accordingly? "repeated to general officer commanding, egypt." our defeat is a foregone conclusion: the senoussi is too strong for us. all the same i am determined to press the matter to an issue, if only to have a clean cut precedent as to whether we do have a first call on troops in egypt or whether it is the other way about. we want these men so badly. they don't get sick here; are worth four european battalions at present, and birdie has become most anxious to get them, especially the rd. so i am cabling to maxwell just to send us our troops (for they are ours) forthwith and have cabled to the war office:-- * * * * * "with reference to your telegram no. , cipher. in accordance with your telegram no. , of th september, i am asking general officer commanding, egypt, to send here, at once, the st and rd sikhs, as i cannot do without them. i shall be very glad to receive the patiala sikhs as well, as the th sikhs are badly in need of a reinforcement." imagine had we been sent indian divisions for suvla and if the new army, territorials and yeomen had been sent instead to france! each category would have given (let me put it mildly) double value. the heat, the thirst, the scrub, the snipers, all so disconcerting to our fresh contingents would have been commonplaces of frontier warfare to our indian troops. see what the handful with us here have achieved. yet in vain do i write and cable my personal entreaties to beauchamp duff, the all-powerful commander-in-chief in india, and a very old friend, for two hundred sikhs: first he offers me a couple of hundred brahmins wherewith to fill the ranks of the famous th sikhs and then, when i hesitate before a proposal which appears monstrous, withdraws even that offer. again, i beg for recruits for the th, saying i will train them myself; i am refused--very politely and at great length--refused, because it would be "politically inexpedient" to send them. in vain do we try to get our own two battalions through the egyptian morass; they are going to stick and do sentry go over nothing. why; were there any real trouble in egypt i could land a whole division there within four and a half days! as for the new army and territorials, gradually entered with their veteran comrades in the trenches of france and flanders, they too would have had more familiar surroundings and fairer play--as everyone here now recognizes, too late! the crystals of history take shape while we fight. as in a glass darkly the outlines begin to appear to anyone who has a moment wherein to peer beyond the end of the war. everything has gone by the contrary. our people have done as well as their neighbours, and better, with their imaginations, whether in diplomacy, strategy or tactics. where the gibbon or plutarch who survives the war office censor is going to damn their reputations into heaps is over their failure in business commonsense. under their noses, parts of their system, were two great live organisms; the indian army and the territorial force. from the moment the mobilization flag was dropped it was up to them to work tooth and nail to treble or quadruple these sound, vigorous existing entities. what have they done? after a year of war, the indian army and the territorial army are staggering on their last legs instead of being the best part of our forces. compare the east lanes division, who had the good fortune to escape from war office clutches by getting right out to egypt at the outbreak of the war, with territorial divisions which have remained since then under the eyes and in the hands of the war office! the turks are still withdrawing troops from the caucasus front to ours. good for the russians. whilst i was at helles, the enemy guns started a heavy bombardment along the whole of our nine mile front from the right of anzac to the left of suvla; a heavy musketry fire also along the turkish trenches. an attempt was then made to launch infantry assaults against our lines, but these fizzled out, the rank and file having no heart for the job. there is no doubt the turks have had enough of it. they can still hold on, but that's about all. _ th september, . imbros._ news in to say that the turkish rank and file at suvla are not equal to any attack. at the end of the bombardment yesterday a few officers jumped on to the parapet and waved their swords; the men shouted from the safety of the trenches--that was all. alec mcgrigor arrived from alexandria as a.d.c. _vice_ brodrick. at p.m. an enemy aeroplane dropped a couple of bombs. very jolly having birdie here. he says that his latest returns show a daily sick list of ten per battalion of british or australian troops and of one per battalion of indian troops. _ th september, . imbros._ nothing doing. there is still scope for action at suvla but we can't get them to take up any little schemes we may suggest. shell shortage is the invariable answer. at p.m. birdie and anglesey went back to anzac. _ st september, . imbros._ further development of the sikh comedy:--maxwell cables, "no. e. your no. m.f. . i have received no orders to send these regiments. according to my last information from the war office they were to remain here, as i require them, but that i should send you a double company of patiala sikhs to reinforce the th sikhs." i have cabled this on to the war office, saying, "as i understand it, your no. of th september does not mean that the war office have withdrawn the offer of these two regiments, which are urgently required here. i therefore hope that you will give early authority to general officer commanding, egypt, to send them on to mediterranean expeditionary force." the battalions were thrown at my head when that grand statement was made as to the grand army i commanded; now where are they? started off with taylor, freddie and colonel napier (british military attaché to bulgaria) for anzac. no shelling. went round the whole left centre and left of birdie's position to right and left of cheshire point, and saw the new australian division--very fine fellows. bullets were on the whistle and "the boys" were as keen and happy as any real schoolboys. memories of the khyber, chitral and tirah can hardly yield samples of a country so tangled and broken. where the turks begin and where we end is a puzzler, and if you do happen to take a wrong turning it leads to paradise. met various australian friends--a full-blown lord mayor--many other leading citizens both of melbourne and of sydney. at p.m. re-embarked. napier gave birth to a happy thought on our way back. his idea is that we should transfer the troops on the gallipoli peninsula to salonika so as to hearten up the serbians and greeks and dishearten our enemies at sofia. he has pressed his view, he said, on the foreign office. i asked him if his chief, the minister at sofia, stood behind him. he said he could not vouch for his minister's views, but that he, napier, had power in his capacity as military attaché to correspond with the british government direct. k. himself did at one time toy with the thought of sending his new army to serbia either under rundle or myself, and was only restrained by the outbreak of typhus in that country. but, keen as i was for the warpath, a very little study of the terrain and supply question was enough to cool my ardour. salonika is ruled out by history. in all the campaigns waged of old in these very regions the part played by salonika has been naval, not military. there must have been some reason for this: there was; it still exists--geography! you could not, and cannot, carry out anything big _via_ a couple of narrow cracks through a trackless labyrinth of mountains. the problem is a repetition of the afghanistan dilemma. a big army would starve at nisch and along the danube; a small army would be swallowed up by the enemy. unless they are going to trust to bulgaria and roumania for supplies, one british army corps is about as much as can manage to live and fight in serbia. if they want to make serbia safe their only possible chance is to push through to constantinople! there is no other way. i said all this to napier and a lot more besides and left him keener on salonika than ever. he actually thinks that from salonika we could do what could be done by us at any time at the dardanelles! salonika is no alternative to the dardanelles. i wish the war office could hear gouraud; gouraud, that big sane man with local knowledge. how strong he used to be on the point that greece lay altogether outside the sphere of any military action by the entente. we can't feed russia with munitions through salonika, nor can we bring back russian wheat _via_ salonika,--not much, seeing we would not be able to feed ourselves were we fifty miles into the mountains. salonika is a military mare's nest. scatters wilson and captain cheape dined and stayed the night. the king's messenger arrived with the mails. three cables:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to war office. only two machine guns per battalion are being brought by the city of london battalions, the balance, by order of general officer commanding, egypt, being handed over to chief ordnance officer, egypt. the former telegraphs that this has been done by your order. there is nothing that is more important to my force than an ample supply of these guns. i would therefore request that early authority should be given to general officer commanding, egypt, to send on these guns." "(no. i.d. ). from general headquarters, mediterranean expeditionary force, to war office. my no. i.d. . please inform me whether murdoch has arrived, and whether my information was correct as regards his carrying a despatch for sir harry lawson from ashmead-bartlett." "(no. , cipher). from war office to general headquarters, mediterranean expeditionary force. your no. i.d. . a despatch answering the description has been taken from murdoch at marseilles. you should delay action, however, until we have seen it and you hear from us further." the despatch should have been censored here and ought, therefore, to be sent back here for censoring. the war office, i suppose, want to have first look in! _ nd september, ._ scatters and cheape sailed back for suvla at . a.m.--just in good time to avoid a raid on our headquarters carried out by three taubes between . and a.m. a dozen bombs dropped; no serious harm done. heseltine, king's messenger, came to dinner. bad news from bulgaria. she is mobilizing, not, we may be sure, for the sake of helping those who do not help themselves. well do i remember ferdinand, as long ago as , turning to me and saying as he pointed to a picture of himself in the robes of a byzantine emperor, "_quand vous arrivez au bosphore, pensez à moi_." well, there is one good side to working over a narrow peninsula, under the guns of your own fleet, all the bulgars in the balkans cannot add a rifle to the number of enemy troops on gallipoli, who already, can only be munitioned, watered and fed with the greatest difficulty. the more targets the enemy cram on to their present narrow front the merrier for our gunners; the better the chance for our submarines starving the lot of them. so long as our fleet holds the Ã�gean, we may snap our fingers at the bulgarians, whereas they, were they fools enough to come here, would live on tenter hooks lest haply some fine morning our fleet should sail into the marmora. yes, two or three battleships in the marmora! think of it! the sea communications, constantinople-gallipoli and asia-gallipoli, would cease, _ipso facto_, to exist. the railways between europe and constantinople and asia and constantinople must shut down. in a fortnight the turks on the peninsula begin to pack up; in a month the turks in constantinople move bag and baggage from europe to asia. ferdinand watching the cat's jump, prepares to turn those , bayonets of his against the kaiser. so wags my world in the might-be; very much "might-be" for the navy are turning down the "to be" for the third time of asking. three times the sibyl makes her prodigious offer: may--august--september a new world for old battleships:--two--four--six! _ rd september, ._ stormy weather: the _imogene_ could hardly crawl out. have written k. to tell him how day succeeds day, never without incident, but never with achievement; how we are burnt up with longing to get on and how we know that he is as anxious. yet, as i tell him, _we_ "can't force the pace." how can we? we have not the wherewithal--the stuff. "byng would like to have four days' successive bombardment for an hour, and then attack, and speaks of one h.e. shell per yard as pat as if they were shells we could pick up on the seashore. i have assured him it is no earthly use; that he shall have his share of what i have got, but that stuff for bombardment is simply not in existence,--not here, at least." _ th september, . imbros._ fought against exasperation all day. as i thought:-- * * * * * "(no. , cipher). from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. in the existing situation, the two battalions referred to in your no. m.f. of st september, should remain for the present in egypt. i have informed maxwell to this effect." k. has re-opened the idea of giving up suvla, saying, "it might become necessary in certain eventualities to abandon that area." in my reply i have said, "i hope there will be no question now of the abandonment of suvla.... in the northern zone i have now more troops than at the time of my telegram, my line is stronger, the old troops are resting, the new troops are improving, and preparations are being made for a local advance. at this stage withdrawal will be a great moral victory for the turks. moreover, it would release a large number of enemy divisions to oppose the russians in asia, or for other enterprises." another cable also sent dealing with the ever present, ever pressing, ever ghastlier shortage upon the peninsula generally:-- * * * * * "my present shortages, st september, of infantry rank and file are , in the xxixth division, , in the three new army divisions, and , in the four territorial divisions, totalling , ; out of respective establishments of , , , and , , total, , ." were the royal naval division included the percentage would be worse. peter pollen and i dined with the admiral. after dinner, we discussed fox-ferdinand's little tricks. the admiral had heard a lot about his flirtations with the duke of mecklenburg lately sent from berlin on some sort of an ambassadorial mission to the balkans. i told him of my visit to sofia during the interval which took place between prince ferdinand proclaiming himself tsar, and the tardy and unenthusiastic recognition of his new rank by great britain. ferdinand's court chamberlain asked me to dine. i wanted to refuse as i had meant to go on to constantinople, but sir george buchanan, our minister, begged me to accept. diplomatic relations were broken off; he had not seen ferdinand for a month: he wanted to know what that prince would say to me: "_but_," he added, "you must on no account go in uniform. seeing you are on the army council it would almost amount to a recognition of his kingship if you went there in uniform." i thought this a little far-fetched; however, i wrote back and said that i had the honour to accept, but that, as i was travelling, i had only my _kleine uniform_; i.e., undress kit, handy. i proposed, therefore, with permission to take the liberty of presenting myself in evening dress, wearing miniature medals and decorations and the ribbon of the grand cross of the bath. by return messenger an answer came back, "his majesty particularly wished once more to see the admirable british uniform:" would i come in _kleine uniform_; meanwhile, to put me quite at my ease, h.m. had commanded the court also to wear undress. i showed this to sir george, who laughed and said, "he is too sharp; he has done us; you must go now--there is no help for it." so i went in my grubby blue serge and found ferdinand and the whole of his court blazing with orders in the fullest of full dress! _ th september, ._ to anzac in the _arno_. birdie met me and we walked along the lower part of the left of the australian trenches until we reached the new zealanders and were joined by godley. lunched with general inglefield; then plodded through the trenches held by his division (the th; nice-looking boys) and by the indian brigade. on the left of the indian brigade i was met by peyton who did pilot to me through the scottish horse section. the bard joined us here and was in great form, full of administrative good works as in south africa. the scottish horse are as keen as schoolboys out for their first shoot. they were very proud of themselves and of the effect their rifles with telescopic sights had produced when put into the hands of gillies and deer stalkers, and at every twenty yards or so there was a scottish horseman looking along his sights, finger on trigger, and by his side a spotter whose periscope was fixed on the opposite loophole. the moment a turkish shadow darkened the loophole the word was given, the bullet sped. not a very big mark a loophole at over yards but they got it, they said, one try out of three. at the end of the scottish horse we came to the worcester yeomanry trench. but time was up[ ] and i had to make tracks for anzac where we had tea with birdie, who had stuck to us throughout the tour. imbros by dinner-time. the quietest day, bar none, we have had on the peninsula since we first landed. not a shot was fired anywhere except by our own snipers. _ th september, . imbros._ last night, after dinner, braithwaite came across with a black piece of news in his pocket:-- * * * * * "(no. , cipher). from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. on account of the mobilization of the bulgarian army greece has asked the allies to send a force to salonika in order to enable her to support serbia should the latter be attacked by bulgaria, as well as by german forces from the north. no doubt you realize that if by such action bulgaria joins hands with the central powers they will have a clear road to constantinople and gallipoli, and be able to send large quantities of ammunition or troops, rendering your position very hazardous. "both france and ourselves have promised to send between us the troops asked for, viz., , men, and urgency is essential. it is evident that under these circumstances some troops will have to be taken from the dardanelles to go to salonika, but it must be clearly understood that there is no intention of withdrawing from the peninsula or of giving up the dardanelles operations until the turks are defeated. your staff officer has suggested to me that you saw no difficulty in reducing the length of your line and concentrating your forces by withdrawing from the position now held around suvla bay to the neighbourhood of the kaiajik aghala position whence a line might be drawn to the sea. "before the situation was changed by the bulgarians' action we considered that, owing to the marshy nature of the country now occupied at suvla and the approaching winter, this reduction of front would be strategically advantageous. hence my telegram no. to which your no. m.f. replies. "an offensive along practically the whole line in france has now commenced. the infantry are attacking to-day. far-reaching results are anticipated which, if secured, should greatly affect your situation. "the projected dispatch of reinforcements of french and british divisions for asiatic operations must be in abeyance until a decision in the western theatre can be reached. the troops now at the dardanelles which are required for salonika would be two divisions, preferably the xth and xith. the french would also have to withdraw either a brigade or a division from their force at helles for the same purpose. the yeomanry now _en route_ to you would also have to be diverted to salonika and we should have to arrange to mount them from egypt after their arrival. "cable me at once your ideas as to meeting these requirements. the dardanelles committee consider a withdrawal from suvla to be advisable under the circumstances, but they had not seen your telegram no. . we have been asked to send the -inch howitzer, now on board ship at mudros, to belgrade as soon as possible." amen--so be it! our mighty stroke at the vitals of the enemy is to break itself to pieces against the balkans. god save the king! may the devil fly away with the whole of the dardanelles committee!! what arguments--what pressure--i wonder can have moved k. to swap horse in mid-dardanelles? in december k. as good as told me i was "for it" if the day should come along for his new army to help the serbians. g.h.q. in france had belittled his effort to create it; they had tried to throw cold water on it (the new army) and now we should see how they liked it going to salonika! the reason why k., at that time, turned the project down was his view that one army corps was too small a force to launch into those regions of great armies and that, if the germans turned seriously in that direction, it would be gobbled up. but two army corps would starve, seeing we had no pack transport and that the railway would only feed , men. nor had we any mountain guns. in february he resurrected the question but that time he was put off by the typhus. "whatever destroys my new army," he said, "it shall not be the serbian lice." now he cables as if he was being quite consistent and sensible, _now_, when in every aspect, the odds have turned against the undertaking. as to the bulgarians having "a clear road to constantinople and gallipoli" my memorable dinner with ferdinand, and his insistence on his "pivotal" position, makes me perfectly certain that the bones of no bulgarian grenadier will fertilize the peninsula--whatever happens. and if the inconceivable were conceivable and ferdinand were to work for anything but his own immediate gain--there is no room for them here! that fact is cast iron. the turkish empire is _here_ in full force. enver can't feed more! these numbers cause us no alarm. since the last abortive effort of the turkish command to get their men to attack every soldier in the trenches knows well that the enemy are afraid of us. they dare not attack, they will not attack, and they cannot attack. we know that quite well. if k. would only come out here he would realize that the turk has lost his sting. i don't mean to say he is not still a formidable fellow to turn out of his trench, but he can't attack any more: and that is just the moment we have chosen to sit down and do nothing; now, when the enemy has been brought to a standstill! during my absence bailloud has wired saying he had received orders from his own minister of war to arrange for sending away one division of the c.e.o. and braithwaite has cabled the startling news to our s. of s. for war. well, well. if the greeks and ourselves are going to push through the mountains to help the serbs to hold belgrade and the line of the danube, why then, no doubt, we are embarking upon something that would be fine were it feasible--something more hopeful than sitting at salonika and in its salubrious suburbs, the "political" advantages of which were preached to us by napier. but let no man hereafter talk of dardanelles adventures. _mon dieu!_ once again see the dupes of maps preparing to dash out their brains, or rather the brains of others, against the rocks. if only joffre and k. had looked at belgrade over the guns of an austrian battery in semlin, as i did in ! the line of the danube is untenable except by a very large force against the very large forces that can, and will, be brought against it and there is no fleet there to feed a large force. also, the communications of such a defending force will not only be mechanically rotten but will also be strategically at the tender mercy of the most cunning prince in europe. we may think we have squared ferdinand. but it is easier to square the circle than square a fox. on the danube, the central powers can put _and keep_ six men to our one, _unless_ we control the river from its mouth to belgrade. this we can only do by forcing the dardanelles. after outlining an answer for braithwaite to draft, i started off at . for anzac and suvla. with me were taylor, gascoigne, lieutenant moore and freddie. from anzac i walked along the old communication trench for a couple of miles, and then went round general taylor's brigade along the front by green hill and the chocolate hills. the heat was very exhausting. yesterday's calm has proved to be the prelude to an attempted storm. at a.m. there was a big bombardment of the front line trenches, and the turks made a gesture of defiance. the gesture did not go beyond fixing bayonets and shouting "allah!" and the only result has been to render suvla more convinced than ever that the turks are absolutely fed up. after invigorating myself with a good draught of regimental spirit, set forth to walk back to anzac. half way i halted at the indian brigade headquarters, and, on the invitation of the hospitable colonel palin, had a square meal. met allanson, the brave commander of the th gurkhas; allanson who scaled the heights of sari bair and entered for a few hectic hours into the promised land. oh, what a wonderful adventure his has been! to have seen the dardanelles and their defences lying flat at his feet! to feel--as he says he did--that he held the whole turkish army by the throat! to-day's inspection has once more brought me into personal touch with the perfect confidence felt both at anzac and suvla in the demoralization of the turks. this has nerved me to cable agreeing to spare the th and rd divisions from suvla as well as a brigade of french from helles and four and a half brigades of british field artillery:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to secretary of state for war. reference your no. . let me begin by saying that i quite realize that, to you, playing for your large stakes, the dardanelles operation may temporarily become of a secondary nature. in spite of the salonika scheme i am, however, particular to note that it is not intended to withdraw from the gallipoli peninsula, nor to give up here until the turks are beaten. bearing this in mind it becomes my duty to point out the objection to the abandonment of suvla bay, the consequences of which at this stage would, i consider, be so grave that i am warranted in running much risk to get you your two divisions by other means. the situation has greatly changed since i first suggested the possibility of abandoning the bay, and its abandonment at this stage would, i feel convinced, enormously accentuate the difficulties of any subsequent attempt to capture the narrows; unless, as a result of our landing troops at salonika, bulgaria were induced to side with us and not against us. even when i told you in my no. m.f. of rd august that the diminution of my forces might compel me to contract my line, i could not view the project without misgiving, in spite of the fact that, at that time, i had landed few reinforcements and little artillery in the new zone, and my views are not rightly interpreted when it is said that i saw no great difficulty in the enterprise. after i had received the reassuring news of reinforcements i sent you my no. m.f. of th august and i have from that date been pouring in large quantities of reinforcements and supplies in anticipation of winter, and have landed a large additional amount of artillery. therefore, i could not hurriedly evacuate the bay without sacrificing the majority of supplies and warlike stores. i might also have very considerable losses, for the turks, who were previously yards away, are now within bombing distance in places. they have a large number of guns in the northern zone and a retirement could only be effected under heavy fire, which with unseasoned troops would make the retreat a hazardous one. as explained in my no. m.f. evacuation of the bay would involve with it the _eventual_ evacuation of all but the original anzac position. but even if this last step were not necessary the withdrawal of british soldiers from suvla would be an overwhelming victory for the turks. our position in the dardanelles would be entirely altered for the worse and even the effect of our landing of troops at salonika might be discounted in bulgarian eyes. at the present moment the turkish commissariat difficulties and tales of starving families which the wounded bring back from constantinople are having a bad effect on their _moral_ and the number of desertions is on the increase. two turkish attempts at the offensive have broken down completely during the last week as their troops refused to leave cover. if i give ground the turkish _moral_ will immediately recover and instead of containing over , turks in the northern zone there would be large numbers set free to go elsewhere. all these arguments seem to prove plainly that to evacuate a yard of suvla would be a most serious, and might prove a disastrous step. i would therefore prefer to run the risk of holding the line defensively with fewer troops in order to spare two divisions for the new enterprise. "i have at present one division in corps reserve at suvla and the st australian division resting at mudros and also one brigade resting at imbros. by bringing the tired australians back and making them replace the mounted division in the section north of susak kuyu i could spare xth and liiird divisions or else xth and xith. i could also spare one french brigade from cape helles without replacing it by troops from suvla, and a total of - / british field artillery brigades. this would at any rate enable me to postpone any evacuation at suvla and if the withdrawal became necessary later on there would be less loss involved in supplies and stores, as i could gradually make necessary preparations for this deplorable contingency. "the -inch howitzer is at alexandria and can be sent whenever you desire on the receipt of instructions. to-morrow i am having a conference here with the corps commanders concerned to consider the details. i hope that you realize that though the ixth corps consists of xth, xith and xiiith divisions there are attached to it liiird welsh division, mounted division and xxixth division, and i therefore sincerely trust you will not contemplate the withdrawal of the corps staff and corps commander to accompany the two divisions destined for salonika, for i have absolutely no one to replace them." _ th september, ._ after breakfast a dove, the german sort, flew across from chanak and dropped four bombs on our headquarters; all wide; no damage. at o'clock birdwood and byng came over for a confab on the last upset. both generals went word by word through my m.f. of the th september,--( ) as to drawing in our horns at suvla,--( ) as to our power of holding on after we lose the th and rd divisions. they concur in my cables and are emphatic as to the futility of making a gift of ground to any enemy who are shaking in their shoes. what the turks want is a gift, not of ground but of high explosive shell. a few thousand pounds worth of that and byng would go ahead and settle their hash for good. birdie stayed to lunch during which meal i got a message from bailloud telling me flat that he had orders from his government to get one division over to mudros forthwith. as long as i am in command no soldier but myself shall handle the troops entrusted to me. i have sent the following reply:--"sorry that as my orders already telegraphed to you this morning are specific, i cannot permit any movement of troops away from the peninsula pending further instructions." ross and nevinson (press correspondents), who have been away on a jaunt, called on me and had tea. lord william percy and sir walter barttelot dined. _ th september, ._ office. at midnight an enemy aeroplane let us have a taste of his high explosive--no harm done. at . this morning another came over and dropped a couple of bombs into the aerodrome close by--two men hit. colonel dorling reported himself to me as senior paymaster. a cable from k. saying he is glad to meet me as to holding on at suvla. he agrees in fact that to draw in our horns would merely set free six turkish divisions to attack us elsewhere. he agrees also with my choice of divisions for salonika. k. seems astonished at the behaviour of the french government in sending tactical orders direct to bailloud. most extraordinary, he calls it. he wants byng to go to salonika and winds up gloriously by telling me of the great things they are doing in france; that, up to the present, , prisoners and over guns have been taken, and that he hopes there are more of each to follow. this fine success, he says, should help us along in the east. so it should. i have cabled the good news across and ordered a _feu de joie_ to be fired everywhere on the peninsula in honour of the victory. the ball was opened at helles at p.m., the turks replied vigorously with every gun and rifle they could bring to bear, and rarely, i imagine, has a "furious joy" expressed itself more furiously. nowhere in the empire has this fine victory brought more heartfelt relief and joy than at the dardanelles: to have been brought to a standstill, for the third time of asking, for _nothing_; that was the fear which had haunted us. _ th september, ._ work. at a.m. tore myself away from my papers to play principal part in a gay little ceremony. outside my office a guard of honour of surrey yeomanry, naval division and australians formed three sides of a square. bertier, de la borde and pelliot were led in smiling like brides going up to the altar, and, after a tiny speech, i decorated the first with the d.s.o. and the other two with the military cross. all three officers are most popular, and there were loud cheers. de la borde had tea and mitchell came in at the same time to say good-bye. we are all distressed at losing mitchell. he is a very fine specimen of the sailor of the modern school. efficient, modest, untiring at his work. he has collaborated in the most loyal and devoted manner with the g.s., and i don't know how we should ever have got on without him. nevinson, the correspondent, came again with maxwell, the press censor. nevinson wants to find out whether it would be worth his while to go to salonika. i would like to lend him a hand for he is such a nice fellow, but the matter is about as secret as can be, and i don't feel myself free to say much. the captains of h.m.s. _cornwall_ and _cornwallis_ dined; also flight commander samson and ward, king's messenger. the last named starts to-morrow night and carried off with him my letter to k. amongst other things i write:--"in the cables which have passed between us, i have found it anything but an easy business to strike the happy mean between executing your wishes promptly and cheerfully on the one hand, and, on the other, giving you a faithful impression of how we should stand here once your orders had been carried out. "if i make too little of the dangers which surround me, then you may be encouraged to weaken me still further, thereby jeopardizing the whole of this enterprise. but if i allow my anxieties to get too much the upper hand, why then i may be ruining some larger enterprise, the bearing of which i have no means of gauging." i then explain the situation and wind up:--"in the small hours of the morning, before i have had my matutinal cup of tea, the immediate outlook gives me a feeling of cold feet in a more aggravated form than i have hitherto experienced. the whole plan of the french asiatic subsidiary operation has gone, for the meantime, by the board. england and france between them cannot find men enough, i should think, to send considerable forces to asia as well as run an entirely new show elsewhere. indeed, naval requirements alone would seem entirely to forbid it. but i must not worry you any more with surmises. after all, nothing great in this world was ever easily accomplished. never has there been such an example of that as in the dardanelles expedition. how many times has success seemed to be on the point of crowning our efforts, and yet, on each occasion, just as we are beginning to see light through the tangle of obstacles, preparing for an assault, or whatever it may be, something occurs to upset the apple-cart. none the less we do advance, and we will succeed in the end. i feel i am playing it rather low down inflicting on you the outline of my own trouble at a moment when your own must be infinitely greater. "reading over this letter which i have not now time to re-write or correct, it strikes me that in concentrating my mind purely on the dardanelles i may have given a wrong impression of my general attitude towards your latest demand. no one can realize, i believe, more clearly than i do that the dardanelles operations themselves hinge for their success to a very large extent upon the maintenance of a barrier between the central powers and constantinople. as far as reinforcements of men to the enemy in the field are concerned, such inter-communication would not be so fatal as might perhaps be imagined. the gallipoli peninsula is a limited area, and if the germans had a million men at constantinople they could not, under present conditions, add many, if any, to the numbers already opposed to us. but the free transit of coal, flour, ammunition and big guns might well put us all in the cart--the cart being in this instance, the sea." my a.d.c. has brought me an irritated message from the a.g., war office:-- * * * * * "your no. m.f.a. of the th instant. are you aware that your telegram was really a demand for , men with a weekly supply in addition. we do not see how to meet such large numbers in view of the present situation in france. have the numbers at base, alexandria, and men returning from hospital, etc., been taken into account? please state what are your minimum requirements to carry on with." am i aware, etc.? why certainly; _and so is the a.g._ to ignore facts is one thing; to be ignorant of them is another. these facts are, or should be, the daily bread of his department. i resent this surprise; it is not genuine. if, as the a.g. says, they have not got the men to send, why in god's name do they go on telling the people they _have_ got them? have drafted out this answer:-- * * * * * "a.g. my telegram no. m.f.a. told you the number required to bring and keep all formations up to establishment and, as an estimate, the numbers given therein are accurate. there is nothing new in that telegram; it is only the culmination of many demands, the deficiency, which was serious enough before, being aggravated by the prevailing epidemic. i took into account the numbers in base depots and men returning from hospital. i certainly hope that there may be a decrease in the sick rate and that there will be an increase in the numbers returning from hospital, but that cannot make any difference to my present shortage of establishment though it would affect the strength of monthly drafts required. "i would like further to point out that only of the , drafts now coming are for the territorial force, the remainder being for the regulars. hence assuming that wastage will be equally distributed over all the eight divisions, the estimated shortage of , on th october will be constituted as follows:--four territorial force divisions, , ; four regular divisions, , . "when my no. m.f.a. was sent no question had arisen of denuding my force for a fresh expedition elsewhere. i fully realize that you cannot send what does not exist and i will do the best possible with what you, knowing my situation, are able to send; but i do not consider that it is possible to view my position in winter with any equanimity unless i am to receive substantial drafts and unless a normal flow of reinforcements for all divisions can be arranged so as to counter the difficulties that are inherent in keeping a force operating so far from england up to establishment." _ th september, . imbros._ peace on the peninsula; trouble at g.h.q. the th division is taking its departure from suvla undisturbed by the enemy. not a shot is being fired. some say this denotes extraordinary skill in the conduct of the withdrawal; others, extraordinary delight on the part of the turks to see them clearing out. i don't believe in either theory. the turks have been fought to a standstill and there is no attack left in them--not under _any_ circumstances or temptation; that is what i believe in my heart, otherwise i would refuse point blank to strip myself of two full divisions under their noses. still, it is nervous work presuming to this extent upon their fatigue and i will not agree to the rd going too, as the loss of three divisions would leave an actual hole in our line. meanwhile, it is a relief to hear that the move is going on just like peacetime. as to g.h.q., all is held up by uncertainty. our whole enterprise hangs still in the balance. no date for the sailing of our troops for salonika can yet be fixed, and we may get them back. am glued to the cable terminus waiting, waiting, waiting. i have agreed to let the nd brigade of the french go! this cable sent to-day to lord k. explains itself:-- * * * * * "the following has just been received from bailloud:--'i have the honour to inform you that i have received a telegram from the french minister of war ordering me ( ) to embark one division of the corps expéditionnaire immediately for salonika; ( ) to organize this division, which will be placed under my command, into two brigades of metropolitan infantry with two groups of mm., one group of mountain artillery, one battery of mm. howitzer and four mm. guns. i am taking steps to execute this order and to hold the present section of the french line with the force remaining in the peninsula, which will be placed under general brulard.' "i said in my telegram no. m.f. , that i could only spare one brigade of the french. i desire to place on record that if this order of the french government is carried out the liiird division cannot possibly be spared without seriously endangering the safety of this force and the whole future of the dardanelles enterprise. even if i were to keep the liiird division it would not relieve me of intense anxiety. the fact will not escape your notice that the division to go is being re-constructed so that nothing but european troops are included, thus leaving an undue proportion of senegalese. this constitutes such a grave danger that, if i had the power, i would refuse to allow bailloud to carry out this order of his government. it need hardly be pointed out that all your hopes of success in the balkans would be upset by a disaster at cape helles. even when i said that i could spare one french infantry brigade the commander of the viiith corps, who is one of the last men in the army to express alarmist views, represented to me, in view of the physical condition of a large proportion of his troops, the gravity of the case in the strongest terms." a reminder of mine _re_ the ashmead-bartlett incident has drawn an amusing and highly unexpected answer from the war office:-- * * * * * "murdoch was found to be carrying a despatch for the prime minister criticizing military operations in gallipoli. he carried nothing for lawson." i could not help laughing heartily at the blue looks of tyrrell, the head of our intelligence. after all, this is asquith's own affair. i do not for one moment believe mr. asquith would employ such agencies and for sure he will turn murdoch and his wares into the wastepaper basket. i have reassured tyrrell. tittle-tattle will effect no lodgment in the asquithian brain. lieutenant moore from the military secretary's office in london dined. he has been useful to us. during the night there was rain and heavy fog. the evacuation of suvla by the th division goes on without the smallest hitch and is almost finished--all except the guns. whether the turks have fallen asleep or only closed an eye is the question of the hour but birdwood's intelligence are certain they are stone cold and cannot be dragged to the attack. _ st october, . imbros._ s. of s. cables he will not overlook our wants in the matter of ammunition but that "at the present moment all he can get has to be sent to france." i have thanked him. not a word from france since we fired the _feu de joie_. k. believes in the east and sends shell to the west. the reason is that k.'s _beliefs_ are only intuitions; he believes in the same sort of way that elijah knew certain things. the principle underlying the world war seems to me this:--that wherever the new system of trenches, dug-outs, barbed wire, can reach its fullest development, _there_ we should prefer the defensive. wherever this new system cannot be fully developed, there the old ideas hold good and there are the theatres for the offensive. in france and flanders where both sides are within a few hours' run, on good railways, from their own chief arsenals and depôts the new system attains prodigious power. in the turkish empire almost all the conditions; railways, material, factories, etc., are favourable to the old and unfavourable to the new conditions. to me these views appear as clear as crystal and as unanswerable as euclid. the tenacity of the new system of defence; the pressure of france; the apathy of a starved military opinion; the fact that all our most powerful soldiers are up to their necks in the west, combine to keep us ramming our heads against the big pile of barbed wire instead of getting through by the gate called strait. next braithwaite with the following electrical bombshell:-- * * * * * "by bailloud's report i see that he considers that the french line can be held by one division. if, on reconsideration, you agree with this view can you spare the liiird division?" k. has pounced like a hawk on bailloud's statement (which i cabled to him yesterday) that he is taking steps for brulard to hold the french section with one division. have answered:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f. ). from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. your no. , cipher. not one word of my no. m.f. can i take back. the situation at cape helles cannot be fully realized. may i remind you that when on th august i moved the xxixth division to suvla, i left at cape helles only the minimum garrison compatible with safety. since that date the total british troops there have decreased in strength from , to , rifles, and now i am losing a french composite division which is made up of the only troops of the corps expéditionnaire on whom i can rely, as well as guns. it is my considered opinion that to leave protection of cape helles to one division of colonial troops, plus , worn-out british territorials and naval volunteers, is running too serious a risk. to-day, therefore, i am moving one brigade of xxixth division back from suvla to reinforce viiith corps in order to have some regular troops there on whom i can rely. this makes it impossible to spare the liiird division. the change of opinion on the part of bailloud, when he gets away from a position which i have found it difficult to persuade him to hold with two divisions, and which he now, as you say, thinks can be held with one division composed largely of blacks, is startling enough to need no comment. if you want to get at his real opinion, suggest that he stays here with one division while brulard goes to salonika. "a despatch from bailloud has _just_ reached me on the situation in french section after his own departure with one division. it is as follows:-- * * * * * "'one division will then be defending our present line with an effective strength reduced by half, and with infantry which comprises only colonial contingents, half european and half native. i feel it to be my duty to expose the situation to you in order that you may be able to decide whether the time has not now arrived to reduce the present section of the c.e.o., making part of it occupied by british troops and holding a solid reserve in rear of the allies' first line capable of dealing with any situation.' "i believe this indicates bailloud's real opinion; it is a curious contrast to that quoted in your no. , cipher, dated th september." at . crossed to "k" and inspected the th brigade of the th division. lucas, of the berks regiment, commanded. saw the border regiment under colonel pollard; then the renowned royal inniskilling fusiliers under major pierce, the full strength of the battalion on parade "all present" was ! next the k.o.s.b.s; they were under the command of major stoney; last the south wales borderers under the command of captain williams. the men were in rags and looked very tired. this is the first time in the campaign our rank and file have seemed sorry for themselves. ten days of rest had been promised them and now they are being hurried back to the trenches before they have had a week. my heart goes out to them entirely. were i they i would feel mad with me. the breaking of my word to the th division has to be shouldered by me just like all the other results of this new balkan adventure; the withdrawal of the irish and the french for salonika leaves no margin of rest for what's left. inspected also the west riding field company of royal engineers under major bayley, and the west lancashire field ambulance. a long letter from maxwell putting his point of view about the st and rd sikhs. were we both sealed-pattern saints we'd be bound to fall foul of one another working under so perverse a system. he has written me very nicely; nothing could be nicer. i have replied by return:-- * * * * * "yours of th just received. as to the wires about the st and rd between myself and the war office, and your remarks thereon, we stand so much on one platform, and are faced so much by the same difficulties, that i think it ought to be fairly easy for us to come to an understanding in most conceivable circumstances, as indeed our co-operation up to date has shown. "if egypt goes, then i shall not last very long. if i am wiped out, i think it will be the preface to trouble in egypt.[ ] "as to myself i am , below strength. i had a cable from the war office a day or two ago expressing naïve astonishment at this figure. i replied that the figure was accurate and that there was nothing new about it as it only denoted the accumulation of a state of things which had been continuously reported since the very first day when we started off from england minus the ten per cent. margin of excess given to every unit going across to france. this is the essential cause of our repeated failure to make that last little push which just differentiates partial from conclusive success. in every case this has been so. had i been able to throw in my ten per cent. margin on the third day after landing, there is no doubt in the world we would have got right up on to achi baba. afterwards, each engagement we fought, although our total numbers may have been largely increased, the old formations were always at half strength or something less. however, i won't bother you about this as your time is too precious to enter into 'might-have-beens' and so is mine. "meantime, my line is very, very thin, and the men are getting entirely worn out. in the midst of this i am called upon to send away two divisions, the french and the irish, to ---- you know where. i have done so without a murmur, although it puts me into a ticklish position. reinforcements are now to be diverted elsewhere and my command is not an enviable one. i quite understand the necessity of trying to maintain a barrier between essen and constantinople. i quite understand also the danger of doing so at the expense of this attenuated, exhausted force. i have represented the facts home, and it is for them to decide." dined with the admiral. _ nd october, ._ the despatch of the salonika force and their outfit are absorbing all my energies. our whole expeditionary force is being drawn upon to send the th division creditably turned out to the new theatre. the twenty-four hours' delay caused by the political crisis at athens has been a godsend in enabling me to reclothe and re-equip the detachment from top to toe. the supplies for my own force are now exhausted, but,--on the principle of the starving garrison who threw loaves over the ramparts at the besiegers, we must try and make a good first impression on the greeks. the submarine catcher, or the "silver baby" as the men call it, has been flying about all day, without luck. gascoigne and bertier dined. blazing hot; quite a setback to august temperatures. footnotes: [footnote : we had to get into kephalos harbour before dark; otherwise the submarine indicator nets were damaged.--ian h.] [footnote : the last time this subject was broached between lord kitchener and myself was immediately after the evacuation of helles. everyone was intensely relieved, especially lord kitchener, for he had realized better than our politicians the desperate stakes we had planked down in our gamble with the clerk of the weather. yet in that very moment when the burden of an intolerable anxiety had just been lifted from his shoulders he took the occasion to declare to me that he stood by every word he had said. what he "had said," was that any withdrawal from the dardanelles must react in due course upon islam, and especially upon egypt. cairo, he held to be the centre of the mahomedan doctrine and the pivotal point of our great mahomedan imperium. an evacuation of the dardanelles would serve as an object lesson to egypt just as our blunders in the crimea had served as a motive to the indian mutineers. ultimate success was not the point in either case. the point was that the legend of the invincibility of british troops should be shattered in some signal and quite unmistakable fashion. "the east," he said, "moved slowly in the fifties, and it will move slowly now. we've had a wonderful delivery but--depend upon it--the price has yet to be paid!"--ian h., .] chapter xxi the beginning of the end _ rd october, . imbros._ church parade. inspected escort, men of the howe and nelson battalions and a contingent from the th and th australian infantry. at . bailloud, brulard and girodon arrived from mudros for a last conference. everything is fixed up. we are going to help the derelict division of french in every way we can. bailloud, for his part, promises to leave them their fair share of guns and trench mortars. whenever i see him i know he is one of the best fellows in the world. we went down and waved farewells from the pier. he was quite frank. he does not think the allies have either the vision or the heart to go through with gallipoli: he begins to suspect that the big push on the western front is going to yield no laurels: so salonika hits his fancy. lieutenants weston and schemallach of the australians and lieutenant gellibrand of the naval division lunched. a mr. unsworth came to talk over gifts for the australian troops. he seems a capital chap; full of go and goodwill to all men. _ th october, . imbros._ vague warnings have taken shape in an event. a cable from k. telling me to decipher the next message myself. i have not drafted out an average of fifty telegrams a day for lord k. for six months at a stretch without knowing something of his _modus scribendi_. the staff were pleasantly excited at the idea that some new move was in the wind. i knew the new move--or thought i did. well, not that: not exactly that; not this time. but the enemies of our enterprise have got our range to a nicety and have chucked their first bomb bang into the middle of my camp. a "flow of unofficial reports from gallipoli," so k. cables to me, is pouring into the war office. these "unofficial reports" are "in much the same strain" (perhaps they spring from the same source?). "they adversely criticize the work of the headquarters staff and complaints are made that its members are much out of touch with the troops. the war office also doubt whether their present methods are quite satisfactory." k. therefore suggests "some important changes in your headquarters staff; for instance, if you agreed, kiggell from home to take braithwaite's place with you. should you, however, decline and desire to remain as at present, may we assume that we are quite safe in regarding these unofficial reports as not representing the true feelings of the troops?" so----! on the face of it this cable seems to suggest that a man widely known as a straight and capable soldier should be given the shortest of shrifts at the instance of "unofficial reports"; i.e., camp gossip. surely the cable message carries with it some deeper significance! i am grateful to old k. he is trying to save me. he picked out braithwaite himself. not so long ago he cabled me in his eagerness to promote him to major-general; he would not suggest substituting the industrious kiggell if he didn't fear for me and for the whole of this enterprise. k. wants, so he says, "some important change"; that cannot mean, surely, that he wants a sufficiently showy scapegoat to feed the ravenous critics--or does it? perhaps, he's got to gain time; breathing space wherein to resume the scheme which was sidetracked by the offensive in france and smashed by the diversion to salonika. given time, our scheme may yet be resumed. the turks are in the depths. sarrail with his six divisions behind him could open the narrows in no time. i see the plan. k. must have a splendid sacrifice but by the lord they shan't have the man who stood by me like a rock during those first ghastly ten days. the new c.r.e., general williams, and ellison turned up for lunch. williams gave us the first authentic news we have had about those aden excursions and alarms. an amusing aftermath of the evacuation by the french and irish divisions. when the last of bailloud's troops had embarked the turks dropped manifestoes from aeroplanes along the lines of the senegalese calling upon these troops to make terms and come over now that their white comrades had left them to have their throats cut. i have cabled this queer item to the s. of s. evidently the enemy were quite well aware of our withdrawal. then _why_ didn't they shell the beaches? at french headquarters they believe that the turks were so glad to see our backs that they hardly dared breathe (much less fire a shell) lest we should change our minds. _ th october, ._ first thing another cable from k. saying, "i think it well to let you know" that it is "quite understood by the dardanelles committee that you are adopting only a purely defensive attitude at present." also:--"i have no reason to imagine you have any intention of taking the offensive anywhere along the line seeing i have been unable to replace your sick and wounded men." but, if he knows i _can't_ take the offensive, why trouble to cable me that the dardanelles committee expect me to adopt "only a purely defensive attitude"? i realize where we stand; k., braithwaite and i,--on the verge. we are getting on for two months now since the august fighting--all that time we have been allowed to do nothing--literally, allowed to do nothing, seeing we have been given no shell. what a fiasco! the dardanelles is not a sanatorium; suvla is not southend. with the men we have lost from sickness in the past six weeks we could have beaten the turks twice over. now government seem to be about to damn everything--themselves included. but after all, who am i to judge the government of the british empire? what do i know of their difficulties, pledges, and enemies--whether outside or inside the fold? i have no grouse against government or war office--still less against k.--though many hundred times have i groused.[ ] freely and gratefully do i admit that the individuals have done their best. most of all am i indebted--very deeply indebted--to k. for having refrained absolutely from interference with my plan of campaign or with the tactical execution thereof. but things are happening now which seem beyond belief. that the dardanelles committee should complacently send me a message to say we "quite understand that you are adopting only a purely defensive attitude at present" is staggering when put side by side with the carbon of this, the very last cable i have sent them. "i think you should know immediately that the numbers of sick evacuated in the ixth corps during the first three days of october were men on the st instant; men on the nd instant and men on the rd instant. were this rate kept up it would come to per cent. of our strength evacuated in one month." three quarters of this sickness is due to inaction--and now the dardanelles committee "quite understand" i am "adopting only a purely defensive action at present." i have never adopted a defensive attitude. they have forced us to sit idle and go sick because--at the very last moment--they have permitted the french offensive to take precedence of ours, although, on the face of it, there was no violent urgency in france as there is here. our men in france were remarkably healthy; they were not going sick by thousands. but i feel too sick myself--body and soul--to let my mind dwell on these miseries. sealed my resolution (resignation?) by giving my answer about braithwaite. though the sins of my general staff have about as much to do with the real issues as the muddy water had to do with the death of the argumentative lamb, i begin by pointing out to the war office wolf that "no headquarters staff has ever escaped similar criticism." grumblings are an old campaigner's _vade mecum_. bred by inaction; enterprise and activity smother them. a sickness of the spirit, they are like the flies that fasten on those who stay too long in one place. was doughty wylie "much out of touch with the troops" when he led the dublins, munsters and hampshires up from "v" beach and fell gloriously at their head? was williams "out of touch" when he was hit? was hore ruthven? "as to braithwaite," i say, "my confidence in that officer is complete. i did not select him; you gave him to me and i have ever since felt most grateful to you for your choice." now--i feel better. the plot thickens. a cable just come in from the s. of s. for war:-- * * * * * "the following statement has been made in letter to prime minister, australia, by mr. murdoch: 'the fact is that after the first day at suvla an order had to be issued to officers to shoot without mercy any soldier who lagged behind or loitered in advance.' wire me as to the truth or otherwise of this allegation." murdoch must be mad. or, is there some method in this madness? mr. murdoch was not a war correspondent; he is purely a civilian and could hardly have invented this "order" on his own. no soldier could have told him this. someone not a soldier--someone so interested in discrediting the dardanelles campaign that he does not scruple to do so even by discrediting our own troops must have put this invention about, _per_ murdoch. doubtless we strike here upon the source of these "unofficial statements" which have been flowing into the war office. all i remember of his visit to me here is a sensible, well-spoken man with dark eyes, who said his mind was a blank about soldiers and soldiering, and made me uncomfortable by an elaborate explanation of why his duty to australia could be better done with a pen than with a rifle. he was one week at the press correspondents' camp and spent, so they tell me, a few hours only at anzac and suvla, never once crossing to helles. if then his letter to his prime minister is a fair sample of the grounds upon which braithwaite has been condemned, heaven help us all! as a relief to these disagreeable thoughts, a taube dropped a couple of bombs into camp. she flew so high that she was hard to see until the bursting shrapnel gave us her line. as she made tracks back through the trackless blue, the ships gave her a taste of some big projectiles, -inches or . . the aerial commotion up there must have been considerable. at noon, sailed over to suvla in h.m.s. _savage_. we took our lunch on board. as we came into harbour the turks gave us a shell or two from their field guns, then stopped. young titchfield, the duke of portland's son, met us at the beach and brought us along to byng's headquarters, where i met also de lisle and reed. after hearing their news i started off with the whole band to make a tour of the trenches held by the th brigade, under general cayley. on the way i was taken up to "gibraltar" observation post to get a bird's-eye view of the line. besides my old friends of the th division i saw some of the new boys, especially the st newfoundland battalion under colonel burton, and the / st coy. of the london regiment. this was the newfoundlanders' first day in the trenches and they were very pleased with themselves. they could not understand why they were not allowed to sally forth at once and do the turks in. the presence of these men from our oldest colony adds to the extraordinary mix-up of people now fighting on the peninsula. all the materials exist here for bringing off the biblical coup of armageddon excepting only the shell. in the course of these peregrinations i met marshall of the rd division, beresford, commanding the th brigade, and colonel savage, r.e. after tea with byng, including the rare treat of a slice of rich cake, we went down to our friend h.m.s. _savage_. the wind had risen to a fairly stiff gale, and the sea was beginning to get very big. those field gun shells had caused the _savage_ to lie a desperate long way out to sea; we had a very stiff pull in the teeth of the waves, and every one of us began to think that salt water rather than the bullet was going to end our days. however, we just managed by the skin of our teeth and the usual monkey tricks, to scramble up on board. as i said in my wrath when i first stood on the firm deck, i would sooner have a hundred shells fired at me by the turks. captain davidson commanding h.m.s. _cornwallis_ dined; everyone liked him very much. _ th october, ._ left general headquarters soon after o'clock for helles, taking with me aspinall and freddie. lunched with davies at th corps headquarters. afterwards rode across to royal naval division and saw paris. then went with bertie lawrence, commanding nd division, to his lines. our route lay up achi baba nallah and along the trenches to the horse shoe; then along princes street trench up the vineyard, and back along the krithia nallah to the headquarters of the th brigade. there we mounted our horses and rode back to corps headquarters. i brought steward back with me to dine and sleep the night. colonel tyrrell and major hunloke (king's messenger) also dined. _ th october, ._ wasted energy brooding over the addled eggs of the past. are the high gods bringing our new iliad to grief in a spirit of wanton mischief? at whose door will history leave the blame for the helpless, hopeless fix we are left in--rotting with disease and told to take it easy? that clever fellow deedes dined; also rowan hamilton, son of my old simla friend the colonel of that name. _ th october, . imbros._ at a.m. ellison, taylor, gascoigne and freddie sailed with me for anzac. there we lunched with the ascetic birdie and staff off bully beef, biscuits and water. then, the whole lot of us, together with de crespigny, birdie's staff officer, hurried five miles an hour down the communication trench to the headquarters of the indian brigade. after greetings we shoved on and saw the nd lovat scouts under lieutenant-colonel stirling and met, whilst going round their line, major morrison bell and captain oppenheim. they seemed in very good fettle, and it would have been hard to find a finer lot of men. taking leave of the nd lovat scouts, we worked along the trenches of the fife and forfar yeomanry, under colonel mitchell, until we came to the st lovat scouts under colonel bailey. lovat himself was sick, but peyton commanding the nd mounted division turned up just when the inspection was at an end. he had got lost in the trenches, or we had. next time the way was lost there was no mistake as to who had made the mistake. birdie and i were pushing along as fast as we could leg it back towards anzac. in the maze of trenches we came to a dividing of the ways. two jolly old sikhs were sitting at the junction. i asked if the road to the left led to the headquarters of the indian brigade. they said, "yes," so on we went, i leading, birdie following. the trench got shallower and shallower until, in a little grove of trees, it petered out entirely. but it seemed to begin again in the other side and so we crossed through the trees. once there we found that the supposed trench was only a shallow scratching up of the earth, and that we were standing within a hundred yards of the turkish lines just about half way between them and the lovat scouts! i shouted to birdie and we turned and ran for it--for our lives, i mean. luckily the turks were slow at spotting us, all except one who was a rank bad shot: so tumbling back into the trenches from which we had emerged, we saved ourselves by the skin of our teeth. i could not have been smarter about dodging two or three bullets had it been the beginning of our enterprise and had the high minarets of constantinople glittered before my eyes. when we got back to where the two old sikhs were sitting, as placid as idols, birdie gave them his opinion of their ancestors. on reaching the australian and new zealand division we were done to a turn, but godley revived us with tea and then we made our way back to our destroyer and to headquarters. it was dark when we arrived and a bad storm was setting in--wind and rain--which went on till midnight. replies have come in to our enquiries as to mr. murdoch's statement to the prime minister of australia that british officers had been ordered to "shoot without mercy any soldier who lagged behind or loitered." as the secretary of state seems to take this charge seriously, i thought it well, before i sent my answer, just to make sure that no subordinate had said, or done, or written anything which could plausibly be twisted into this lie. the generals have denied indignantly; are furious, in fact, at the double insult to their men and to themselves. have cabled accordingly:-- * * * * * "(no. m.f.a.b. ). from general sir ian hamilton to secretary of state for war. with reference to your no. m.o. of the th inst. i have _pro forma_ made full enquiries and i find that there is no truth whatever in the allegation made by murdoch." _ th october, ._ had made my _band-o-bast_ for running over to helles, but the vice-admiral cabled he wanted to see me if he could at . . anyway the sea is still a bit rough for the crossing and landing. a lot of damage was done last night to the anzac piers, two of them being clean washed away. peter pollen is off colour. freddie and i dined on board the _triad_. whilst at dinner got full reports both from suvla and anzac as to the effects of the storm. the southerly gale, which not only washed away the piers but sunk the water lighters at anzac, has done no harm at suvla except that three motor lighters have been driven ashore. the admiral is clear that, during southerly gales we shall have to supply both anzac and suvla by the new pier just north of ari burnu. the promontory is small but last night it gave complete protection to everything in its lea. by sinking an old ship we can turn ari burnu into quite a decent little harbour. _ th october, ._ made my deferred visit to helles, going over this morning in the _arno_ with braithwaite, val and alec mcgrigor. looked in at the clearing hospital and cast an eye over lancashire landing. then, in company with jimmy watson and colonel ayres, walked up to corps headquarters where we had a fine lunch with davies, de rougemont and the melancholy yarr. afterwards rode across to the headquarters of the royal naval division and on to their trenches, some - / miles. generals mercer and paris followed us through their trenches. the hood and hawke battalions were in the firing line where we talked to great numbers of old comrades of all ranks. glad to meet freyberg again (the man who swam to light the flares at enos). kelly of the hood battalion too, i saw, and fairfax of the hawke, also commander king of the drake battalion and burrows, a gunner who was running a bombing school with much zeal on a piece of ground specially patronized by the turks as a target for their own shelling practice. got back to helles by the saghur dere and the gulley. going down the gulley, nearly lost two of our attendant generals, a shrapnel bursting between them with a startling loud report caused by the high banks of the gulley on either side. in the gulley we met a swarm of old friends from kent; brigadier-general clifton-browne, an officer whose command i had inspected both at potchefstroom and near canterbury, with a brigade of west and east kent and sussex yeomen. they made a brave showing, but he tells me some of them have caught this wretched enteritis already. amongst others, i spoke to douglas, commanding the east lancashire division, major edwards of the sussex yeomanry, major sir s. scott and colonel whitburn of the west kent yeomanry, colonel lord guilford, east kent yeomanry. a cheerier crowd no one could wish to meet. if these are the type of men who spin black yarns for home wear, i can only say that not the most finished actors could better disguise their despair. general king, r.a., rode part of the way back with us. after all this hard exercise, got back to the _arno_ in a lather of sweat about o'clock carrying davies with me. leslie wilson, commanding the hawke battalion, had gone sick to-day, so sent him a telegram after dinner to the hospital ship _somali_, telling him his trenches had been found in apple-pie order. _ th october, ._ bad night with this beastly complaint. de robeck came up at o'clock to see me. he has had a message from the admiralty asking him what number of extra troops could be maintained on the peninsula if the units there now were brought up to strength. the admiral asked me for the figures and the a.g. brought them over. my force as a whole is as near as may be to half strength. half of that half are sick men. we have , men on the peninsula, , of whom are unfit: if the unfits were up to strength there would be , men on the peninsula as well as excitement and movement which would greatly reduce the disease. bearing in mind that the anzacs have been well supported by their governments and that their units are fairly strong, these figures show what wait-and-see-sickness has meant to british regiments. the tone of this admiralty question had seemed cheerful: almost as if the higher direction were thinking of putting us on our legs but, in the evening, another cable from k. gave a different and a very ominous complexion to the future:-- "from earl kitchener to general sir ian hamilton. what is your estimate of the probable losses which would be entailed to your force if the evacuation of the gallipoli peninsula was decided on and carried out in the most careful manner? "no decision has been arrived at yet on this question of evacuation, but i feel that i ought to have your views. "in your reply you need not consider the possible future danger to the empire that might be thus caused."[ ] if they do this they make the dardanelles into the bloodiest tragedy of the world! even if we were to escape without a scratch, they would stamp our enterprise as the bloodiest of all tragedies! k. has always sworn by all his gods he would have no hand in it. i won't touch it, and i think he knew that and calculated on that when he cabled. anyway, let k., cat or cabinet leap where they will, i must sleep upon my answer, but that answer will be no! just as i am turning in, a cable from the s. of s. saying, "there is an idea that sir john maxwell is not sending you as many troops as he might from egypt. have you any complaints on this score?" rather late in the day this "idea." certainly, i have never made any "complaints" and i don't mean to do so now. the war office have only to look up their returns and see how many men are being maintained to defend us from the senoussi! maxwell has never had less than , troops in egypt, a country which might have been held with , rifles--ever since we landed here, that is to say. my troops can sail back to egypt very much faster than the turks--or the senoussi for that matter--can march to the canal. in the same cable the s. of s. asks what is the cause of the sick rate and remarks that, "some accounts from the dardanelles indicate that the men are dispirited." small wonder if they were! when they see two divisions taken away from the peninsula; when their guns can't answer those of the enemy; when each unit finds itself half-strength, and falling--why then, tumbling as they do to the fact that we won't get through till next year, they _ought_ to be unhappy. but the funny thing is that the cabinet, the secretaries of state, are the people who are "dispirited" and _not_ the people out here. if the p.m. could walk round the trenches of the naval division at helles, or if k. could exchange greetings with the rank and file at anzac and suvla, they would find a sovereign antidote for the blues and would realize that it was they who were down-hearted and _not_ the men at the dardanelles. there was an old french colonel, killed at gravelotte; he had studied the classic world battles and he shows that it was never the front line who gave way first, but always the reserves:--they, the reserves, watched bloodshed in cold blood until they could stand it no longer and so took to their heels whilst the fighting men were still focussed upon victory. not the enemy in front but the friends behind are the men who spread despondency and alarm. charley burn has arrived on the _imogene_ with dawnay. davies went back to helles after tea. dawnay says k. was most interested in him and most charming to him all through his stay until his last interview just before he started on his return journey. k.'s manner then, he said, had changed--so much so as to give him an impression that the great man was turning, or was being turned, against all of us out here. k.'s conduct at the first meetings is in full harmony with his message sent to braithwaite for me by fitz about a fortnight ago, saying i possessed his fullest confidence. the change of manner was marked and dawnay is sure he made no mistake about it. but nothing has happened since the date of dawnay's arrival and departure save a very well engineered withdrawal of the th and the french divisions for which, in point of fact, we have all been rather expecting congratulations. dawnay thinks some queer things are happening. he could--or would--say nothing more. _ th october, . imbros._ early in the morning got off my answer to k.'s evacuation cable. the elements, the enemy and ourselves are the three factors of the problem. were i to measure my problem by the night flitting of the irish and french divisions (who lost neither man nor beast in the process), i could guarantee that we would shoot the moon with the balance of the force smoothly, swiftly and silently. that is to say, supposing the turks and the weather remain constant. but these are two most inconstant things: no one can tell how a turk will behave under any given conditions; the turks themselves do not know how they will behave: the weather now is written down by the meteorologists for sudden changes; for storms. unsettled weather is due and ought to be reckoned upon. imagine a blow coming up from the south when the evacuation is half way through. that does not seem to be, and is not, any great stretch of imagination. well then, having so imagined, we get a disaster only equalled in history by that of the athenians at syracuse: a disaster from which the british empire could hardly hope to recover. twice backwards and forwards to the general staff marquee with the draft of my guesses, my first being that we would probably lose to per cent. but the general staff have also been consulting their oracle and were clear for per cent. months of the most anxious calculations will not get a white man one whit forrarder in seeing into the brains of an asiatic army or in forecasting mediterranean weather. safest to assume that both brains and weather will behave as the german general staff would wish them to behave rather than as they chanced to behave when the french and irish went off a few days ago. so have ended by taking the staff's figure because any figure being, in any case, the wildest of shots, their shot best suits my views on the issue. "from general sir ian hamilton to earl kitchener. our losses would depend on such uncertain factors, enemy's action or inaction, weather, question whether we could rely on all troops covering embarkation to fight to the last, that impossible to give you straight answer especially until i have permission to consult admiral. once discussing this very problem with general gouraud, we came to the conclusion that at cape helles we must sacrifice two divisions out of total of six divisions and cape helles easiest of three places to get away from. my opinion now is that it would not be wise to reckon on getting out of gallipoli with less loss than that of half the total force as well as guns, which must be used to the last, stores, railway plant and horses. moral of those who got off would fall very low. one quarter would probably get off quite easily, then the trouble would begin. we might be very lucky and lose considerably less than i have estimated. on the other hand, with all these raw troops at suvla and all these senegalese at cape helles, we might have a veritable catastrophe." do the men toying with the idea of bringing off our men not see that thereby the turks will be let loose somewhere; not nowhere? do they not see that if they are feeling the economic pinch of keeping their side of the show in being, the turks, much weaker economically, must be feeling it much more--! * * * * * it was a relief to get this perilous stuff off my chest, and in a brighter frame of mind, sailed for anzac on the destroyer _lewis_. we took biscuits and bully beef with us but the hospitable sailors insisted on regaling us with a hot meal. sat in cabin all the way as usual writing up my record. freddie tells me that these studious habits of mine have started the shave that i spend my time composing poetry, especially during our battles! at anzac birdwood took us round the trenches and underground passages about russell's top and turk's head, held by the th brigade, nd division, under legge. half way up to russell's top was the rd battery australian field artillery:--talked with major king, the c.o. next unit was the th infantry battalion under major fitzgerald. colonel holmes, commanding the th infantry brigade, and wilson, his brigade major, took us through their cave dwellings. ex-westerners say that in france they have nothing to touch these australian tunnellings. in one place they are boring into a crater only feet from the turkish trench. there is nothing unusual in the fact, but there is in the great depth they are going down so as to cross the danger zone far below the beaten track of mines and counter-mines. on the steep slope in another place there is a complete underground trench running parallel to, and only a short bomb-throw from, a turkish trench. we went through it with a lantern. sandbags, loopholes, etc., all are there, but blind! they are still veiled from view by several feet of clay. to-morrow night the anzacs are going to chip off the whole upper crust of earth, and when light dawns the turks will find a well equipped trench, every loophole manned, within bombing range of their own line. other notables met with were major murphy of the th infantry battalion, major anderson (an old friend) commanding the australian field artillery, and captain perry oakdene, the engineer officer on the job. saw birdie and returned in the destroyer about . . the day had been so quiet that it would have been almost dull had it not been for the sightseeing--hardly a shot was fired by turk or anzac with either gun, trench mortar or rifle. bishop price, the bishop of north china, and charlie burn, king's messenger, dined. the quietness of the bishop was remarkable. have cabled the s. of s. for war in answer to his enquiries about the causes of the sickness, and as to whether maxwell is not holding up my share of troops in egypt, saying:--( ) that "constant strain and infection by dust and flies" have caused the sickness but that the men are getting better; ( ) that "we have been under the impression that drafts meant for us and due to us have been retained in egypt; also, that men discharged fit from hospitals have been held back, but i have represented this last point to maxwell personally as i always feel i am not the person to gauge maxwell's needs. on th september, i asked him to send up all available australian--new zealand army corps drafts and reinforcements, and, as you already know, am at present in telegraphic correspondence about these reinforcements coming straight here without being kept in egypt for training at all." at . , after clearing my table, went with ellison, taylor, and freddie on board h.m.s. _lefroy_ (commander edwards) and steamed for "v" beach. enjoyed a fine luncheon with brulard and then started off for the trenches. at morto bay we were met by captain de bourbon, a big handsome man with the characteristic bourbon cut of countenance. he took us first to the _château_ whence we worked down along the trenches to where our extreme right overlooks the kerevez dere. general faukard was here and he thinks that we ought easily to get complete mastery of both sides of the kerevez dere as soon as we get the means and the permission to shove ahead again. when we do that the advance will let our fleet another half mile up the straits and the "spotting" for the ships' guns will double their value in the narrows. from the kerevez dere we worked along the fire trenches towards the french centre and then, getting to a sheltered strip of country, walked back across the open to the second line. from the second line we made our way, still across the open, to the third line, over a heather covered strip. no one ever moves here by daylight except in double quick time as there is always danger of drawing a shell either from asia or from achi baba and so it was that "let the dead bury the dead" had been the motto and that we met many corpses and skeletons. merciful god, what home tragedies may centre in each of these sinister bundles. but it is the common lot--only quicker. here, too, we found excavations made by the french into a burial ground believed to be of the date , b.c. the people of that golden age had the sentimental idea of being buried in couples in big jars. a strange notion of our allies unburying quiet people who had enjoyed dreamless rest for , years whilst, within a few yards, their own dead still welter in the parching wind. [illustration: cremating the enemy dead _"central news" phot._] had meant to run across and see davies but time had slipped away and so we made tracks for h.m.s. _lefroy_, and on back here to g.h.q., where a letter from callwell was laying in wait as a refresher after my fatigues. callwell begins by saying he encloses a document written by my late visitor, mr. k. a. murdoch, although "there are certain statements in this which are palpably false," and although dawnay has pointed out to him at the war office "a number of passages in it which are wholly incorrect as matters of actual fact." he says, lord k., "who has not had time to read it yet," thinks i ought to be given a chance of defending myself. callwell goes on to write about the press censorship and my plea for publicity and then says he dislikes the salonika stunt "because i am not quite clear of where we are going to, and the immediate result at the present is to take away from you troops that you can ill spare." also, because "we may be involving ourselves in operations on a great scale in the heart of the balkans, the result of which it is very difficult to foresee." godley dined. captain davidson, r.n., the senior naval officer in harbour now, is a real godsend. he looks after us as if we were admirals of the fleet. have now read, marked, learnt and inwardly indigested callwell's enclosure; viz., the letter written by mr. k. a. murdoch to the prime minister of australia. quite a guy fawkes epistle. braithwaite is "more cordially detested in our forces than enver pasha." "you will trust me when i say that the work of the general staff in gallipoli is deplorable." "sedition is talked round every tin of bully beef on the peninsula." "you would refuse to believe that these men were really british soldiers ... the british physique is very much below that of the turks. indeed, it is quite obviously so. our men have found it impossible to form a high opinion of the british k. men and territorials. they are merely a lot of childlike youths, without strength to endure or brains to improve their conditions." "i shall always remember the stricken face of a young english lieutenant when i told him he must make up his mind for a winter campaign." "i do not like to dictate this sentence, even for your eyes, but the fact is that after the first day at suvla an order had to be issued to officers to shoot without mercy any soldier who lagged behind or loitered in an advance." well, well! i should not worry myself over the out-pourings of our late guest, who has evidently been made a tool of by some unscrupulous person, were it not that mr. asquith has clothed the said out-pourings in the title, number, garb and colour of a verified and authentic state paper. he has actually had them printed on the famous duck's egg foolscap of the committee of imperial defence, and under his authority, as president and prime minister, they have been circulated round the government and all the notables of the empire without any chance having been offered to me (or to k.) of defending the honour of british officers or the good name of the british rank and file. k. tells callwell i should be given the opportunity of making a reply. not having read it himself he has not yet grasped the fact that he also should have been given the opportunity of making a reply to the aspersions upon his selections. as for me, by the time my answer can get home and can be printed and circulated the slanders will have had over a month's start in england and very likely two months' start in australia, where all who read them will naturally conclude their statements must have been tested before ever they were published in that impressive form. here we see an irresponsible statement by an ignorant man and i instinctively feel as if it were being used as one more weapon to force asquith's hand and to ruin our last chance. i only hope it may not prove another case of, "behold, how great a matter a little fire kindleth!" certain aspects of this affair trouble my understanding. the covering note (dated th september) which encloses the letter to the prime minister of australia (dated rd september) is addressed by mr. murdoch to mr. asquith by name. in that covering note mr. murdoch says, "i write with diffidence, and only at mr. lloyd george's request." within three days (so great the urgency or pressure) mr. asquith causes--as he, president of the committee of imperial defence, alone can cause--the covering note as well as the seven or eight thousand words of the letter to be printed and circulated round the big wigs of politics, as well as (to judge by the co-incident hardening of the tone of this mail's papers) some of the editors. not one word to me as to mr. murdoch's qualifications or as to the truth or falsity of his statements, until these last have been a week in circulation. then, i receive; first, a cable saying unofficial reports had come in censuring my general staff and that i had better, therefore, let braithwaite go; secondly, a cable asking me whether the absurd story of my having ordered my own soldiers to be shot "without mercy " is well-founded; thirdly, a bad last, the libellous letter itself. yet mr. asquith did know the paper contained _some_ falsehoods. he _may_ have attached weight to mr. murdoch's tale of the feelings of french soldiers at helles (although he never found time to go there): he _may_ have believed mr. murdoch when he says that sir john maxwell "has a poor brain for his big position"; that "our men feel that their reputation is too sacred to leave in the hands of maxwell"; that sir william birdwood "has not the fighting quality or big brain of a great general"; that general spens was "a man broken on the continent" (although he never was broken and never served on the continent); that "kitchener has a terrible task in getting pure work from the general staff of the british army, whose motives can never be pure, for they are unchangeably selfish"; that "from what i saw of the turk, i am convinced he is ... a better man than those opposed to him" (although, actually, mr. murdoch saw nothing of the turks). the p.m. may have taken these views at their face values: even, he _may_ have swallowed mr. murdoch's picture of the conscientious altham "wallowing" in ice whilst wounded were expiring of heat within a few hundred yards; but _mr. asquith has seen the k. army_ and, therefore, _he cannot have believed_ that these soldiers have suddenly been transformed into "merely a lot of childish youths without strength to endure or brains to improve their conditions." once more; these reckless scraps of hearsay would not be worth the paper they are printed on were it not that they are endorsed with the letters c.i.d., the stamp of the ministerial holy of holies. only the prime minister himself, personally, can so consign a paper. lord k. and i were both members of the c.i.d., and members of long standing. for the president to circularize our fellow members behind our backs with unverified accusations is a strange act, foreign to all my ideas of mr. asquith. on this point callwell is quite clear: the murdoch letter was published to the c.i.d. on the th ult. and callwell writes on the nd inst., and says lord k. "has not had time to read it yet."[ ] but nothing else is clear. in fact, the whole thing is foreign to all my ideas of mr. asquith. he does not need to work the c.i.d. oracle in this way. as p.m. he has only to speak the word. he does not work the press oracle either: not his custom: also he likes k. the whole thing is a mystery, of which i can only say with hamlet--"miching mallecho; it means mischief." _ th october, . imbros._ colder than ever. we are told that the winter will kill the flies and that with their death we shall all get hearty and well. meanwhile, they have turned to winged limpets. being mail day as well as rough, stuck to camp. my friend england sailed into harbour in the _chelmer_ and came up to lunch. in the evening he took godley back to anzac. duncannon came to dinner. i have made him liaison officer with the french in place of de putron who has gone to salonika with bailloud. as to the murdoch unpleasantness, i began an _exposé_ to be sent to the governor general of australia; another to the secretary of the c.i.d. but pollen, braithwaite and dawnay (the last of whom had been shown the document whilst he was at home, though he had said nothing to me about it) thought this was to make much ado about nothing. they cannot believe lord k. will trouble himself about the matter any further and they think it best handled in lighter vein. is k. still the demi-god, that is the question? anyway, there is simply no time this mail to deal with so many misstatements, so that has settled it. "general headquarters, "medtn. expeditionary force, _" th october, ._ "dear callwell, "i have read mr. murdoch's letter with care, and i have tried to give it my most impartial consideration and not to allow myself in reply to be influenced in any way by the criticisms he may have felt himself bound to make upon myself personally. "what does this letter amount to? here we have a man, a journalist by profession, one who is quick to seize every point, and to coin epithets, which throw each fleeting impression into strongest relief. he comes armed with a natural and justifiably enthusiastic admiration for everything connected with the commonwealth to which he belongs, and ready to retail to his minister or his public anything that can contribute to show the troops they have sent in an heroic light. "here he obtains his first sight of war and of the horrors and hardships inseparable from it. he finds men who have just been through some of the hardest fighting imaginable and who have suffered terrible losses; he finds probably that very many of those whom he hoped to see, certainly many of those of whose welfare their motherland would wish to hear, are killed, wounded or laid up with illness,--he finds all this and he becomes very deeply depressed. in such an atmosphere mr. murdoch composes his letter, a general analysis of which shows it to be divided, to my mind, into two separate strata. "first an appreciation in burning terms of the spirit, the achievements, the physique and all soldierly qualities of the australian forces. secondly, a condemnation, as sweeping and as unrelieved as his praise in the first instance is unstinted, of the whole of the rest of the force. i myself as c.-in-c., my generals, my staff, lines of communication, sir john maxwell and general spens at the base, even the british soldiers collectively and individually, are all embraced in this condemnation which is completed by the inclusion of the entire direction of the forces at home, both naval and military. "where all are thus tarred with the same brush, i am content to leave it to the impartial reader to decide what reliance can be placed on mr. murdoch's judgment. my own feeling certainly is that in his admiration for the australian forces, and in his grief at their heavy losses (in both of which feelings i fully share) he has allowed himself to belittle and to criticize us all so that their virtues might be thrown into even bolder relief. "with mr. murdoch's detailed points i do not propose to deal, nor do i think you expect me to do so. on every page inaccuracies of fact abound. the breaking of spens on the continent, a theatre of war he has never visited; the over-statement of our casualties by more than per cent.; the acceptance as genuine of a wholly mythical order about the shooting of laggards--really the task would be too long. as to the value of mr. murdoch's appreciation of the strategical and tactical elements of the situation you can yourself assess them at their true value. "finally, i do not for one moment believe the general statement put forward to the effect that the troops are disheartened. neither that statement nor the assertion that they are discontented with the british officers commanding them has the slightest foundation in fact. "believe me, "my dear callwell, "yours very sincerely, (_sd._) "ian hamilton. "p.s.--i attach correspondence showing how mr. murdoch's visit arose. i believe i exceeded my power in giving him permission to come but i was most anxious to oblige the australian prime minister and senator pearce. you will see that he promises faithfully to observe any conditions i may impose. the only condition i imposed was that he should sign a declaration identical with that which i attach. he signed and the paper is in my possession." correspondence. "dear sir, "on the advice of brigadier-general legge i beg to request permission to visit anzac. "i am proceeding from melbourne to london to take up the position of managing editor of the australian news cable service in connection with the _london times_ and at the commonwealth government's request am enquiring into mail arrangements, dispositions of wounded, and various matters in egypt in connection with our australian forces. i find it impossible to make a complete report upon changes that have been suggested here until i have a better knowledge of the system pursued at base y, and on the mainland, and i beg of you, therefore, to permit me to visit these places. "i should like to go across in only a semi-official capacity, so that i might record censored impressions in the london and australian newspapers i represent, but any conditions you impose i should, of course, faithfully observe. "i beg to enclose (_a_) copy of general letter from the prime minister and (_b_) copy of my instructions from the government. i have a personal letter of introduction to you from senator pearce, minister of defence. "may i add that i had the honour of meeting you at the melbourne town hall, and wrote fully of your visit in the sydney _sun_ and melbourne _punch_; also may i say that my anxiety as an australian to visit the sacred shores of gallipoli while our army is there is intense. "senator millen asked me to convey his most kindly remembrances to you if i had the luck to see you and in case i have not i take this opportunity of doing so. "as i have only four weeks in which to complete my work here and get to london a 'collect reply by cable to c/o colonel sellheim, australian intermediate base, cairo, would greatly oblige. "i have the honour to be, "sir, "your obediently, (_sd._) "keith a. murdoch. "c/o colonel sellheim, c.b., "a.i.f. intermediate base, "cairo. "_august , ._" "commonwealth of australia, "prime minister's department, "melbourne. _"july th, ._ "this letter will serve to introduce mr. keith arthur murdoch, a well known journalist, of melbourne, who is proceeding to europe to undertake important duties in connection with his profession. "mr. murdoch is also undertaking certain inquiries for the government of the commonwealth in the mediterranean theatre of war. and for any facilities which may be rendered him to enable him the better to carry out these duties i shall be personally obliged. (_sd._) "andrew fisher, "_prime minister._" "department of defence, "melbourne, "_july nd, ._ "mr. keith a. murdoch, "alfred place, melbourne. "the minister desires that you furnish a report upon the following matters together with any suggestions for improvements. " . arrangements for the receipt and delivery of letters, papers and parcels to and from members of the australian imperial force. " . arrangements for the receipt and delivery of cablegrams to and from members of the australian imperial force. " . arrangements for notifications to the department in australia of the disposition of australian wounded in hospitals. " . suggested despatch of special expert corps to hospitals. " . frauds by impersonation at cable offices. (_sd._) "t. trumble, "_acting secretary for defence._" when i got this, i hesitated. evidently the writer was not accredited as a war correspondent and his remark about having written me up in the _sun_ and in _punch_ did not count for much. but i was anxious then, as ever, that as many journalists as possible should be put into a position for seeing the fine things the troops had done and were doing; i noted the emphasis laid by the writer upon his acceptance of the censorship, and so i took upon myself to exceed my powers and asked braithwaite to cable to mr. murdoch:-- * * * * * "this cable is your authority to come to g.h.q. at once whence you will be sent to anzac. c.g.s., medforce." mr. murdoch landed on the nd instant and on that date signed the following declaration:-- * * * * * declaration to be used by war correspondents. i, the undersigned, do hereby solemnly undertake to follow in every particular the rules issued by the commander-in-chief through the chief field censor, relative to correspondence concerning the forces in the field, and bind myself not to attempt to correspond by any other route or by any other means than that officially sanctioned. further, in the event of my ceasing to act as correspondent with the british forces, i will not during the continuance of the war join the forces of any other power in any capacity, or impart to anyone military information of a confidential nature or of a kind such that its disclosure is likely to prejudice military operations, which may have been acquired by me while with the british forces in the field, or publish any writing, plan, map, sketch, photograph or other picture on military subjects, the material for which has been acquired by me in a similar manner, unless first submitted by me to the chief field censor for censorship and passed for publication by him. (_signature of correspondent_)................ * * * * * _ th october, . imbros._ bitter cold. the whole camp upside down and all the staff busy with their shift of quarters to the other side of the bay. altham has been at salonika and came over to report how things were going there. remembering the accusation of "wallowing" in ice, i nearly touched him for a vanilla cream. as to salonika, he tells me that, so far, the occupation has been a travesty of any military operation. no plan; no administration; much confusion; troops immobile and likely to sit for weeks upon the beach. the balkan states intelligence officers are on the spot and grasp the inferences. until the troops landed they were not quite sure whether some serious factor was not about to be sprung upon them: now they are quite sure nothing can happen, big or small, beyond our letting a lot of our bayonets go rusty. sarrail has been implored by the serbians to push his troops up into their country, but he has been wise enough to refuse. how can he feed them? on the top of it all, the conduct of the greeks seems fishy. as to the bulgarians, they have already thrown off the mask. although salonika is going to be our ruin, i can still spare some pity for sarrail. have heard from birdie who at last gives me leave to see his lone pine section. until now i have never been able to get him to let me go there. too many bombs, he says, to make it quite healthy for a commander-in-chief. _ th october, . imbros._ had just got into bed last night when i was ferreted out again by a cable "secret and personal" from k. telling me to decipher the next message myself. the messenger brought a note from the g.s.--most of whom have now gone across to the other side of the bay--to ask if i would like to be awakened when the second message came in. as i knew the contents as well as if i had written it out myself, i said no, that it was to be brought me with the cipher book at my usual hour for being called in the morning. when i had given this order, my mind dwelt awhile over my sins. through my tired brain passed thought-pictures of philosophers waiting for cups of hemlock and various other strange and half-forgotten antique images. then i fell asleep. next morning, peter pollen came in with the cipher book and the bow-string. i got k.'s message pat in my dreams last night and here it is, to a word, in black and white:-- * * * * * "the war council held last night decided that though the government fully appreciate your work and the gallant manner in which you personally have struggled to make the enterprise a success in face of the terrible difficulties you have had to contend against, they, all the same, wish to make a change in the command which will give them an opportunity of seeing you." how far we have travelled, in spirit, since k. sent me his september greetings with spontaneous assurances of complete confidence! yet, since then, on the ground, i have not travelled at all--have indeed been under the order of the dardanelles committee to stand still. charles munro is to relieve me and brings with him a chief of staff who will take braithwaite's place. on my way back i "might visit salonika and egypt" so as to be able to give the cabinet the latest about the hang of things in these places. when i go, birdie is to take my place pending munro's arrival. de robeck must give me a cruiser so that we may start for home to-morrow. the offer of a jaunt at government expense to salonika and egypt leaves me cold. they think nothing of spending some hundreds of pounds to put off an awkward moment. what value on earth could my views on salonika and egypt possess for people who have no use for my views on my own subject! after breakfast, read k.'s cable over once more. "a war council," it seems, decided to make the change. did the war council also appoint munro? k. did not appoint him--anyway. munro succeeded me at hythe. in i was brought home from tirah to hythe by evelyn wood in order that i might keep an eye on the original ideas which, from india under lord roberts, had revolutionized the whole system of british musketry. i left hythe on the outbreak of the south african war and during that war munro went there. he was born with another sort of mind from me. had he been sent out here in the first instance he would never have touched the dardanelles, and people who have realized so much may conclude he will now clear out. but it does not follow. munro's refusal to attempt a landing in the first instance would have served as the foundation stone for some totally different policy in the near east. that might perhaps have been a good plan. but to start a campaign with me and try to carry it on with munro has already been tried and found hardly fair to either of us. the intention of whoever selected munro is so to use him as to force k. to pull down the blinds. but they may be mistaken in his character. one thing is sure: whenever i get home i shall do what i can to convince k. that the game is still in his hands if only he will shake himself free from slippery politics; come right out here and run the show himself. constantinople is the only big big hit lying open on the map at this moment. with the reinforcements and munitions k., as commander-in-chief, would have at his command, he can bring off the coup right away. he has only to borrow a suitable number of howitzers and aeroplanes from the western front and our troops begin to advance. sarrail has missed the chance of twenty generations by not coming here. let k. step in. in the whole of the near east his name alone is still worth an army corps. my own chance has gone. that is no reason why my old chief should not himself make good. i told the war council we held at suvla before the battle of the st august that if the government persisted in refusing me drafts and munitions--if they insisted on leaving my units at half-strength--then they would have to get someone cleverer than myself to carry out the job. well, it has come to that now. k. looms big in the public eye and can insist on not being starved. he must hurry up though! time enough has been lost, god knows. but even to-day there is time. howitzers, trench mortars, munitions, men, on a scale france would hardly miss,--the asiatic side of the straits would be occupied--and, in one month from to-day, our warships will have constantinople under their guns. if k. won't listen to me, then, having been officially mis-informed that the war council wish to see me (the last thing they _do_ wish), i will take them at their word. i will buttonhole every minister from mckenna and lloyd george to asquith and bonar law,--and grovel at their feet if by doing so i can hold them on to this, the biggest scoop that is, or ever has been, open to an empire. rather a sickly lunch. not so much the news as the benger's on which we all feasted for our stomach's sake. birdie came over at p.m. with ruthven. both his a.d.c.s are sick. i am going to ask him to take on young alec mcgrigor. peter and freddie will come home with braithwaite and myself. what a true saying,--a friend in need is a friend indeed. were i handing over to birdie for good i should feel unalloyed happiness in his well-deserved success. at tea ellison, braithwaite, bertier, colonel sykes and guest appeared. they looked more depressed than i felt. i had to work like a beaver before i could brighten them up. "i'm not dead yet," i felt inclined to tell them, "no, not by long chalks." what i did say to one or two of them was this:--"my credit with government is exhausted; clearly i can't screw men or munitions out of them. the new commander will start fresh with a good balance of faith, hope and charity lodged in the bank of england. he comes with a splendid reputation, and if he is big enough to draw boldly on this deposit, the army will march; the fleet will steam ahead; what has been done will bear fruit, and all our past struggles and sacrifices will live." dined with freddie on the _triad_. de robeck and keyes were all that friends can be at such a moment. _ th october, . h.m.s. "chatham"_ (_at sea_). a pretty beastly day within and without. for the within part, all sorts of good-byes to put pain into our hearts; for the without, a cold drizzle chilling us all to the bone. at . brulard and his staff came over; also generals byng and davies with their staffs. after bidding them farewell; a function whereat i was grateful to the french for their lightness of touch, i rode over with braithwaite and the a.d.c.s to the new headquarters at kephalos to say good-bye to my own staff. although i had meant to live there until we drove the turks far enough back to let us live on the peninsula, i had found time to see my little stone hut built by greek peasants on the side of the hill:--deliciously snug. to-day, this very day, i was to have struck my tent and taken up these cosy winter quarters; now i move, right enough, but on the wrong road. the adieu was a melancholy affair. there was no make-belief, that's a sure thing. whatever the british officer may be his forte has never lain in his acting. so, by . , i made my last salute to the last of the old lot and boarded the _triad_. a baddish wrench parting from de robeck and keyes with whom i have been close friends for so long. up to midnight de robeck had intended coming home too. keyes himself is following me in a day or two, to implore the cabinet to let us at least strike one more blow before we haul down our flag, so there will be two of us at the task. i wrung their hands. the bo'sun's whistle sounded. the curtain was falling so i wrung their hands once again and said good-bye; good-bye also to the benjamin of my personal staff, young alec, who stays on with birdie. a bitter moment and hard to carry through. boarded the _chatham_ (captain drury-lowe) and went below to put my cabin straight. the anchor came up, the screws went round. i wondered whether i could stand the strain of seeing imbros, kephalos, the camp, fade into the region of dreams,--i was hesitating when a message came from the captain to say the admiral begged me to run up on to the quarter deck. so i ran, and found the _chatham_ steering a corkscrew course--threading in and out amongst the warships at anchor. each as we passed manned ship and sent us on our way with the cheers of brave men ringing in our ears. * * * * * farewell order by general sir ian hamilton. "general headquarters, "mediterranean expeditionary force, _"october th, ._ "on handing over the command of the mediterranean expeditionary force to general sir c. c. munro, the commander-in-chief wishes to say a few farewell words to the allied troops, with many of whom he has now for so long been associated. first, he would like them to know his deep sense of the honour it has been to command so fine an army in one of the most arduous and difficult campaigns which has ever been undertaken; secondly, he must express to them his admiration at the noble response which they have invariably given to the calls he has made upon them. no risk has been too desperate; no sacrifice too great. sir ian hamilton thanks all ranks, from generals to private soldiers, for the wonderful way they have seconded his efforts to lead them towards that decisive victory, which, under their new chief, he has the most implicit confidence they will achieve." footnotes: [footnote : i think i hardly knew _how_ often till i came to read through my diary in cold print. but all the time i was conscious, and am still more so now, of k.'s greatness. still more so now because, when i compare him with his survivors, they seem measurable, he remains immeasurable. i wish very much i could make people admire lord k. understandingly. to praise him wrongly is to do him the worst disservice. the theme can hardly be squeezed into a footnote, but one protest must be made all the same. lord fisher gives fresh currency to the fable that k. was a great organizer. k. hated organization with all his primitive heart and soul, because it cramped his style. k. was an individualist. he was a master of expedients; the greatest probably the world has ever seen. whenever he saw _any_ organization his inclination was to smash it, and often--but not always--he was right. this may sound odd in anglo-celtic ears. but most british organizations are relics of the past. they are better smashed than patched, and k. loved smashing.--ian h., .] [footnote : lord k.'s reason for putting in this last paragraph may be obscure unless i make it clear. as explained in a previous footnote, lord k. knew that i knew his strong personal view that the smashing blow to our military reputation which would be caused by an evacuation of the dardanelles must, in course of time, imperil our hold upon egypt. therefore, for the moment, it was necessary to warn me that the problem must be considered in the purely military, tactical, aspect.--ian h. .] [footnote : lest anyone should imagine there is any privilege or secrecy attached to this document it may be well to explain that all the best passages came back to me from melbourne in due course; often with marginal comment.--ian h., .] appendix i statement on artillery by brigadier general sir hugh simpson baikie, ex-commander of the british artillery at cape helles. the first landing of british troops at cape helles took place on th april, . on arriving at that place during the first week in may, i found that heavy fighting had occurred without ceasing from the time of the disembarkation. having come straight from the headquarters staff of the nd army in france, where the question of artillery ammunition was a constant source of anxiety to all the higher commanders, i at once set to work to discover what reserves remained in the hands of g.h.q. and what the daily expenditure had been since the landing. the greatest difficulty was experienced in obtaining figures of expenditure from the units, so constant had been the fighting, which still continued, and so great the casualties, and consequent confusion in reckoning expenditure. yet, after some delay, sufficient information was obtained to enable me to demonstrate with certainty that, if such severe fighting continued, the force would soon be in danger of losing their artillery support. on the th may a cable was sent, i believe, to lord kitchener saying that ammunition was becoming a very serious matter owing to the ceaseless fighting; pointing out that pr. shell were a vital necessity and that a supply promised by a certain ship (i believe the s.s. _funia_) had not turned up. a day or two later, a cable was received by g.h.q. saying munitions were never calculated on a basis of prolonged occupation of the peninsula, and that the war office would have to reconsider the whole position, if more was wanted. if i remember aright, the cable finished by saying, "it is important to push on." a few days later a cable was received saying the war office would not give us more ammunition until we submitted a return of what was in hand. the compilation of that cut-and-dried return in the midst of a desperate battle was a distracting and never-to-be-forgotten effort, but there was no help for it: no return, no shells; that was the war office order. the ammunition still in hand lay mostly in the holds of the ships at mudros, miles away, and did not lend themselves to easy counting; while the actual expenditure was, for reasons already given, an intricate problem indeed. continuous cables on the subject of ammunition passed during the next few days between g.h.q. and the war office, all of which passed through my hands and some of which i drafted for superior authority. i cannot remember their sequence and not always their purport, but i distinctly remember about the th or th may a cable being received from lord kitchener saying ammunition for field artillery was being pushed out _via_ marseilles. i think the figures given were about ten or twenty thousand rounds of -pr. and some one thousand rounds of . howitzer h.e., but i am not sure. the fact that does remain indelibly impressed on my mind is that i am convinced from the cables that passed through my office that no provision had been made by the war office to keep up a regular supply of artillery ammunition to the dardanelles expedition. the w.o. authority appeared to have given a bonus of ammunition when the expedition sailed, and to have been somewhat taken aback and annoyed by the fact that a sure and continuous supply should afterwards be demanded. on th may i left g.h.q. on appointment as brigadier-general to command all the artillery at cape helles, in which capacity i served till september, i.e. through all the big attacks and counter-attacks of june, july and august. in this capacity i was brought face to face with all the deficiencies in artillery _matériel_ and ammunition, of which the following were the most important. although there was only one battery of . and one battery of -in. howitzers at helles there was always an extreme deficiency of howitzer h.e. ammunition. so great was the shortage that immediately on taking up my command i found it necessary to issue a most stringent order that no howitzer on cape helles was ever to fire h.e. without my personal authority. when the turks attacked, -prs. and -prs. were to support the infantry with shrapnel; howitzers were only to be used with my personal permission and then were only to fire shrapnel. all howitzer h.e. was to be used exclusively for supporting british attacks by bombarding the turkish trenches before and during such activities. throughout the above months, constant appeals were made to me by infantry commanders to bombard the turkish trenches with h.e. in order to retaliate for the loss our men had suffered from the turkish guns using h.e. such requests i had invariably to refuse. there were fifty-six -prs. at helles, when i assumed command on the th may, and subsequently they were increased to seventy-two at the end of july. except for rounds of h.e., which was fired off during the th june battle, no more h.e. arrived till the end of july. never during my command did the total number of rounds of -pr. ammunition at helles ever reach , . before one of our attacks, with very careful previous husbanding, the total used perhaps to reach , to , . the total amount i could therefore allot justifiably for the artillery preparation before an attack of our four british infantry divisions never exceeded , rounds; as from , to , must necessarily be kept in reserve to assist in beating off the determined hostile counter-attacks. as i remarked at the beginning of this paper, artillery ammunition was a constant anxiety to the higher commanders on the western front also, but never, i believe, had infantry to attack with so little artillery support as the above. my position in france did not give me any inside knowledge of the details of artillery supply, but in one action at st. eloi (near ypres) on th or th february, in which only th division was concerned, the artillery of this division (so the c.r.a. informed me) alone fired , -pr. rounds in one night. at a similar action at the same place by the same division about a month later the divisional artillery fired, i believe, a slightly larger amount. again, at neuve chapelle, in february, , each division had its own divisional artillery and the ammunition expenditure worked out to rounds per -pr. gun. these official figures were shown me a few days after the battle by the g.o.c., nd army. in comparing the ammunition expenditure of france in and in the dardanelles, the enormous discrepancy in the number of -prs. per division must be taken into account. reckoning on the scale of the number of -prs. allotted to a british division in france, we had at helles little more than sufficient -prs. for one division, yet with this number we had to give artillery support to four divisions. as to the french artillery at helles, they could always reckon on being able to expend , to , rounds when their two divisions attacked. the complete absence of h.e. was severely felt, as shrapnel were of little use for destroying trenches, machine gun emplacements, etc. therefore, in each and every british attack, success was jeopardized and our infantry exposed to cruel losses, because, firstly, there was not sufficient ammunition to prepare their attack, and, secondly, there was no h.e. (except for howitzers) to destroy the machine guns in their emplacements. the latter, therefore, inflicted great losses on our infantry in their advance. our unfortunate position did not escape the notice of the french, who used at times generously to place under my command some of their field guns and howitzers, but in the latter they were also lamentably deficient, and in ammunition they were, themselves, during may and early june, none too well provided, although towards july their reserves grew more sufficient. the british deficiency in ammunition, however, was so great, and created so much merriment among the french that they christened the british artillery, "un coup par pièce"; with which term of endearment i was always personally greeted by the french artillery general and his staff, with all of whom i was great friends. at the battle of th june the french were unable to spare us the howitzers or ammunition we begged of them. the failure of the gallant th brigade of the nd division to take the h. trenches was essentially due to lack of artillery ammunition, especially of h.e. allowing for losses that must have been suffered under any condition, i believe that some or scottish casualties were due to this cause. before the action the corps commander sent for me to say that he did not consider that enough guns and ammunition had been allotted to this portion of the turkish trenches. i replied that i agreed, but that there were no more available and that to reduce the bombardment of the hostile trenches on the left of our front would gravely prejudice the success of the th division in that quarter and that i understood success there was more vital than on our right flank. after consultation with the g.o.c. th division, the corps commander agreed with my allotment of the artillery. we then did our utmost to obtain the loan of more guns, howitzers or ammunition from the french without success and with the result that the attack was beaten off. so successful had been the attack on our left with its capture of five successive lines of turkish trenches that we had actually some ammunition to spare. in the afternoon it was agreed that there should be another attack on h. , preceded by a very short but very intense bombardment from every gun and howitzer we possessed. all artillery arrangements for this were completed before . p.m., from which hour all the guns waited alert and ready for the infantry to inform us of the hour they wished us to commence fire. i was in direct telephonic communication with the commander of the nd division, having had a private wire laid on to his headquarters the previous day. suddenly, to my horror, i received a telephone message from my artillery group commander, colonel stockdale, saying the infantry were making the assault and that he had no time to do more than fire half a dozen shots! in the attacks of th and th july, the french placed some thirty or forty guns and howitzers under british command, and on account of the shortage of british ammunition their guns undertook the whole of the artillery preparation, our artillery confining itself to covering fire during and after the infantry advance. the counter-attacks were so violent and the calls for artillery support were so incessant that towards the afternoon of the th july the british gun ammunition began to get alarmingly low, until finally only about , rounds of -pr. ammunition, including all rounds in battery charge, remained at helles. the french were reluctant to supply further artillery support, fearing further attacks on themselves. this was the most anxious night i spent on the peninsula--all but a limited number of rounds were withdrawn from most batteries and were placed in horsed ammunition wagons, which perambulated from one side of the british position to the other according to where it seemed most likely the next turkish attack would take place. these measures were successful and no battery actually was left without one round at a critical moment, but the position throughout that night was a most dangerous one. every hour a wire was sent to g.h.q. giving expression to our crying needs, but there was next to nothing at mudros, while desperate fighting still went on without a minute's respite. at p.m. that night a trawler did, to the joy of every gunner, reach helles with , rounds of -pr., but on the arrival of my staff officer to unload it, it was found that the fuses were of a new pattern never issued before and that the existing fuse keys would not adjust the fuses. as no new pattern fuse keys had been sent from home the batteries had to manufacture their own, which was successfully accomplished after two days' delay. during june two batteries, and during july two more batteries of -inch howitzers, manned by territorials, arrived at helles. during the last week of july the first two batteries were sent to anzac. some of these howitzers were very old and worn by corrosion, and were consequently inaccurate. the gun history sheets of some of them showed they had been used at the battle of omdurman, seventeen years before, and had been in use ever since. after the big british attacks of th and th august, their ammunition began to run short. on demand about or rounds were sent up from mudros--on arrival each shell was found to be of only lb. weight, whereas former shells were of lb. weight. their fuses were also of new pattern, which existing fuse keys would not fit and, to crown all, no range tables had been sent for this new pattern of shell. in spite of continual letters and telegrams to the war office, when i left helles in september no new pattern fuse keys or range tables had ever arrived from england; consequently these shells remained stacked on the peninsula while the batteries only fired occasionally for want of ammunition! on another occasion, when we were in the greatest straits for -pr. ammunition, many hundreds of rounds arrived at helles, which on being landed were discovered by my staff only to be suitable for the ehrhardt r.h.a. guns in egypt, no such guns being in the dardanelles. as for heavy artillery, practically speaking, there was none! only one -inch howitzer battery ( howitzers) and one -pr. battery ( guns) were in action at helles up to july when four more guns of the latter calibre were landed. unfortunately, however, the -prs. were of little use, as the recoil was too great for the carriages and the latter broke down beyond repair by our limited resources after very few rounds. at the beginning of august only one -pr. gun remained in action. consequently, we had no heavy guns capable of replying to the turkish heavy guns which enveloped us on three sides, and from whose fire our infantry and artillery suffered severely. as to spare parts, spare guns and carriages, such luxuries were practically non-existent. no provision appears to have been made by the war office to replace our guns or their parts, which became unserviceable through use or through damage by the hostile artillery. as the british were holding the lower slopes of the achi baba position, and as all our gun positions could be seen into by the turks with powerful spectacles from their observation posts on the top of achi baba, our equipment suffered severely. during june and july one -inch howitzer and twenty-five -prs. (out of a total of seventy-two) as well as one or two -prs., were put out of action by direct hits from the hostile artillery. such guns were withdrawn to the field workshops on "w" beach, but as these workshops were exposed to the enemy's artillery fire from three sides, the guns were often further damaged while under repair. damaged guns had sometimes to wait for days in this workshop until other guns had been damaged in a different place by the hostile artillery. then possibly one efficient gun could be made up of the undamaged portions of one, two or more guns. batteries often, therefore, remained for days short of guns on account of the lack of spare parts. when i assumed command of the artillery at helles, there were two batteries of mountain guns ( -prs.) in action, but they were of a prehistoric pattern. in the khedive of egypt possessed in his army, in which i was then serving, mountain guns which were more up-to-date in every respect. so inaccurate were these -prs. that they had to be placed close behind the front trenches lest they should hit our own infantry, the result being a very heavy casualty list in officers and men amongst their territorial personnel. many of these lives could have been saved, had reasonable modern weapons been supplied. these obsolete old guns wore out so quickly that the two batteries quickly melted into one battery, and when they finally left helles for anzac at the end of july, i believe only guns and their detachments were left in being. as for anti-aircraft guns, they did not exist at all and the hostile aeroplanes used to fly over and drop bombs _ad lib._ without fear of molestation, the only saving clause being that the enemy appeared to possess almost as few aeroplanes as the british. in no point of their equipment did the force at helles suffer so much in comparison with their comrades in france as in the matter of aeroplanes which, at the dardanelles, were hopelessly deficient not only in the numbers but also in quality. there were not sufficient pilots and there were no observers at all. brave and efficient as the naval pilots were, they could not be expected to be of any use as artillery spotters unless they had been thoroughly trained for this important duty. this deficiency had to be made good at all costs by drafting young artillery subalterns from their batteries and sending them to the air force, where their lack of training and experience in operation was at first severely felt, although later these lads did magnificent work. thus batteries were deprived of their trained subalterns just at the moment when the latter were most required on account of the severe casualties suffered in the landing and during the subsequent early operations. but few of the aeroplanes were fitted with wireless and the receivers on the ground could not take in messages over a distance longer than , yards. consequently, each aeroplane had to return within this radius of the receiver, before its observation could be delivered, thus immensely curtailing the usefulness and efficiency of the aeroplane observation. owing to the above conditions, aeroplanes could only be used for the counter-batteries firing on hostile artillery. as regards trench mortars, the supply was hopelessly inadequate. i cannot give the exact figures, but i believe there were not a dozen at helles during the whole period i was there, and these were of such an indifferent type as to be practically useless, and for this reason no one bothered about them. no provision appears to have been made for the supply of such necessities of trench warfare by the home authorities. this appears to be indefensible, as i believe very early in the operations their provision was specially asked for by g.h.q. the absolute failure to supply such articles of vital necessity eventually led to the french c.-in-c. at helles lending the british two demizel trench mortars and large quantities of ammunition. these were manned by artillery detachments, and by their magnificent work and the constant demand from the infantry for their services, it was conclusively proved what an invaluable aid a sufficient supply of these weapons would have been. from the very first it was apparent to me that the number of british guns at helles was not sufficient to prepare and support simultaneous infantry attacks of the whole british force at this end of the peninsula. in june i drew up a memorandum to g.h.q. pointing this out and asking for a big increase of guns, howitzers and ammunition. what happened to this i cannot say. i only know that the guns and ammunition asked for never materialized. the whole story of the artillery at helles may be summed up in the following sentences: insufficiency of guns of every nature; insufficiency of ammunition of every nature, especially of h.e.; insufficient provision made by the home authorities for spare guns, spare carriages, spare parts, adequate repairing workshops, or for a regular daily, weekly or monthly supply of ammunition; guns provided often of an obsolete pattern and so badly worn by previous use as to be most inaccurate; lack of aeroplanes, trained observers and of all the requisites for air observation; total failure to produce the trench mortars and bombs to which the closeness of the opposing lines at helles would have lent themselves well--in short, total lack of organization at home to provide even the most rudimentary and indispensable artillery requisites for daily consumption; not to speak of downright carelessness which resulted in wrong shells being sent to the wrong guns, and new types of fuses being sent without fuse keys and new types of howitzer shells without range tables. these serious faults provoked their own penalties in the shape of the heavy losses suffered by our infantry and artillery, which might have been to a great measure averted if sufficient forethought and attention had been devoted to the "side-show" at the dardanelles. after commanding the starved artillery at helles it was my good fortune to command the artillery of the st army corps at the third battle of gaza, in november, , and also at the great battle of th september, , in which the turks in palestine were finally crushed, and i think it may add emphasis to what i have said if i contrast the artillery support of the two campaigns and show the results which ensued. on the night before the third battle of gaza, the artillery under my command (to support three divisions) consisted of the following, viz.:-- - / batteries (i.e., guns and howitzers) of heavy artillery, comprising -inch howitzers, -inch guns, -inch howitzers and -pr. guns--all of the most modern and up-to-date type. the field artillery comprised -prs. and . howitzers while in addition there were modern mountain howitzers and guns. there was not an artillery weapon in the whole army corps that was not efficient and up-to-date, while immediately behind the front line existed perfectly organized workshops capable of executing any repairs. there was ample provision of spare guns, carriages and parts, and an abundance of trench mortars which, though they would have changed the whole face of the peninsula conflict, could not be used in palestine owing to the breadth of no man's land. ammunition for every nature of gun and howitzer was pressed upon us in profusion--over a thousand rounds per gun was buried and concealed near every battery, while immediately behind the fighting line huge reserves were available for immediate use if required. at the advanced railhead, g.h.q. literally built mountains of ammunition as a further supply; all this in addition to vast quantities stored in depôts in egypt and on the banks of the suez canal. so great was the superabundance of shell, that hundreds of tons were left lying on the ground after the nine days' battle at gaza; which it took months to remove. at the battle of the th september, , in palestine conditions were exactly the same. there was an absolute _embarras de richesse_ of every artillery requisite. this wealth of artillery material was supported in palestine by a full complement of artillery, aeroplanes, pilots and observers, the latter being all thoroughly trained and efficient. in addition, by a sufficiency of fighting aeroplanes with most efficient pilots, our artillery were adequately guarded from sunrise to sunset from any hostile aeroplane observation. in short, our air supremacy was undisputed and absolutely protected our own artillery against damage and molestation from the hostile guns. on the other hand, the enemy's artillery lay at our mercy directly their gun positions were discovered. the whole science of artillery and aeroplane co-operation had, of course, been vastly extended and perfected since gallipoli days, but the point i wish to make is this: that in and the palestine front was fitted out on the same scale, proportionately, as the western front; whereas in this was not the case in the dardanelles as regards artillery, for instance, only one division (the th) at helles having -pr. guns and the naval division having been given no artillery at all! to put the matter shortly, whereas at helles i had under my command no more than to guns and howitzers of all natures with scarcely any ammunition or aeroplanes to support four british divisions; in palestine at gaza i had at least guns and howitzers (one-third of which were of heavy calibre) with an abundance of ammunition and a sufficiency of aeroplanes to support the attack of one and a half divisions, the remaining one and a half divisions at gaza being in reserve. at the battle of th september, , in palestine i had, to the best of my recollection, about guns of all calibres to support four divisions. the terrible casualties suffered by our infantry at helles are well known, and my feelings as artillery commander unable to give them anything like the support they would have had in france or flanders may be guessed. but this was made up to me afterwards when i commanded the artillery at gaza, that strong fortress which was captured by the st army corps, with certainly under , casualties and i believe with under , killed and wounded. at gaza the turks were simply crushed by our overwhelming artillery, fed from inexhaustible ordnance parks and dumps. before the infantry attack commenced the position was subjected to a continuous bombardment night and day for six days and six nights from every available gun and howitzer. the infantry then attacked and took a large portion of the position with a loss of, i believe, under , men. the turks counter-attacked, but they melted away under the tremendous artillery barrage and never attempted another during this battle. next night our infantry tried to extend their conquest but the turks had meanwhile brought up an old gallipoli division, the th, which held them at bay and inflicted upon them serious losses which, i believe, increased their casualties to between two and three thousand. the corps commander then decided to let the infantry stand where they were, to submit the turks to a further three days' and three nights' bombardment, at the end of which our infantry advanced again only to find that the turks were evacuating the whole of the gaza position. after the battle of th september, , many infantry commanders of divisions, brigades and battalions have told me the turks appeared crushed by the terrific artillery bombardment (under cover of which our men advanced) and offered a resistance which, in comparison with our experiences of gallipoli, can only be called feeble. the cardinal fact that remains in my mind is that in palestine the st army corps always had enough (and more than enough) of every artillery requisite for whatever number of divisions the army corps was composed of; whereas, in gallipoli, the viiith army corps at helles, which was composed of four british divisions, never had enough field artillery or ammunition to support more than one division, and never possessed sufficient heavy artillery to support more than one infantry brigade. the material part of my statement ends here, and it only remains for me to remind you that all the grievous shortcomings i have exposed were actually made good by the heroism, devotion and sufferings of the officers and men of the artillery at helles, both regular, territorial, australian and new zealand. rest was impossible, as no battery could ever be withdrawn from the line and all field batteries were under rifle fire. if placed outside that range, they were destroyed by flanking fire from turkish guns in asia. no dug-outs were possible, as dug-outs were understood in france, as there was no timber or roofing for their construction. all ranks were thus exposed night and day to continuous fire, and were sometimes killed as they slept in their valises by stray bullets, thousands of which were fired unaimed every night by the turks in the hopes of inflicting casualties; water for drinking and washing was almost as precious as guns and shells. the joys of a canteen, as was at that time supplied by the war office to our army in france, were unknown; bare rations washed down by a limited allowance of water were our only form of food; everyone suffered more or less from dysentery, spread by the millions of flies which settled on every mouthful we ate and made life almost insupportable by day. no man's land was one vast litter of unburied corpses. yet no man's spirit ever wavered and all ranks remained as bright, as hopeful and as cheerful as on the day of the first great landing. if shells were scarce, complaints were non-existent; all were upheld by the wonderful religion of self-sacrifice. it will ever remain my greatest pride that i had the astonishing good fortune to be associated with such a body of officers and men; to them i owe a debt of gratitude that is beyond redemption, and to them alone is due the credit for any success which the artillery at helles may have attained in what was one of england's greatest tragedies, but was also one of england's greatest glories. appendix ii dardanelles expedition notes by lieut.-colonel charles rosenthal,[ ] commanding rd australian field artillery brigade, st australian division, relating to artillery at anzac, from th april to th august, . (_compiled from personal diary._) during the early hours of th april, , the rd australian infantry brigade landed on gallipoli peninsula, close to gaba tepe, at a point now known as anzac beach, followed by other troops of st australian division and australian and new zealand division. arrangements had been made for artillery to land about a.m. on the same morning, but owing to delays in disembarkation of infantry, and enemy shelling of transports necessitating ships temporarily leaving their allotted anchorage, it was after mid-day before the vessels carrying guns were actually in correct position for disembarkation. i did not wait for the naval boats to come alongside, but after issuing necessary instructions to battery commanders concerning the landing of the guns, i disembarked in a ship's boat manned by a volunteer crew from my brigade ammunition column, accompanied by two officers and sixteen men of my headquarters' staff. immediately on landing i reported to my c.r.a., and was by him informed that the divisional commander had decided no artillery should land during the day. this decision absolutely nonplussed me, and on asking the reason i was informed the position was not considered sufficiently secure to ensure the safety of guns, if emplaced. with this decision i did not agree and urged, without result, that the safety of guns was surely secondary to the proper supporting of the troops already committed. in view of the above decision instructions were at once sent off to the ships ordering colonel johnstone, commanding nd a.f.a. brigade, and major hughes, acting for me in command of rd a.f.a. brigade, to defer disembarkation of guns. colonel johnstone, however, by this time had one -pr. gun well on the way to the shore. permission was given for it to be landed and it was brought into action close to the beach against guns at gaba tepe, undoubtedly temporarily silencing them. in the meantime the indian mountain battery attached to st australian division, which had landed early in the day, was in action doing splendid work though suffering severe casualties. by the order of colonel white, g.s.o. ( ), st australian division, i spent the afternoon in collecting infantry stragglers and getting them forward again to the firing line. at p.m. i reported completion of this task and then proceeded to thoroughly reconnoitre the right flank, overlooking gaba tepe, which had seemed to me, from observations made from the ship, to be a suitable area for emplacing of guns. i returned to divisional headquarters just before dark, and informed the c.r.a. and divisional commander that i had found suitable places for batteries and could use them effectively. i had in my reconnaissance conferred with three battalion commanders (one of whom was killed a couple of days later), who were delighted to hear that the artillery they were so anxiously waiting for was to come up in support. after much discussion and persuasion the divisional commander agreed to allow me to land two of my three -pr. batteries. this approval was shortly afterwards altered to permission to land two guns only, and finally all approval was cancelled, though no information of these decisions officially reached me. during the night, in anticipation of early arrival of guns, my headquarters personnel worked untiringly in preparing a track from the beach to the selected sites for guns, and it was not till . a.m. on th that i learned approval to land guns had been cancelled overnight. during the morning of th april one gun of st battery, st brigade, and one gun of th battery, nd brigade, were landed, hauled up the steep hill to their positions, and came into action on the extreme right of ridge overlooking gaba tepe. later in the day the th battery of my brigade came into action on the same ridge and the single guns of st and th batteries were withdrawn for return to their respective brigades. during the afternoon there also came ashore, apparently without order, two guns of rd battery, st brigade, and th battery, rd brigade, but were returned to their respective ships by the c.r.a. my guns were placed absolutely in the infantry front trenches, on the sky line, no troops of any kind being in advance of them. it would have been quite useless to take up positions behind the infantry line in the normal way, owing to the configuration of the ground, for in such cases the lowest range at which the crest could be cleared was , yards, while our targets were from to , yards distant. indeed at night, shrapnel shell with fuse set at zero was frequently used. each gun fired during the th about rounds, over open sights, and caused very heavy casualties to the enemy. the whole battery covered a front of °, necessitating each gun being personally controlled by an officer and each with its own particular arc of fire. the supply of ammunition was very difficult. it had to be delivered by hand to the guns over a bullet-swept area, the distance from the beach to the guns being about half a mile, while in this distance the hills rose feet. by the afternoon of the rd may, two guns of th battery, rd brigade, were in action, and nd brigade also had guns in position on the left flank of st australian divisional front. the australian and new zealand division also had -prs. in action together with two . -inch howitzer batteries, the latter being the only howitzers available up to this time at anzac. i was wounded on th may, evacuated to cairo, and did not rejoin my command at anzac till th may. during this interval gun positions, as well as infantry trenches, had been much improved, and the enemy country in our immediate front which, when i left on th may, gave no signs of life, was now well traversed by trenches. i found in my sector that the guns of my brigade were now all in action, and the remainder of the artillery of the division was also emplaced. about this time -inch howitzers were made available and later emplaced, one for left sector, one for the centre, and one for the right, but with very limited quantities of ammunition. another -inch howitzer was landed on th june. i had made continual urgent representations for two . -inch guns for right flank to deal with innumerable targets beyond the range of -prs., but it was not till th july that one very old and much worn gun arrived, and was placed in position on right flank, firing its first round on th july. on th june a scottish territorial howitzer battery (the th battery, city of glasgow lowland howitzer brigade) arrived and came under my command. on th july a heavy battery was organized for right flank, consisting of the two -inch howitzers and the . -inch gun before mentioned, but ammunition was still very scarce. on th july a -inch howitzer brigade under colonel hope johnstone commenced to arrive and was complete in position by th july. on th july the th battery of lowland brigade arrived. about this time some alterations were made in artillery dispositions and grouping in preparation for impending battle at suvla bay and lone pine, commencing on th august, and on th july the artillery of right sector under my command was as follows:-- rd a.f.a. brigade ( -prs.). heavy battery (two -inch howitzers and one . -inch gun). mountain guns. two -inch howitzer batteries, lowland brigade. one -inch howitzer battery, th brigade. when leaving australia in i had urged that a battery of -inch howitzers (which i commanded prior to the outbreak of war), together with stocks of ammunition held by australia, should accompany st australian division. this was not approved. on arrival at gallipoli peninsula, when the need for howitzers was at once apparent, i again re-opened the question, particularly on the th may, when the c.r.a. agreed to press for them to be sent forward. the divisional commander, on th june, cabled australia definitely asking for this battery, which was at once forwarded, but arrived at the peninsula too late to be of any service. two australian field batteries (together with a brigade of infantry) were transferred to cape helles on th may and did not rejoin the australian division at anzac till th august. with the limited number of guns available it was exceedingly important that transfers might be made very rapidly from one part of our front to another, and on nd june i put forward a proposal which was approved immediately to make a road along the entire front just behind the crest on which infantry trenches were sited. this road was completed in about two weeks and was a great boon alike to gunners and infantry. up to th august no anti-aircraft guns had been provided, but specially constructed emplacements had been made for -prs. to be used against aircraft, and though never successful in bringing down an enemy 'plane they certainly made good enough shooting to cause enemy aviators to treat them with respect. about th august three -pr. hotchkiss arrived for anti-aircraft purposes. they were of obsolete pattern and had been manufactured for the japanese government many years before. in fact the only range tables provided were printed in japanese, but thanks to the fact that one of my sergeants (who was a master mariner) spoke japanese, we succeeded in preparing serviceable range tables. two japanese trench mortars were also used from infantry trenches with excellent effect, but owing to ammunition supply becoming soon exhausted and no fresh supplies being available they had to be discarded. a good supply of these weapons, together with full supplies of ammunition, would have been invaluable in bombarding enemy front line trenches. the ammunition supply at all times up to the operation of th august was a difficult problem. frequently we had to be rationed to a very small allowance per battery per day, and the guns of the heavy battery were for some time not permitted to fire more than two rounds per day and then only by special permission of the c.r.a. on th june i was first informed that h.e. for -pr. was to be supplied, and shortly afterwards a small supply for experiment was landed at anzac. i think i am right in saying my share was rounds per battery. on nd august our first supply of h.e. arrived, but only rounds per battery. during the first few months of the campaign, when our stocks of ammunition were desperately low, our guns and gunners had to suffer considerable casualties without being able to effectively reply. our batteries were of necessity in many cases under direct observation of the enemy, and only the splendid work of the detachments in building earthworks for their protection made it possible to carry on. under the protection of the banks of a small ravine near the beach, our artificers established a workshop, and the extraordinary ingenuity and skill displayed in the repairing and replacing of damaged guns earned for the artificers our most grateful appreciation and thanks. on th august i was evacuated suffering from enteric. these notes only apply to the right sector, which i commanded. footnotes: [footnote : now major-general sir charles rosenthal, k.c.b., c.m.g., d.s.o.--ian h. .] appendix iii the dispatch of a commander-in-chief is not a technical document. in it the situation should be set forth, as briefly and clearly as may be, together with a few words indicative of the plan of g.h.q. for coping with it. after that comes a narrative which ends with thanks to those individuals and units who have earned them. a dispatch should be so written that civilians can follow the facts stated without trouble: it should not be too technical. but when the military colleges and academies at camberley, duntroon, kingston, west point and in the european and japanese capitals set to work in a scientific spirit to apportion praise or blame they are more influenced by the actual instructions and orders issued by the commander-in-chief _before and during the battle_, than by any after-the-event stories of what happened. they are glad to know the intentions of the commander, but his instructions i.e., the actual steps he took to give practical effect to those intentions, are what really interest them. when i came to write my dispatch of the th december, so much about the actual course of events at suvla was still obscure, that it had become desirable either to write the narrative in a more technical form than was customary or else to publish my actual instructions simultaneously with the dispatch. i chose the latter course. the authorities had raised objections to several passages in the dispatch, and in every case but one, where they had wished me to add something which was not, in my opinion, correct, i had met them. no objection had been raised to the inclusion of my instructions. at p.m. on the night of the th january (the dispatch being due to appear next morning) i received a letter by special messenger from the war office telling me the press bureau were wiring to all those to whom the dispatch had been issued to suppress the instructions! whatever the reason of this action may have been, its result was clear enough: my dispatch was eviscerated at the very moment it was stepping on to the platform. had i known that these instructions, now given, were to have been cut out, my dispatch would have been differently written. ian h., . sir ian hamilton's instructions. to vice-admiral, commanding eastern mediterranean squadron, _ th july, ._ sir,--i have the honour to forward a series of tables drawn up to show in detail the men, animals, vehicles, stores, etc., which it will be required to land in connection with the forthcoming operations. i shall be grateful if you will let me know as early as possible if you consider that any part of the programme indicated presents especially serious difficulties or is likely to require modification. in informing me of the results of your consideration, i shall be obliged if you will let me know what craft you intend to use in carrying out the disembarkations referred to in tables b, c, d and e, so that detailed arrangements with regard to embarkation and to the allocation of troops, etc., to boats may be prepared. . immediately after the disembarkation of the details referred to in the attached tables it will be necessary, if the operations are successful, to land , to , horses in order to render the force sufficiently mobile to carry the operations to a conclusion. details as to disembarkation of these horses will be forwarded to you later. in the meantime the horses will be collected at alexandria, and should subsequently be brought up to mudros or imbros, to begin arriving on august th. it will also be necessary to land the remaining portions of the units referred to in the tables (first line transport, etc.), and, further, the remaining units of the formations to which they belong. in this latter category will be included three batteries of heavy artillery with mechanical transport. it will not be required to land any of the above until after august th, and details as to numbers, order of disembarkation, etc., will be forwarded to you later. i have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant, (_signed_) ian hamilton, _general, commanding_ _mediterranean expeditionary force._ * * * * * table a. table showing units and details which it is required to land gradually at anzac cove before the morning of the rd of august. it will be necessary to carry out these disembarkations by night, and the movements can begin as soon as it is convenient to the naval transport authorities. +------------------------+------------+--------+----------+ unit. | from | to |personnel.| +------------------------+------------+--------+----------+ th howitzer bde. |mudros |anzac | | r.f.a. | |cove | | | | | | / rd city of glasgow " | helles |anzac | | | | | | th heavy battery |on board |anzac | | r.g.a. |ship at |cove | | |mudros | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | one f.a. bde. ( th |on board |anzac | | division, "a" bde.) |ship at |cove | | |mudros | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | reinforcements for units |alexandria |anzac | , | of a.n.z.a.c. | |cove | to | | | | , | | | | | mule corps |helles |anzac | | | |cove | | | | | | ammunition park |mudros |anzac | | | |cove | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +------------------------+------------+--------+----------+ +--------------------+--------+------------------------------+-------------- | vehicles. |animals.| stores. | remarks. +--------------------+--------+------------------------------+-------------- | guns, wagons, | nil | | | water carts | | | | | | | | guns, wagons, | nil | | |water cart | | | | | | | | guns, wagons, | nil | |i.g.c. has |water cart, | | |already been |g.s. wagons | | |instructed to | | | |arrange for | | | |this move. | | | | | guns, wagons, | nil | |i.g.c. has |telegraph cart, | | |already been |water carts | | |instructed to | | | |arrange for | | | |this move. | | | | | nil | nil | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | nil | | |by august st. | | | | | | | | | nil | nil |s.a. ammn. , , rounds | | | |mk. vii (_a_) ( tons), | | | | , rounds mk. vi ( | | | |tons) | | | |gun ammunition (_b_) pr. | | | | , ( tons), pr. , | | | |( tons), . " how. , | | | |( tons), " how. , | | | |( tons), " how. , | | | |( tons), pr. , ( | | | |tons) | +--------------------+--------+------------------------------+--------------- _a_ if possible, an additional , , s.a.a. should be landed, so that half the reserve for the whole northern force may be ashore before operations begin (see table "c" remarks). _b_ if possible, the following additional gun ammunition should also be landed, so that the full reserve for the whole northern force may be ashore before operations begin:-- pr. , rounds} pr. , rounds} see table "c" remarks. " howitzer , rounds} table b. table showing units and details which it is required to land at anzac cove on the nights of august rd/ th, august th/ th and august th/ th. ---------------------+------+-------+----------+---------+--------------------- unit. | from.| date. |personnel.|vehicles.| remarks. ---------------------+------+-------+----------+---------+--------------------- battalions (_a_), |mudros|night, | , | nil |machine guns and th division | |august | | |other equipment | | rd/ th| | |carried by hand. | | | | | bearer sub-division, |mudros|night, | | nil | -- personnel anzac | |august | | | | | rd/ th| | | | | | | | battalions (_a_), |mudros|night, | , | nil |machine guns and th division | |august | | |other equipment | | th/ th| | |carried by hand. | | | | | bearer sub-division, |mudros|night, | | nil | -- field ambulance, | |august | | | th division | | th/ th| | | | | | | | battalions, th |mudros|night, | , | nil |machine guns and division | |august | | |other equipment | | th/ th| | |carried by hand. | | | | | th indian brigade |imbros|night, | , | nil | ditto. and field ambulance | |august | | | | | th/ th| | | | | | | | bearer sub-divisions,|mudros|night, | | nil | -- field ambulance, | |august | | | th division | | th/ th| | | | | | | | field companies |mudros|night, | | nil |machine guns and r.e. (_a_), th | |august | | |other equipment division | | th/ th| | |carried by hand. all | | | | |tools carried by hand. ---------------------+------+-------+----------+---------+--------------------- _a_ these units to move from helles to mudros as follows:-- brigade } night, field company} th/ th july. brigade } night, field company} th/ th july. brigade } night, field company} / st july. table c. table showing units and details which it is required to land at new beach during the night of august th/ th, beginning one hour after dark ( . p.m.). all troops will come from imbros, but horses will come direct except where otherwise stated. -----------------+----------+-------+---------------+-------------------------- unit. |personnel.|horses.| vehicles. | remarks. -----------------+----------+-------+---------------+-------------------------- inf. bde. and | , | | nil |personnel only to be sig. sec.(_a_) | | | |disembarked in the order | | | |shown. animals of mountain bearer sub-div.| | nil | nil |batteries as soon as there | | | |is sufficient light, | | | |followed by horses of one inf. bde. and | , | | nil | -pr. battery ( ) and of sig. sec. and | | | |h.q. f.a. brigade ( ). w/t station | | | |animals of remaining units | | | |to follow in the order bearer sub-div.| | nil | nil |shown. supplies and forage | | | |for days for these field co. r.e. | | | tool carts |troops and animals to be | | | |dumped on the beach as mountain batts.| | | nil |soon as possible, will (_b_) | | | |amount to about tons. | | | |s.a.a. , , will also div. h.q. and | | | cable wagons,|have to be landed besides sig. co. | | | water cart, |that carried by the | | | limbd. r.e. |troops, say, tons. | | |wagons | | | | | inf. bde. and | , | | nil |artillery reserve pioneer bn. and | | | |ammunition will also be sig. sec. and | | | |required as follows:-- w/t station | | | |to come by trawler from | | | |mudros bearer sub-divs| | nil | nil | pr. , rds. ( tons) | | | | pr. , rds. ( tons) | | | | pr. , rds. ( tons) platoons div. | | nil | bicycles |(see notes to table a.) if cycl. co. | | | |reserve s.a.a. and gun | | | |ammunition can be put field cos. r.e.| | | tool carts |ashore at anzac cove | | | |before operations begin f.a. bde. ("l" | | | guns, |this will also be done. bde.) (_c_) | | |wagons, |but the above-mentioned | | |telephone |reserves must also be | | |wagon, water |landed at new beach in | | |carts |case the congestion on the | | | |road from anzac makes its | | | |forwarding a matter of | | | |great difficulty. ammn. park | | nil | nil | personnel ( | | | | div.) | | | | | | | | tent sub.-divs.| | | ambulance | | |horses |wagons, water| | |or |carts, | | | |maltese carts | | |mules | | | | | | casualty | | nil | nil | clearing stations| | | | | | | | bde. ammn. col. | | | ammunition | | | |wagons, water| | | |cart, s.a.a. | | | |wagons | bns. for beach | , | nil | nil | parties | | | | | | | | mule corps | | | mule carts | | | | | wireless sec. | | | two-horse | | | |vehicles | -----------------+----------+-------+---------------+-------------------------- _a_ helles to imbros, night july st/august st. _b_ helles to imbros, night august st/ nd. _c_ animals in remarks columns ( and ) come from imbros, remainder from mudros in horse-ships. table d. table showing units and details which it is required to land at anzac cove beginning at dawn august th. order of landing as shown. all these troops will come from mudros. ----------------------------+----------+-------+---------+--------------------- unit. |personnel.|horses.|vehicles.| remarks. ----------------------------+----------+-------+---------+--------------------- medical personnel, tent sub-| | nil | nil |all spare stretchers divisions a. and a.n.z.a.c. | | | |to be carried by field ambulance | | | |hand. | | | | bearer sub-divisions of | | nil | nil | field ambulance, th div | | | | | | | | one -pr. battery and h.q. | | | nil | f.a. bde. ("a" bde.) | | | | | | | | th heavy battery r.g.a. | | | nil | | | | | three -pr. batteries ("a" | | | nil |guns and personnel brigade) | | | |already ashore, (see | | | |tables a and b.) mules of mule corps | * | | nil |* sufficient personnel | | | |to look after mules. ----------------------------+----------+-------+---------+--------------------- table e. table showing units to be ready to land immediately after those shown in tables a, b, c and d. units will probably be required in the order shown either at new beach or anzac cove as circumstances may dictate. -----------------+------+----------+--------+---------------+------------------ unit. | from |personnel.|animals.| vehicles. |remarks. -----------------+------+----------+--------+---------------+------------------ divl. h.q. th |mudros| | | limbered r.e.| divn. | | | |wagons, water| | | | |cart, cable | | | | |wagons | | | | | | battalions th|mudros| , | | water carts |s.a.a. , , divn. | | | | |rounds besides | | | | |that carried on the | | | | |men. | | | | | battalions th|port | , | | water carts | divn. |iero | | | | | | | | | h.q. divl. r.e. |mudros| | | tool carts, | | | | | water carts | | | | | | field cos. r.e.| -- | -- | -- | -- | th division | | | | | | | | | | bearer sub- |mudros| | -- | -- | divisions of | | | | | field ambulances,| | | | | th divn. | | | | | | | | | | th heavy |on | | | guns, | baattery r.g.a. |board | | |wagons, water| |ship--| | |cart, g.s. | |mudros| | |wagons | | | | | | tent sub-division|mudros| | | ambulance | of th divn. | | |horses |wagons, | | | |or |carts | | | |mules | | | | | | | mule corps |mudros| | | carts | -----------------+------+----------+--------+---------------+------------------ general officer commanding, australian and new zealand army corps. with reference to your g. of th july, the navy is being asked to provide transport for the following ammunition to be landed at anzac by the rd august:-- * * * * * _for a. and n.z.a.c._--sufficient s.a.a. to bring the amount on shore up to rounds per rifle and , per machine-gun. _for other troops._-- rounds per rifle and , rounds per machine-gun (in addition to what the troops will carry on landing). these will come to , , rounds in all, and arrangements are being made to begin landing this ammunition as soon as possible. . the following artillery ammunition will also have to be gradually landed and stored, and should all be ashore, if possible, by august rd:-- pr. , rounds pr. (probably per cent. h.e.) , " . -in. howitzer probably half h.e. , " -in. howitzer majority h.e. , " -in. howitzer majority h.e. , " pr. probably two-thirds h.e. , " all of this ammunition is not yet arrived, and the proportion of h.e. shell is not yet ascertainable from england. the arrangements suggested in your paragraph (iii.) of your letter are noted, and will be followed as far as possible. . with regard to the marking of ammunition-boxes, the necessary arrangements are being prepared. you will be informed of the arrangements and of the system of marking in due course. consignments of mark vi. and mark vii. will be sent separately as you suggest. . the above figures do not include the periodical replenishment referred to in paragraph (iv.) of your letter. dispatch of consignments on this account and consignments for the reserve will be notified to you separately. (_signed_) w. p. braithwaite, _major-general, c.g.s.,_ _mediterranean expeditionary force._ enclosed a copy of tables forwarded to vice-admiral, showing troops, animals, stores, etc., which the navy is being asked to land at anzac. _ nd july, ._ general offices commanding, th corps. the general commanding wishes me to send you the following outline of his plans for the next general attack, for the exclusive information of yourself, your divisional generals, and such officers of your corps headquarters and divisional headquarters as you may consider it necessary to take into your confidence. i am to add that it is sir ian's wish that as few officers as possible should be made acquainted with it. . the general plan is, while holding as many of the enemy as possible in the southern theatre, to throw the weight of our attack on the turkish forces now opposite the australian and new zealand army corps. it is hoped, by means of an attack on the front and right flank of these forces, to deal them a crushing blow, and to drive the remnants south towards kilid bahr. it will then be the object of the general commanding to seize a position across the peninsula from gaba tepe to maidos with a protected line of supply from suvla bay. . the strength of the enemy north of kilid bahr at the present time is about , men. of these some , are permanently maintained in the trenches opposite the anzac position, and the majority of the remainder are held in reserve at boghali, kojadere and eski-keui. it is believed that there are about three battalions in the anafarta villages, a battalion at ismail oglu tepe (new map / , ), a battalion near yilghin burnu, and small parties of outposts at lala baba (sq. .l.) and ghazi baba (sq. .n.). the hills due east of suvla bay towards aji liman are believed to be held only by a few gendarmerie, but information on this point is at present not precise. the hills near yilghin burnu and ismail oglu tepe are known to contain one . -in. gun, one . -in. gun, and three field guns, protected by wire entanglements and infantry trenches, but it is believed that the main defences are against attack from the south or west, and that there is no wire on the northern slopes of the hills; also that the guns can only be fired in a southerly direction. . the success of the plan outlined in paragraph will depend on two main factors:-- (a) the capture of hill (sq. .w.). (b) the capture and retention of suvla bay as a base of operations for the northern army. . the operations from within the present anzac position against the enemy on hill will be carried out by the australian and new zealand corps, temporarily reinforced by the following units of the th army corps:-- th division (less th, th and th brigades, r.f.a.). th infantry brigade ( th division). th indian brigade. th howitzer brigade, r.f.a. . the landing near suvla will be entrusted to you, and you will have at your disposal:-- th division. th division (less th brigade). highland mountain artillery brigade. st/ th lowland howitzer brigade. the disembarkation of your command, which may be expected to be opposed, though not in great strength, will be after dark at a point immediately south of lala baba. the first troops to disembark will be the th division, which will have been concentrated at imbros previously to the attack, and will be brought across under cover of darkness in destroyers and motor-lighters. it is expected that approximately , men will be disembarked simultaneously, and that three infantry brigades and the mountain artillery brigade will be ashore before daylight. your first objectives will be the high ground at lala baba and ghazi baba, and the hills near yilghin burnu and ismail oglu tepe. it will also be necessary to send a small force to secure a footing on the hills due east of suvla bay. it is of first importance that yilghin burnu and ismail oglu tepe should be captured by a coup-de-main before daylight in order to prevent the guns which they contain being used against our troops on hill and to safeguard our hold on suvla bay. it is hoped that one division will be sufficient for the attainment of these objectives. your subsequent moves will depend on circumstances which cannot at present be gauged, but it is hoped that the remainder of your force will be available on the morning of the th august to advance on biyuk anafarta with the object of moving up the eastern spurs of hill so as to assist general birdwood's attack. . the operations from within the present anzac position will begin during the day immediately preceding your disembarkation (the reinforcements for general birdwood's force having been dribbled ashore in detachments at anzac cove on the three previous nights). the operations will begin with a determined attack on the turkish left centre, lonesome pine and johnston's jolly (see enlarged map of anzac position), with the object of attracting the enemy's reserves to this portion of the line. the turks have for long been apprehensive of our landing in the neighbourhood of gaba tepe, and it is hoped that an attack in force in this quarter will confirm their apprehensions. at nightfall the turkish outposts on the extreme right of the enemy's line will be rushed, and a force of , men will advance in three or more columns up the ravines running down from chunuk bair. this advance, which will begin about the same time as your first troops reach the shore, will be so timed as to reach the summit of the main ridge near chunuk bair about . a.m. (soon after moon-rise). latest photographs show that the turkish trenches on this ridge do not extend further north than chunuk bair, and it is unlikely that the higher portions of the ridge are held in great strength. as soon as a lodgement has been effected on this ridge a portion of the attacking force will be left to consolidate the position gained and the remainder will advance south-west against the enemy's trenches near baby , which will be attacked simultaneously by a special detachment from within the anzac position. an advance by your force from the east will, as already indicated in paragraph , be of great assistance in the event of this attack being checked. . the landing of sufficient transport to secure the mobility of your force will be a matter of considerable difficulty. no animals or vehicles of any kind will be able to land in the first instance, and machine-guns, tools and necessary medical and signalling equipment must be carried by hand. all men will land with two iron rations (one day's meat ration only is advised); infantry will carry rounds s.a.a. and machine-gun sections , rounds in belt boxes. packs and greatcoats will not be taken ashore. before dawn it is hoped to land enough horses to secure the mobility of the mountain artillery brigade and one battery r.f.a., and it is hoped that within the first hours the disembarkation of all the personnel, horses and vehicles enumerated in the attached table will be complete. one brigade r.f.a. th division, / th lowland th howitzer brigade (two batteries) and the th heavy battery, will be landed at anzac before the operations commence, and their personnel and horses will disembark on the morning following your disembarkation, and will then be directed along the beach to join your command. water is plentiful throughout the anafarta valley, but pending the disembarkation of water carts a number of mules with special -gallon water bags will be attached to the units of your command. (_signed_) w. p. braithwaite, _major-general, c.g.s._, _mediterranean expeditionary force_. p.s.--this letter is never to be out of an officer's possession, and if, as is probable, you require to send it to your brig.-gen. g.s., it must be sent to mudros in charge of an officer. table. |animals. | vehicles. --------------------------------------------------------------------- th division. divl. h.q. and signal co. cart, cable wagons. infantry brigades nil. pioneer battalion nil. f.a. brigades guns, wagons, telegraph wagons, carts. heavy battery r.g.a. guns, wagons, g.s. wagons, cart. field coys. r.e. tool carts. platoons divl. cyclist co. nil bicycles. field ambulances ambulances, carts. th division. divl. h.q. and signal co. } -- transport on - / infantry brigades } approximately the same pioneer battalion } scale field cos. r.e. } as that for th field ambulances } division. th indian brigade and indian field ambulance. mountain batteries ( mules). battalions (of men each) for beach parties. mule corps with mules and carts. casualty clearing stations. organization orders for troops landing at anzac. . troops landing at anzac are to land equipped as follows: * * * * * f.s. equipment, including respirator; pack and waterproof sheet; no blanket. officers' kit reduced to what they can carry. no transport of any kind will be available to move baggage or equipment. ammunition s.a.a. rounds per rifle or person; , rounds per machine-gun in belt boxes. no regimental reserve s.a.a. gun, limbers and wagons filled with fused shell. water bottles--filled. rations--iron rations one day meat and biscuit, two days' groceries. sufficient to provide breakfasts. (fuel will be issued on shore.) tools--infantry. regimental reserve distributed to individuals and carried on person; brigade reserve entrenching tools distributed to units, by them to individuals and carried on person. engineers--tools for road making and entrenching work--carried on person. other arms--usual allotment. signal company cable and equipment usually carried in carts to be transferred to barrows. ambulances--all available stretchers and equipment of dressing stations only. tent sub-divisions in readiness to rejoin early. a.s.c.--small allowance of distributing equipment, to be brought by advance parties of s. and t. personnel. establishments. . no horses, attendants or drivers are to land. brigade sections of signal companies are to land with the brigades they serve. tent sub-divisions of field ambulances are not to land. equipment carried in technical vehicles is to be transferred to vehicles which can be hand-propelled or else carried on person. . troops should disembark into lighters, etc., in complete units, companies, platoons, and so on, unless much space is sacrificed in so doing. . all troops should land wearing two white -inch armlets and a white patch on back of right shoulder. . no lights or noise are to be permitted while disembarking; troops will move into the lighters or horseboats as quickly as possible. . on disembarking troops will be met by staff officers and guides, and will be marched off direct to the ground allotted to them--in no case more than , yards from the beach. all kit brought must be removed by the troops, and must be taken out of the lighters at the same time as the troops leave. special parties to assist with the machine-gun and other loads are to be detailed in the load of each lighter. . no lights or talking are permitted on the beach or till the troops reach their allotted area. fires are not to be lit in any area till . a.m., and must be extinguished by p.m. green wood is not to be used; the smoke it causes will draw shell fire. . no troops are to leave the area allotted to them between a.m. and p.m. except on special duty with the authority of the brigade commander. piquets will be placed under area arrangements at intervals round the area to prevent men straying independently. . troops may be exposed to desultory shelling during the day or night. this is never aimed, and the best protection against it is to move into the bottom of the gully in which the troops are bivouacked. . troops are not to use any portion of the iron ration with which they land. issues will be made under brigade arrangements of rations and extras to last the period of their stay. . water is issued on ration at one gallon fresh water per day. this includes water for all purposes. for bathing, the sea is available, but may only be visited after p.m. daily. . latrines for immediate use are dug and marked in each area; additional latrines are to be prepared by units and the strictest orders issued to prevent fouling the ground. latrines are to be made very deep, as space is much restricted. . casualties of any kind after treatment in the field ambulance affiliated to the brigade will be taken to the casualty clearing station in anzac cove for removal to hospital ship. urgent cases at any time; others as far as possible between . and . p.m. and between and a.m. . the following is to be practised by all troops after landing:-- * * * * * falling in once during the night in any close formation, and to remain so closed up for a period of at least half an hour, during which passing of commands (messages from front to rear and back again and to the flanks) is to be practised. the troops must be accustomed to the starlight, which may be expected during night operations. . if aeroplanes pass overhead troops are not to look up, as this will give away the position of bodies of troops and probably draw shell fire. . troops landing should be provided with maps / , of the area in which operations are to take place. these maps to be in bulk, and not issued till after landing. maps / , of the anzac area showing roads and bivouacs will be issued to unit commanders on arrival. . telephone lines will be found laid from anzac headquarters to points suitable for brigade or higher headquarters. on arrival brigades will join up these points to anzac. an officer and two orderlies per brigade will also be detailed to remain at anzac headquarters. staffs of formations higher than brigades will be located within easy reach of anzac headquarters. * * * * * g.s.r. z. / . _instructions for g.o.c. th army corps._ reference sheet anafarta sagir gallipoli map / , . . the intentions of the general commanding for the impending operations, and a rough outline of the task which he has allotted to the troops under your command, were communicated to you in my g.s.r. z. , dated nd instant. . in addition to the information contained in paragraph of the above quoted letter, small numbers of turkish mounted troops and gendarmerie have been reported in the country north of anzac, and three guns with limbers, each drawn by six oxen, have been seen moving into anafarta sagir. an aeroplane photograph has also disclosed the presence of a few trenches on lala baba. a sketch of these trenches, which have apparently been constructed for some months, is attached. it is believed that the channel connecting the salt lake with suvla bay is now dry. . your landing will begin on the night th/ th august. your primary objective will be to secure suvla bay as a base for all the forces operating in the northern zone. owing to the difficult nature of the terrain, it is possible that the attainment of this objective will, in the first instance, require the use of the whole of the troops at your disposal. should, however, you find it possible to achieve this object with only a portion of your force, your next step will be to give such direct assistance as is in your power to the g.o.c. anzac in his attack on hill , by an advance on biyuk anafarta, with the object of moving up the eastern spurs of that hill. . subject only to his final approval, the general commanding gives you an entirely free hand in the selection of your plan of operations. he, however, directs your special attention to the fact that the hills yilghin and ismail oglu tepe are known to contain guns which can bring fire to bear on the flank and rear of an attack on hill , and that on this account they assume an even greater importance in the first instance than if they were considered merely part of a position covering suvla bay. if, therefore, it is possible, without prejudice to the attainment of your primary objective, to gain possession of these hills at an early period of your attack, it will greatly facilitate the capture and retention of hill . it would also appear almost certain that until these hills are in your possession it will be impossible to land either troops or stores in the neighbourhood of suvla bay by day. . the troops at your disposal will be:-- th division (less one brigade r.f.a., at helles). th division (less th infantry brigade). three squadrons r.n. armoured car division, r.n.a.s. (one squadron motor cycles, six machine guns; one squadron ford cars, six machine guns; one squadron armoured cars, six machine guns). two highland mountain artillery batteries. an endeavour will be made to release for your force one or more -in. howitzer batteries, now at anzac, during the day following your initial disembarkation. . in order that you may be able to arrange for the disembarkation of your force to agree, so far as naval exigencies will admit, with the plan of operations on which you decide, the allocation of troops to the ships and boats to be provided by the navy is left to your decision. with this object, tables have been drawn up, and are enclosed with these instructions, showing the craft which can be placed at your disposal by the navy, their capacity, and the points at which the troops can be disembarked. the tables also show what numbers of troops, animals, vehicles, and stores can be landed simultaneously. the beaches available for your landing on the first night are ( ) a frontage of yards in suvla bay (sq. q.v.); ( ) a frontage of , yards s. of kuchuk kemikli (sq. , z, v; a.b.), called "new beach" in the tables. it will not be possible in the first instance to land more than one brigade of your force in suvla bay, though other vessels can simultaneously be discharging their passengers on new beach. . as regards the time at which the disembarkation may be expected to commence, no craft will be allowed to leave kephalos harbour till after dark, and the passage across will take from one and a half to two hours. it is unsafe, therefore, to count on any troops being ashore before . p.m., and in no case must your approach be disclosed to the enemy till p.m., the hour at which the outposts on the left flank of the anzac position are to be rushed. . no allowance has been made in the tables for the disembarkation of your headquarters, as it is not known at what period of the operations you will wish them to land. . special attention is directed to paragraph of my letter g.s.r. z. , dated nd july. . the infantry of the rd division will be available as army reserve, and will be at the disposal of the general commanding. . special instructions regarding signal communications will be issued later. in general terms the arrangements will be as follows:-- * * * * * there is a submarine cable between imbros and anzac, and a cable will be laid as soon as practicable from imbros to suvla bay. a submarine cable and a land cable will also be laid between anzac and suvla bay as soon as circumstances permit, probably before dawn. pending the completion of this work inter-communication between anzac and suvla bay will be carried out by lamp, and, subject to naval approval, between suvla bay and imbros by wireless telegraphy. two[ ] military pack w.t. stations and one r.n. base w.t. station will be provided at suvla bay, four naval ratings will be attached to each station as visual signalling personnel. one of these military pack w.t. stations will be disembarked with the second brigade to land, and will act as a base station pending the arrival of the r.n. base wireless station. the second military pack w.t. station will be disembarked with the third brigade to land; it will be placed on a flank and used mainly for fire control under the b.g.r.a. a wagon wireless station at g.h.q., imbros, will be in communication with both these pack w.t. stations. one officer and other ranks, with two pack animals from the brigade signal section, will be landed with each infantry brigade. these parties will lay their cable by hand and establish telephone and vibrator communication from the beach forward. no vehicles will be landed in the first instance, all necessary stores being man-handled. three officers, other ranks, animals and five vehicles will be landed with divisional headquarters. the advance parties will release the brigade sections from the beach and be prepared to lay cable lines by hand. two cable wagons will be included in the five vehicles, and should be the first of those vehicles to be disembarked. ----------------------+----------------------+--------------------+ time of arrival | | | off coast. | craft. | capacity. | ----------------------+----------------------+--------------------+ in time to disembark | motor lighters | infantry | all troops, |( steamboats |each (and | vehicles, horses, |accompanying) | , rds. | stores, etc., by | |s.a.a. if necessary)| night | | | | | | | destroyers | infantry | | |each | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | sloop, towing | men | | motor lighter | horses | |and horseboats | mtn. guns | |( steamboat | bicycles | |accompanying) | | | | | | | | | | | | sloop, towing | men | | horseboats ( | horses | |steamboat | -pr. guns | |accompanying) |or wagons | | | | | trawler, towing | men | | horseboats | horses | |( steamboat | -pr. guns | |accompanying) |or wagons | | | | | | | | | | |h.m.s. | , men | |_endymion_ | | | | | |h.m.s. | , men | |_theseus_ | | -------------------+-----------------------+------------------------- | method of | landing place. | disembarkation. | remarks. -------------------+-----------------------+------------------------- lighters at |land direct on beach |ammunition if necessary new beach, | |may be left on motor lighters at | |lighters until convenient suvla bay | |to land it, according to | |circumstances. | | one attending |motor lighters take |the disembarkation from each motor |off troops and land |the destroyers cannot lighter |them on beach |begin until the motor | |lighters have landed | |their complement and | |returned. | | new beach |motor lighters and |the sloops and trawler, |horseboats loaded |after casting off their |with guns, horses of |tows, will return to |mountain and -pr. |kephalos. other |batteries. sloop |horseboats |loaded with men and |boats will be there, |bicycles |ready filled with the | |remainder of the horses new beach |horseboats loaded |required in the first |with guns, vehicles, |instance for the two |and horses of -pr. |mountain batteries, |battery. sloop |the -pr. battery, and |loaded with men |the signal company. |and bicycles |they will pick up these new beach |horseboats loaded |horseboats and tow |with guns, vehicles, |them over to the beach |and horses of -pr. |immediately. |battery. trawler | |available to carry men | | | new beach |landed either from | -- or suvla |cutters towed by | bay, as may |steamboats, or from | -- be convenient |motor lighters | | | -------------------+-----------------------+------------------------- the above would admit of the disembarkation before dawn at and in the neighbourhood of suvla bay of:-- divisional headquarters. signal co. with horses. w.t. section and w.t. stations. h.q. f.a. bde. ( -pr.) with horses. f.a. battery ( -pr.) with horses. mountain batteries with horses. field companies r.e. infantry brigades and part of remainder of f.a. bde. (personnel). pioneer battalion. battalions for beach parties and part of ammn. park personnel. platoons divl. cyclist co. and part of tent sub-divisions of field ambulances. bearer subdivisions of field ambulances and part of casualty clearing stations. the motor lighters will land their complements first, and then the troops from the destroyers, the two sloops and their tows, and the trawler and her tows, can proceed simultaneously on a front of about yards in suvla bay and , on the beach south of suvla bay, directly beach secured. the two landing places are about miles apart. the landing of the troops from h.m.s. _endymion_ and _theseus_ may be able to take place simultaneously, or may have to be deferred until the motor lighters have cleared the destroyers. ----------------------+----------------------+---------------------+ time of arrival | | | off coast. | craft. | capacity. | ----------------------+----------------------+---------------------+ at or immediately | horse transport |all horses enumerated| after dawn | |in table c appended | | |to letter g.s.r. z. | | | of rd july, | | |except those already | | |provided for. water | | |bags and pumps | | | | | mule transport |all mules and mule | | |carts provided for in| | |tables c and e | | |appended to g.s.r. z.| | | of rd july | | | | | small transports | , infantry | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | called up from | supply ship | days' supplies for | kephalos as soon after| |troops and animals | dawn as circumstances | |in tables c and e | permit | |appended appended to | | |g.s.r. z. of rd | | |july | | | | called up from | small transports | , infantry | kephalos as soon after| | | dawn as circumstances | | | permit | | | | | | | horse transport |all horses and | | |vehicles enumerated | | |in table e, appended | | |to g.s.r. z. of | | | rd july | | | | ----------------------+----------------------+---------------------+ -------------------+-----------------------+------------------------- | method of | landing place. | disembarkation. | remarks. -------------------+-----------------------+------------------------- suvla bay |six of the horseboats |transport comes from |from which the -pr. |mudros. |and mountain batteries | |will previously have | |been landed | | | | | | | suvla bay |six of the horseboats |transport comes from |from which -pr. and |alexandria. |mountain bateries will | |previously have been | |landed | | | _suvla bay_or |landed from motor |six battalions th _new beach_ if |lighters as soon as |division coming from necessary) |they have finished |port iero. |clearing the destroyers| |and (if necessary) | |h.m.s. _endymion_ and | |_theseus_ | | | suvla bay |landed from motor | |lighters as soon as | |the port iero troops | |are cleared | | | | | | | _suvla bay_ (or |landed from motor |three battalions th _new beach_ if |lighters as soon as |division from mudros. necessary) |the port iero troops | |are cleared. | | | suvla bay |landed from horseboats | |brought up on second | |trip by the trawler and| |two sloops, as soon as | |the horseboats have | |been emptied | -------------------+-----------------------+------------------------- the above will provide for the disembarkation of the remainder of the troops, etc., enumerated in tables c and e, appended to letter g.s.r. z. of rd july, that is those not already detailed to be landed before dawn, viz.:-- remainder of f.a. brigade ( pr.). remainder of ammunition park personnel. th heavy battery r.g.a. brigade ammunition column. remainder of casualty clearing stations. mule corps. also , , rds. s.a.a. reserve gun ammunition (by special trawlers from mudros) days' supplies for the above troops and animals. as soon as possible after corps headquarters go ashore, the personnel of the divisional signal companies will be released from work at the beach. arrangements will be made subsequently to disembark an air line detachment and a cable section to provide and pole local lines. the remainder of the corps headquarters signal company will be kept in readiness to be forwarded as soon as corps headquarters reports that circumstances admit of its disembarkation. . two military landing officers and their assistant military landing officers will be placed at your disposal from units other than those under your command. . in addition to the units mentioned in tables a-e forwarded to you with my letter g.s.r. z. , dated rd july, the following are being dispatched from alexandria in this order:-- three squadrons armoured car division r.n.a.s. (these will be available to land on the morning after your disembarkation begins, if you so desire.) ( ) h.q.r.a. th division. two f.a. brigades th division (modified scale of horses). r.a. personnel and ammunition of th divisional ammunition park. ( ) one f.a. brigade th division (modified scale of horses). one f.a. brigade th division (modified scale of horses). ( ) two f.a. brigades th division. ( ) horses for th division. and the following will be assembled at imbros to land when required:-- th divisional cyclist company (less two platoons). th divisional cyclist company. th divisional cyclist company. . you are requested to submit your proposed plan of operations to g.h.q. for approval at the earliest possible date. (_signed_) w. p. braithwaite, _major-general, c.g.s., mediterranean expeditionary force. th july, ._ g.s.r. z. / . _july th._ general officer commanding, th corps. the general commanding has decided that his next main attack shall be made in the vicinity of anzac with the object of placing ourselves astride the peninsula to the north of kilid bahr. . the th corps with attached troops is to assist this main operation by offensive action in the south, the scope and form of this action being determined solely with reference to its effects on the main operation. as the decisive point will be in the neighbourhood of anzac, all reinforcements will be utilized in that theatre, and it is improbable that any will be available for the southern zone before the middle of august, except such drafts for the th corps and the corps exp. orient as may reach the peninsula in the next ten days. . in order to free sufficient troops to enable the th corps to take the offensive, the french will take over part of the line as defined in force order no. . . in addition to the troops of the th corps and r.n.d. at present at your disposal, the following reinforcements may be expected:-- th division due th july. th division due th august. nd division due th july. ----- total , which, allowing for normal wastage, should give an effective total of , on th august. these numbers, with the shorter line you will be called upon to hold, should leave you with sufficient troops to undertake a limited offensive operation on or about that day. . assuming that you are not attacked in the meanwhile, the total amount of ammunition which should be available at helles early in august for offensive action, and to maintain a reserve is:-- pr. , } . inch , } plus any amounts saved inch , } from normal daily expenditure. inch } pr. , } but it must be borne in mind that no replacements can be looked for before august th. . the scope of your offensive action must be based upon these figures, and it is thought that the most suitable objective will be the capture of the turkish trenches up to the line f. , g. , h. , and h. . plans for this operation should, therefore, be undertaken at once. . pre-supposing that this attack is successful, and that the numbers at your disposal admit of a further advance, the capture of the trenches on the line h. to h. , followed perhaps by the capture of krithia could then be undertaken, and plans for this action should be prepared beforehand. but as the launching of this further attack must be entirely dependent on unknown factors, a definite decision on this point cannot be arrived at beforehand. it is, moreover, essential that the plan of your first attack should not definitely commit your troops to a further advance unless the trend of events should render such a course desirable. . as regards the date for launching your first attack, it is thought that the most favourable time would be shortly before the main operations at anzac begin, and you should therefore arrange for your first attack to take place on the th august. . beyond holding the enemy in front of them to their positions and assisting you with artillery fire, the french will not be asked to take part in your first attack, but, in the event of your reaching krithia, they will be directed to conform to your movements and to establish themselves on the spurs leading up to achi baba. i will ascertain the amount of artillery support and lean you can expect from the c.e.o., and if the information arrives in time will attach it as an appendix to this letter. . the possibility of the southern force being able to capture achi baba has not been dealt with in this memorandum, as the attempt should only be made in the event of large reinforcements being available for the southern zone, and these must depend on the course of events in the main theatre. (_signed_) w. p. braithwaite, _major-general, c.g.s., mediterranean expeditionary force._ it will be apparent to you how necessary it is not to allow any suspicion of the reason for the date mentioned in paragraph being told to any person other than your brigadier-general g.s. (_intd._) w. p. b. footnotes: [footnote : all w.t. arrangements are subject to alteration, as they have not yet been confirmed by the vice-admiral.] appendix. _french artillery support for th corps._ . one brigade of 's will be placed at the disposal of the th corps for the attack on th- th august. of these (_a_) one battery will be moved to support closely the attack on krithia. (_b_) one battery will fire up the nullah e. of krithia. . in addition, six french howitzers will be so disposed as to open fire upon turkish artillery north of the ridge --achi baba peak. instructions for g.o.c. a. and n.z. army corps. reference map anafarta sagir gallipoli map / , . . the general commanding has decided to mass the whole of his reinforcements in and immediately north of the area occupied by the corps under your command, with a view to securing suvla bay as a base of operations, driving the enemy off the sari bair, and eventually securing a position astride the gallipoli peninsula from the neighbourhood of gaba tepe to the straits north of maidos. . the general outline for your proposals for the action of the a. and n.z. army corps contained in your g a of st july are approved. . (_a_) the general commanding wishes your operations to begin on august th with a strong and sustained attack on hill (plateau ), every effort being made to deceive the enemy as to the locality against which our main effort is to be made, and to induce him to believe that it will be directed against his lines opposite the southern portion of your position. in pursuance of this object the vice-admiral has arranged that h.m. ships shall in the meantime display increased activity off the coast between gaba tepe and kum tepe. it has been arranged that soundings shall be taken by night off the coast south of gaba tepe; and, on the evening of august th, a naval demonstration will be made off this part of the coast, h.m. ships being accompanied by a number of trawlers as if a landing were to be undertaken. (_b_) the general commanding further concurs in the subsequent sequence of the operations outlined by you, namely:-- (i) the clearing of the enemy's outposts from the ridges facing nos. and posts, to be undertaken after nightfall. (ii) an attack in as great strength as possible up the sazli beit dere, the chailak dere and the aghyl dere, against the chunuk bair ridge, by night. (iii) when the chunuk bair ridge is gained, a converging attack from that ridge, and from the north-eastern section of your present position, against hill (baby ). . (_a_) for the above operations the following troops will be at your disposal:-- a. and n.z. army corps. th division, less all artillery except th f.a. (howitzer) brigade. th brigade ( th division). th indian brigade. (_b_) at the date of commencement of the operations the following troops belonging to or attached to the th army corps will be at anzac, but will not, except so far as is stated hereunder, be at your disposal:-- one f.a. brigade, th division: to rejoin th army corps as soon as horses are landed. th heavy battery, r.g.a.: ditto. th lowland (howitzer) brigade (two batteries): arrangements must be made so that these batteries may be free to rejoin the th army corps before nightfall on august th. . the operations carried out by the corps under your command will form part of a general combined offensive undertaken by the whole of the forces of the gallipoli peninsula and by the th army corps, which will be disembarked in the neighbourhood of suvla bay, beginning on the night of august th- th. (_a_) the th army corps, in conjunction with the corps expéditionnaire, will attack the turkish lines south of krithia on august th and th. the attack will be made on a large scale, and will be vigorously pressed, and it is hoped that by its means the enemy will be induced to move part of his central reserves southward into the cape helles zone during the th and th, so that they may not be available in the northern zone on the th and th. (_b_) the th army corps will begin landing in and close to suvla bay during the night of august th- th. three infantry brigades, with one field and two mountain batteries, engineers and medical services, should be ashore before dawn, and will be closely followed by two more infantry brigades and additional artillery and engineers. the g.o.c. th army corps has been informed:-- (i) that his mission is to secure suvla bay as a base of operation for all the forces in the northern zone. (ii) that the seizure of yilghin burnu and ismail oglu tepe ("w" and chocolate hills), on account of the presence there of artillery which may interfere with your operations, must be considered as of very special importance. (iii) that so far as is possible after the fulfilment of his primary mission, he is to render you such direct assistance as may be practicable by moving any available troops via biyuk anafarta up the eastern slopes of the sari bair. (_c_) at the commencement of these operations the infantry of the rd division will be available as army reserve and will be at the disposal of the general commanding. . the vice-admiral has agreed provisionally to the following allotment of ships affording naval support to the operations:-- in suvla bay: one -in. monitor. south of kuchuk: h.m.s. _endymion_. kemliki (nibrunesi point): h.m.s. _edgar_, h.m.s. _talbot_, one -in. monitor, one . -in. monitor. these ships would be in position at daylight on august th, and would mainly be required to support the operations of the th army corps. west of gaba tepe: h.m.s. _baccanto_, h.m.s. _humber_, h.m.s. _havelock_, one -in. monitor. these ships would be in position at p.m. on august th, except h.m.s. _havelock_, which would be in position at daylight on august th. they would be detailed for support of the right flank of the a. and n.z. army corps. off kum tepe: one -in. monitor. a separate communication is being sent to you with regard to the final settlement of details as to the support of the operations by naval guns, allocation of targets, etc. . special instructions regarding signal communication will be issued later. in general terms the arrangements will be as follows:-- a submarine cable and a land cable will be laid between anzac and suvla bay as soon as circumstances permit. a submarine cable will also be laid as soon as practicable between imbros and suvla bay. pending the completion of connection between anzac and suvla bay, inter-communication will be carried out by lamp. two military pack w/t stations and a r.n. base w/t station will be established in the vicinity of suvla bay. the w/t station at anzac will be able to intercept messages from seaplanes, but must not attempt to reply. w/t via the ships will be an alternative means of communication between g.h.q. and the troops ashore in case of interruption of cable communication. a system of flares will be arranged for employment on the left flank of your position at dawn on august th to indicate to the ships the positions reached by the troops. . g.h.q. will in the first instance be at imbros. (_signed_) w. p. braithwaite, _major-general, c.g.s., mediterranean expeditionary force._ g.h.q., _ th july, _. force order no. . general headquarters, _ nd august, ._ . the total forces of the enemy in the gallipoli peninsula are estimated at , . of these, , are in the neighbourhood of anzac ( th, th, th divisions, and th and th regiments); , are in the southern zone ( st, th, th division less one regiment, th division, th division less one regiment, and one regiment each of the th, th and rd divisions); and , are in reserve ( th division less one regiment, th less one regiment, th, th, and th less one regiment, and th divisions). of this reserve force two divisions are in the bulair district and one division in the eyerli tepe zone. there are , on the asiatic shore of the dardanelles ( nd division and th division less one regiment). there are believed to be five divisions ( , men) in the keshan area belonging to the th and th corps. all reports tend to show that though the enemy may be expected to fight well in trenches, their _moral_ has suffered considerably as a result of their recent heavy casualties, and that their stock of ammunition is low. . the general commanding intends to carry out a combined and simultaneous attack on the enemy in the northern and southern zone commencing on th august, in accordance with the special instructions already issued to the corps commanders concerned. during the first phase of these operations the th division (less three -pdr. bdes. r.f.a.), the th infantry brigade will be attached to the a. and n.z. army corps. three squadrons r.n. armoured car division and two batteries highland mounted artillery will be attached to th corps. th brigade r.f.a. and st heavy battery r.g.a. will be attached to th corps. . special instructions regarding embarkation and disembarkation are issued to g.o.c. th corps, g.o.c., a. and n.z. corps, and i.g.c., as appended to this order. . the rd division will remain at the disposal of the general commanding as general reserve. . g.h.q. will remain in the first instance in its present situation. _(signed)_ w. p. braithwaite, _major-general, c.g.s., mediterranean expeditionary force._ issued to: g.o.c. corps expéditionnaire; g.o.c. a. and n.z. army corps; g.o.c. th army corps; g.o.c. th army corps; g.o.c. rd division; i.g.c.; vice-admiral. appendix to force order no. . _embarkations._ . the embarkation of units of the th corps concentrated at imbros will be carried out under the orders of g.o.c. th corps, commencing for personnel on th august, for vehicles and stores at such earlier date as may be convenient. the necessary ships and boats (lists of which have already been handed to the g.o.c. corps) will be assembled in the harbour beforehand; and the embarkation programme will be worked out in consultation with commander ashby, r.n., who has been detailed by the vice-admiral for this purpose, and who will arrange for the various vessels to be in their allotted positions at the hours arranged. g.o.c. th corps will also be responsible for the allocation to ships or lighters, and for the embarkation of the following units:-- * * * * * at imbros: one w.t. section (nos. w. and w. pack wireless stations); two anson battalions r.n.d. (for duties on the beach); no. casualty clearing station. in transit from mudros to imbros: one casualty clearing station. units and formations concentrated at mudros and mitylene will be embarked for their various destinations under the orders of i.g.c. in accordance with the programme already issued to that officer. _military transport officers._ . g.o.c. th corps and i.g.c. respectively will ensure that an officer is appointed military transport officer on every ship for the embarkation of which they are severally responsible (_vide_ paragraph ). _landing places._ . the landings of the th corps will be referred to as "a," "b," and "c" beaches. "a" beach--square .q. and v. "c" beach--square .u.z. "b" beach--square .b, i, o. "c" and "b" beaches are practically contiguous. _beach control personnel._ . the following naval and military beach control personnel have been appointed for the landing places of the th corps:-- * * * * * principal beach master: captain h. f. g. talbot, r.n. beach masters: commander i. w. gibson, m.v.o. ("a" beach), captain c. p. metcalfe, r.n. ("b" beach), commander c. tindal-carril-worsley ("c" beach). assistant beach masters and beach lieutenants: four lieutenant commanders, ten lieutenants, r.n. principal mil. l.o.: colonel w. g. b. western, c.b. mil. l.o.'s: major f. w. pencock, derbyshire yeomanry, major sir r. baker, dorset yeomanry, captain tylsen wright, a.s.c. assistant mil. l.o.'s: captain wade palmer, derbyshire yeomanry, captain b. a. smith, south notts hussars, lieutenant h. v. browne, dorset yeomanry, lieutenant krabbe, berks yeomanry. the allocation of the above military officers to the various landing places will be detailed by the p.m.l.o. in consultation with the p.b.m. special instructions with regard to beach fatigue parties have already been issued to the g.o.c. th corps. g.o.c., a. and n.z. army corps will detail such military landing officers, assistant military landing officers, and beach parties for a.n.z.a.c. as he may consider necessary. the names of officers so appointed will be reported as early as possible to v.a. and to g.h.q. the following special service officers are attached to h.q., a. and n.z. army corps, for such duties in connection with the landing as the g.o.c. may direct:-- * * * * * major p. r. bruce, s. notts hussars. captain c. r. higgens, county of london yeomanry. captain sir e. pauncefort duncombe, royal bucks hussars. _general instructions for landing._ . all troops will land with two iron rations (one day's meat only in case of troops disembarking at anzac). infantry will carry rounds of s.a.a., machine-gun sections , rounds. packs will not be worn. a proportion of heavy entrenching tools, signalling and medical gear will be carried by hand. camp kettles will be handed to the ordnance officer of the camp at which units concentrate before embarkation. they will be forwarded and reissued at the first opportunity. . horses will be landed harnessed, and with nosebags filled to their full capacity. poles of g.s. wagons will be removed before slinging and made fast to the body of the wagon. poles of carts, limbers, and limbered wagons will not be removed; these vehicles should be so placed in the boats that they can be landed pole leading. _ammunition._ . the g.o.c. th corps will depute an officer to arrange, in consultation with the p.m.l.o., for the storing of reserve ammunition in convenient localities near the beach. guards for these stores may be found from the beach fatigue parties. _water._ . the strictest economy must be exercised with regard to drinking water. under arrangements already made by g.h.q., receptacles filled with water will be landed as early as possible from the ships carrying the mule corps, and will be conveyed to the troops as transport becomes available. waterproof tanks ( , gallon capacity) and lift and force pumps will be available on the _prah_--r.e. storeship--in kephalos harbour, and will be forwarded by d.q.m.g., g.h.q., on request of g.o.c. corps. _transport._ . transport to supplement that in possession of units will be provided for the th corps and the a.n.z. corps by the indian mule corps. the amount of transport for each formation has been calculated to carry rations, water, and s.a.a., making one or two trips a day, according to the anticipated distance of the various units from the beach. this transport will be handed over, as it is landed, by an officer appointed by the d.s.t., to transport officers of brigades and divisional troops for allotment as circumstances may require. senior transport officers of divisions will be ordered to report to the following representatives of the d.s.t. immediately on landing:-- * * * * * at anzac: lieutenant-colonel streidinger, a.d.t. at "a" beach: major badcock, d.a.d.t. _supplies._ . a supply depôt has been formed at anzac, and it is in charge of major izod, a.s.c. a supply depot will be formed by d.s.t. at "a" beach as soon as supplies can be landed, and will be in charge of major huskisson, a.s.c. senior supply officers of divisions will be ordered to place themselves in communication with the officer in charge of the nearest supply depôt and to keep him informed of their daily requirements. supplies will, so far as possible, be handed over to them in bulk at the depôt. owing to the difficulty in landing sufficient animals in the first instance it is possible that only half rations may be available on the third and fourth days after the operations begin. all units should be specially ordered to husband their rations. _medical._ . arrangements have been made to establish on the beach at anzac two casualty clearing stations, which will be embarked by i.g.c., and two at "a" beach, which will be embarked under orders of g.o.c. th corps (_see_ paragraph ). medical officers will be appointed by g.h.q. to control these units, and to take charge of the arrangements for evacuation of the wounded from the beach. (_signed_) c. f. aspinall, _lieutenant-colonel, for major-general, c.g.s., mediterranean expeditionary force._ appendix iv instructions to major-general h. de lisle, c.b., d.s.o. . the operations of the northern wing of the army have only been partially successful. (_a_) the australian and new zealand army corps, with the th division and the th brigade of th division attached, has greatly extended the area occupied, and now holds a position under the chunuk bair ridge, which the g.o.c. considers a favourable one from which to launch the final attack on the ridge. the necessity for reorganization after the recent operations, and for establishing a satisfactory system of forwarding water, ammunition and supplies, will involve a delay of some days before the attack on the main ridge can be made. (_b_) the th army corps, less the th division and th brigade, but with the rd and th divisions attached, holds the yilghin burnu hills, and a line northwards from the easternmost of these two hills roughly straight across the kuchuk anafarta ova to the highest point of the kiretch tepe sirt. attacks by the th division against the ismail oglu tepe and the anafarta spur from the north-west have been made without any success. in the course of the operations the th corps became very much disorganized, and since august th the work of reorganization and consolidation has been proceeding. . at present the enemy has shown no great strength north of an east and west line through anafarta sagir. he has a force operating on and near the kiretch tepe sirt, the strength of which cannot yet be accurately estimated. from present indications this appears to be a detachment which is known to have guarded the coast from ejelmer bay to suvla bay; it does not appear to have been reinforced to any extent. across the kuchuk anafarta ova there appear to be no more than snipers. in the region anafarta sagir--ismail oglu tepe and the biyuk anafarta valley the enemy has developed considerable strength--his intention being, no doubt, to protect the right of his main force which opposes the australian and new zealand army corps, and to prevent our advance on the anafarta gap. . the general commanding has decided to strike as quickly and in as great strength as possible against the enemy's on the line ismail oglu tepe--anafarta sagir with the objects, first, of driving in this flank and preparing a further enveloping advance; and, secondly, by clearing the anafarta spur to deny to the enemy the gun positions and facilities for observation therefrom, which would otherwise endanger suvla bay. he considers it imperative to effect this with the least possible delay. in his view the left flank of this advance will require comparatively little protection, at all events in the first instance, in view of the difficulty which the enemy may be expected to find in throwing any considerable force round our left over the high and difficult country north of anafarta sagir. it appears that the double purpose of defeating the enemy and securing suvla bay as a port for the northern wing of the army can best be served by an attack on the enemy's right on the anafarta spur, made with all the strength at our command, while leaving a comparatively small force as left flank guard to clear the enemy's snipers out of the kuchuk anafarta ova and to occupy and press back his detachment in the ejelmer bay region. . you will have at your disposal the following troops:-- th division, th division (less th brigade), rd division, th division, and there is on its way from egypt to join you the nd mounted division ( , men dismounted), which should be available by august th. the th, th and rd divisions are considerably depleted, and the _moral_ of the latter at present leaves much to be desired. there are at present ashore, belonging to the above two f.a. brigades (three batteries of which are awaiting horses to bring them up from anzac) and two heavy batteries. in addition, two highland mountain batteries, attached to the th corps, are ashore, and the / th lowland brigade (two batteries -inch howitzers) are at your disposal when they can be brought up from anzac. it has only been possible to land a bare minimum of horses owing to difficulties in respect of water and the landing of forage. three further f.a. brigades and the th brigade (two batteries) . -inch howitzers are at mudros ready to be brought up as soon as it is possible to land them. these brigades will probably have to be landed without any horses in the first instance, and taken into position by the artillery horses already ashore. . for the purpose of an early attack in accordance with the plan indicated in paragraph , the a. and n.z. army corps will probably not be able to co-operate directly with more than one infantry brigade, and it is possible that it may be able to do no more than swing up its left into line with the right of your advance. it is improbable that the th corps and the c.e.o. will be in a position to do more than undertake vigorous demonstrations. . with the above in view, you will proceed at once to suvla bay and take over command of the th corps. your immediate and most urgent concern will be to complete the reorganization of the corps and to prepare as large a force as possible for the offensive against ismail oglu tepe and the anafarta spur, bearing in mind that time is of vital importance. you will then consider and report at the earliest moment:-- (_a_) what force you consider that you will be able to employ for this purpose. (_b_) the date on which you will be ready to undertake the offensive. (_c_) the method by which you purpose to carry out your task. (_signed_) w. p. braithwaite, _major-general, chief of the general staff, mediterranean expeditionary force._ index "a" beach, ii. , , . abdel rahman bair, ii. . abrikja, ii. . achi baba, i. , ; ii. . adderley, lieut., ii. . adrianople, i. . aeroplanes, i. . agnew, col. quentin, ii. . air service, i. , , . aitkin, capt., ii. . aja liman, ii. , , . aja liman anafarta ridge, ii. , . akbashi liman, i. ; ii. . _h.m.t._ alaudia, ii. . alexandretta, i. . allanson, col., ii. . altham, genl., ii. , , , , , , , . ambulance-- th field, ii. . th indian field, ii. . rd r.n.d. field, i. . west lancs. field, ii. . amery, col., i. . ammunition, i. , , , , ; ii. , , , , , , . anafarta, ii. . anafarta ova, ii. . anafarta sagir, ii. , , , , , . anatolia, ii. . _h.m.t._ andania, ii. . anderson, maj., ii. . andrews, col., ii. . anglesey, lord, ii. , . anson bn., i. , , , . anstey, capt., ii. . anzac cove, ii. . _s.s._ arabian, i. . _h.m.s._ arcadian, i. , , . ari burnu, ii. . armistice, i. , . armoured car section, i. ; ii. . _h.m.s._ arno, ii. , , , , , , , , . artillery, i. , , ; ii. . australian, i. . _see_ also appendices i. and ii. ashmead-bartlett, mr., i. , , ; ii. , , , , . _h.i.m.s._ askold, i. , . aspinall, lt.-col., i. , , ; ii. , , , , , , , , . asquith, rt. hon. h. h., i. , ; ii. , , , , , . asquith, lieut. arthur, i. , . australian f.a., rd battery, ii. . australian light horse, i. , . australians-- th bn., i. . th bn., ii. . th bn., i. . th bn., i. . th bn., ii. , . th bn., ii. . ayres, col., ii. . babtie, genl., i. . baby , ii. . _h.m.s._ bacchante, i. . backhouse, commodore, i. . bailey, col., ii. . bailloud, genl., i. , , , , ; ii. , , , , , , , , , , , , , . baldwin, genl., i. ; ii. , . balkans-- c.-in-c.'s views on, i. . bard, _see_ tullibardine. barttelot, sir w., ii. . _h.m.s._ basilisk, i. , , . battle-- kum kale, i. , . landing, i. . naval, i. . quinn's post, i. . sedd-el-bahr, i. . "v" beach, i. . "w" beach, i. . "x" beach, i. . "y" beach, i. _et seq._ yeni shahr, i. . th- th may, i. . th june, i. _et seq._ th june, i. _et seq._ th july, ii. _et seq._ st august, ii. _et seq._ bayley, maj., ii. . (should read "baylay.") beadon, lt.-col., ii. , . beetleheim, capt., i. . bell, maj. morrison, ii. . benbow bn., i. . beresford, genl., i. . berks regt., ii. . bertier, maj., i. , ; ii. , , , , . _beryl_, ii. . besika bay, i. . birmingham, i. bishop, maj., i. . biyuk anafarta, ii. , . blockhouses, ii. . bluff redoubt, i. . boers, ii. , . bombs, i. , , , ; ii. . bonham-carter, mr., ii. . bonsor, maj., i. . boomerang redoubt, i. , . border regt., i. ; ii. . _bouvet_, i. . bowlby, flag-lt., ii. , boyle, r.n., capt., i. . boyle, r.n., lt.-comr., i. , . braithwaite, capt. v., ii. , , , , , , , . brassey, ii. . brassey, lady, ii. , . brassey, lord, ii. . bridges, genl., i. , , , . brigade-- st (australian), ii. . nd (french), ii. . nd (naval), i. . rd (australian), i. . rd (marine), i. . th (australian), i. , . th (australian), ii. . th, ii. . nd, ii. , , . rd, ii. , , . th, ii. , , . th, ii. . th, i. , , , , ; ii. , . th, i. , , , , , , ; ii. . th, i. , , , , ; ii. , . th, i. . th, i. . th, i. , , , ; ii. , . indian, i. ; ii. , , , . light horse, i. . manchester, i. , . younghusband's, ii. , , , , . brodrick, capt. hon. g., i. ; ii. , , , , , , , , , , . brody, capt., ii. . brooke, sir b., ii. . brooke, rupert, i. , , . brown, percy, i. . browne, maj., i. . bruce, col., i. , , , . bruce, maj., i. . brulard, genl., ii. , , , , , . bryant, lt.-col., i. . buchanan, col., ii. . buchanan, sir g., ii. , . bulair lines, i. , , , , , , , . bulgaria, i. ; ii. , , , . bulgarians, ii. . burleigh, bennett, i. . burmeister, flag-capt., i. . burn, col. c., i. ; ii. , , , . burrell, lieut., i. . burrows, capt., ii. . burton, col., ii. , . bush-fires, ii. . byng, genl., i. ; ii. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . "c" beach, ii. . cadorna, genl., ii. . callwell, genl., i. , ; ii. _et seq._ , , , , . camel corps, bikaner, i. . cameron, r.n., capt., i. , . campbell, col., i. . _h.m.t._ canada, ii. . _h.m.s._ canopus, ii. . canteen, ii. , . carden, admiral, i. , . carruthers, genl., i. . carter, capt., i. . _carthage_, i. . casualty clearing station, th, ii. . cayley, genl., ii. , . censorship, i. , , ; ii. , _et seq._ , . _h.m.t._ ceramic, ii. . chanak, i. , , ; ii. . charak cheshme, ii. . _h.m.s._ chatham, ii. , , , , . chauvel, genl., i. , . cheape, capt., ii. , . _h.m.s._ chelmer, ii. . cheshire point, ii. . chocolate hill, ii. . christian, admiral, ii. . chunuk bair, i. , ; ii. , , , . churchill, rt. hon. w., i. , , , , ; ii. . churchill, maj. j., i. , ; ii. . church parade, i. ; ii. , , , . clarke, lt.-comr., i. . clifton-browne, genl., ii. . coddan, capt., i. . coleridge, ii. . collet, capt., ii. , . collingwood bn., i. . collins, lt.-col., i. . _h.m.s._ colne, i. , , , . conference--- th march, i. . nd march, i. . th april, i. . midnight, th april, i. . connaught rangers, ii. . constantinople, i. . convalescent depôt, ii. . _h.m.s._ cornwall, ii. . _h.m.s._ cornwallis, i. , ; ii. , . cowans, genl., i. , . cox, genl., i. , , ; ii. , , , , . d'amade, genl., i. , , , , , , , . damakjelik bair, ii. , , . danube, i. ; ii. . _h.m.s._ dartmouth, i. . davidson, r.n., capt., ii. , . davies, r.n.a.s. capt., i. . davies, genl., ii. , , , , , , , , , , , . dawnay, capt., i. , , ; ii. , , , , , , . de bourbon, capt., ii. . de crespigny, capt., ii. . deedes, capt., i. ; ii. , , , , . de la borde, lieut., i. ; ii. , , . de la fontaine, capt., i. . de lisle, genl., i. , , , ; ii. , , , , , , , , , _et seq._, . de lothbinière, genl., i. , . dent, r.n., capt., i. , . de putron, maj., ii. , . de robeck, admiral, i. , , , , ; ii. , , , . de rougemont, col., ii. . des coigns, col., i. , . de tott's battery, i. ; ii. , . devon regt., / th, ii. , , . dick, col., i. , . diggle, capt., ii. . division-- st (australian), ii. . st (french), i. , . nd (australian), ii. . nd (french), i. , . nd (mounted), ii. . th, i. , ; ii. , , , , , , . th, i. ; ii. , , , , , , , , , . th (turkish), i. . th, i. , ; ii. , , , , . th (irish), ii. . nd, i. ; ii. . nd, i. ; ii. , . rd, ii. , , , , . th (essex), ii. , , , , , . east lancs., i. , ; ii. , . irish, ii. , , . lowland, i. ; ii. . mounted, ii. . naval, i. , , , ; ii. , , , . welsh, ii. . djavad pasha, i. . dod, col. wolley, i. . doran, genl., i. , . _h.m.s._ doris, i. . dorling, col., ii. . dorset regt., th, ii. . doughtie, r.n., capt., ii. . douglas, genl., i. , , ; ii. , . downing, col., ii. . drafts, i. ; ii. , , , , , , , . drake bn., i. . drury-lowe, r.n., capt., ii. , . _h.m.s._ dublin, i. , . dublin fusiliers, i. , ; ii. . dudley, lord, ii. . duff, genl. beauchamp, ii. . duncan, major, ii. . duncannon, lord, ii. . _h.m.s._ e , i. , . _h.m.s._ e , i. , . east kent yeomanry, ii. . east lancs. regt., th, ii. . east yorks, th, ii. . edinburgh, lord provost of, ii. . edwards, maj., ii. . edwards, comr., ii. . edwards, lieut., i. . egerton, genl., i. ; ii. . egyptian gazette, i. . ehren-keui, ii. . ejelmer bay, ii. . elliot, genl., i. . elliot, lieut., i. . ellison, genl., i. , , ; ii. , , , , , , , . engineers, i. , . enos, i. ; ii. . enver pasha, i. , ; ii. , . erskine, genl., i. . eski lines, ii. . essex regt., i. , . _h.m.s._ europa, ii. . _h.m.s._ euryalus, i. . ewart, genl., i. . _h.m.s._ exmouth, ii. . ezine, ii. . fairfax, comr., ii. . fallowfield, r.n., lieut., i. , . fanshawe, genl., ii. , , , , , . faukard, genl., ii. . ferdinand, tzar, ii. , , , , , . fife and forfar yeomanry, ii. . fisher, lord, i. , , . fitz, _see_ fitzgerald. fitzgerald, col., i. , ; ii. . fitzgerald, maj., ii. . fitzmaurice, r.n., capt., i. . fitzmaurice, mr., i. . forde, col., ii. . _h.m.s._ foresight, i. . forster, col., ii. . forts, i. . foumet, admiral, ii. . _h.m.s._ franconia, i. . fraser, col., ii. . freddie, see maitland. french, sir john, i. , , , , , . french corps, i. . french mission, i. . freyberg, lieut., ii. . fuller, lieut.-col., i. ; ii. . gamble, sir d., ii. , . gascoigne, lieut.-col., ii. , , , . _gascon_, i. . _gaulois_, i. , , , . geddes, maj., ii. . gellibrand, lieut., ii. . george, rt. hon. lloyd, ii. , . ghazi baba, ii. , . gillivan, col., ii. . girdwood, capt., i. . girodon, genl., i. , , , , ; ii. , . glyn, capt., ii. , , . godfrey, maj., i. , . godley, genl., i. , , , , ; ii. , , , , , . _goeben_, i. . _h.m.s._ goliath, i. , , , . gouraud, genl., i. , , , , , , _et seq._, , , , , , , ; ii. , . graives, mr., i. . _h.m.s._ grampus, i. . grand duke nicholas, i. ; ii. . grant, r.n., capt., ii. . greece, i. ; ii. . greeks, ii. . green hill, ii. . greer, lieut.-col., ii. . guépratté, admiral, i. , , , . guest, capt. (?), ii. . _guildford castle_, i. . guilford, col. lord, ii. . gully ravine, i. . gurkhas, bde. of, i. , , , , , , , , , , , , , ; ii. . gurkhas-- th bn., ii. . th bn., ii. . th bn., i. , ; ii. , , . th bn., ii. . guyon, maj., ii. . h. , i. , ; ii. . haig, sir douglas, i. ; ii. . haldane, lord, i. , . hamilton, genl. bruce, ii. , , , . hamilton, col. cole, ii. . hamilton, lieut. rowan, ii. . hammersley, genl., i. ; ii. , , , _et seq._, , , , , , . hampshire regt., i. , , . th bn., ii. . hand grenades, i. , , ; ii. , . hankey, col., ii. , , , , . harding, col., i. . hardy, lieut.-comr., ii. . hare, mr., i. . haricot redoubt, i. , , , . hawke bn., ii. , . heliopolis, i. . herbert, aubrey, i. , . herts yeomanry, i. . heseltine, capt., ii. . hetman chair, ii. , . hill, genl., ii. , , . hill , ii. , , , , . hill , ii. , , , . hill , ii. , , , , . hill , i. ; ii. , . hillyard, maj., ii. . hindlip, lord, i. . hogg, capt., i. . holdich, lt.-col., ii. . holmes, col., ii. . homer, lt-comr., ii. . hood, maj., ii. . hood bn., i. , , ; ii. . hope, r.n., capt., i. , . horne, genl., ii. . horse shoe, ii. . hospital ships, ii. . hospital-- no. stationary, i. ; ii. . no. (australian) stationary, ii. . no. stationary, i. . no. (australian) stationary, ii. . no. (canadian) stationary, ii. . no. (australian) stationary, ii. . no. stationary, i. ; ii. . no. stationary, i. . no. stationary, ii. . no. (british-indian), ii. . howe bn., i. , , , ; ii. . howitzers, i. . _see also_ appendices i and ii. hunloke, maj., ii. . hunter-weston, genl., i. , , , , , , , , ; ii. , . _imogene_, ii. , , , , . _h.m.s._ implacable, i. . indian troops, ii. . _h.m.s._ inflexible, i. . inglefield, genl., ii. , , , , . inniskilling fusiliers, i. , . irish pioneer regt., ii. . _h.m.s._ irresistible, i. , , . ishiklar, ii. . ismail oglu tepe, ii. , , , , , , , . istomine, genl., i. , , ; ii. . italy, ii. . ivanoff, capt., i. . j. , i. . jackson, capt., ii. . _jeanne d'arc_, i. . joffre, genl., i. , , , ; ii. , , , . johnson, r.n., lieut. ormsby, i. ; ii. . jones, col., i. . _h.m.s._ jonquil, ii. . jordon, col., ii. . _junia_, i. . kabak kuyu, ii. . kahn, capt., i. . kaiajik aghala, ii. , , , , . kaiajik dere, ii. . kantara, i. . karabingha, i. . karakol dagh, ii. , , . karna bili, ii. . kavak tepe sirt, ii. , , . kavanagh, genl., ii. . kelly, r.n., capt., i. . kelly, comr., ii. . _h.m.s._ kennett, i. . kephalos camp, i. ; ii. , , , , . kereves dere, i. , ; ii. . kereves dere ravine, i. . keshan, ii. , . keyes, commodore, i. , , , , ; ii. , , , , . keyes, sir c., i. . keyes, lady, i. . keyes, lt.-comr., i. , . kiggell, genl., ii. , . kìlia liman, i. . kilid bahr, i. , ; ii. . king, col., ii. . king, comr., ii. . king, genl., ii. . king, maj., ii. . king's own scottish borderers, i. ; ii. . kiretch tepe sirt, ii. , , , , , , . koja chemen tepe, ii. . krithia, i. , . kum kale, i. , , ; ii. . kurt ketchede, ii. . lala baba, ii. , . lancashire division, i. . lancashire fusiliers, i. , , ; ii. . lancashire fusiliers-- st bn., i. . th bn., i. . th bn., ii. . lancashire fusilier brigade, i. . lancashire landing, i. , ; ii. . lapruin, capt., ii. . laverton, lieut., i. . law, rt. hon. bonar, ii. . law, capt., i. . lawes, capt., ii. . lawrence, genl., i. ; ii. , . lawson, sir h., ii. , . _h.m.s._ lefroy, ii. , . legge, genl., ii. , , , , . lemnos, i. . _h.m.s._ lewis, ii. . liman von sanders, genl., i. , , , . lindley, genl., ii. , , , , , . lines of communication, i. , , ; ii. . lister, hon. c., ii. . lloyd, capt., ii. , , . _h.m.s._ london, i. . london regt., / st coy., ii. . th bn., ii. . th bn., ii. . lone pine, ii. , , , . long, capt., i. . _h.m.s._ lord nelson, i. , . loring, r.n., capt., i. . lovat, lord, ii. . lovat's scouts-- st bn., ii. . nd bn., ii. . lowland division, i. . lowther, lancelot, ii. . lucas, maj., ii. . mackenzie, lieut.-col., ii. . mackenzie, compton, i. ; ii. . maclagan, col., i. . maclean, maj., i. . maher, col., i. . mahon, genl., i. , , , ; ii. , , _et seq._, _et seq._, , , , . maidos, i. , . maitland, capt. f., i. , , ; ii. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . _h.m.s._ majestic, i. , . makalinsky, i. . malcolm, col., ii. , , _et seq._, . mal tepe, i. . manchester bde., i. . manchester regt.-- th bn., ii. . th bn., ii. . th bn., ii. . manifold, col., ii. . _manitou_, i. . maoris, i. ; ii. . marmora, ii. , . marshall, genl., i. ; ii. , , , , , . matthews, lt.-col., i. . maude, genl., ii. , , , , , , , . maxwell, sir j., i. , , ; ii. , , , , , , . maxwell, capt., ii. . mcclay, lieut., i. . mcgrigor, capt., ii. , , , . mckenna, rt. hon. r., ii. . mcmahon, sir h., i. , . mcmunn, col., ii. . mecklenburg, duke of, ii. . mena camp, i. . _h.m.s._ mercedes, ii. . mercer, genl., i. ; ii. . methuen, lord, i. , , . mewes, maj., i. . micklem, col., i. . millen, senator, ii. . millerand, m., ii. , , . mitchell, col., ii. . mitchell, commodore, ii. . mitylene, ii. , . monash, col., i. ; ii. . moore, lieut., ii. , . _h.m.s._ mosquito, i. , . mountain battery, th, i. . mudge, col., i. . mudros, i. ; ii. . mudros west, ii. . munro, genl., ii. , , . munster fusiliers, i. ; ii. . murdoch, mr. k. a., ii. , , , , , , , , , , _et seq._ murphy, maj., ii. . murray, genl. wolfe, ii. , , . nagara point, i. ; ii. . nallah-- achi baba, ii. . krithia, ii. . napier, genl., i. . napier, col., i. ; ii. , . nasmith, comr., i. , . nelson bn., i. ; ii. . nevinson, mr., ii. , . newfoundland bn., st, ii. . new zealand mounted rifles, i. , , . nibrunesi point, ii. . nicholas, grand duke, i. , ; ii. . nicholls, admiral, ii. . nicholson, admiral, i. . nicol, admiral, i. ; ii. . nisch, ii. . nogués, col., i. , , . northcliffe, lord, i. , . northumberland fusiliers, ii. . _h.m.t._ novian, ii. . nuillon, col., i. . nunn, col., ii. . oakdene. capt. perry-, ii. . _h.m.s._ ocean, i. , , . odessa, i. . o'dowda, col., ii. . olivant, lt.-col., i. . onslow, capt., i. . oppenheim, capt., ii. . order to the troops-- st april, i. . nd april, i. . th april, i. . th may, i. . th may, i. . th may, i. . farewell, ii. . by genl. gouraud, i. . turkish divisional, i. . _h.m.t._ orsova, ii. . o'sullivan, v.c., ii. . owen, genl., cunliffe-, i. . palin, col., i. ; ii. . pallin, genl., i. . palmer, col., ii. . palmer, maj., i. . palmer, mr. f., i. . panderma, i. , . paris, genl., i. , , , , , ; ii. , , , . paterson, col, i. . pearce, senator, ii. , . pearson, maj., ii. . peebles, col., i. . peel, col., i. . pelliot, lieut., i. ; ii. . percival, genl., ii. . percy, lord william, ii. . periscopes, i. , . perriera, admiral de la, ii. , . peter, _see_ pollen. peyton, genl., ii. , , , , . _h.m.s._ phaeton, i. , , . phillimore, r.n., capt., i. , ; ii. . piépape, col., i. ; ii. . pierce, admiral, i. . pierce, maj., ii. . pike, lt.-col., ii. . _h.m.s._ pincher, i. . plan of attack-- c.-in-c.'s on peninsula, i. . sari bair, i. . suvla landing, i. ; ii . plymouth bn., i. , , . pollard, capt., ii. . pollen, capt., i. , , ; ii. , , , , , , . porter, sir james, i. . potts. lt.-comr., ii. . press, i. , , , ; ii. , _et seq._ price, bishop, ii. . _h.m.s._ prince of wales, i. . princes street, ii. . punjabis-- th bn., i. . th bn., i. . q., ii. . quadrilateral, i. , . _h.m.s._ queen, i. , , . _h.m.s._ queen elizabeth, i. , , , . queensland bn., i. , . queen victoria's own sappers, i. . quinn's post, i. , , , . rabbit island, i. ; ii. . _h.m.s._ racoon, ii. . ratilva valley, ii. . _h.m.s._ rattlesnake, i. . rawlinson, genl., i. ; ii. . reconnaissance of peninsula, i. . régiment de marche d'afrique, th, i. . régiment, th colonial, i. . régiment, th colonial, i. . reed, genl, ii, , , , , , , , , . reinforcements, i. ; ii. _et seq._ rhodes, lieut., i. . rifaat, col., i. . _h.m.t._ river clyde, i. , . rochdale, lord, i. . rodosto, i. . roper, genl., i. . rosomore, comr., i. . ross, mr. malcolm, ii. . roumania, i. ; ii. . royal dublin fusiliers-- th bn., ii. . th bn., ii. . royal engineers, ii. . west riding field coy., ii. . th coy., ii. . th coy., ii. . th fortress coy., ii. . royal field artillery, th by., i. . _see also_ appendix i. royal fusiliers, i. , ; ii. . nd bn., i. . royal inniskilling fusiliers, ii. . th bn., ii. . th bn., ii . royal irish fusiliers-- th bn., ii. . th bn., ii. . royal scot, wounded, i. . royal scots, i. , . th bn., i. . th bn., i. , , ; ii. , . th bn., ii. , . th bn., i. . ruef, col, i. . rundle, genl., i. ; ii. . russell, genl., i. ; ii. , , , , . russell's top, ii. . russian corps, i. , ; ii. . russian officers, ii. . ruthven, maj. hore-, i. ; ii. , , , . ryrie, col., i. . saghir dere, i. , ; ii. . _st. louis_, i. . salonika, ii. , _et seq._ salt lake, i. ; ii. , . samson, comr., i. , , , ; ii. , . _h.m.s._ sapphire, i. . sari bair, i. , ; ii. , , . saros, i. , . sarrail, genl., ii. , , , , , . savage, col., ii. . _h.m.s._ savage, i. ; ii. , , , , . scatters, _see_ wilson. schemallach, lieut., ii. . schröder, i. . schuler, mr., ii. . sclater, genl., i. . _h.m.s._ scorpion, i. , , , , . scott, maj. sir s., ii. . scottish horse, ii. , , , . scottish rifles, th bn., i. . scott-moncrieff, genl., i. . _h.m.s._ scourge, i. ; ii. . seaplane camp, ii. , . sedd-el-bahr, i. . sellheim, col., ii. . senegalese, i. , , , ; ii. , , . serbia, ii. , . serbians, ii. , . seymour, comr., i. . shaw, genl., i. ; ii. , , , . sheppard, lieut., i. . sickness, ii. , , , . signal coy., rd, ii. . sikhs, ii. , . th bn., i. , ; ii. , , , , . st bn., ii. , , , , . rd bn., ii. , , , , . silver baby, ii. . _h.m.t._ simla, ii. . simpson, capt., ii. . simpson-baikie, genl., i. , , , . sinclair, capt., i. . sitwell, genl., ii. . skeen, col., i. , ; ii. , . smith, col., i. . smith, genl., ii. . smith, hesketh, ii. . smith, r.n., lieut., i. . sofia, ii. . soghan dere, i. , . solvili, ii. . _somali_, ii. . _southland_, i. . south wales borderers, i. , , ; ii. . nd bn., i. . spens, genl., ii. , , . stanley, capt., i. . stephens, capt., ii. , . steward, (col. ?), ii. . stewart, col., ii. . stewart, lieut. shaw-, i. . stirling, lt.-col., ii. . stockdale, lt.-col., i. . stoney, maj., ii. . stopford, genl., i. ; ii. , , , , , , _et seq._, , , , , , , , , . street, col., i. . stuart, lt.-col. crauford-, i. . stuart, maj. villiers-, i. . sulajik, ii. , , . sultan of egypt, i. , . _sunbeam_, ii. . surrey yeomanry, i. ; ii. . susak kuyu, ii. , . sussex yeomanry, ii. . suvla bay, i. ; ii. , . sykes, sir mark, i. ; ii. . syria, ii. . tactics, i. . talaat, i. . _h.m.s._ talbot, i. , . taube, i. , , , , ; ii. , , , , , . taylor, genl., ii. . taylor, col., ii. , , , , . tekke tepe, ii. , , , , , . tenedos, i. , , , . _h.m.t._ themistocles, ii. . thomson, col. courtauld, i. . thursby, admiral, i. , , , , . tillard, maj., ii. . titchfield, lord, ii. . tollemashe, capt., i. . trench mortars, i. , , , , , ; ii. . _h.m.s._ triad, i. , , ; ii. , , , , , , . trotman, genl., i. . _h.m.s._ triumph, i. , , , . trumble, mr. t., ii. . tullibardine, lord, ii. . tupper, r.n., lieut., i. ; ii. . turkish regt.-- th, i. . th, i. . rd, i. . th, i. . turk's head, ii. . tyrrell, col., ii. , , . tyrrell, capt., ii. . unsworth, mr., ii. . usborne, neville, i. . uzunkiupru, ii. . val, _see_ braithwaite. valley of death, i. . vandenberg, genl., i. . vanrennan, lieut.-col., ii. . "v" beach, i. , . venezelos, m., i. . _h.m.s._ vengeance, i. . vineyard, ii. , . viont, col., i. . vitali, capt., ii. . von donop, genl., i. , ; ii. . vyvian, r.n., capt., i. . walden point, ii. . wallace, genl., i. , , , . _waratah_, i. . war correspondents, i. , , ; ii. , . ward, lt.-col., i. , ; ii. , , . wardian camp, i. . watson, col. jimmy, i. ; ii. . "w" beach, i. , , . weber pasha, i. . wedgwood, comr., i. , , . wells, col., ii. . wemyss, admiral, i. , , , , ; ii. , . west kent regt., th, ii. . west kent yeomanry, ii. . westminster dragoons, i. . weston, lieut., ii. . west yorks regt., th, ii. , , . whitburn, col., ii. . white, lt.-col., i. . wigram, col. clive, i. . williams, capt., ii. , . williams, col., i. , ; ii. . williams, genl. hanbury, i. . williams, genl., ii. . wilson, bde.-maj., ii. . wilson, col. "scatters," ii. , , . winter, genl., i. , , , , . _h.m.s._ wolverine, i. , , , , . woodward, genl., i. , , , ; ii. . worcester regt., i. , . worcester yeomanry, ii. . worsley, comr., ii. . wyld, lt.-comr., i. . wylie, col. doughty-, i. , ; ii. . "x" beach, i. . xeros, ii. . yarr, col., ii. . "y" beach, i. , , . yeni shahr, i. . yeomanry, ii. , , , , , , . yilghin burnu, ii. , , . yorks regt., th bn., ii. . york and lancs regt., th bn., ii. . younghusband, genl., ii. . yukeri, i. ; ii. . zimmerman's farm, ii. . zion mule corps, i. . zouaves, i. . * * * * * _printed in great britain by_ unwin brothers, limited woking and london [transcriber's note: at the conclusion of this diary, the author writes: "if these notes should ever be written out by my relations after my death--for i am now like to die, let me beg that the many mistakes in spelling, consequent upon the hurry and roughness of the writing, may by corrected and not set down to ignorance." the relations may indeed have corrected many errors, but many remain, and they have been left as in the original.] three months of my life. a diary of the late j.f. foster, assistant-surgeon, her majesty's th foot. _edited by lizzie a. freeth._ guernsey: le lievre, printer, star-office, , bordage street. london: simpkin & marshall . i dedicate, _firstly,_ my gratitude to god-- for his mercy in preserving me thus far, and bringing me safely home after several years service in india, to meet again all (save one) those most dear to me. _and secondly,_ my book to my parents, with the certain and happy knowledge that they will read without criticism and only with affectionate interest, the account of my thoughts and experiences while wandering in a remote and lovely corner of the earth. editor's preface. in laying the following pages before the public, i do so with a feeling that they will be read with interest, not only by those who knew the writer, but those to whom the scenes described therein are known, and also those who appreciate a true description of a country which they may never have the good fortune to see. we are all familiar with kashmir in the "fanciful imagery of lalla rookh," at the same time may not object to reading an account--with a ring of truth in it--of that lovely land, lovely and grand, beyond the power of poets to describe as it really is, so travellers say. readers will see that mr. foster intended to have published this diary himself had he been spared to reach england, he has offered any apology that is necessary, so i will say nothing further than to state, the daily entries were kept in a pocket-book written in pencil, occasionally a word is not quite legible, that will account for any little inaccuracy. after being two years at elizabeth college, guernsey, under the rev. a. corfe, mr. foster entered st. george's hospital, as student of medicine, he received there in his last year the "ten guinea prize" for general proficiency. from st. george's he went to netley, and on leaving that he served for a short time in jersey, with the nd battallion st royals, and st battallion th royals, after which he embarked for india, where from february, , to the beginning of , he served with the following regiments, &c., st highlanders, at dum dum; f battery c. brigade royal horse artillery, at benares; th inniskillings, at hazareebagh, bengal depôt, chinsurah; detachment th regiment, at sahibgunge; head-quarters th regiment, at sinchal, again at the bengal depôt chinsurah; head-quarters th regiment, at allahabad; detachment th regiment, at fort allahabad; g battery th brigade royal artillery, at cawnpore; left wing th regiment, moradabad; head-quarters th regiment, peshawur, from whence ultimately we find he started for kashmir in the hope of regaining his health, a vain hope as events proved, as he died on the passage home at malta. during the course of publication i have received many letters from people who were personally acquainted with mr. foster who had met him at home and abroad, from the tone of which letters i gather he was held in the highest possible estimation as a friend, a medical man, and an officer. i am indebted to the kindness of his father, dr. john l. foster, of this island, for being allowed to publish these interesting memorials of one who had now passed "to where beyond these voices there is peace." lizzie a. freeth. montpellier, guernsey, nov. . author's preface. this work requires few prefatory remarks. i have transcribed without alteration, the diary that i kept during my visit to kashmir. it may seem a strange jumble of description and sentiment, jocularity and seriousness. during the greater part of each day i enjoyed perfect rest, smoking and thinking--sometimes soberly, often i fear idly--and for mere occupation sake, my thoughts were written as they arose. my mind as influenced by scene or incident, is fully exposed in these pages, and while i have concealed nothing, neither have i added to that which i originally indited. i am necessarily, and indeed intentionally egotistical, because i write for those who will chiefly value a personal narrative. still, i am not ashamed if others see my book, although i would deprecate their criticism by begging them to remember that i only offer it for the perusal of those near and dear to me. introduction. in the early morning of midsummer's-day, , i might have been seen slowly wending my way towards the office of the deputy inspector general of hospitals, at peshawur--for the purpose of appearing before the standing medical committee of the station, and having an enquiry made concerning the state of my health. a dooley followed me lest my strength should prove inadequate to the task of walking a quarter of a mile. but let me make my description as short as the committee did their enquiry. my face, as white as the clothes i wore, told more than my words could, and i was hardly required to recount how that one burning may-day i was called at noon to visit a sick woman, and that while all other europeans were in their closed and darkened bungalows with punkahs swinging, and thermautidotes blowing cool breezes, i went forth alone on my medical mission to encounter the fierce gaze of the baneful sun, and was overpowered by its fiery influence, or how that i laid a weary month on the sick bed, tormented by day with a never ceasing headache, and by night with a terrible dread, worse than any pain, or to conclude, how the deadly climate of that notoriously evil station afforded me no prospect of improvement. this relation was scarcely needed to procure me a certificate, stating that three months leave of absence to murree was absolutely essential for my recovery, and a recommendation that i might be allowed to proceed immediately in anticipation of the leave being granted. so the next evening saw me start from peshawur for rawul pindee, in a dâk gharie, accompanied by my dog "silly" and my madrapee servant or "boy." onwards we sped at a gallop, the horses being changed every six miles, through nowshera, the furnace; over the rapid and icy cold indus by boat; past fort attock, the oven in which our soldiers are done to death; and hussan aboul of lallah rooke celebrity; arriving at the french hotel at pinder, ten miles from peshawur the following morning. that day i called upon the officers of the th foot, with whom i had served in jersey, and was persuaded to dine at mess. a melancholy dinner it was for me, meeting old friends whom i had not seen for so long. yet not possessing energy enough for conversation or feeling the spirit of "hail fellows, well met." i felt that my moody silence and ghostlike appearance (for i was dressed in black) threw a gloom over them. this was no doubt a morbid fancy as also was perhaps the idea that they looked at me with pitying eyes. but these feelings seized me, and increased till they became unbearable, and i was glad to escape to my hotel. "three months of my life." a diary. july th, .--started from murree for kashmir at . a.m. bell, surgeon th regt. [since deceased] came with me four miles. walked on expecting the dandy to overtake me, but it did not, and i marched all the way, nine miles up a steep hill to khaira gullee, where i halted and put up in one of the old sheds formerly used by the working party when the road was being made. i am not tired, though my left heel is blistered, which is fair considering i have not walked half a mile for more than a month. the road is excellent and the scenery fine, the khuds being sometimes deep, but nothing like the eastern himalayas. the forest too is quite different, fir trees predominating here. saw many beautiful birds, and regretted i had not brought my gun. in the evening a thunderstorm came on with a cold wind from the north, so i made a good fire with a few fir logs. in the middle of the night the storm became very violent, and large hailstones fell. july th.--got away at sunrise, the rain having quite cleared off, and marched on to doonga gullee, up a hill to an elevation of , feet, and then down again to about , ; then up a final steep to doonga gullee, , feet above the sea. the khuds much grander very deep and precipitous, sometimes falling one or two thousand feet from the edge of the road almost perpendicularly. but the hills are too close together to allow the valleys to be termed magnificent. reached doonga gullee at a.m. the length of last march, eleven miles--the road, a good military one, has been cut in the face of the mountain. put up at the dâk bungalow, and dined with the officers of the working party; among them heath, of the th, and leggatt and lyons, of the th, whom i knew. a number of tents are pitched here for the working parties from the th and th regiments (road making). i was carried part of the march in my dandy--a piece of carpet gathered at each end and hooked to a pole,--the pole being carried on the shoulders of two men. i swung below it just off the ground, and could often look down a vast depth between my knees. my first pickled tongue, cooked the day before yesterday was fly-blown at breakfast this morning. this may seem a trifling note, but it is ominous i fear for the whole of my salted stores. july th.--got up at o'clock and marched on to bugnoota, a distance of thirteen miles. the first four miles a slight rise, and then a rapid descent all the rest of the way. the road is much narrower, only a mule track in fact, i walked twelve miles, and then felt tired, and had a headache afterwards. pitched my tent in a tope, (a grove of trees) in company with dr. and mrs. holmes, of rohat, whom i did not know. slight rain in the middle of the day, but it cleared off towards evening. felt all right after an hour's sleep and took a stroll before dinner. scenery grand, tent pitched on the edge of a deep gorge at the bottom of which is a mountain stream, the hills rising abruptly on the opposite side. july th.--marched on to abbottabad at sunrise, down hill to the river, and then along its course for two miles over very rough and fatiguing ground, the river having to be forded twice. in rainy weather this is very dangerous as its rush is so impetuous. up hill again then down into the plain of abbottabad, , feet above the sea. distance twelve miles though only put down eight in the route. met the general at the bottom of the hill. put up at the dâk bungalow, and met ford, th, and de marylski, r.a., returning from kashmir, got some hints from them. abbottabad is a small cantonment on a large plain surrounded by bare mountains, a notice is posted in my room warning travellers not to go unarmed; so i'll gird on my kookery to-morrow. a kookery is a formidable native knife, about eighteen inches long and over two inches wide, carried in a peculiar way, sheep and goats heads come off very easily at a single blow from it. much hotter down here, the sun powerful after o'clock, but punkahs not necessary. this is the head-quarters of the punjab frontier force. a pity they do not have an english regiment stationed here as it is a very pleasant place as regards climate. snow in winter, and this the warmest time of the year quite bearable. brigadier gone to the _hills_ for the _hot weather._ took in supplies of bread and butter and purchased a pair of chuplus or sandals for marching in, as boots hurt my feet. july th.--a long tedious march of nearly fifteen miles to mansera, put down in the guide as a level plain road, but having a good many ups and downs. one of my sandals broke, and i was obliged to ride in the dandy about half way. some difficulty occurred in getting my baggage off as the coolies did not come. left my boy to manage it, he came in about noon with two ponies, i shall not pay for them yet, and then they will come on with me. a warmer day than yesterday. mountains rising up in front, which i shall begin to ascend to-morrow if i make the whole march of twenty miles. snow visible above all. the real work of the trip will now soon commence. the marches hitherto have been child's play compared with those to come. mansera is only a native village, but there is a dâk bungalow, in which i am now. met captain ellis, of the th hussars, returning from kashmir, and had a talk with him. there are _two_ routes open to me, he advises the one which yesterday i was warned against by the other fellows. they have been over both roads, yet do not agree as to which is the best. ellis was disappointed with kashmir, but he has only been a few months in india, and has not yet forgotten england, for i expect that kashmir after all, is only so very pleasant, by contrast with the plains of india. july th.--started an hour before sunrise and did the whole march to ghuri, distance nineteen miles. walked the greater part of the way in sandals and socks, which i find the most comfortable way of getting on. first half of the march along the level to the foot of the hill, then an undulating road through a pine forest, the latter half easy walking owing to the ground being covered with fallen fir leaves which made it as soft as a carpet. a fine view from the top of hill, looking down to ghuri. the river ghuri, a mountain torrent seen for a long distance rushing with a great roar over its rocky bed, bounded on each side by high hills, and above by mountains covered with snow, from the melting of which it arises. the water is consequently icy cold, and my tub at the end of the march was highly invigorating. put up at the dâk bungalow, a neat, clean, furnished building, standing on the right bank of the river, which is crossed just in front by a very fair suspension bridge. i can trace my route for to-morrow, for several miles, and i look at it with dismay as it ascends a terribly steep hill. there are two other men in the bungalow, but i do not know who they are. i have not mentioned my equipment. it is so simple that a few lines will tell all. two suits of old clothes, three flannel shirts, two warm under flannels, two pair of boots, "a light pair and a heavy pair of ammunitions," socks, handkerchiefs, &c., mackintosh, warm bedding, a small tent called a "shildaree," a two-rolled ridge tent, about eight feet square, a dressing bag containing toilet requisites, a metal basin, salted tongues and humps, potatoes, tea, sugar, flour, mustard, &c., one bottle of brandy, to be reserved for medicinal use, a portable charpoy or bedstead, cane stool, a little crockery, knives and forks, cooking utensils, brass drinking cup for every purpose, a gingham umbrella with white cover, a dandy (previously described), solar topee, and light cap, tobacco, soap, and candles, a kookery, a stout alpen stock, a pass into kashmir, and bag of money, and "voilà tout." for carrying this baggage, i require two mules, and two coolies, or when mules are not procurable, seven coolies. four other coolies man my dandy, and these men are going all the way with me. each coolie receives four annas, or sixpence a day, and a mule costs eight annas. stopped under a "pepel tree" and sent some coolies up it for the fruit, which was ripe. this tree is the indian fig, and the fruit is very small, not larger than marbles; and without much flavor. the river is running a few yards from me, with a sound as of the surf on a rocky beach. i hope ere long to hear the same pleasant music seated on the cliffs of the south coast of guernsey. now my time in india is drawing to a close, i begin to think that it has not been altogether wasted, though i would not prolong it a day. all i have seen and done within a period of three years (so much falls to the lot of few men to perform) must have had some effect upon my mind; at any rate, when safe at home again, i shall have much to talk of, many experiences to relate. my dog silly who accompanies me, was awfully done up towards the end of the march. at last we came to a running stream in which he laid down and was much refreshed, before that his panting had become gasping though he kept up with us bravely, only lying down for a moment when we came to a little bit of shade--not often met with, the last three or four miles. for the last day or two, i have been almost continually in a cool, gentle perspiration, this is a great contrast to my state when at peshawur, where my skin was always as dry as a bone, and i look upon that as a healthy symptom, i have had no headache since i left bugnostan. july th.--to mozufferabad nine miles, but apparently much more, such a bad fatiguing march. i got away with the first grey of the dawn and after a mile's tramp began the ascent of the doabbuller pass, three and a half miles long and very steep, so steep that i could often touch the ground with my hands without stooping much. this was terribly exhausting and i had to make many halts to recover my breath. then began a rough descent along the side of a mountain torrent and afterwards over its bed, which is a narrow gorge between high hills. this walking was very rough and difficult; the path being covered with great stones and often undistinguishable. indeed it was no path at all, only the ground occasionally a little trodden. through the stream, backwards and forwards _innumerable_ times we went. i found that my feet, though naked except where covered by the straps of the sandals, were able to take care of themselves, and avoid contusion almost without the help of my eyes. then i came to a large and rapid river called the kishun-gunga crossed by a rope bridge. let me describe the bridge. three or four leather ropes about one inch in diameter tied into a bundle to walk upon, three feet above this, a couple of ropes, two feet apart, the upper ropes connected to the lower one at intervals of four or five yards by stakes. this formed a v shape, and you walk on the point of the v and hold on by the two sides. the breadth of the river is sixty yards, and the bridge which is high above the water forms a considerable curve. the description of the bridge is easy enough, but how shall i describe my feelings, when i had gone a few yards and found myself poised in mid-air like a spider on a web, oscillating, swaying backwards and forwards over a foaming and roaring torrent, the rush of the water if i looked at my feet, made me feel as if i was being violently carried in the opposite direction; the bridge swayed and jumped with the weight of half a dozen natives coming from the opposite side whom i had to pass, the whole thing seemed so weak and the danger so terrible that i turned giddy, lost my head, and cried out to be held. a firm hand at once grasped me behind and another in front. i shut my eyes and so proceeded a few yards. then those dreadful men had to be passed. imagine meeting a man on a rope fifty feet above a torrent and requiring him to "give you the wall." however they were passed by a mysterious interlacing of feet; and when half way over i regained confidence, and bid the men "chando" or release me, and so gained the opposite bank, where i sat down and roared with laughter at my "boy" who was then coming over, and who evidently was much more affected than i was. however he arrived safely with his black face _pale_, dripping with perspiration and saying he was sick. what was most amusing was to see him hooking his legs one in front of the other on his way over, but i dare say i was equally laughable to anyone on terra firma. he told me afterwards "water all go down, and i go up and get sick and giddy." another two miles over a low ridge and i got to mozufferabad and put up at the barahduree provided by the maharajah for the convenience of english travellers free of charge, for we are now in kashmerian territory. this is an unfurnished bungalow built of mud and pine logs, and there is one at every stage. this saves the trouble of pitching a tent, and is of course much better in wet weather. i have not had a drop of rain though yet. met watson, of fane's horse, at the bungalow going back to peshawur. got incis's guide from him for the day, and made some notes at the other end of this book. there is a picturesque fort on this bank of the river commanding the bridge, built by the pathans, apparently of bright red stone or brick. it was interesting to see mules and ponies swimming across the stream. holding on by the tail of each was a man supported by two inflated mussaks or goat skins which are ordinarily used by the bheisties for carrying water. though both man and horse struck out vigorously they were carried down many hundred yards before reaching the opposite side. to look at them in the foam and rush of the river, and see their impetuous career down the current, they appeared to be doomed to certain destruction. i saw about twenty cross in this way. i walked the whole of this march, though often tired, as i preferred trusting my own legs to being carried in the dandy over such bad ground. curran, assistant-surgeon, th connaught rangers, is one march in front of me. he has left his pony here till he returns. i suppose the last march was too much for him. i am very glad i did not bring my horse with me; i was strongly advised to do so, but i am afraid advice has not much weight with me; in this instance anyhow, my own opinion has proved the best. all the men i meet coming back have horses with them, but they are nearly all shoeless, lame and sick, and have not been ridden for weeks. july th.--marched on hultian, distant seventeen miles. much better road than yesterday, but many ups and downs and short rough bits. started two hours before sunrise, by the light of the moon. the road soon reached the right bank of the jhelum and continued the whole distance alongside of that river. it is a rapid river apparently not so deep and often not so wide as the kishun-gunga, its bed strewn with huge boulders over which the water breaks in great waves of foam. it runs in a narrow rocky channel the precipitous sides of which are a great height. how many ages must it have taken to cut this channel in the solid rock? the valley is bounded by high hills, very narrow, the road so bare of trees, that the latter half of the march became hot and wearying, so i had recourse to the dandy for four or five miles. but it was rare gymnastic exercise as swinging from my pole i had to dodge the great stones on either side of me and keep a sharp look out to avoid hard bumps. my dog was again very much fatigued. his tail is a good token of his state, for when fresh it is stiff along his back, and gradually drops as he goes along until he is quite exhausted, when it hangs straight down. stopped at a barahduree (not so good a one as the last) a few feet above the jhelum in which i bathed. there is a rope bridge opposite, a much older one than the other i crossed, but not more than half as long, and not high above the water, some of the ropes are broken, and it seems very shaky. however, i must cross it to-morrow and get into the murree road, which runs parallel to this one, on the other bank, and is on the shady side and much cooler. it has been very hot all day. the reason i could not come the direct road from murree is because the ferry over the jhelum lower down, was recently carried away and twenty-six natives drowned. sir g. larpent's (of the th) baggage was in the boat, and he lost it all. he had not crossed and had to go back to murree minus everything including servants. there is excellent mahseer fishing in this river, the fish attain the enormous size of lbs. weight and afford exciting sport; but i have no tackle with me, and did not even bring a gun, as i thought i should be too seedy to do anything but moon about. i did not then know the great exertion necessary to reach kashmir, an exertion which any man with bodily infirmity would hardly venture on without first providing himself with an undertaker. upon making enquiries i find that all the coolies and supplies on the other road, have been sent over to this side, so i must keep to it and not cross as i intended. in the evening a slim young native came to me and offered to swim across the river for bakhshish, "a present." i promised it to him, and he ran a quarter of a mile up, and plunged into the torrent, landing on the opposite side a little below the bungalow. he then went up the river again, and swam down to this side, no mean feat in turbulent water running as it did with tremendous velocity. i gave him eight annas for it. july th, "sunday."--in the middle of last night a storm came on, i was sleeping in the open air, and the lightning awoke me, it was beginning to rain, and i had to move into the house. it was broad daylight when i was called, and i felt disinclined to proceed. i said it would rain, and i would halt. my boy said, "no sir, no rain." i said the sun would come out and it would be burning hot. he said, "no sir, no sun." i felt it was useless continuing the argument, so i got up and marched to kunda, eighteen miles, walking all the way. a hard march, nothing but steep rough ascents, and corresponding descents, still keeping along the river, but two or three hundred feet above it. my coolies pointed out to me a herd of "chiken" on a very high hill, at least four miles away. i saw nothing, for even big trees at that distance were diminished to very small objects, but did not dispute with them. they say uncivilized man has wonderful sight, and if deer were there, he certainly has far higher powers of vision even, than i had been led to expect. met three men leaving kashmir, and exchanged remarks with them. don't know who they were. caught sight of my destination from the top of one hill, and was delighted to see it was quite close to me. but alas! several weary miles of up and down and in and out had to be traversed before it could be reached. this has several times happened to me, and i shall in future put no faith in appearances. the barahduree here is a two storied one, standing i should think five hundred feet above the river, which is here confined in a very narrow channel. i took the upper room which has three sides and a roof, there being no wall facing the river, over which there is a fine and rather extended view, the more distant mountains being crowned with pine forests. had neither sun nor rain while marching, but soon afterwards the sun shone out, though heavy and threatening clouds continued to hang about the horizon. as i write this i hear the first roll of thunder, there will be another storm to-night. the maharajah's officials come to me at every stage to enquire my wants and provide for the same. other natives also come with an insane request,--a medical prescription for a sick bhai (or brother) who always has fever, and is at a great distance. what possible use a prescription could be to them i cannot decide. the storm came up just before dinner, p.m., and was rather sharp but soon over. i came up the valley of the jhelum, and i watched its course for some time before it arrived. it subsequently struck the edge of the house and i was all right; had it come down the valley which runs at right angles to the jhelum just opposite here i should have been blown out. i again noticed that to which my attention has often been directed, viz.: that when in or near the storm clouds, the thunder is of quite a different character to that heard below. it is a continuous low muttering growl without any claps or peals. i have stood in the storm cloud at sinchal, , feet high, with the lightning originating around me and affording the sublimest spectacle of dazzling brilliancy, and varying in colour from the purest white light to delicious rose and blue tints. i have seen it intensified and focussed as it were within a few feet of me, and from this centre angled lines and balls of fire like strings of beads radiated in all directions. yet the thunder which in the plains was heard pealing and roaring its loudest, was up there barely audible. july th.--from kunda to kuthin twelve miles of hard toiling over a similar road to that of the last march, finishing with a long, steep, and very rough ascent to the high plateau on which kuthin stands. on the top of this i took to my dandy and was carried a mile along the level to the barahduree, where i slept upon the charpoy which is provided at every bungalow for the weary travellers to rest upon pending the arrival of his baggage. these plateaus or table lands exist at intervals all the way up the valley, sometimes on one side sometimes on the other and occasionally on both the river in the middle. they are quite flat, very small, and highly productive, and vary from fifty to three or four hundred feet in height, above the river. the valley which widens where they exist, is narrowed again at either extremity. i can only account for their formation by supposing that at a former time, a chain of lakes existed, of which they are the beds, and that the water subsequently burst through and formed the channel of the present jhelum, leaving these beds dry as we now see them. came across a number of large tailed butterflies of a lovely green and blue metallic lustre. secured an un-injured specimen, and for want of a better place stuck it inside my topee, where i expect to carry it safely until my return to peshawur. another storm came on earlier than yesterday. i have been very lucky hitherto, not having had a drop of rain while marching. this morning was cloudy till within a mile or two of kuthin when the sun shone and made the last ascent doubly trying. this is a very small village (at kunda there was only one hut) but there is a mud fort with bastions at each corner but no guns. the walls are loop-holed for musketry, but there does not seem to be any garrison. on making enquiries, i find there is a garrison of seven men. it is getting dusk and mosquitoes are coming out by hundreds, they have not annoyed me before, but i think i must use my net to-night. i lie on my bed after dinner smoking with a lighted candle by my side. a hornet flies in and settles on my hand, then a large beetle comes with a buzz and a thud against me, making me start. sundry moths, small flies, and beetles, are playing innocently round the flame. in half an hour i shall be able to make a fair entomological collection but as i neither (ha! i've killed the hornet) desire them in my hat dead, nor in my bed alive, i must put out the light, give up writing, and smoke in darkness. july th.--to shadera, twelve miles walked all the way. the road worse than ever, and for the last mile actually dangerous, as it passed along the edge of a deep precipice, and was only a foot wide and considerably out of the horizontal, so that a single false step would have been fatal. road continued same character all the way along, though much above the tortuous and noisy jhelum, and its ups and downs were the roughest, longest, and most trying, i have yet experienced. i am pleased to know that the remaining two marches will be, in the words of my coolies over "uch'-cha rasta," a good road. it remained cloudy and threatening the greater part of the way, and a little rain fell, but eventually the sun shone, though great masses of "cumuli" continue to hang about. this is a small village completely shut in by three huge hills standing very close together. between the sides of the two in front, the summit of a fourth is visible, a magnificent towering mountain, covered with a dense pine forest. i have not seen the snows since i crossed the doobbullee pass, as we have been ascending the valley of the jhelum ever since, and the view is confined by its lofty sides. i have eaten my last loaf for breakfast this morning, and now one of the greatest privations of the journey will begin. no bread, nothing but flour and water made into a kind of pancake, which the natives call "chepattie." i have not tasted fresh meat since i left abbottabad, but that one can do very well without. i live upon fowls, eggs, milk, butter and rice, with a tongue or hump, cooked when necessary. two or three miles from kuthai, we passed a very pretty waterfall. the slender stream fell over a smooth perpendicular rock, of a rich brown colour, feet high, like a thread of silver. both sides of the gorge covered with a variety of beautifully green trees, shrubs and ferns, altogether constituting a delightful picture, the tints mingled so harmoniously, yet with strong contrasts. stopped at the barahduree as usual, this one surrounded with wild fig, plum, peach, pomegranate, and mulberry trees. the mulberries only ripe, and like all wild fruit, small and comparatively tasteless. july th.--started as soon as it was light for gingle, fourteen miles distant. road greatly improved, hilly of course, but tolerably smooth so that one could get on without clambering. about half way passed dorie on the left bank of the river, where there is another fort and a strong rope bridge, it is one of the halts on the murree road, farther on came to an old ruin, four thick walls perforated by arches enclosing an open square in the middle of two of the sides, large masses of masonry formed archways or entrances. it is built of the rough stones and boulders with which the surface of the ground is covered, yet the arches are of very good shape. on the opposite bank of the jhelum there are forests of deodar, but though they grow down to the waters edge, there is not one on this side. (larix deodora, called by the hindoos, "the god tree" is a stately pine, growing to a great height, and of a very gradual and elegant taper. its foliage is of the darkest green colour, and it gives the mountains a very sombre appearance.) the hills have become much more rugged and abrupt. i know of no single condition which gives a scene so great an aspect of wildness and desolation, as dead fir trees. there they stand on the most barren and inaccessible places, rearing their gaunt and whitened forms erect as ever, and though lifeless yet not decayed. seared and blasted by a thousand storms, they stand stern and silent, ghostlike and immoveable, scorning the elements. no wind murmurs pleasantly through their dead and shrunken branches, the howling tempest alone can make them speak, and then with wild straining shriek and harsh rattle, they do battle with the whirlwind. it was getting hot and i was thinking of my dandy, when a storm passed over with heavy rain. this was a mitigated evil (if an evil at all for my bed remained dry, and a wet bed is the worst result of a shower) as it rendered walking cool and pleasant. it cleared up again, and i rode the last half mile. the cleanest and best bungalow here i have been in since i left ghuri. the view down the valley is extremely pretty, hills rising one above the other, but shut in on all other sides by high mountains. gingle, which is only one or two huts, stands on a small plateau a quarter of a mile long by one hundred and fifty yards wide, fifty feet above the jhelum. the ground is laid out in paddy fields irrigated by a stream of the coolest and purest water. it is a great satisfaction to be able to drink water freely without fear. in the plains of india the water is so contaminated as to be almost poisonous, and i do not think that previous to this march i had drank a gallon of it since i landed in calcutta. july th.--left gingle with the earliest streak of dawn for baramula, an eighteen mile march. road very much more level, never ascending high above the river whose erratic course we continued to follow. passed through groves of hazel overrun by wild vines, but both grapes and nuts as yet green. the plateaus become gradually larger and almost continuous, and the hills separated and diminished in size, those on the right being covered with the lank deodar, while those on the left possessed only a bright green mantle of grass, far away in front they altogether ended, and the open sky above the valley was alone visible. and now an unusual occurrence presented itself. we were following the stream upwards towards its source, yet at every mile it increased in width and became more placid, till at length its surface was unbroken, and it assumed the form of a magnificent river, wider than the thames at richmond. the hills continued provokingly to overlap one another as though anxious to shut in and hide the happy valley from sight. but at length i discerned a far distant white cloud which i guessed betokened the summit of a mountain, and a few yards further revealed a faint glistening opaque line which the inexperienced eye would have certainly taken for a portion of the cloud, but which could not be mistaken by one who had before seen the snows. about half a mile from buramula we obtain the first view of the vale of kashmir, but not an extensive one, as it is obstructed on either side by low hills. however, what is seen is very pretty. a large level plain traversed by a broad smooth river which has now lost its tortuous zig-zag course and bounded by the everlasting snows covering the main backbone of the himalayas. at the head of the valley stands the quaint looking town of baramula surrounded by hills on all sides but one, embowered in trees and intersected by the jhelum, across which there is a good wooden bridge. the houses have mostly an upper story, and are built of wood with gabled roofs. the streets are narrow and roughly paved, and i regret to say are not more pleasant to the nostrils than are those of other indian towns. the bridge built of deodar wood, beams of which are driven into the bed of the river, and then others laid horizontally upon them, each row at right angles to and projecting beyond the layer beneath, till a sufficient height has been reached, six of these and two stone piers form the buttresses of the bridge and a broad pathway of planks connects them. the march was a fatiguing one on account of its length, and i used the dandy freely. i shall however discard it altogether for the future. i went to the barahduree but found it occupied by a man whose name i was told was "----," had been there five days. his coolies had taken possession of all the rooms, and though i was very angry and inclined to turn them out, i thought my tent would be preferable to a room just vacated by the uncleanly native, so i went to an orchard close by, surrounded by a row of fine poplars, and patiently awaited the arrival of my baggage which was a long time coming. the gate was guarded by the maharajah's sepoys who endeavoured to prevent my entrance. the thikadar told me he had no authority for this, but had done it "zubbur-dustee." they also say that the occupant of the barahduree has just come from england. he is a being shrouded in mystery, and i shall endeavour to unravel it. my first step will be to report the occurrence to the officials at s---- when i get there. i took a swim in the jhelum, whose course i have now followed for eighty-four crooked miles, and on whose bosom i shall to-morrow continue my journey. july th.--by boat up the river, the day so bright, the view so glorious, the breeze so balmy and delicious, and the motion so gentle and pleasant, that lying on my bed i devote myself to lazy listlessness, to a perfect sense of the "dolce far niente" and can hardly prevail on myself to disturb my tranquillity by writing these few notes. the contrast to my thirteen heavy marches is so great that i am content to remain for the present without thought or action, enjoying absolute rest. evening--we halt at sopoor, and now let me endeavour to continue the diary. got up at seven this morning and sent for a boat, one of the larger kind about thirty feet long, and six feet broad in the middle, the centre portion covered with an awning made of grass matting. the crew consisting of an entire family, from the elderly parents to quite young children-- in all. i was towed up the still widening river by all of them in turns, one wee girl not three feet high being most energetic, though i should think of little real service. boat flat bottomed, and alike at both ends, they use paddles instead of oars. but the scene! i am unable now to do justice to it, so i will only give the outlines to be elaborated hereafter. splendid river--verdant plain covered with many varieties of trees, poplar and chenar or tulip tree the most conspicuous, extending as far as the eye can reach and enclosed by lofty snow capped mountains, on which rest the clouds of heaven. bright blue king-fishers darting like flashes of light or hovering hawk-like before the plunge after fish and the many hued dragon flies upon the water weeds. among the several varieties of the weeds, i noticed a great quantity of "anacharis." got fresh mutton and apple-pie for dinner. swarms of very minute flies came to the candle dancing their dance of death. many thousands were destroyed, and their bodies darkened the board which serves me for a table. sopoor like baramula, river bridged, and grass growing on the roofs of the houses. july th.--in the night we moved on, and at five in the morning i was awoke at the foot of shukuroodeen hill, feet high, which i intended to ascend, and get a _coup d'oeil_ of the valley. instead of being on a river, the water now spread out into a great lake (lake wulloor) the largest in kashmir. got up and began to ascend the hill, but when half way up, the strap of one of my sandals gave way, and as i could not mend it, i was obliged to descend; however, i got an extensive view of the valley lying spread out at my feet, the lake occupying a great portion of the view. went on to alsoo (about three hours) from whence i shall march to lalpore the other side of a range of high hills which rise very near the water. we are thirty miles from baramula. the lake is in many parts covered with a carpet of elegant water weeds which makes it look like a green meadow, among them the singara or water nut, a curiously growing plant which bears spiny pods enclosing a soft delicately flavoured kernel--heart-shaped, as big as a filbert. mosquitoes by thousands, and very annoying, red and distended with their crimson feast. alsoo--a rather uninteresting place, grand mountains. huramuk to the east, and great expanse of water. july th, sunday.--on the march again to lalpore, twelve miles. i left my heavy baggage and dandy in the boat (which here awaits my return) and only took my tent and bedding with one week's stores, the whole only four coolie loads, and now began my first taste of real mountain work. for nearly four hours i was ascending the steep range which rises above alsoo, and hard toiling it was. half way up we met some men with butter-milk, of which my boy made me drink a quantity, saying it would "keep master cool." as we rose--the vale spread out magnificently beneath us, and the large lake was seen to full advantage shining under the morning sun, which appeared from behind a grand snow-clad mountain. near the top we came to the prettiest stream i have seen, its banks covered with maiden hair and other ferns, fruit trees and firs, and its surface skimmed by gorgeous flies. the summit gained, i was well rewarded by a view of the whole of the solab an off-shoot of the main valley. a bright gem in a dark setting of deodar covered mountains, spurs from which radiated into the valley so fair and verdant with its many villages, its meandering streams, and frequent orchards, the air laden with the perfume of many flowers. my bheisties even exclaimed "bahut ach chtu." i gazed entranced. the descent was long but a much better path. going down i came to wild raspberries which i must say were as large and well flavoured as any garden grown ones, there was also a small yellow plum which was very nice. arrived at lalpore the principal village, i encamped under a large walnut tree (very fine trees and very common) covered with its nuts. this valley abounds with bears, i was certainly cooler after taking the butter-milk, but i attributed it to the ascent being less steep and the path shady. saw a magnificent butterfly of a specimen i did not recognise; attempted to catch it, but like many other desirable objects in this world, it eluded my grasp at the very moment i thought i had secured it. got a fine one of a commoner sort which i placed in my hat, where the other remains uninjured. july th.--i halt at salpore, awaiting the arrival of my sirdar dandy coolie, an intelligent, useful, kashmiree man, whom i engaged to continue with me as a servant at baramula, and gave him four days leave to visit his home, arranging that he should rejoin me here. i lie under the shade of the wide spreading walnut trees, inhaling the fragrant breeze, and enjoying perfect quietude and repose. all is so grand and peaceful, that my heart swells with holy thoughts of praise and gratitude to the almighty creator, and while gazing on one of the fairest portions of his great work i find myself unconsciously repeating the glorious psalm "o come let us sing unto the lord." it would indeed be a hard heart and a dull spirit that did not rejoice in the scene, and acknowledge the power and magnificence of its maker. i see around me this garden of kashmir where every tree bears fruit for the use of man, and every shrub, bright flowers for his enjoyment. enclosed and guarded by "the strength of the hills" (a noble sentence which never never before so forcibly impressed me) and covered by the purest of blue skies. all nature seems to say to me "to-day if ye hear his voice, harden not your hearts," and surely the "still small voice" is speaking, and can be heard by those who will heed it, and have the heart to feel and the soul to rejoice in the strength of their salvation. the memory of the beautiful duett in "haydn's creation," when newly made adam and eve unite in praising god and extolling his wonderful works comes freshly before me. now, something akin to this must have crossed the mental vision of the grand old maestro when he wrote; and its calm glorious music well accords with my present state of mind. july st.--a pleasant stroll of ten miles before breakfast to koomerial along the level valley, through shady groves of apple, pear, green-gage, peach, and mulberry trees, and forests of cherry trees drooping with the weight of their golden blushing fruit. i have not seen any vines in the solab. koomerial is a very small place, and i had a little difficulty in getting supplies. i ought to have gone three miles further to a large village; but i'll go there to-morrow, and then return to alsoo in two marches. a native came to me with the toothache, begging assistance, but the tooth required extracting and i could do nothing for him. pitched under a walnut tope--the climate delicious, like a warm english summer, but it is rather hot in my small tent in the middle of the day; so i have my charpoy put outside in the shade and lie there smoking my pipe and thinking. i have spoken of the beauties and pleasures of the solab, but i must not omit mention of its annoyances, flies and mosquitoes, by day the flies abound and cause much irritation to any exposed part of the body. i do hate tame flies, flies that though driven away twenty times elude capture, and will pertinaciously return to the same spot--say your nose--until one is driven nearly mad with vexation. at dusk the flies return to roost, and then myriads of mosquitoes emerge from their hiding places, and make night hideous with their monotonous hum and blood-thirsty propensities. i do not find chepatties so bad as i expected, indeed i rather like them, but then my boy makes them excellently well, using soda in their composition. the process of manufacture is not pleasant--the flour is made into a paste, and then flattened and consolidated by being thrown backwards and forwards from one hand to the other, though one may avoid seeing this, it is difficult to escape hearing the pit-pat of the soft dough as it passes rapidly between the khitmutgars extended, and i fear not always clean fingers, it is then toasted, brought in hot, and you may eat it dirt and all. but travellers must not be too particular, and so long as your food is wholesome, eat and be thankful. but here comes my dinner, with the chepatties i have just seen prepared, and which sight suggested the foregoing lines. chicken for breakfast, chicken for dinner, chicken yesterday, chicken to-morrow, _toujours_ chicken, sometimes curried, sometimes roasted, torn asunder and made into soup, stew or cutlets, or with extended wing forming the elegant spatchcock, it is still chicken; the greatest and rarest change being that it is occasionally rather tender. i have had chicken soup and roast fowl for dinner, the chicken in the soup as stringy as hemp, the fowl as tough as my sandal, and with so large a liver that i doubted whether the bird had not met with a violent death. i like fowl's liver, it is my one _bonne bouche_ during the day, but these startled me, and after straining my teeth on the carcase, i gladly swallow the soft mouthful. oh! english readers, you who have never wandered far from your native shores and who esteem chickens a luxury to put on your supper table at your festive gatherings, come to india and surfeit on your dainties, you will see it calmly collecting its daily food unsuspicious of danger, then comes the rush and loud clacking as it flies pursued by the ferocious native, ending with cries of despair and the fluttering and hoarse gurgle of its death throes, in half an hour murghi will be placed before you hot and tempting to the eye but hard as nails to the touch; they are cheap in this part of the world. i pay one anna (or three halfpence) for a chicken, or two annas for a full grown fowl. july nd.--a little march of three miles to koopwaddie. i am glad i came here for one or two reasons. in the first place the walk afforded me a nearer and finer view of the head of the valley, surmounted by its high and rugged snow peaks; and secondly, i find i can return from here to sopoor in two marches instead of going back over the old road. from sopoor i shall boat to alsoo. the range which at lalpore was on the further side of the valley has gradually approached the other hills until now they are only a quarter of a mile apart, and are connected by short low spurs which i crossed this morning. my road to-morrow will be behind the first mentioned range, where another portion of the valley lies. the valley is in fact fork-shaped, intersected by a mountainous ridge which runs from its lower end for about fifteen miles. the two portions then unite and form one valley up to the snows, and koopwaddie is situated at their junction. the solab proper is only the eastern arm which is formed into a _cul de sac_ by the mountains, and in which lalpore stands. july rd.--to chargle ten miles down the western fork of a valley rough and uncultivated by comparison with the solab. over a low range of hills with a very steep descent to chargle standing on the left bank of the pohroo river. not finding a good place on that side i forded the river, which is not more than two feet deep, and encamped on smooth green sward under a walnut tope on the other bank. fine view from the top of the hill of the level valley through which the pohroo runs, with the broad jhelum shining like silver in the distance. this plain is laid out in open fields, and lacks trees except round the numerous villages. the surrounding hills too are comparatively bare, and their summits are to-day obscured by the low-lying clouds. july th.--a hot and uncomfortable walk of twelve miles on the exposed and uninteresting road to sopoor. there were but few trees to afford any shade, but there were mulberries bearing ripe fruit, under which you know it is impossible to sit down. from sopoor to alsoo (sixteen miles) by boat, slowly driving all day through the tangled weeds and water lilies. at soopoor i waited for my boy to get what he wanted for my breakfast (which he would prepare on board) and while waiting, a procession of natives came with bells and flags, and something surrounded by curtains and carried under a canopy, but i could not see what it was. it was being fanned vigorously by several men and was no doubt very holy. a large number of men (mahometans) followed, shouting loudly when the bells were rung, and some of them chanted a slow but not unpleasing melody. they were praying for rain which is rare in this country, and which is now required for the crops. my boy returned bringing with him to my joy a fore quarter of mutton. stopped at shukuroodeen for the evening, the wind being too strong to proceed. those flat bottomed boats with their large heavy awnings are very cranky. july th.--started early for alsoo. found my old boat where i had left it, but brought my baggage on board of this one, which i mean to keep to, as the boatman is a much more useful fellow than the other man. he acts as a servant, knows all the places i am going to, including ummernath, and has many excellent characters from those who have employed him. there was such a scene when my intentions were made known to the other crew, at first with tears and folded hands they supplicated, but when that proved useless they took to cursing and gesticulating, which they continued as their boat moved away and so long as they were within hearing, screaming across the water, making faces, and shaking their fists aloft; the old man was especially violent, it was very laughable. my present crew consists of the man i have mentioned, three good looking young woman, one of whom has the hooping cough, and a variety of children i have not yet made out the different relations to each other. there was lightning and some heavy rain last night (the result no doubt of yesterday's ceremony) and the sky is still gloomy and overcast. on from alsoo after chota hazree or first breakfast to lunka, a small island, which is only fifty yards square, is thickly covered with pine trees, with trailing grape vines clinging around their boughs, on it stands an old ruin, and fallen pillars and carved stones litter the ground. from a distance it looked very lovely, floating as it were on the bosom of the open waters, but as we neared it an unpleasant odour became perceptible, rapidly increasing to a horrid stench. this proceeded from a colony of natives who were in temporary habitation of the island, and were engaged in catching and drying the fish with which the lake abounds. i landed however, but was soon forced to beat a rapid retreat. such a mass of all kinds of filth crowded in so small a space, i have never before witnessed. man is ever the plague spot of the world, where he is not, all is peace, and beauty, with his presence comes contamination and discord. saw many a whistling seal in one part of the lake. the water soon became contracted into a narrow channel, with a low bank on either side, after travelling a few miles more we reached the broad jhelum above its entrance into the lake. remained for the night at hajun. july th, sunday.--moved on in the morning to manusbul, a small lake connected with the river by a canal. this lake is about three miles long and one mile wide, it is very deep in the middle, and said by the natives to be unfathomable. in one of the hindoo legends we are told a story of a holy man who spent all his life endeavouring to make a rope long enough to reach to the bottom, and failing, at length threw himself in and was never seen again. my boatman to give me an idea of its depth, dropped in white pebbles which could be seen for a long time sinking in the clear green water, until they gradually disappeared from sight. i longed to take a plunge into the cool fluid, and ungoo evidently read my wish in my looks, for he proposed that i should gussul or bathe. the presence of three women however proved too much for my modesty, and i refrained, although i have no doubt that had i not done so their feelings would not have been in the least outraged. very handsome water lilies (lotus) on the surface of the lake, the flowers being of a delicate pink colour with a yellow centre, and as large as the crown of a man's hat. at the further extremity, a high hill rises from the edge of the water. a stream is artificially conducted along its face at a height of about fifty feet, and the surplus water escapes in several pretty little cascades, by the side of one of them grow some noble chenars. the bottom of the lake around the edges is very uneven, and covered with a dense growth of mynophillum spicatum, on which planorbus and other molluces graze and tiny fry pick their invisible atoms of food. the elegant shape of this plant with its branching and finely cut leaves, and the inequalities of the ground remind me of the pine-clad hills in miniature. a brilliant king-fisher took the gunwale of the boat as the "base of his operations," and i amused myself all the morning, by watching him catch fish; when one approached the surface he descended with a splash which i imagined would have driven every fish far away, emerging quickly and very seldom without a capture, which he turned head downwards and swallowed alive and whole, then looked round with a laughable air of self-satisfaction. when the fish was a size too large to be trifled with, he first polished it off by rapping its head on the boards. it is now sunset, and that bird is still feeding, and probably the day will end without deciding whether his appetite or his capacity is the larger. a native brought me a dish of excellent apricots and mulberries--the mulberries especially good, and my garden is celebrated for the best peaches in kashmir. july th.--up the jhelum again, past sumbul with its deodar bridge (similar to the others described with this exception, that the footway appears to be built in imitation of the roof of a house sloping on either side from a high central ridge, not the best form of bridge i have seen, but variety is charming) to the entrance of the scind river, where a chenar stands in the middle of the stream, protected by a square block of masonry. tradition says this tree never grows. near it is a small island over grown with trees. here we left the jhelum and pursued the course of the scind which soon contracted into a narrow and rapidly flowing river, its water derived from the snows, being very cold. it was slow work rowing against the strong current, but we presently emerged into a great lake entirely covered with high rushes except where a winding channel was cut for the boats, and here progression was slower still as the rope had to be abandoned, and the pole called into requisition, so that it was nearly dark when we reached ganderbul. passed a number of men wading in the water up to their necks, and spearing the ground with poles armed with a single barbed spike. although this seems an insane way of attempting to catch fish, their boat was well laden with a small species of trout, and i saw several drawn from the water impaled and wriggling upon the sharp point. sreenuggur seen in the distance at the extremity of a mountainous spur, with the fort and soloman's throne, standing upon two elevated rocks. within a few miles of ganderbul the lake became clear, and presented a fine expanse of water, but with so many shallows, that our course was very tortuous. having travelled twenty miles, we are now only five miles from manusbul. ganderbul stands at the opening of the scind valley, but it was too late to take any observations when i arrived; so i must wait until my return. july th.--a march of nine miles up the valley to kungan, taking with me as before only four coolie loads of baggage; my boatman accompanies me. met scott, of the th, three or four miles from ganderbul, the first european i have seen since the th. this is a narrow and beautiful valley, down which the scind river rushes foaming and roaring. its waters are icy cold and its colour also seems to partake of its snowy origin, for it is white, not only with foam, but the water itself in small quantities is as though it had come out of a milky jug. grand hills stand on either side, and up the valley i occasionally got glimpses of high and rugged snow peaks. several natives came to me with different ailments, i gave them rough directions whereby to benefit, but what they wanted was a gift of medicine (of which i have none.) they fancy every englishman is an adept in the art of healing, and that english physic especially tyrnhill's pills, possesses magical powers. july th.--to toomoo, six miles, a shorter march than i intended, for they told me at kungan that toomoo was twelve miles distant. however, when i arrived, the temptation to stop was too strong to be resisted. in marching one gets very weary about the sixth or seventh mile, but this passes off, and you can then go on comfortably for almost any distance, provided you resist the first feelings of fatigue, and do not give way to it, as i have done to-day. the mountains are now huge towering masses, rising thousands of feet above the valley; they have lost all smoothness of outline, and their upper portions are bare and rough, cragged, and pine clad. instead of having merely whitened peaks, snow fields extend down the sides. the scene is one of wild majestic grandeur. what tremendous agonies in past ages must have been employed to produce such vast upheavals. one cannot help contemplating with awe the possibility of the world again becoming violently rent and shaken to its foundations by the forces which though now comparatively inert, still exist beneath us and occasionally give sad proof of their undiminished power. in the present day the slow but continued action of this subterranean power is in some parts perceptible (as in south america) and we have no guarantee that it may not suddenly acquire increased energy, and overwhelm our fairest lands with a run too terrible to be imagined. stinging nettles abound here, of the tall sort that grow so rankly on old earth heaps and in dry ditches. i placed my hand among them, delighted to be stung again by english friends; the sensation is so far preferable to mosquito bites. besides it took me back to "childhood's happy hours," when with bramble torn breeches and urticarious shin, i forced the hedges, apple stealing--i have stolen apples to-day for a tart which is now baking--robbed the trees of them for they are no man's property. just above here on the other side of the valley is a very perfect crater (of course extinct) for there are now no volcanoes in the himalayas. its lips are rugged and serrated like the teeth of a saw, and form a very perfect circle i cannot tell the depth of the basin, but on the further side i can see that the edge rises perpendicularly to a considerable height, and at the bottom of it i just got a glimpse of a steeply sloping floor. on its exterior are deep grooves containing strong blocks, which at this distance appear to show by contrast of colour their igneous origin, but i cannot speak positively on this point. my bheistie to whom i gave three days leave to visit his family, came in saying he had walked one hundred miles. he does not look any the worse for it. july th.--another short march of five miles to soorapra, a small village around which stand several enormous hills, half obscured by clouds, for it is a thoroughly wet day, drizzling rain having fallen ever since my arrival. it is very cool and pleasant, but i have got up too far and am now in the rainy region, so to-morrow i shall retrace my steps, three or four marches would take me over the himalayas into ladâk. this would be an interesting trip, but there still remains much for me to see in kashmir, and i have not time to do both. passed another, but smaller and less perfect crater. some natives brought a young black bear, which they had just caught to show me. it was no larger than a good-sized dog, but had very long sharp claws; its expression was anything but ferocious. a dense pine and walnut forest extends down one of the hills to the verge of the village. i was strolling in that direction, not a hundred yards from the huts--before the arrival of my baggage--when two men ran after me and begged me to come back on account of the number of tigers there. i imagined they meant leopards, but on making enquiries i find cows are carried away, which could not be done by leopards. this would be a good ground for the sportsman, but no europeans come here as it is off the regular track up the valley. i crossed the river this morning by a ricketty bridge built of a couple of firs, on which logs were loosely laid, leaving the main road which runs along the other or right bank. just behind my tent a stream of deliciously cold and transparent water issues from the hill side; a rough sort of shed is erected over it, and the water is conducted a short distance in a wooden trough, from the end of which it falls to the ground. it is the custom in kashmir to build over the springs and esteem them holy. no mosquitoes up here, delightful prospect of a good night's rest. july st.--back to kungan in one march, but did not encamp on the same ground as before, as i found a better place by the side of the river. i have been thinking all the morning about my future career, whether i shall obtain the appointment in the guards that i have applied for, (my application has by this time reached england) if not, what will they do with me when i get home, or shall i remain in the army? these questions have been running in my head and occasionally a more delicate one obtruded. shall i marry, and if so, when and whom, and here, where all my thoughts are revealed, i must needs confess that now at twenty-nine years of age, i begin to weary of single blessedness, and long for a fair, loving, and loveable companion. now my gentle lady reader, here is a chance for you, if you are content with honest love without adoration, faithfulness without romance; for my romantic days have passed. i have learnt the sober realities of life, and among them the truth of god's declaration that it is not good for man to be alone. the _saturday review_ in recent articles, "the girl of the period, &c.," holds out a poor prospect for the would be benedict, and i fear there is much truth in the assertion that the majority of our young women are husband hunting, that they make matrimony their one great object, and will condescend to any means whereby to attain the personal independance given them by that position, that these marriages without love, only prompted by selfish considerations, are followed by a total neglect of all wifely duties--nay more, that even maternal care and tenderness have nearly ceased to exist. it is a sad picture, and sternly drawn. the well-known power of the paper is put forth in its highest degree, and withering sarcasm, and bitter contempt accompany its stern reproofs. yet there is a final wail of despair at the unlikelihood of any change for good being effected. this evil like most others is of our own making. we men no longer marry while young, but when middle-aged or with grey hairs beginning to show, a man desires a wife, he will most likely choose one five and twenty years his junior. the girl often marry thus because she cannot get a husband of her own age, and a very few years lost will doom her to perpetual spinsterhood. it is necessarily a marriage without love, a lucky one if there be respect. girls have learnt that it is useless to bestow their affections where nature would have them, and and it is scarcely a matter for surprise that they should in consequence endeavour to repress them altogether. moral for my own use. marry while i am young, or not at all. august st.--to wangut nine miles rough and hilly walking. i lost the path once, and had a long scramble before i regained it. though not a pleasant march the scenery is very fine and picturesque. wangut lies up a short and contracted valley, an offshoot of the scind which is a much larger one, and the mountains around it are very grand especially at the head of the valley, i put up large coveys of grey partridge on the road. i have come here for the purpose of visiting some mines two miles further on, and i intend to halt to-morrow and walk to see them. there is a great row going on while i write this, the natives appear unwilling to furnish supplies (milk, eggs, &c.,) and my boatman who has accompanied me is applying his stick freely by way of persuasion. there is of course a babel of tongues and i sit within a few yards, quietly ignoring the proceeding, though if necessary, i shall get up and add some lusty whacks as my share of the argument. a mountain torrent--a tributary of the scind runs down the valley with the usual noise and hurly burly. a travelling native carpenter is here, and all the village are bringing their ploughs to be mended, he is very clever with his hoe-shaped hatchet fashioning the hard walnut wood so correctly with it, that the chisel is hardly necessary for the few finishing touches. i have seen him make some wooden ladles very rapidly, and he has provided me with a new set of tent pegs and mallet and a wooden roller, by means of which i hope to avoid the digital process in the manufacture of my chepatties. august nd, sunday.--sitting having my feet washed by a servant (delightful sensation) after my return from the ruin of rajdainbul and nagbul. i meditate on the mutability of all things human. i have taken a walk before breakfast this sabbath morning to witness the overthrow of former magnificence and the destruction of man's crafty handiwork. these two temples erected many long years ago in honour of a hindoo deity named naranay, now stand desolate piles in the dense jungle. fallen stones cover the ground and great trees grow from the interstices of those that still hold together and retain a semblance of their original shape. confusion reigns supreme and the place that was once the scene of mistaken worship, is now only the haunt of the wild beast and deadly reptile. the thoughts which such a sight suggest, have been the theme of many a moralist, but the great lesson it teaches cannot lose any of its importance by repetition. yet a consideration of the littleness of man and the utter vanity of his proudest works is, i fear, distasteful to most of us; we cannot bear to be forced to admit our own insignificance. we go to church and cry "what is man that thou art mindful of him," but the words are but empty sounds. our preachers may tell us that life is but a shadow, but they speak to unwilling and heedless ears, and we go on ignoring the fact, crying peace, and stifling our conscience by a form of religion without godliness. we are arrogant, high-minded, puffed up in our own conceit, and though there are many that would wish to be considered holy, how few there are that are humble men of heart, and time continues to repeat the old, old story, filling our grave-yards, destroying our works; creation alone remaining stable, waiting for the end. these ruins are small in size, and their architecture rude, though the individual blocks are certainly large and well though not elaborately carved. but they produce a strange impression of awe by the dreary solitude and wildness of their position which is perhaps peculiar to themselves, although they lack both the fairy elegance of netley abbey, and the massive grandeur of a pevensey castle. the men who accompanied me advanced very cautiously through the thick underwood, beating with their sticks in order to drive away the iguana lizards, which they call the "bis cobra" and hold in deadly fear, believing its bite to be most surely fatal. this belief is universal among the natives of india, but there is no proof of its truth, and i need hardly say that the dental arrangement of bactrachian reptiles is incompatible with the possession of poisonous qualities. but though science will not admit it, it is strange that the idea is so widely spread, especially as the natives do not fear any other species of lizard, while they believe that every snake is armed with the fatal fang. august rd.--heavy rain prevented my departure from wangut, at the usual early hour, but about o'clock it cleared up, and i marched on arric eight miles distant down a path on the right bank of the river, (i ascended the valley on the other side.) the rain has made it very slippery, and it was a fatiguing walk the road not being good, and occasionally dangerous; one part fairly beat me, i was expected to pass round a smooth rock by means of several ledges one inch wide and four or five long, cut on its surface. the precipice below was deep, and when i had taken one step, and found myself hanging over it; i determined to go back and try another way. the other way is bad enough, but all i object to is having my safety depending upon a single foothold. i like to have at least one chance of recovering myself if i slip. my walnut tree to-day is covered with mistletoe and my mind is directed to christmas time, and all its (to us) sad associations. three christmases have i spent away from england, and a fourth is now approaching, one of them on the ocean, and two in the tented field, the next will i fancy also find me under canvass, but i trust on my way homewards. westward ho! is my cry; let the gorgeous east with its money bags, its luxuries, and its many hours of idleness, remain for those who are content to exchange home-ties and the enjoyment of life for dreary exile and too often untimely death, who will sell their minds and bodies for the price of rupees. august th.--marched back to ganderbul, nine miles. ganderbul is a very small place, and the only object of interest i noticed, was a very old bridge built of rough stones, standing now upon dry land, for the scind has left its former channel and runs one hundred yards to to the south of it, three of the arches remain entire and connected, and at least twelve others are either decayed or destroyed. this bridge is evidently of very ancient date. on emerging from the scind valley, i got a better view of the vale than i have before had. it was a clear but cloudy morning--one of those grey days when rays abound, and photographic efforts are most successful--and every distant object was seen with great distinctness. the snowy pin punjaul range, in its southern boundary looked magnificent, rising abruptly from the level and beautiful plain. on board the boat again, i continued the journey towards srenuggur. we had not been long afloat before a sudden squall came down from the hills and blew the roof of the boat off; it took a long time to repair the mischief, but fortunately all the matting was blown on to the bank, it was eventually replaced and we proceeded onwards in a tolerably direct line to the capital, ten miles distant. but near sunset the wind increased again, and compelled us to take refuge in a sheltered nook within a mile or two of srenuggur, the fort standing above us on the summit of a hill--imposing from its apparently impregnable position--and there we remained all night. august th.--starting early, i soon arrived at the outskirts of the town, and the boat entered a canal with houses on both sides. there was some delay at a lock and great excitement in pushing over the fall caused by the rash of the water. passed through the city which is a large one, and encamped under chenars on the banks of the canal on the other side. the baboo-mohu chundee, an officer appointed by the maharajah to attend to the many and varying wants of european visitors--called upon me and afterwards sent "russud" or a present from the maharajah consisting of tea, sugar, flour, butter, rice, salt, spice, vegetables, a chicken, and a live sheep. some cloth merchants also came and i was led into extravagance in purchasing some of their goods. in the afternoon i got a small boat, a miniature of the larger one, propelled by six men with paddles. they took me along very quickly, and i went down the canal which opens into the jhelum--the main thoroughfare of suenaggur opposite to the palace and the adjoining temple, whose dome is covered with plates of pure gold. it is a very strange sight, the broad river covered with boats, and lined by houses built in the curious kashmirian style. seven fine bridges cross it, and on two of them stand rows of shops like our old london bridge. i first went to the post-office and got a satisfactory communication from our paymaster, and also a letter from bill, giving me the sad tidings of poor tyrwhitt's death, which took place at murree a fortnight after my departure. it is a selfish consideration, but i cannot help feeling grateful that he was prevented by an attack of ague from accompanying me, as he intended. i then went to sumnad sha's, the great shawl merchant, and turned some of the paymaster's paper into silver currency. he showed me his stock, and i wished that i possessed the means of purchasing his goods. but even here a good shawl costs thirty or forty pounds, very magnificent they are, but i need not describe that which every english lady knows and longs for, if she has not it. hewson, the paymaster at chinsurah, is encamped within one hundred yards of me. passing in his boat he recognised me, and we went and had a swim and talked over old times at the depôt. august th.--bought some tackle and went fishing, but the hooks were rotten and the fish broke several. i only succeeded in landing one trout of nearly two pounds weight. the spoon bait is a favourite one here. bought a variety of stones and pebbles. ladûk, yarkund, opals, garnets, &c., for making brooches, bracelets, and studs. i was a long while making the selection and a long while bargaining, but i seem to have got them cheap; at all events for less money than hewson has paid for his. this, and fishing, occupied the whole day--which was consequently an uneventful one. in the evening i borrowed writing materials from hewson, and wrote a letter to bell. august th.--went out spearing fish, but found it difficult in consequence of the allowance necessary for the refraction of the water and the movement of the fish. there is a great temptation to strike in an apparently direct line with the fish, which i need hardly say, even if the fish be stationary does not go near it. i only succeeded in piercing two. but i afterwards went out with a spoon and very soon landed a couple of trout of two and four pounds weight. i have found out who was at baramula ---- travelling quietly like a private gentleman, still, notwithstanding the paucity of his retinue, the unmistakeable stamp of nobility about him made it plain that he was more than he appeared to be, obtaining for him the attention which he had wished to ignore. as a contrast to him we have here x----, y----, and z----, noticeable like many other englishmen, when travelling in foreign countries for the prodigality of their expenditure, one of whom got a thrashing the other day from ----. rather a disreputable affair for him, if all i hear be true. i dare say many a poor native wishes that a small portion of the money these three men waste was given to them instead. august th.--i have done nothing to-day except go to sumnad shas for some more money, as i intend to leave sreenugger to-morrow for the eastern part of kashmir. there are two reasons for my idleness; in the first place hewson gave me some books he had done with, and i got interested in james' "heidelberg" and was reading it all this morning; and secondly, hewson left this afternoon and sat a long time with me before his departure. to lengthen my notes for the day i ought to write a sermon, or secular discourse, (as i have done before) but i don't feel inclined to do so. this diary only gets my thoughts when they arise spontaneously and require no further labour than the mere putting of them into words. to-day my mind is a blank, and i am not going to search in hidden recesses for thoughts that may possibly be secreted there. perhaps after dinner something may occur to me worth writing about. august th, sunday.--on again by the big boat up the jhelum stopping at pampur for two hours fishing under the bridge (the reputed haunt of large fish) but without success, so continued the journey gliding slowly along the beautiful river until dark, when the boat was run ashore and secured. so it has been an uneventful day with no new scenery to describe and no musings to record. august th.--another day passed on the river. from early dawn till dusk we continued towing against the stream, and then halted for the night at kitheryteen (i spell the word from my boatman's pronunciation of it) a small village on the right bank. august th.--started again at daybreak but soon stopped at bigbikara, where there is another bridge. all these bridges are alike and similar to the one described at baramula, but this one is particularly pretty from the fact of large trees having grown from the lower part of every pier. these trees green and flourishing are high above the footway, between which and the water there is a distant vista of fine mountains. fished here, but only hooked one, which i judged from its run to be large, and lost it. above the bridge the river narrowed to about half its former width. we are approaching a very grand range of mountains which seems to be the boundary of the valley. before mid-day we reached kunbul and completed the trip of forty miles by water. at kunbul is the first bridge over the jhelum, the river here diminishes to a breadth of only thirty or forty yards, and soon breaks up into a number of small streams which mostly rise from the water, then along the foot of the hills. august th.--marched to buroen, six miles, on arriving found the camping ground occupied by numerous "fakirs" who had lately returned from ummernath. these men are horrible looking objects, most of them being painted white and nearly naked. ummernath is a mountain , feet high, and at the top of it is a cave sacred to the hindoo deity. in july pilgrims assemble there for a great religious festival, and these are some of them on their way back. i intended to visit this cave, but i have not time now, and i have thought that it may be a trifle too cold up there. at burven is a very holy spring. two tanks are formed where the water escapes from the ground, and these tanks swarm with tame fish, some of them of large size. it was a great sight feeding them. they all rushed to the place struggling and fighting for the food. the bright green water was black with them, and a space yards wide and long, and several feet thick, was occupied by a block of fish packed as closely as if they were pickled herrings. these fish are also very sacred, and to catch them is prohibited. soon after leaving kunbul i passed through islamabad, a large town of which i may have more to say hereafter. there are two other men encamped here with me, but they don't seem very sociable, and i don't care much for the society of strangers; we have exchanged "good mornings" and that is all, and now sit staring at each other at a distance of twenty yards. how different it would have been if we were frenchmen instead of cold-blooded englishmen. after dark the fakirs had a "tomasha." singing, bell ringing, tambourine-beating, and the blowing of discordant horns all at the same time, constituted a delightful music--to them at least--and was continued for hours, interrupted by shouting and yelling, and with this din going on i now hope to sleep. august th.--marched back to islamabad, seven miles, by another road, as i first visited the ruins of martund, a temple built (so the legend goes) ages ago by "gin men" or demons of gigantic stature. these are really grand ruins, whether position, site, or architecture be considered. they stand on an open plain, on the summit of a ridge, from which is a fine view of the surrounding mountains, which are much higher than in the western part of kashmir. in the centre is a large block, containing several rooms, the huge stones of which it is built being elaborately carved. there are many niches containing figures, but the defacing hand of time has sadly marred them. on two sides of this building and only a few feet distant from it rise a couple of wings, and the whole is enclosed by a stone screen, perforated by trefoil arches, and having on its inner side a row of fluted columns. in the middle of the south side of the screens is the main entrance, the pillars of which are very tall. vigne, classes these ruins among the finest in the world, and perhaps he is right. at islamabad there are several bungalows provided for visitors, and i went into one of them, having first cleared it of the "fakirs"--who are here too. these bungalows stand by tanks in which are tame fish, as at burven. a spring issues from the hill side, just above them. two men of the th hussars, walker and verschoyle, occupied another, and i breakfasted with them. adjoining the tanks is a small pleasure garden, with some buildings which are inhabited by the maharajah when he visits islamabad. the place reminds me more of a tea garden in the new road, than the resort of royalty. the water from the tanks escapes under the front bungalow forming a pretty cascade. dined and passed the evening with the other fellows. august th.--to atchebul, six miles. this is a charming spot. it is a pavilion and garden built--if my memory serves me--by the emperor shah jehan, for his wife; at its upper end rises a hill covered with small deodars and other trees, and from the foot of this hill four springs gush forth from crevices in the rock. the volume of water is very large, and it is conveyed into three tanks at different levels. these tanks are connected by broad canals lined with stone, and at the extremity of each canal is a fine waterfall. there are also two lateral canals which run through the whole length of the gardens, from the boundary of which the water escapes in three cascades, the centre one from the tanks being the largest. in the middle tank are twenty-five fountains, which were turned on for my benefit; only seventeen of them play, and the best jets are not more than six feet high. in the centre of this tank stands a pavilion which i now inhabit. its walls are of wooden trellis work, and the ceiling is divided into panels on which are painted in many colours the everlasting shawl pattern; it looks as though the floor-cloth had been placed on the ceiling by mistake. along the foot of the hill is a ruined terrace built of bricks, with arches and alcoves crumbling to pieces. there is also an arch over the canal, between the second and third tanks. the whole garden was originally laid out in several terraces faced with masonry, and having wide flights of stone steps from one to the other; but all is now much decayed, and the garden itself is quite uncultivated, except a small portion, and is but a wilderness of fruit trees and fine chenars. on the left of it is the old human or bath, a series of domed and arched rooms containing baths and marble seats. the interior is in a fair state of preservation, and the various pipes which conveyed the water to it still exist. the whole ground is enclosed by a wall, and if it was properly looked after, might be converted into a very pleasant retreat. in the afternoon walker and verschoyle, rode over from islamabad and sat some time with me, after a few hours five other pipes began to squirt--rendered patulous i suppose by the pressure of the water--so that three only now remain occluded. i had a great loss last night; the dogs broke open the basket containing my provisions, and carried away half a large sized cake, and a hump of beef that had been cooked but was uncut. august th.--marched to nowboog, fifteen miles, this long march was quite unexpected as ince in his book puts it down eight miles. it was up hill nearly all the way--this combined with the sun's heat--for i did not start so early as i would have done if i had known the distance--and the vexation of having to go on, long after i considered the march ought to have been finished, made it very fatiguing. nowboog is situated in a small and pretty valley separated by hills from the rest of kashmir. i intend to halt here to-morrow, so will reserve further description until i feel fresh again. it was one or two o'clock before i arrived, and i have worn a hole in my left heel which will, i fear, render the next marches painful. umjoo--the boatman--is now shampooing my legs and feet. this process consists of violent squeezes and pinches which make me inclined to cry out, but i am bearing it bravely without flinching and endeavouring to look happy, and to persuade myself that it is pleasant--now my toes are being pulled with a strength fit to tear them off. oh! ----. there's a cry on paper. he does not hear that, and it is some sort of relief. august th, sunday.--the valley of nowboog is small but very picturesque. the surrounding hills are comparatively low, and are covered with pasture on the open places, while the deodar and many other trees occupy the ravines and gullies. the large amount of grass and the grouping of the trees give it a park-like appearance, and the gentle slopes of the verdant mountains remove all wildness from the scene. it is a pleasant spot to halt at. a little nook which while it charms the eye, only suggests peaceful laziness. my coolies sit at a short distance, singing through their noses kashmirian songs. there is much more melody in their music than in that of their brethren of hindoostan. indeed some of the tunes admit of being written, and i have copied a few of the more rythmical, as they sang them. the principal objection to them is that they are rather too short to bear repetition for half an hour as is the custom, there is another music going on--a music that cannot be written and will be difficult to describe--i mean the song of the "cicada stridulantia" in walnut trees above me. this insect--the balm cricket--is in appearance a burlesque, just such a house fly as you might imagine would be introduced in a pantomime; and its cry is as loud and incessant as it is peculiar. to describe it, fancy to begin with a number of strange chirps, and that every few seconds, one of those cogged wheels and spring toys that you buy at fairs to delude people into the belief that their coats are being torn--is passed rapidly down the back, with occasionally momentary interruption in the middle of its course, while between each scratch you hear a mew of a distant cat--another cat purring loudly all the time, and any number of grasshoppers chirping to conclude with a running down of the most impetuous and noisy alarum, and then silence--a silence almost painful by contrast--until it begins again. such is the song of the cicada in the himalayan forests. i wonder every sunday if they miss me at peshawur; for i was organist to the church before i left, and i doubt if there is anybody to take my place. i wish i had the instrument here now to peal forth to the hills and the wondering kashmirians handel's sublime "hallelujah chorus" or "the marvellous works" of haydn. what can be more inspiring than the grand old church music we possess, bequeathed to us by composers of immortal memory. though much opposed to the present ritualistic tendencies i do delight in a musical service. it seems to elevate the mind and give a greater depth to our devotion. go into any of our cathedrals and hear the solemn tones of the liturgy echoing through the vaulted roof, and your heart must needs join in the supplication, "and when the glorious burst of music calls to praise and rejoicing, will not your own soul fly heavenward with the sound and find unaccustomed fervency in its thanksgivings." there is perhaps one thing necessary, and that is, that you should know the music you hear, otherwise the first admiration of its beauty may eclipse all other considerations. but if you have studied it, if it is as familiar to you as it ought to be, and is intimately connected in your mind with the words to which it is set, you will understand its spirit, and see that however beautiful it may be it is only the means whereby higher thoughts and nobler feelings are sought to be expressed. i bought here a very fine pair of antlers of the "bara sing"--a large deer found on these hills. august th.--to kookur nag, twelve miles. i am now convinced i came the wrong road from atchibul to nowboog, as i had to march back over a great portion of it this morning; however, with the exception of a mile or two, it was all down hill, and as i knew when i started that i had twelve miles to go, i was not tired. stopped at the village on the way where there are iron works, and saw them smelting the ore which is obtained from the neighbouring mountains, this ore is a yellow powder, and appears to be almost pure oxide. their method of working is very rude; a small furnace, such as a blacksmith uses at home, supplied with a pair of leather bellows constitutes the whole of the foundry, and is of course, only capable of smelting a very small quantity of ore at a time. kookur nag is the name of some springs about two miles from the village i have encamped at, and i walked over this afternoon to see them. it was scarcely worth the trouble. there are a great number of them close together and they issue from the ground, as usual, at the foot of a prettily wooded hill. the water is very pure and cold, and of sufficient quantity to form immediately a large and rapid stream. this place lies near the mouth of a wide gorge or valley which leads right up to the snows, and down which there must have been at one time, either a mighty rush of water or a vast glacier, as the ground is thickly strewn with huge boulders. the stratification of one mountain against which it is evident the flood impinged--is very clearly and beautifully shown. august th.--to vernag, ten miles, crossing a range of hills, the descent being the steepest i have experienced. from the top of the range there was a fine view of the two valleys of kookur nag and vernag. they are very similar and down the middle of each is a layer of loose rounded stones. the springs of vernag occupy the same position in the valley as those of kookur nag do in the other, but around them is a good sized village, and their point of exit has been converted into a large and very deep octagonal tank, which is perfectly crowded with sacred fish. surrounding the tank is a series of arches, and on the side from which the stream escapes is a bungalow for the use of visitors. six days ago a hindoo was drowned here, and his body has not been recovered--so deep is the water, it is probable that ere this the fish have removed all but his bones, one hundred yards below the tank is another spring, which is the finest i believe in kashmir. it comes straight up on level ground, and forms a mound of water eighteen inches high, and more than a foot in diameter. the morning cloudy and very gloomy on account of the eclipse of the sun of which i saw nothing. this is my birthday and my thoughts have been running over my past life and speculating upon the future before me. "but fear not dear reader!" i will not bore you with all my musings over those twenty-nine unfruitful, if not absolutely mis-spent evil years, or show you how my "talent" lies carefully folded up and hidden away, in order that i may have it to return to its "owner". "oh! fool, fool that i am." knowing better things and with a half a lifetime gone, "i find myself still plodding along the old road paved with good intentions." the springs of grace indeed surround me, but i am in the shallows and the water is muddy. the very "tree of life" is by my side, but it is a dwarfed and stunted shrub, whose shoots wither before they put forth leaves. when will this change? will my resolutions ever become deeds? "will grace abound: or will faith ever give such impetus to my "tree of life," that it may grow up into heaven?" i put to myself the question that was asked ezekiel. "can these dry bones live," and have no other answer than his to make. these are some of my birthday thoughts. pray, forgive, excuse me if i have wearied you. august th.--back to atchibul, twelve miles, the road for the most part level, but there was one mile of very hard work, over the ridge i crossed yesterday. i approached atchibul from the hill i mentioned as standing at the head of the garden, and from the top of it a very pretty view of the place is obtained. i found the pavilion unoccupied, and again took possession of it, set the fountains playing, and imagined myself the great mogul. just out of vernag, i caught a small black and yellow bird, which my boatman calls a "bulbul" (though i think he is wrong in the name) and says it sings very well. i have had a cage made for it, and it is now feeding at my side, and is apparently very happy. i'll try and take it to england. i believe it is only one of the shrike family, but it is too young to identify at present. however, it is my fancy to keep it, so why should i not. the old gardener here is very attentive, constantly bringing me fruit. shall i do him injustice, by saying that he probably has expectation of a reward? i think not indeed, is it not the same expectation or its allied motive, the desire to escape punishment, which prompts the actions of all of us? we do good, i fear, more for the sake of the promised recompense, than for any love of the thing itself. light rain has fallen all day. august th.--i halt at atchibul. i have now completed my wanderings in kashmir, and have seen all i intended except one portion, which i shall visit on my road home. my next move will be to ----, but as i do not care to spend more than seven or eight days there, i am in no hurry to get back. my bird died in the night, and by its death has put an end to a rather violent controversy between my bheistie and boatman. the boatman stoutly maintained his opinion of its value and the bheistie with a more correct appreciation, and while explaining to me that it was a jungle bird and would never sing, appeared to look upon my conduct with a mixture of compassion and disgust, and then they quarrelled over it. was my fancy a foolish one? some men will spend years in the pursuit and classification of butterflies, while others go into ecstasy over a farthing of the reign of queen anne. my common jungle bird was a pretty one, and if i had got it home and put it in a gilt cage, it would surely have possessed some value for its antecedents, even if it had proved as mute as a fish, or as discordant as a hindoo festival. august st.--marched back to kunbul, seven miles, and took up my quarters again on board the boat, fifteen or twenty other boats are here, a good many visitors having recently arrived in this part of kashmir. i remained at kunbul all day waiting for the completion of a pair of chuplus which i ordered of a shoemaker ten days ago. i have occupied the time by reading marryat's "newton forster" (one of hewson's gifts) and i find that when i read i can't write, so that must be my excuse for the shortness of my notes. my head is full of ships, sea fights, and love making to the exclusion of everything else. i heard you--you said it was a good job, as it prevented me writing more nonsense. august nd.--slowly drifting all day down the stream towards sreenuggur. past bijbehara with its fine bridge, stopping there a short time to procure milk and eggs for breakfast. past awuntipoor--the former capital--but now only a very small village, where stands on the rivers bank the ruins of two ancient hindoo temples, square blocks, built indeed of enormous stones, but without sufficient architectural embellishment to require a closer inspection than i obtained from the boat. another of those charming lazy days on the water, nothing to think about, but the time for meals, nothing to do, but to eat them when prepared. the eastern part of kashmir is covered with high isolated mounds called kuraywahs, composed of alluvium, presenting perfectly flat summits and precipitous sides. the top of these was doubtless the original bed of the lake at the time when the whole valley was submerged, and the present channels between them (though now dry land) were cut by the rush of the water, when the jhelum burst through the opening at baramula and drained the valley. this rush then is shown to have been impetuous (and the high banks of the river also bear evidence to it) but it seems to me that the mere breaking through of the stream sixty or seventy miles away is not enough to account for it. no doubt that occurrence was attended, i may say produced by violent subterranean phenomena; and i imagine that this portion of the vale--which is much higher than the western half--then underwent a sudden upheaval, the result of which if only a few feet would be to throw its waters with terrific force into the lower portion and afford an easy explanation of the formation of both the kuraqwahs and the jhelum. i noticed in my course up the jhelum, that it appeared to have originally consisted of a chain of small lakes, this would be the the natural effect of such a cause as i have supposed. the bulk of water, at first, would only have been sufficient to produce a few of them, perhaps only the large one between gingle and baramula. but as its quantity and measure continually increased by the flow from the higher level so would lake after lake have been formed among the crowded hills until the plains were reached. then the drainage of these small lakes would follow as a matter of course, and the channel of the river be reduced to a size proportionate to its constant supply. dear reader, you are very difficult to please. my descriptions you call slow, my imaginings frivolous, science dry. jokes are feeble and personalities tedious morality is stale, religion is cant. what, how can i write? you have had a taste of all and if you are not content the fault is--well, let me be on the safe side--either yours or mine. august rd, sunday.--we continued to progress last night by moonlight long after the sun had set, and started again very early this morning, so that the tukh-t-i-suliman (soloman's throne) and fort are now visible, and i expect to reach sreenuggur before noon. it is faster work floating down the current than towing against it. at sreenuggur i found several letters waiting for me, and amongst them a large "official," which i tore open with eager haste; thinking it might be a reply to my application to be sent home. it was ----. well, you will never guess--an urgent enquiry as to what language i could speak and write fluently beside english. i have answered this question some half dozen times since i have been in the service, but they never get tired of asking it. the date of my arrival in india is another favourite and constantly recurring enquiry, and this might lead me to give you a dissertation upon the theory and practice of red-tapeism, with a special consideration of the amount of stationery thereby wasted, and its probable cost to the government. it would perhaps, be very interesting to you, but to any one who is at all connected with it, the subject is only one of weariness and disgust--weariness at the unproductive labour entailed--disgust at the utter folly of the proceedings. so i pass it by, leaving some one who is willing to sacrifice his feelings, or more probably some one who knows nothing whatever about it to furnish the much needed exposé; it is customary to cry it down but it is an acknowledged evil, the custom has never been fully and fairly explained to outsiders or it must have given way before the burst of public indignation which such an explanation would have created. i have again encamped in the chinar bugh, but not quite in the old position as a better place was unoccupied. indeed i had my pick of the whole, for there is now nobody here but myself. i received news (in my letters) that a field force had left pindee to operate against some of the hill tribes between peshawur and abbottabad--ruffians who are always giving trouble, and who occasioned the inglorious umbeylla campaign a few years ago. i informed my "boy" that there was going to be some hard fighting, and his reply was "with our troops, sir?" our troops! good heavens! a black man speaking to me of "our troops." it is customary i know to call these asiatics our fellow subjects, but i never before had the fact so forcibly brought before me. august th.--i got up early this morning and have spent half the day on the "dul" or "city lake"--a large sheet of water which lies at the foot of the hill behind sreenuggur. besides the excessive beauty of the lake itself there are many objects of interest to be seen on its banks. i visited in succession the mussul bagh, rupa lank or silver isle, shaliman bagh, suetoo causeway, nishat bagh, souee lank or golden isle, and floating gardens. a word or two of description for each. the mussul bagh is a large grove of fine chenars planted in lines so as to form avenues at right angles to each other. there must be several hundred of these noble trees upon the ground, i do not mean fallen but erect and vigorous. the shaliman bagh is an extensive and well cultivated pleasure garden with pavilions, tanks, canals and fountains, in true oriental style. the upper pavilion is especially worthy of notice having a verandah built of magnificent black marble veined with quartz containing gold. it is surrounded by a large tank possessing one hundred and fifty-nine fountains, and its exterior is grandly if not artistically painted. the nishat bagh is smaller but scarcely less attractive. it is arranged in a series of fifteen terraces, from which a splendid view is obtained of the lake and adjacent country. down its centre runs a canal, expanding at intervals into tanks and having a waterfall for each terrace, with a single straight row of fountains numbering more than one hundred and sixty. grand hills rise immediately above it. it contains pavilions of fruit trees, and as a flower garden, is superior to the shaliman bagh. the suetoo causeway, is a series of old bridges and embankments which formerly crossed the lake, and was two or three miles long, but only portions of it now remain. the two islands are small and covered with trees, having no interest of themselves, but adding greatly to the appearance of the lake. they are i believe artificially constructed. the celebrated floating gardens are very curious; they were formed by dividing the stalks of the water weeds near their roots, and sprinkling the surface of them with earth, which sinking a little way was entangled in the fibres and retained; fresh soil was then added, until the whole was consolidated, and capable of bearing a considerable weight. the ground is now about nine inches thick, floating upon the surface of the water, and the stalks of the weeds below it having disappeared. it is exceedingly porous and is used for the cultivation of water melons, when walking upon it a peculiar elasticity is perceived, accompanied with a tremulous or jelly like motion. it is divided into long stripes pierced by a stake at each end, which secures them in their position and allows of their rising or falling with the height of the water. an unlucky day for silly. in the first place he was _sea-sick_. the use of the broad paddle in a small boat caused a good deal of shaking, and every stroke is attended with a sharp jerk forwards--secondly, he mistook a collection of weeds for dry land and jumped out into the water. this puzzled him immensely, and after he was recovered he sat for a long time gazing with a bewildered air upon the surface of the lake. paid a visit in the afternoon to sumnud shah for the purpose of replenishing my exchequer, but found his shop better calculated to exhaust it. i'll not go there again. august th.--lying down inside my tent i just now heard two crows chuckling and laughing in their way and saying to one another "here's a joke" or caws to that effect. you need not laugh at this statement or think that my mind has suddenly become deranged, i merely state a fact. the language of animals--dumb creatures as fools call them--is far more expressive than you imagine, and if you had spent the same time and the same attention that i have in listening to birds notes, you would be able to understand much of their meaning. here a conversation carried on in a foreign tongue, one to which you a perfect stranger, will you be able to distinguish words? no! you will only hear a confusion of sounds possessing apparently but little variety. but as you become accustomed to it the words and syllables will start out into clear relief; so with birds songs--at first they will appear to you to be always the same, but they have really different tones and meanings, which you may learn to appreciate by studying them in connection with their acts. however i heard the crows say "here's a joke" and guessing i was to be the victim of it, i immediately jumped up and rushed out. they flew away loudly exulting and i found my match box,--which i had left on the table broken to pieces and the matches carefully distributed so as to cover as large a space of ground as possible; there is a crow's joke for you--there is not much in it as a joke,--but i introduce it principally to show that birds talk and that i (clever i) can understand them. i wrote the foregoing to eke out my notes for the day, not having anything particular to record. when the baboo called upon me with the startling intelligence, all officers from the peshawur division ordered immediately to rejoin their respective regiments; this has taken away the greater number of the visitors and very few are now left in kashmir. why don't i pack up and start? well, i forgot to mention a short sentence in the order "except those on medical certificate" which saves me the trouble and annoyance of hurrying back before the expiration of my leave. it is on account, i suppose, of the little war we have entered on with those hill tribes, and i may be missing honour and glory, wounds and death, neither of which i care to earn from barbarians on the black mountains. i am sorry for the affair as i fear that from the inaccessibility of the country the best result will barely escape disaster. this is a strange day. you see me, one moment trifling with my thoughts for the sake of occupation and then having matters and subjects for the deepest consideration suddenly thrust upon me. ought i to rejoin? i am indeed protected from the necessity of doing so, but my health is now fully established and such being the case, is it my duty to waive my right and return to my regiment. i think not, for the reason it is not likely that they will weaken the garrison at peshawur by sending any of its troops into the field. its strength is maintained for the purpose of defence against the cabulese and other powerful pathan tribes immediately surrounding it, who are deadly enemies, and would be eager to avail themselves of any opportunity for offence. therefore i imagine that my regiment will remain in quarter, and do just as well without me as with me; and therefore have i determined to adhere to my original plans. august th.--there was a great fire in the town last night; three hundred houses have been destroyed. i went early to the scene of the disaster, which is on the left bank of the river adjoining the first bridge. the embers were still smouldering, and among the ruins the heat was intense, owing to the houses having been built almost entirely of wood, little but ashes and charred logs remained of them. here and there a few hot bricks retained the semblance of a wall, but the destruction has been as complete as it is excessive. the bridge has also suffered, the bank pier having been attacked by the flames, and half the railing on either side of the foot-way has been torn off and precipitated into the water. the latter injury was caused i imagine, by the rush of the crowd over it at the time of the fire. no lives lost i believe. august th.--at six o'clock this morning a jemindar or military officer made his appearance, sent by the baboo, for the purpose of conducting me over the fort. a row of a mile down the river, and half a mile walk through the narrow rough crowded and stinking streets of the town brought us to the outworks, at the foot of the hill on which it is built. this hill is very steep and several hundred feet high, (i do not know the exact height, but i think it is between six and seven hundred feet) and the climb up it was fatiguing. from the top there is an extensive view, but the morning was misty and the greater part of the valley indiscernible. in front lies the town, intersected by the jhelum; a great desert of mud-covered roofs presenting anything but the green carpet-like appearance described in books. on the left long lines of poplars, enclosing the moonshi bagh and the various encamping grounds, with the tukh-t-i-suliman rising high above them. behind, the dul, spread out like a sheet of silver with the back ground of mountains, and many canals radiating and glistening in the sun-light. of the fort i have but little to say. from below, its position renders it imposing, but a nearer inspection dispels the illusion. inside it there is a hindoo temple, two or three tanks filled with green, slimy water, and some wretched hovels for the occupation of the garrison. the ramparts though high are weak and a few shells dropped within them would blow the whole place to pieces. the ordnance consists of four ancient brass guns; two of them about -pounders and the others -pounders, but i did not see a spot from which either of them could be safely fired; and even if there were bastions strong enough, i doubt if cannon could be depressed sufficiently to sweep the precipitous sides of the hill. on my way back to the boat, i turned aside to visit the jumma musjid, or chief mosque, a large quadrangular wooden building, the roof of which is supported by deodar columns of great height, each pillar being cut out of a single tree, but i cannot waste more time over it, the name recalls to my memory the magnificent jumma musjid of delhi--but comparisons are odious. when parting with my attendant i felt uncertain whether or no he would be offended by the offer of a remuneration for his trouble, so i left him to ask for it, as natives usually do not scruple to request "bucksheesh" for the most trifling service, but either his orders or his dignity prevented him from soliciting it, and he went away unrewarded and i doubt not dissatisfied. after noon i went and selected a lot of papier maché articles, and gave monograms to be painted upon them. their papier maché is fairly made, elaborately painted and moderate in price. at this shop they prepared some ladâk tea for me, a most delicious beverage possessing a delicate flavour such as i have never before tasted in any tea. it was sweetened with a sort of sweet-meat in lieu of plain sugar. august th.--a blank day, i have done nothing but fish and only caught one of moderate size. early in the morning there was a storm attended with high wind and heavy rain; it cleared up before sun-rise, but its effect has been to make the day very pleasantly cool. august th.--went up to the tukh-t-i-suliman (solomon's throne) before breakfast. it stands one thousand one hundred feet above the town, and the ascent is effected by means of unhewn stones arranged in the form of a rough flight of steps built by the gins, i should fancy for their own private use and without any consideration for the puny race of mankind that was destined to follow them. i am a tall man and gifted with a considerable length of _understanding_ but the strides i was obliged to take--sometimes almost bounds--if calculated to improve my muscles, were certainly very trying to my wind. however all things have an end, and so had that long flight of steps, and at the summit i had leisure to recover my breath and enjoy the magnificent view. i took care to have a clear day for this excursion, and the whole valley was seen stretched out like a map, and spreading far away to the feet of its stupendous mountain boundaries. the lakes like huge mirrors reflecting a dazzling radiance. the jhelum twisting like a "gilded snake" and forming at the foot of the hill the original of the well-known shawl pattern; miles upon miles of bright and verdant fields, divided and marked out by the banks and hedges; clumps and groves of lofty trees diminished by distance to the appearance of mere dark green bushy excrescences; the poplar avenue looking like two long and paralleled lines drawn upon the ground; the fort and hill but a pigmy now; the city of sombre colour, with its houses closely huddled together and presenting an expanse of mud--unworthy stone for such a setting! the high and rugged mountains on every side piercing the clouds, out of which the everlasting snow and ice rock regions untrod by mortal foot gleam and glisten coldly in the scene below; these are the constituent parts of a view which taken altogether ranks among the finest (if indeed it be not itself the finest) in the world. but i have no description for it as a whole, words would fail me if i attempted to reproduce it on paper, so you must take the items and arrange them to your own satisfaction, and wish you had the opportunity of seeing the glorious original. i am no antiquarian, but i believe the building itself possesses great interest for those who indulge in that musty study, on account of its vast antiquity and uncertain history. to me it is only a hindoo temple of quaint architecture and unwholesome smell. inside it is a small marble idol in the form of a pillar with a snake carved round it. august th, sunday.--the beginning of a fresh week which will at its conclusion find me on my way homewards, my back turned on the lovely valley and all the beauties that i have witnessed existing only in my memory like a pleasant dream that has passed. so wags the world, joys giving place to sorrows, and sorrows in their turn effaced by fresh happiness or oblivion. for a little while each one of us plays his ever varying part in the great drama of life. now bewailing with bursting heart, and scalding tears the light affliction which is but for a moment; now with ringing laugh and reckless gaiety he enjoys the present, forgetful alike of past and future, now with stormy passions raging he "like an angry ape, plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven, as make the angels weep;" and then is his short act over, then the curtain falls and then will he be called before it to receive approbation? who can tell, i judge not one individually; but i may generalize and say, that while as a rule we give a terrible earnestness to the performance of the _business_ connected with our parts, we too often fail to appreciate and interpret the _spirit_ of the character, without which it is of course but a sorry exhibition and one that will be deservedly damned. as i sit under the shade of the chenars writing, a young native swell is passing along the opposite bank of the canal--a mere boy, with gold turban, lofty plume and embroidered clothing, riding a horse led by two grooms, followed by attendants also mounted, but sitting two on a horse and preceded by a band consisting only of some six drummers. he is playing his part doubtless very much to his own satisfaction, and little thinking that there is one "taking notes" and laughing at his proceedings. but so it is, we can always see, and ridicule the faults and foibles of others, would to god we could as easily perceive and weep over those of our own. the baboo mohes chund called to pay his farewell visit to me and shortly afterwards sent a second edition of "russud" including as before--a live sheep. august st.--my last day in sreenuggur--and now let me make a few observations on a topic which i dare say you are surprised has not been mentioned before, i mean the women; the far-famed beauties of kashmir. i am not ungallant, while i have been silent, i have been observing, and have delayed my remarks in order that they might have the benefit of the largest experience i could command. i did this the more willingly, because to tell the truth, i was disappointed at first, and i hoped that by waiting i might eventually have reason to change my unfavourable opinion. this however has not been the case, and while i intend to do full justice to their charms i must commence by saying that they have been grossly exaggerated. i do not of course allude to the higher classes. they are invisible; they _may_ be very beautiful, but are never seen by europeans. but the middle and lower classes go about with the face uncovered, exposing themselves to the criticism of some and the admiration of others, and it is of them i speak. the slim elegant figure of the hindoo is seldom seen; they are large, plump, round women. their complexion has been absurdly compared to that of our brunettes (may they feel complimented thereby) but veracity compels me to say that they are _very dark_. fair indeed by comparison with the hindoos, but actually and unmistakeably copper-coloured not to say _black_. in their features we find a great improvement; a well-shaped nose replaces the expanded nostrils, compressed lips, the thick pouting ones, their teeth are of marvellous whiteness and regularity as are those of all asiatics. their cheeks may sometimes have a tinge of pink, but this is usually veiled by the darker tint of the "rete mucosum." their eyes--oh! their eyes!--here lies their beauty, almond-shaped eyes, that when not in anger cannot help throwing the sweetest and most captivating glances. none of your trained disciplined eyes, taught to express feelings that do not exist; but still eyes that equally deceive, eyes that nature in some strange freak determined should ever look love. unconsciously and unintentionally they dart upon you the brightest, the most tender, nay, even passionate glances. when looking at a young face, you only see the eyes; eyes so voluptuous, so maddening, that you exclaim "good heavens what a beautiful creature," and unless you are a calm and cool analyst like myself, you may not discover that there is really no beauty save in them. they dress their hair in a peculiar manner. it is plaited in a number of small plaits joining two larger ones which fall over the shoulders and unite in the middle of the back to form a long tail terminating with a tassel. the larger plaits are mixed with wool, this adds to their bulk, and increase the length of the tail, which often extends below the knees. they wear a single loose gown, reaching in ample folds nearly to the feet. on the head a small red skull cap, over which is thrown the white (too often dirty) "chudder"--a light cloth which hangs down the back and is used for veiling the face. the boatwomen are renowned for their beauty. i have seen but little of it. the punditanees are said to be more beautiful than the boatwomen. i consider them even less so. but among the nautch girls i have seen both grace and beauty, and as a class, i certainly think far better looking than the others. respect to age is a noble feeling--though one that is unfortunately at a low ebb now-a-days--but truth, compels me and i must pronounce all the elderly women to be positively ugly, and a woman is elderly in kashmir when in england she still might be called young. the men are a fine race, regular features, broad shouldered and muscular, wearing their bushy black beards on their faces, but shaving the head, which is covered with a small coloured skull cap and white turban. two other men have pitched their tents under this tope. to-morrow i shall leave them in undisturbed possession of the whole. they are friends and have been travelling in kashmir. i have had a conversation with one of them, but i don't like strangers and am glad they did not come before. september st.--up and away, taking a last look at the town and bridges, a last look at the tukh-t-i-suliman while floating down the river. i am on my way to baramula, having given up my intended visit to gulmurg, so that i may get a week at murree, and see more of the place than i did when i was last there. adieu to sreenuggur, adieu to the scind, adieu to manusbul; gently onwards we go towards lake wulloor. it is a bright clear day, one of the brightest among the many bright ones, and the valley seems smiling upon me an affectionate farewell in order that the last recollections and parting scene may be a joyful memory to me in days and years to come. i thank thee for it. when i am gone let rain-tears fall and clouds of care bewail my absence, but gladden my departing moments with the full radiance of thy glorious countenance. oh! kashmir, loveliest spot on earth, i owe thee a deep debt of gratitude, i came to thee weak in body; thou hast restored my strength, i was poor in thought; thou hast filled my heart with good things, i was proud in conceit; thou hast shown me nature's grandeur and my own littleness. with a voiceless tongue thou hast spoken and my spirit has heard the unuttered words. tales of the creation when the morning stars sang together and all the sons of god shouted for joy; tales of man and his works perished in the endless roll of ages; tales of the future when heaven and earth shall have passed away amid the dread terror of the great tribulation. aye, and one more tale, a tale of love, mercy, and forgiveness; the tale of an asiatic--who, not far from here, was once "bruised for our transgressions," who took upon himself the iniquities of us all and made up for us a mighty deliverance, and to this tale there is a refrain that echoes from hill to hill, and spreads along the plain in endless repetition, "believe only and thou shalt be saved," but though the command is so simple, its eager passionate tone as it swells around me, and an earnest mournful cadence as it dies away in the distance, seems to imply that it is neither easily nor commonly obeyed. september nd.--awoke early and found myself in the broad waters of the lake, the full moon shining brightly in the west, and yet unpaled by the rosy dawn that was rapidly illuminating the east. stopped at sopoor for breakfast, and macnamara, surgeon of the th rifles, and his wife, arrived soon after me, also bound for murree. macnamara was at peshawur with me, and was one of the committee that sent me away. we passed the morning in conversation, and at mid-day continued our journey to baramula. he told me that he had heard that i was going home this winter with troops; but i do not know whether his information is reliable. i trust it may prove to be so, but it has not raised my hopes to a certainty. it is a good rule never to reckon confidently upon the achievement of our desires. it never assists to realise them and only renders the disappointment more bitter in case of failure. i have a great hope, but i do not forget that obstacles may arise, that while man proposes god disposes, and often find myself forming plans for next year under the supposition that i shall still remain in india. i have written the dedication of this volume and have written it as if i had already returned to england, and this may appear to indicate that i rely strongly upon the fulfilment of my expectation. but not so, i can alter or destroy it if need be, and shall do so with regret indeed, but without despair. about halfway between sopoor and baramula the wind increased to a gale and obliged me to take refuge under the bank. i dined with macnamara and his wife at o'clock, the weather moderated and we proceeded to baramula. september rd.--at sunrise i obtained coolies, and turned my back on the happy valley for ever. it was a beautiful morning with a golden haze rising from the ground, the mountains appearing blue and purple against the eastern halo; but before i had gone a mile a dark cloud gathered around me, and wept passionate rain. i marched to naoshera, ten miles, followed in an hour by dr. and mrs. macnamara who will be my fellow travellers as far as murree. the rohale ferry is re-opened and i am returning by the direct road on the left bank of the jhelum. there is a barahduree at every stage, so i sold my tent at sreenuggur to render my baggage lighter. i am travelling with only six coolies. the river is much lower and less rapid than when i came up it, the excess of water caused by the melting of the snow during the summer having been carried off. it is still however a noisy turbulent torrent. september th.--a long march of fourteen miles to ooree. the road is becoming very hilly, but is not as yet nearly so rough and difficult as on the other side. passed two ruins; one of then very similar to those at wangut, but much smaller. september th.--to chukoti, sixteen miles, a severe and fatiguing march, the hills being intersected by ravines--the beds of streams--to all of which there was a steep descent and corresponding ascent. this is the worst march on the murree road, but though bad, it is much better than five or six that i described on my journey from abbottabad. these long marches are very detrimental to my diary, for at the conclusion i have no energy either to think or write. i am not using my dandy now, and have to walk every inch of the way. september th.--fifteen weary miles to huttian, low down on a level with the river where i found a number of tents belonging to the lord bishop of calcutta and his chaplain, who are here with a large retinue of servants, and are on their way into kashmir. they had very considerately and unlike a certain ---- ---- left the bungalow empty for the use of other travellers. macnamara sprained his knee yesterday, and used my dandy to day. one of my coolies stumbled on the road and the kitta he was carrying--containing my stores and cooking utensils, went over the rhudd and burst open in the fall. macnamara was behind fortunately (for me) and superintended the collection of the articles so that my only loss of any moment is that of my big cooking pot, which from its weight probably rolled all the way down to the jhelum--the long grass growing on the hill, stopped the other things. the six remaining marches are i am glad to say short. the three last have been a severe trial on account of the numerous and rough ups and downs, and for the last mile or two this morning, the soles of my feet were in great pain; silly too was very exhausted even to the dropping of his tail. september th.--got up at daybreak and marched on chikar, distance ten miles. for three miles the road continued along the valley of the jhelum, and then turned to the south, and crossed several ranges of hills, each range rising higher than the one before, very hard work it was, the ascents being so steep and long--i can't keep my breath going up hill; it is far more fatiguing than any roughness of road. chikar is a good sized village with a fort and is situated on the summit of a mountain at least two thousand feet above the jhelum. there is a fine view of the surrounding hills from the barahduree. shortly after our arrival it began to rain, and has turned out a wet day. i had half my crockery broken by the coolie dropping the basket instead of putting it carefully down at the conclusion of the march. september th.--to meira, seven and a half miles, a toilsome hill for half the distance, and then a descent the rest of the way. scenery very pretty, the valleys being much larger and the mountains higher. the murree ridge is now visible. from this bungalow we can see the next halting place, half way up a hill on the opposite side of an extensive valley deeply cut by ravines. the view is really very grand--much the finest on this road--in some parts it slightly resembles the scenery around darjeeling with, of course, pine trees taking the place of magnolias and rhododendrons. the mere mention of those trees--magnolias and rhododendrons i mean--will only give you a misconception of the sikin forests, because your ideas will be turned to the stunted shrubs of our northern latitudes. the magnolias and rhododendrons i speak of, are huge towering trees, taller than the largest oaks. how well i remember the magnificent spectacle they presented when in blossom! i have never seen mountains or forests that could compare in grandeur with those of the eastern himalayas. can you imagine kishun-gunga twenty-nine thousand feet high? no! it is impossible; it is a sight that produces the most intense awe, and when i first looked upon it i did not know how to contain my feelings; but enough, or i shall be giving you a chapter quite irrevelant to my journey from kashmir. by the side of this bungalow stands a large cypress; a very beautiful and by no means a common tree. there is something peculiarly rich in its dark green foliage, and withal, melancholy look, but that is doubtless owing to its tomb--stone associations. ince in his "guide," calls it a _sycamore_. he could hardly have named a tree more widely different. september th.--to dunee, eight and a half miles; first half, down hill, second up: both very steep and rough. a bad fatiguing march. the barahduree here has been lately white-washed and looks quite refreshing after the other dirty ones; but the rooms are ridiculously small. this is the last halt in kashmirian territory; to-morrow we shall be in a dâk bungalow. i had a lesson to-day. the same lesson that the spider taught bruce--never to cease striving to obtain any desired object; and not despair even if frequent failures attend the attempt. ever since i left baramula i have been endeavouring to catch another of the green butterflies, as beetles had eaten my first specimen. but they are very alert on the wing, and i could not get near one. the last two or three marches i had not seen any, having got out of their locality, but to-day a solitary one flew by me and i knocked it down, caught it, and secured it in my toper. success will eventually crown all constant endeavours, it is a slight peg on which to hang a moral, but let it pass. life is made up of trifles, and i desire my book to represent my life. a number of people--ladies, men, and children--came into the bungalow at o'clock, having made a double march and overtaken us; so we are very closely packed, even the verandah being occupied. september th.--to kohala, six miles, nearly all the way down a terribly steep and rough hill to the banks of the jhelum--which river has taken a great bend among the mountains and now runs at right angles to its former course. a ferry boat crosses the torrent at this spot and the passage during the summer is attended with considerable danger, as the stream runs at the rate of twenty miles an hour. i got my baggage in it and landed upon british soil at the other side. the dâk bungalow is just above, but we were very much crowded as all the other people remained for the night. after dinner a great thunderstorm took place accompanied with very heavy rain. september th.--marched to dargwal, twelve miles, up hill all the way, but the road is broad and smooth, so that the march was quickly and easily accomplished. m---- and his wife did not come in till the middle of the day as they could not get coolies in time to start early. there is a good furnished bungalow here, our other fellow travellers have gone on to murree, so we have the house to ourselves. september th.--to murree, ten miles, road the same as yesterday. went to woodcot, and found spurgeon, gordon, and egerton, of the th; hensma and beadnell, th; and dalrymple, th. put up with them sharing spurgeon's room. spent a pleasant time at murree, doing very little--a long rest of ten days after my labours--and on the nd, at o'clock, i took my seat in the mail cart with redan massy for my companion, and started on my journey to peshawur. arrived at rawul birder at in the evening, and went on at once by the government van. had no time for food. got to peshawur at o'clock next morning, and thus ended my three months sick leave. and now i go back to the din and bustle of life, the empty conventionalities of society, the noise and glitter of mess; to the re-pursuit of my profession, and to learn again by the bedside of many a dying man how weak and powerless is that profession to combat the ills that flesh is heir to. i sometimes wish i could exchange my present calling. terrible thoughts often assail me, after the death of any of my patients. questions as to whether i am at all responsible for the fatal issue. whether by lack of knowledge that i should possess or by careless observation during the progress of the disease, i have allowed a man to die who might have been saved, or pushed into the grave one who was only trembling with uncertainty upon its brink. yet as a set off against these feelings there is the satisfaction experienced when sufferings are relieved or health restored by the interposition of my aid. the profession of medicine is potent for good and evil. for good in the hands of him who makes it his lifelong study; for evil in his hands who adopts it merely as a respectable means of obtaining his livelihood. it is noble in the one case; detestable in the other. you do not know how detestable. if the vail could be raised, if you could see the vast amount of misery and suffering caused, the many hearts broken that god would not have made sad; and the many unprepared souls hurried out of this life into eternity by the ignorance of men who are "licensed to kill," you would cry out against the whole body of the profession with a bitter hatred, that even the army of noble and devoted minds amongst us would be unable to appease. am i too severe? i fear not. there are charlatans and know nothings in every pursuit, but in mine they effect so seriously the temporal and may be eternal welfare of mankind that their existence is awful to contemplate. shall i, in conclusion, write an apology for having nothing better than the foregoing to offer for your perusal "devil a bit." if i have written folly and you have read it all, why, you are the greater simpleton. to me it was an occupation when i had nothing better to do, on your part it was a foolish waste of time, which might have been more profitably employed. if i have written folly and you have _not_ read it, what necessity is there for me to apologize to you? if i have written sense and you consider it nonsense, you owe me an apology for your erroneous opinion. but if i have written sense and you have derived pleasure from the perusal of it, then we are both content, and i need neither forefend your criticism nor beg your excuses. thus then i have proved that though it may possibly be necessary for you to apologize to me, it cannot under any circumstance be needful for me to apologize to you. but there is a small class to whom the above remarks do not apply. i mean those few who i delight to think will read my book diligently and admiringly, merely because _i_ wrote it. whose judgment is warped by their affection, and who will be unconscious of the weary yawn my pages may often produce. shall i apologize to them? no! let them read, let them yawn; t'is a labour of love on their part, a labour which _love_ has prepared for them--and for them alone--or mine. and now farewell. may your shadow _never_ grow less! may you live for a thousand years. hazor salaam. january th, .--if these notes should ever be written out by my relations after my death--for i am now like to die, let me beg that the many mistakes in spelling, consequent upon the hurry and roughness of the writing, may by corrected and not set down to ignorance. list of subscribers. prince frederic of schleswig holstein. his excellency lieut.-general e. frome, r.e., governor of guernsey. sir p. stafford carey, bailiff of guernsey. edgar macculloch, esq., lieutenant-bailiff. william wallace armstrong, esq., san francisco. a.b. mrs. boucaut, guernsey. general sir george brooke, k.c.b., r.h.a. lieut.-col. h.j. buchanan, - th regiment. major henry l. brownrigg, th regiment. henry s.r. bagenal, esq., control department. captain george p. beamish, th regiment. mr. george beedle, quarter-master th regiment. a. brown, esq., national provincial bank of england. j. p. bainbrigge, esq., bank of england, liverpool. j. banckes, esq., shipwrecked mariners' society. mrs. crawford, guernsey. mrs. cunnynghame, edinburgh. w. collins, esq., m.d., scots fusilier guards. mrs. cave, hartley whitney, hants. captain g. collis, th regiment. colonel conran, fitzroy, melbourne. h. couling, esq., brighton. h. cuppaidge, esq. miss dugdale, , gloucester terrace, hyde park, w. miss e. donne, grove terrace highgate. miss donne, salisbury. james d'altera, esq., m.d. james deane, esq., queenstown, cork. w.g. don, esq., m.d. dr. drewitt, wimborne, dorset. dr. dudfield, , upper phillimore place, kensington, w. b. de marylski, esq., royal artillery. captain p. de saumarez, guernsey. captain d.k. evans, th regiment. mrs. w. foster, , lower berkeley street, london. mrs. e. foster, , chester terrace, regent's park. mrs. feilden, isle of herm. major-gen. sampson freeth, late royal engineers. major-gen. james h. freeth, late royal engineers. colonel foster, late th lancers. the rev. w. foran, guernsey. walter freeth esq., croydon. henry foster esq., victoria road, kensington. patterson foster, esq. kingsly, o. foster, esq. mrs. f.w. gosselin, guernsey. rev. f. giffard, the vicarage, hartley wintney. john c. guerin, esq., guernsey. s.m. gully, esq., th regiment. f.l. grundy, esq., th regiment. m. garnier, guernsey. mrs. horridge. lieut.-col. fitzwilliam hunter, th regiment. t. holmes, esq., , great cumberland place, hyde park. captain j.b. hopkins, th regiment. reginald hollingworth, esq., late th regiment. t. husband, esq., , argyle road, kensington. charles hogge, esq., th regiment. in memoriam. miss b.s.h. coventry jeffery. captain a.h. josselyn, th regiment. j.w. jones, esq., th dragoon guards. the rev. charles kingsley, m.a. mr. j. kenwood, hartley wintney. mrs. le marchant thomas le marchant, guernsey. miss lefebvre, guernsey. mrs. la serre, guernsey. sir t. galbraith logan, k.c.b., director general. thomas lacy, esq., guernsey. major r.b. lloyd, th regiment. "library," officers, th regiment. mr. thomas lenfestey, guernsey. mrs. macpherson, guernsey. mrs. mogg, clifton. mrs. peter martin, guernsey. mrs. myers, guernsey. a.d. macgregor, esq., guernsey. capt. a.e. morgan, late st highland lt. inf. captain j.w. massey, th regiment. j.w. morgan, esq., th regiment. james e. macdonnel, esq., th regiment. w.h. marriot, esq., th regiment. s.m. maxwell, esq., th regiment. a. morgan, esq., treasurer, s.w. railway. the mess, th regiment. w. moullin, esq., clifton. miss a.m. newman, cheltenham. the rev. e.j. ozanne, m.a., guernsey. captain j. osmer, th regiment. e.f. o'leary, esq., th regiment. mrs. joshua priaulx, guernsey. mr. charles palmer, hartley wintney. miss m. pittard guernsey. colonel priaulx, guernsey. colonel lewis peyton. g. pollock, esq., , grosvenor street, london, w. c.w. poulton, esq., th regiment. g. pound; esq., odiham, hants. mrs. ramsay, isle of sark. john roberts, esq., m.d., guernsey. george m. richmond, esq., th regiment. j.l. rose, esq., th regiment. mrs. sandes, st. john's hill, london, s.w. mrs. r. smith, guernsey. lieut.-col. r. scott, fort george, aberdeen. major charles stirling, late royal artillery. dr. fowler smith, district recruiting office, peterborough. capt. c. spurgeon, th regiment. capt. h. stopford, th regiment. w. smail, esq., th regiment. r.b. smyth, esq., m.b. d regiment. mrs. threllfall, ferryside, south wales. capt. c. townsend, royal artillery. d. thorburn, esq., m.d., th hussars. mrs. wren, paris square, bayswater. charles williams, esq., guernsey. watkin s. whylock, esq., m.d., assist.-surgeon. capt. h. webb, th regiment. mr wetheral, oak lodge, winchfield. netley library. and "others received too late for publication." le lievre, printer, star-office, bordage-street. the diary of samuel pepys m.a. f.r.s. clerk of the acts and secretary to the admiralty transcribed from the shorthand manuscript in the pepysian library magdalene college cambridge by the rev. mynors bright m.a. late fellow and president of the college (unabridged) with lord braybrooke's notes by samuel pepys edited with additions by henry b. wheatley f.s.a. london george bell & sons york st. covent garden cambridge deighton bell & co. january - - . at the end of the last and the beginning of this year, i do live in one of the houses belonging to the navy office, as one of the principal officers, and have done now about half a year. after much trouble with workmen i am now almost settled; my family being, myself, my wife, jane, will. hewer, and wayneman,--[will wayneman appears by this to have been forgiven for his theft (see ante). he was dismissed on july th, .]--my girle's brother. myself in constant good health, and in a most handsome and thriving condition. blessed be almighty god for it. i am now taking of my sister to come and live with me. as to things of state.--the king settled, and loved of all. the duke of york matched to my lord chancellor's daughter, which do not please many. the queen upon her return to france with the princess henrietta. the princess of orange lately dead, and we into new mourning for her. we have been lately frighted with a great plot, and many taken up on it, and the fright not quite over. the parliament, which had done all this great good to the king, beginning to grow factious, the king did dissolve it december th last, and another likely to be chosen speedily. i take myself now to be worth l clear in money, and all my goods and all manner of debts paid, which are none at all. january st. called up this morning by mr. moore, who brought me my last things for me to sign for the last month, and to my great comfort tells me that my fees will come to l clear to myself, and about l for him, which he hath got out of the pardons, though there be no fee due to me at all out of them. then comes in my brother thomas, and after him my father, dr. thomas pepys, my uncle fenner and his two sons (anthony's' only child dying this morning, yet he was so civil to come, and was pretty merry) to breakfast; and i had for them a barrel of oysters, a dish of neat's tongues, and a dish of anchovies, wine of all sorts, and northdown ale. we were very merry till about eleven o'clock, and then they went away. at noon i carried my wife by coach to my cozen, thomas pepys, where we, with my father, dr. thomas, cozen stradwick, scott, and their wives, dined. here i saw first his second wife, which is a very respectfull woman, but his dinner a sorry, poor dinner for a man of his estate, there being nothing but ordinary meat in it. to-day the king dined at a lord's, two doors from us. after dinner i took my wife to whitehall, i sent her to mrs. pierces (where we should have dined today), and i to the privy seal, where mr. moore took out all his money, and he and i went to mr. pierces; in our way seeing the duke of york bring his lady this day to wait upon the queen, the first time that ever she did since that great business; and the queen is said to receive her now with much respect and love; and there he cast up the fees, and i told the money, by the same token one l bag, after i had told it, fell all about the room, and i fear i have lost some of it. that done i left my friends and went to my lord's, but he being not come in i lodged the money with mr. shepley, and bade good night to mr. moore, and so returned to mr. pierces, and there supped with them, and mr. pierce, the purser, and his wife and mine, where we had a calf's head carboned, [meat cut crosswise and broiled was said to be carboned. falstaff says in "king henry iv.," part l, act v., sc. , "well, if percy be alive, i'll pierce him. if he do come in my way, so; if he do not, if i come in his willingly, let him make a carbonado of me."] but it was raw, we could not eat it, and a good hen. but she is such a slut that i do not love her victualls. after supper i sent them home by coach, and i went to my lord's and there played till at night at cards at best with j. goods and n. osgood, and then to bed with mr. shepley. d. up early, and being called up to my lord he did give me many commands in his business. as about taking care to write to my uncle that mr. barnewell's papers should be locked up, in case he should die, he being now suspected to be very ill. also about consulting with mr. w. montagu for the settling of the l a-year that the king had promised my lord. as also about getting of mr. george montagu to be chosen at huntingdon this next parliament, &c. that done he to white hall stairs with much company, and i with him; where we took water for lambeth, and there coach for portsmouth. the queen's things were all in white hall court ready to be sent away, and her majesty ready to be gone an hour after to hampton court to-night, and so to be at ports mouth on saturday next. i by water to my office, and there all the morning, and so home to dinner, where i found pall (my sister) was come; but i do not let her sit down at table with me, which i do at first that she may not expect it hereafter from me. after dinner i to westminster by water, and there found my brother spicer at the leg with all the rest of the exchequer men (most of whom i now do not know) at dinner. here i staid and drank with them, and then to mr. george montagu about the business of election, and he did give me a piece in gold; so to my lord's and got the chest of plate brought to the exchequer, and my brother spicer put it into his treasury. so to will's with them to a pot of ale, and so parted. i took a turn in the hall, and bought the king and chancellor's speeches at the dissolving the parliament last saturday. so to my lord's, and took my money i brought 'thither last night and the silver candlesticks, and by coach left the latter at alderman backwell's, i having no use for them, and the former home. there stood a man at our door, when i carried it in, and saw me, which made me a little afeard. up to my chamber and wrote letters to huntingdon and did other business. this day i lent sir w. batten and captn. rider my chine of beef for to serve at dinner tomorrow at trinity house, the duke of albemarle being to be there and all the rest of the brethren, it being a great day for the reading over of their new charter, which the king hath newly given them. d. early in the morning to the exchequer, where i told over what money i had of my lord's and my own there, which i found to be l . thence to will's, where spicer and i eat our dinner of a roasted leg of pork which will did give us, and after that to the theatre, where was acted "beggars' bush," it being very well done; and here the first time that ever i saw women come upon the stage. [downes does not give the cast of this play. after the restoration the acting of female characters by women became common. the first english professional actress was mrs. coleman, who acted ianthe in davenant's "siege of rhodes," at rutland house in .] from thence to my father's, where i found my mother gone by bird, the carrier, to brampton, upon my uncle's great desire, my aunt being now in despair of life. so home. th. office all the morning, my wife and pall being gone to my father's to dress dinner for mr. honiwood, my mother being gone out of town. dined at home, and mr. moore with me, with whom i had been early this morning at white hall, at the jewell office, [several of the jewel office rolls are in the british museum. they recite all the sums of money given to the king, and the particulars of all the plate distributed in his name, as well as gloves and sweetmeats. the museum possesses these rolls for the th, th, th, th, and st eliz.; for the th charles i.; and the rd, th, th, and th of charles ii.--b.] to choose a piece of gilt plate for my lord, in return of his offering to the king (which it seems is usual at this time of year, and an earl gives twenty pieces in gold in a purse to the king). i chose a gilt tankard, weighing ounces and a half, and he is allowed ; so i paid s. for the ounce and half over what he is to have; but strange it was for me to see what a company of small fees i was called upon by a great many to pay there, which, i perceive, is the manner that courtiers do get their estates. after dinner mr. moore and i to the theatre, where was "the scornful lady," acted very well, it being the first play that ever he saw. thence with him to drink a cup of ale at hercules pillars, and so parted. i called to see my father, who told me by the way how will and mary joyce do live a strange life together, nothing but fighting, &c., so that sometimes her father has a mind to have them divorced. thence home. th. home all the morning. several people came to me about business, among others the great tom fuller, who came to desire a kindness for a friend of his, who hath a mind to go to jamaica with these two ships that are going, which i promised to do. so to whitehall to my lady, whom i found at dinner and dined with her, and staid with her talking all the afternoon, and thence walked to westminster hall. so to will's, and drank with spicer, and thence by coach home, staying a little in paul's churchyard, to bespeak ogilby's aesop's fables and tully's officys to be bound for me. so home and to bed. th (lord's day). my wife and i to church this morning, and so home to dinner to a boiled leg of mutton all alone. to church again, where, before sermon, a long psalm was set that lasted an hour, while the sexton gathered his year's contribucion through the whole church. after sermon home, and there i went to my chamber and wrote a letter to send to mr. coventry, with a piece of plate along with it, which i do preserve among my other letters. so to supper, and thence after prayers to bed. th. this morning, news was brought to me to my bedside, that there had been a great stir in the city this night by the fanatiques, who had been up and killed six or seven men, but all are fled. ["a great rising in the city of the fifth-monarchy men, which did very much disturb the peace and liberty of the people, so that all the train-bands arose in arms, both in london and westminster, as likewise all the king's guards; and most of the noblemen mounted, and put all their servants on coach horses, for the defence of his majesty, and the peace of his kingdom."--rugge's diurnal. the notorious thomas venner, the fifth-monarchy man, a cooper and preacher to a conventicle in swan alley, coleman street, with a small following (about fifty in number) took arms on the th january for the avowed purpose of establishing the millennium. he was a violent enthusiast, and persuaded his followers that they were invulnerable. after exciting much alarm in the city, and skirmishing with the trained bands, they marched to caen wood. they were driven out by a party of guards, but again entered the city, where they were overpowered by the trained bands. the men were brought to trial and condemned; four, however, were acquitted and two reprieved. the execution of some of these men is mentioned by pepys under date january th and st. "a relation of the arraignment and trial of those who made the late rebellious insurrections in london, ," is reprinted in "somers tracts," vol. vii. ( ), p. .] my lord mayor and the whole city had been in arms, above , . to the office, and after that to dinner, where my brother tom came and dined with me, and after dinner (leaving d. with the servants to buy a cake with at night, this day being kept as twelfth day) tom and i and my wife to the theatre, and there saw "the silent woman." the first time that ever i did see it, and it is an excellent play. among other things here, kinaston, the boy; had the good turn to appear in three shapes: first, as a poor woman in ordinary clothes, to please morose; then in fine clothes, as a gallant, and in them was clearly the prettiest woman in the whole house, and lastly, as a man; and then likewise did appear the handsomest man in the house. from thence by link to my cozen stradwick's, where my father and we and dr. pepys, scott, and his wife, and one mr. ward and his; and after a good supper, we had an excellent cake, where the mark for the queen was cut, and so there was two queens, my wife and mrs. ward; and the king being lost, they chose the doctor to be king, so we made him send for some wine, and then home, and in our way home we were in many places strictly examined, more than in the worst of times, there being great fears of these fanatiques rising again: for the present i do not hear that any of them are taken. home, it being a clear moonshine and after o'clock at night. being come home we found that my people had been very merry, and my wife tells me afterwards that she had heard that they had got young davis and some other neighbours with them to be merry, but no harm. th. my wife and i lay very long in bed to-day talking and pleasing one another in discourse. being up, mr. warren came, and he and i agreed for the deals that my lord is to, have. then will and i to westminster, where i dined with my lady. after dinner i took my lord hinchinbroke and mr. sidney to the theatre, and shewed them "the widdow," an indifferent good play, but wronged by the women being to seek in their parts. that being done, my lord's coach waited for us, and so back to my lady's, where she made me drink of some florence wine, and did give me two bottles for my wife. from thence walked to my cozen stradwick's, and there chose a small banquet and some other things against our entertainment on thursday next. thence to tom pepys and bought a dozen of trenchers, and so home. some talk to-day of a head of fanatiques that do appear about barnett, but i do not believe it. however, my lord mayor, sir richd. browne, hath carried himself very honourably, and hath caused one of their meeting-houses in london to be pulled down. th. waked in the morning about six o'clock, by people running up and down in mr. davis's house, talking that the fanatiques were up in arms in the city. and so i rose and went forth; where in the street i found every body in arms at the doors. so i returned (though with no good courage at all, but that i might not seem to be afeared), and got my sword and pistol, which, however, i had no powder to charge; and went to the door, where i found sir r. ford, and with him i walked up and down as far as the exchange, and there i left him. in our way, the streets full of train-band, and great stories, what mischief these rogues have done; and i think near a dozen have been killed this morning on both sides. seeing the city in this condition, the shops shut, and all things in trouble, i went home and sat, it being office day, till noon. so home, and dined at home, my father with me, and after dinner he would needs have me go to my uncle wight's (where i have been so long absent that i am ashamed to go). i found him at home and his wife, and i can see they have taken my absence ill, but all things are past and we good friends, and here i sat with my aunt till it was late, my uncle going forth about business. my aunt being very fearful to be alone. so home to my lute till late, and then to bed, there being strict guards all night in the city, though most of the enemies, they say, are killed or taken. this morning my wife and pall went forth early, and i staid within. th. there comes mr. hawley to me and brings me my money for the quarter of a year's salary of my place under downing that i was at sea. so i did give him half, whereof he did in his nobleness give the odd s, to my jane. so we both went forth (calling first to see how sir w. pen do, whom i found very ill), and at the hoop by the bridge we drank two pints of wormwood and sack. talking of his wooing afresh of mrs. lane, and of his going to serve the bishop of london. thence by water to whitehall, and found my wife at mrs. hunt's. leaving her to dine there, i went and dined with my lady, and staid to talk a while with her. after dinner will. comes to tell me that he had presented my piece of plate to mr. coventry, who takes it very kindly, and sends me a very kind letter, and the plate back again; of which my heart is very glad. so to mrs. hunt, where i found a frenchman, a lodger of hers, at dinner, and just as i came in was kissing my wife, which i did not like, though there could not be any hurt in it. thence by coach to my uncle wight's with my wife, but they being out of doors we went home, where, after i had put some papers in order and entered some letters in my book which i have a mind to keep, i went with my wife to see sir w. pen, who we found ill still, but he do make very much of it. here we sat a great while, at last comes in mr. davis and his lady (who takes it very ill that my wife never did go to see her), and so we fell to talk. among other things mr. davis told us the particular examinations of these fanatiques that are taken: and in short it is this, of all these fanatiques that have done all this, viz., routed all the trainbands that they met with, put the king's life-guards to the run, killed about twenty men, broke through the city gates twice; and all this in the day-time, when all the city was in arms; are not in all about . whereas we did believe them (because they were seen up and down in every place almost in the city, and had been about highgate two or three days, and in several other places) to be at least . a thing that never was heard of, that so few men should dare and do so much mischief. their word was, "the king jesus, and the heads upon the gates." few of them would receive any quarter, but such as were taken by force and kept alive; expecting jesus to come here and reign in the world presently, and will not believe yet but their work will be carried on though they do die. the king this day came to town. th. office day. this day comes news, by letters from portsmouth, that the princess henrietta is fallen sick of the meazles on board the london, after the queen and she was under sail. and so was forced to come back again into portsmouth harbour; and in their way, by negligence of the pilot, run upon the horse sand. the queen and she continue aboard, and do not intend to come on shore till she sees what will become of the young princess. this news do make people think something indeed, that three of the royal family should fall sick of the same disease, one after another. this morning likewise, we had order to see guards set in all the king's yards; and so we do appoint who and who should go to them. sir wm. batten to chatham, colonel slingsby and i to deptford and woolwich. portsmouth being a garrison, needs none. dined at home, discontented that my wife do not go neater now she has two maids. after dinner comes in kate sterpin (whom we had not seen a great while) and her husband to see us, with whom i staid a while, and then to the office, and left them with my wife. at night walked to paul's churchyard, and bespoke some books against next week, and from thence to the coffeehouse, where i met captain morrice, the upholster, who would fain have lent me a horse to-night to have rid with him upon the cityguards, with the lord mayor, there being some new expectations of these rogues; but i refused by reason of my going out of town tomorrow. so home to bed. th. with colonel slingsby and a friend of his, major waters (a deaf and most amorous melancholy gentleman, who is under a despayr in love, as the colonel told me, which makes him bad company, though a most good-natured man), by water to redriffe, and so on foot to deptford (our servants by water), where we fell to choosing four captains to command the guards, and choosing the places where to keep them, and other things in order thereunto. we dined at the globe, having our messenger with us to take care for us. never till now did i see the great authority of my place, all the captains of the fleet coming cap in hand to us. having staid very late there talking with the colonel, i went home with mr. davis, storekeeper (whose wife is ill and so i could not see her), and was there most prince-like lodged, with so much respect and honour that i was at a loss how to behave myself. th. in the morning we all went to church, and sat in the pew belonging to us, where a cold sermon of a young man that never had preached before. here commissioner came with his wife and daughters, the eldest being his wife's daughter is a very comely black woman.--[the old expression for a brunette.]--so to the globe to dinner, and then with commissioner pett to his lodgings there (which he hath for the present while he is building the king's yacht, which will be a pretty thing, and much beyond the dutchman's), and from thence with him and his wife and daughter-in-law by coach to greenwich church, where a good sermon, a fine church, and a great company of handsome women. after sermon to deptford again; where, at the commissioner's and the globe, we staid long. and so i to mr. davis's to bed again. but no sooner in bed, but we had an alarm, and so we rose: and the comptroller comes into the yard to us; and seamen of all the ships present repair to us, and there we armed with every one a handspike, with which they were as fierce as could be. at last we hear that it was only five or six men that did ride through the guard in the town, without stopping to the guard that was there; and, some say, shot at them. but all being quiet there, we caused the seamen to go on board again: and so we all to bed (after i had sat awhile with mr. davis in his study, which is filled with good books and some very good song books) i likewise to bed. th. the arms being come this morning from the tower, we caused them to be distributed. i spent much time walking with lieutenant lambert, walking up and down the yards, who did give me much light into things there, and so went along with me and dined with us. after dinner mrs. pett, her husband being gone this morning with sir w. batten to chatham, lent us her coach, and carried us to woolwich, where we did also dispose of the arms there and settle the guards. so to mr. pett's, the shipwright, and there supped, where he did treat us very handsomely (and strange it is to see what neat houses all the officers of the king's yards have), his wife a proper woman, and has been handsome, and yet has a very pretty hand. thence i with mr. ackworth to his house, where he has a very pretty house, and a very proper lovely woman to his wife, who both sat with me in my chamber, and they being gone, i went to bed, which was also most neat and fine. th. up and down the yard all the morning and seeing the seamen exercise, which they do already very handsomely. then to dinner at mr. ackworth's, where there also dined with us one captain bethell, a friend of the comptroller's. a good dinner and very handsome. after that and taking our leaves of the officers of the yard, we walked to the waterside and in our way walked into the rope-yard, where i do look into the tar-houses and other places, and took great notice of all the several works belonging to the making of a cable. so after a cup of burnt wine--[burnt wine was somewhat similar to mulled wine, and a favourite drink]--at the tavern there, we took barge and went to blackwall and viewed the dock and the new wet dock, which is newly made there, and a brave new merchantman which is to be launched shortly, and they say to be called the royal oak. hence we walked to dick-shore, and thence to the towre and so home. where i found my wife and pall abroad, so i went to see sir w. pen, and there found mr. coventry come to see him, and now had an opportunity to thank him, and he did express much kindness to me. i sat a great while with sir wm. after he was gone, and had much talk with him. i perceive none of our officers care much for one another, but i do keep in with them all as much as i can. sir w. pen is still very ill as when i went. home, where my wife not yet come home, so i went up to put my papers in order, and then was much troubled my wife was not come, it being o'clock just now striking as i write this last line. this day i hear the princess is recovered again. the king hath been this afternoon at deptford, to see the yacht that commissioner pett is building, which will be very pretty; as also that that his brother at woolwich is in making. by and by comes in my boy and tells me that his mistress do lie this night at mrs. hunt's, who is very ill, with which being something satisfied, i went to bed. th. this morning i went early to the comptroller's and so with him by coach to whitehall, to wait upon mr. coventry to give him an account of what we have done, which having done, i went away to wait upon my lady; but coming to her lodgings i find that she is gone this morning to chatham by coach, thinking to meet me there, which did trouble me exceedingly, and i did not know what to do, being loth to follow her, and yet could not imagine what she would do when she found me not there. in this trouble, i went to take a walk in westminster hall and by chance met with mr. child, who went forth with my lady to-day, but his horse being bad, he come back again, which then did trouble me more, so that i did resolve to go to her; and so by boat home and put on my boots, and so over to southwarke to the posthouse, and there took horse and guide to dartford and thence to rochester (i having good horses and good way, come thither about half-an-hour after daylight, which was before o'clock and i set forth after two), where i found my lady and her daughter jem., and mrs. browne' and five servants, all at a great loss, not finding me here, but at my coming she was overjoyed. the sport was how she had intended to have kept herself unknown, and how the captain (whom she had sent for) of the charles had forsoothed [to forsooth is to address in a polite and ceremonious manner. "your city-mannerly word forsooth, use it not too often in any case."--ben jonson's poetaster, act iv., sc. .] her, though he knew her well and she him. in fine we supped merry and so to bed, there coming several of the charles's men to see me before, i got to bed. the page lay with me. th. up, and breakfast with my lady. then come captains cuttance and blake to carry her in the barge on board; and so we went through ham creeke to the soverayne (a goodly sight all the way to see the brave ships that lie here) first, which is a most noble ship. i never saw her before. my lady sandwich, my lady jemimah, mrs. browne, mrs. grace, and mary and the page, my lady's servants and myself, all went into the lanthorn together. from thence to the charles, where my lady took great pleasure to see all the rooms, and to hear me tell her how things are when my lord is there. after we had seen all, then the officers of the ship had prepared a handsome breakfast for her, and while she was pledging my lord's health they give her five guns. that done, we went off, and then they give us thirteen guns more. i confess it was a great pleasure to myself to see the ship that i begun my good fortune in. from thence on board the newcastle, to show my lady the difference between a great and a small ship. among these ships i did give away l . so back again and went on shore at chatham, where i had ordered the coach to wait for us. here i heard that sir william batten and his lady (who i knew were here, and did endeavour to avoyd) were now gone this morning to london. so we took coach, and i went into the coach, and went through the town, without making stop at our inn, but left j. goods to pay the reckoning. so i rode with my lady in the coach, and the page on the horse that i should have rid on--he desiring it. it begun to be dark before we could come to dartford, and to rain hard, and the horses to fayle, which was our great care to prevent, for fear of my lord's displeasure, so here we sat up for to-night, as also captains cuttance and blake, who came along with us. we sat and talked till supper, and at supper my lady and i entered into a great dispute concerning what were best for a man to do with his estate--whether to make his elder son heir, which my lady is for, and i against, but rather to make all equall. this discourse took us much time, till it was time to go to bed; but we being merry, we bade my lady goodnight, and intended to have gone to the post-house to drink, and hear a pretty girl play of the cittern (and indeed we should have lain there, but by a mistake we did not), but it was late, and we could not hear her, and the guard came to examine what we were; so we returned to our inn and to bed, the page and i in one bed, and the two captains in another, all in one chamber, where we had very good mirth with our most abominable lodging. th. the captains went with me to the post-house about o'clock, and after a morning draft i took horse and guide for london; and through some rain, and a great wind in my face, i got to london at eleven o'clock. at home found all well, but the monkey loose, which did anger me, and so i did strike her till she was almost dead, that they might make her fast again, which did still trouble me more. in the afternoon we met at the office and sat till night, and then i to see my father who i found well, and took him to standing's' to drink a cup of ale. he told me my aunt at brampton is yet alive and my mother well there. in comes will joyce to us drunk, and in a talking vapouring humour of his state, and i know not what, which did vex me cruelly. after him mr. hollier had learned at my father's that i was here (where i had appointed to meet him) and so he did give me some things to take for prevention. will joyce not letting us talk as i would i left my father and him and took mr. hollier to the greyhound, where he did advise me above all things, both as to the stone and the decay of my memory (of which i now complain to him), to avoid drinking often, which i am resolved, if i can, to leave off. hence home, and took home with me from the bookseller's ogilby's aesop, which he had bound for me, and indeed i am very much pleased with the book. home and to bed. th. to the comptroller's, and with him by coach to white hall; in our way meeting venner and pritchard upon a sledge, who with two more fifth monarchy men were hanged to-day, and the two first drawn and quartered. where we walked up and down, and at last found sir g. carteret, whom i had not seen a great while, and did discourse with him about our assisting the commissioners in paying off the fleet, which we think to decline. here the treasurer did tell me that he did suspect thos. hater to be an informer of them in this work, which we do take to be a diminution of us, which do trouble me, and i do intend to find out the truth. hence to my lady, who told me how mr. hetley is dead of the small-pox going to portsmouth with my lord. my lady went forth to dinner to her father's, and so i went to the leg in king street and had a rabbit for myself and my will, and after dinner i sent him home and myself went to the theatre, where i saw "the lost lady," which do not please me much. here i was troubled to be seen by four of our office clerks, which sat in the half-crown box and i in the s. d. from thence by link, and bought two mouse traps of thomas pepys, the turner, and so went and drank a cup of ale with him, and so home and wrote by post to portsmouth to my lord and so to bed. th (lord's day). to church in the morning. dined at home. my wife and i to church in the afternoon, and that being done we went to see my uncle and aunt wight. there i left my wife and came back, and sat with sir w. pen, who is not yet well again. thence back again to my wife and supped there, and were very merry and so home, and after prayers to write down my journall for the last five days, and so to bed. st. this morning sir w. batten, the comptroller and i to westminster, to the commissioners for paying off the army and navy, where the duke of albemarle was; and we sat with our hats on, and did discourse about paying off the ships and do find that they do intend to undertake it without our help; and we are glad of it, for it is a work that will much displease the poor seamen, and so we are glad to have no hand in it. from thence to the exchequer, and took l and carried it home, and so to the office till night, and then to see sir w. pen, whither came my lady batten and her daughter, and then i sent for my wife, and so we sat talking till it was late. so home to supper and then to bed, having eat no dinner to-day. it is strange what weather we have had all this winter; no cold at all; but the ways are dusty, and the flyes fly up and down, and the rose-bushes are full of leaves, such a time of the year as was never known in this world before here. this day many more of the fifth monarchy men were hanged. nd. to the comptroller's house, where i read over his proposals to the lord admiral for the regulating of the officers of the navy, in which he hath taken much pains, only he do seem to have too good opinion of them himself. from thence in his coach to mercer's chappell, and so up to the great hall, where we met with the king's councell for trade, upon some proposals of theirs for settling convoys for the whole english trade, and that by having ships (four fourth-rates, nineteen fifths, ten sixths) settled by the king for that purpose, which indeed was argued very finely by many persons of honour and merchants that were there. it pleased me much now to come in this condition to this place, where i was once a petitioner for my exhibition in paul's school; and also where sir g. downing (my late master) was chairman, and so but equally concerned with me. from thence home, and after a little dinner my wife and i by coach into london, and bought some glasses, and then to whitehall to see mrs. fox, but she not within, my wife to my mother bowyer, and i met with dr. thomas fuller, and took him to the dog, where he tells me of his last and great book that is coming out: that is, his history of all the families in england;' and could tell me more of my own, than i knew myself. and also to what perfection he hath now brought the art of memory; that he did lately to four eminently great scholars dictate together in latin, upon different subjects of their proposing, faster than they were able to write, till they were tired; and by the way in discourse tells me that the best way of beginning a sentence, if a man should be out and forget his last sentence (which he never was), that then his last refuge is to begin with an utcunque. from thence i to mr. bowyer's, and there sat a while, and so to mr. fox's, and sat with them a very little while, and then by coach home, and so to see sir win. pen, where we found mrs. martha batten and two handsome ladies more, and so we staid supper and were very merry, and so home to bed. rd. to the office all the morning. my wife and people at home busy to get things ready for tomorrow's dinner. at noon, without dinner, went into the city, and there meeting with greatorex, we went and drank a pot of ale. he told me that he was upon a design to go to teneriffe to try experiments there. with him to gresham colledge [gresham college occupied the house of sir thomas gresham, in bishopsgate street, from , when lady gresham, sir thomas's widow, died. the meeting which pepys attended was an early one of the royal society, which was incorporated by royal charter in .] (where i never was before), and saw the manner of the house, and found great company of persons of honour there; thence to my bookseller's, and for books, and to stevens, the silversmith, to make clean some plate against to-morrow, and so home, by the way paying many little debts for wine and pictures, &c., which is my great pleasure. home and found all things in a hurry of business, slater, our messenger, being here as my cook till very late. i in my chamber all the evening looking over my osborn's works and new emanuel thesaurus patriarchae. so late to bed, having ate nothing to-day but a piece of bread and cheese at the ale-house with greatorex, and some bread and butter at home. th. at home all day. there dined with me sir william batten and his lady and daughter, sir w. pen, mr. fox (his lady being ill could not come), and captain cuttance; the first dinner i have made since i came hither. this cost me above l , and merry we were--only my chimney smokes. in the afternoon mr. hater bringing me my last quarter's salary, which i received of him, and so i have now mr. barlow's money in my hands. the company all go away, and by and by sir wms. both and my lady batten and his daughter come again and supped with me and talked till late, and so to bed, being glad that the trouble is over. th. at the office all the morning. dined at home and mr. hater with me, and so i did make even with him for the last quarter. after dinner he and i to look upon the instructions of my lord northumberland's, but we were interrupted by mr. salisbury's coming in, who came to see me and to show me my lord's picture in little, of his doing. and truly it is strange to what a perfection he is come in a year's time. from thence to paul's churchyard about books, and so back again home. this night comes two cages, which i bought this evening for my canary birds, which captain rooth this day sent me. so to bed. th. within all the morning. about noon comes one that had formerly known me and i him, but i know not his name, to borrow l of me, but i had the wit to deny him. there dined with me this day both the pierces' and their wives, and captain cuttance, and lieutenant lambert, with whom we made ourselves very merry by taking away his ribbans and garters, having made him to confess that he is lately married. the company being gone i went to my lute till night, and so to bed. th (lord's day). before i rose, letters come to me from portsmouth, telling me that the princess is now well, and my lord sandwich set sail with the queen and her yesterday from thence for france. to church, leaving my wife sick.... at home, a poor dull sermon of a stranger. home, and at dinner was very angry at my people's eating a fine pudding (made me by slater, the cook, last thursday) without my wife's leave. to church again, a good sermon of mr. mills, and after sermon sir w. pen and i an hour in the garden talking, and he did answer me to many things, i asked mr. coventry's opinion of me, and sir w. batten's of my lord sandwich, which do both please me. then to sir w. batten's, where very merry, and here i met the comptroller and his lady and daughter (the first time i ever saw them) and mrs. turner, who and her husband supped with us here (i having fetched my wife thither), and after supper we fell to oysters, and then mr. turner went and fetched some strong waters, and so being very merry we parted, and home to bed. this day the parson read a proclamation at church, for the keeping of wednesday next, the th of january, a fast for the murther of the late king. th. at the office all the morning; dined at home, and after dinner to fleet street, with my sword to mr. brigden (lately made captain of the auxiliaries) to be refreshed, and with him to an ale-house, where i met mr. davenport; and after some talk of cromwell, ireton and bradshaw's bodies being taken out of their graves to-day, ["the bodies of oliver cromwell, henry ireton, john bradshaw, and thomas pride, were dug up out of their graves to be hanged at tyburn, and buried under the gallows. cromwell's vault having been opened, the people crowded very much to see him."--rugge's diurnal.] i went to mr. crew's and thence to the theatre, where i saw again "the lost lady," which do now please me better than before; and here i sitting behind in a dark place, a lady spit backward upon me by a mistake, not seeing me, but after seeing her to be a very pretty lady, i was not troubled at it at all. thence to mr. crew's, and there met mr. moore, who came lately to me, and went with me to my father's, and with him to standing's, whither came to us dr. fairbrother, who i took and my father to the bear and gave a pint of sack and a pint of claret. he do still continue his expressions of respect and love to me, and tells me my brother john will make a good scholar. thence to see the doctor at his lodging at mr. holden's, where i bought a hat, cost me s. so home by moonshine, and by the way was overtaken by the comptroller's coach, and so home to his house with him. so home and to bed. this noon i had my press set up in my chamber for papers to be put in. th. mr. moore making up accounts with me all this morning till lieut. lambert came, and so with them over the water to southwark, and so over the fields to lambeth, and there drank, it being a most glorious and warm day, even to amazement, for this time of the year. thence to my lord's, where we found my lady gone with some company to see hampton court, so we three went to blackfryers (the first time i ever was there since plays begun), and there after great patience and little expectation, from so poor beginning, i saw three acts of "the mayd in ye mill" acted to my great content. but it being late, i left the play and them, and by water through bridge home, and so to mr. turner's house, where the comptroller, sir william batten, and mr. davis and their ladies; and here we had a most neat little but costly and genteel supper, and after that a great deal of impertinent mirth by mr. davis, and some catches, and so broke up, and going away, mr. davis's eldest son took up my old lady slingsby in his arms, and carried her to the coach, and is said to be able to carry three of the biggest men that were in the company, which i wonder at. so home and to bed. th (fast day). the first time that this day hath been yet observed: and mr. mills made a most excellent sermon, upon "lord forgive us our former iniquities;" speaking excellently of the justice of god in punishing men for the sins of their ancestors. home, and john goods comes, and after dinner i did pay him l for my lady, and after that sir w. pen and i into moorfields and had a brave talk, it being a most pleasant day, and besides much discourse did please ourselves to see young davis and whitton, two of our clerks, going by us in the field, who we observe to take much pleasure together, and i did most often see them at play together. back to the old james in bishopsgate street, where sir w. batten and sir wm. rider met him about business of the trinity house. so i went home, and there understand that my mother is come home well from brampton, and had a letter from my brother john, a very ingenious one, and he therein begs to have leave to come to town at the coronacion. then to my lady batten's; where my wife and she are lately come back again from being abroad, and seeing of cromwell, ireton, and bradshaw hanged and buried at tyburn. then i home. ["jan. th was kept as a very solemn day of fasting and prayer. this morning the carcases of cromwell, ireton, and bradshaw (which the day before had been brought from the red lion inn, holborn), were drawn upon a sledge to tyburn, and then taken out of their coffins, and in their shrouds hanged by the neck, until the going down of the sun. they were then cut down, their heads taken off, and their bodies buried in a grave made under the gallows. the coffin in which was the body of cromwell was a very rich thing, very full of gilded hinges and nails."--rugge's diurnal.] st. this morning with mr. coventry at whitehall about getting a ship to carry my lord's deals to lynne, and we have chosen the gift. thence at noon to my lord's, where my lady not well, so i eat a mouthfull of dinner there, and thence to the theatre, and there sat in the pit among the company of fine ladys, &c.; and the house was exceeding full, to see argalus and parthenia, the first time that it hath been acted: and indeed it is good, though wronged by my over great expectations, as all things else are. thence to my father's to see my mother, who is pretty well after her journey from brampton. she tells me my aunt is pretty well, yet cannot live long. my uncle pretty well too, and she believes would marry again were my aunt dead, which god forbid. so home. february - february st (friday). a full office all this morning, and busy about answering the commissioners of parliament to their letter, wherein they desire to borrow two clerks of ours, which we will not grant them. after dinner into london and bought some books, and a belt, and had my sword new furbished. to the alehouse with mr. brigden and w. symons. at night home. so after a little music to bed, leaving my people up getting things ready against to-morrow's dinner. nd. early to mr. moore, and with him to sir peter ball, who proffers my uncle robert much civility in letting him continue in the grounds which he had hired of hetley who is now dead. thence home, where all things in a hurry for dinner, a strange cook being come in the room of slater, who could not come. there dined here my uncle wight and my aunt, my father and mother, and my brother tom, dr. fairbrother and mr. mills, the parson, and his wife, who is a neighbour's daughter of my uncle robert's, and knows my aunt wight and all her and my friends there; and so we had excellent company to-day. after dinner i was sent for to sir g. carteret's, where he was, and i found the comptroller, who are upon writing a letter to the commissioners of parliament in some things a rougher stile than our last, because they seem to speak high to us. so the comptroller and i thence to a tavern hard by, and there did agree upon drawing up some letters to be sent to all the pursers and clerks of the cheques to make up their accounts. then home; where i found the parson and his wife gone. and by and by the rest of the company, very well pleased, and i too; it being the last dinner i intend to make a great while, it having now cost me almost l in three dinners within this fortnight. in the evening comes sir w. pen, pretty merry, to sit with me and talk, which we did for an hour or two, and so good night, and i to bed. d (lord's day). this day i first begun to go forth in my coat and sword, as the manner now among gentlemen is. to whitehall. in my way heard mr. thomas fuller preach at the savoy upon our forgiving of other men's trespasses, shewing among other things that we are to go to law never to revenge, but only to repayre, which i think a good distinction. so to white hall; where i staid to hear the trumpets and kettle-drums, and then the other drums, which are much cried up, though i think it dull, vulgar musique. so to mr. fox's, unbid; where i had a good dinner and special company. among other discourse, i observed one story, how my lord of northwich, at a public audience before the king of france, made the duke of anjou cry, by making ugly faces as he was stepping to the king, but undiscovered. [this story relates to circumstances which had occurred many years previously. george, lord goring, was sent by charles i. as ambassador extraordinary to france in , to witness the oath of louis xiv. to the observance of the treaties concluded with england by his father, louis xiii., and his grandfather, henry iv. louis xiv. took this oath at ruel, on july rd, , when he was not yet six years of age, and when his brother philippe, then called duke of anjou, was not four years old. shortly after his return home, lord goring was created, in september, , earl of norwich, the title by which he is here mentioned. philippe, duke of anjou, who was frightened by the english nobleman's ugly faces, took the title of duke of orleans after the death of his uncle, jean baptiste gaston, in . he married his cousin, henrietta of england.--b.] and how sir phillip warwick's' lady did wonder to have mr. darcy' send for several dozen bottles of rhenish wine to her house, not knowing that the wine was his. thence to my lord's; where i am told how sir thomas crew's pedro, with two of his countrymen more, did last night kill one soldier of four that quarrelled with them in the street, about o'clock. the other two are taken; but he is now hid at my lord's till night, that he do intend to make his escape away. so up to my lady, and sat and talked with her long, and so to westminster stairs, and there took boat to the bridge, and so home, where i met with letters to call us all up to-morrow morning to whitehall about office business. th. early up to court with sir w. pen, where, at mr. coventry's chamber, we met with all our fellow officers, and there after a hot debate about the business of paying off the fleet, and how far we should join with the commissioners of parliament, which is now the great business of this month more to determine, and about which there is a great deal of difference between us, and then how far we should be assistants to them therein. that being done, he and i back again home, where i met with my father and mother going to my cozen snow's to blackwall, and had promised to bring me and my wife along with them, which we could not do because we are to go to the dolphin to-day to a dinner of capt. tayler's. so at last i let my wife go with them, and i to the tavern, where sir william pen and the comptroller and several others were, men and women; and we had a very great and merry dinner; and after dinner the comptroller begun some sports, among others the naming of people round and afterwards demanding questions of them that they are forced to answer their names to, which do make very good sport. and here i took pleasure to take the forfeits of the ladies who would not do their duty by kissing of them; among others a pretty lady, who i found afterwards to be wife to sir w. batten's son. home, and then with my wife to see sir w. batten, who could not be with us this day being ill, but we found him at cards, and here we sat late, talking with my lady and others and dr. whistler, [daniel whistler, m.d., fellow of merton college, whose inaugural dissertation on rickets in contains the earliest printed account of that disease. he was gresham professor of geometry, - , and held several offices at the college of physicians, being elected president in . he was one of the original fellows of the royal society. dr. munk, in his "roll of the royal college of physicians," speaks very unfavourably of whistler, and says that he defrauded the college. he died may th, .] who i found good company and a very ingenious man. so home and to bed. th. washing-day. my wife and i by water to westminster. she to her mother's and i to westminster hall, where i found a full term, and here i went to will's, and there found shaw and ashwell and another bragrave (who knew my mother wash-maid to my lady veere), who by cursing and swearing made me weary of his company and so i went away. into the hall and there saw my lord treasurer (who was sworn to-day at the exchequer, with a great company of lords and persons of honour to attend him) go up to the treasury offices, and take possession thereof; and also saw the heads of cromwell, bradshaw, and ireton, set up upon the further end of the hall. then at mrs. michell's in the hall met my wife and shaw, and she and i and captain murford to the dog, and there i gave them some wine, and after some mirth and talk (mr. langley coming in afterwards) i went by coach to the play-house at the theatre, our coach in king street breaking, and so took another. here we saw argalus and parthenia, which i lately saw, but though pleasant for the dancing and singing, i do not find good for any wit or design therein. that done home by coach and to supper, being very hungry for want of dinner, and so to bed. th. called up by my cozen snow, who sat by me while i was trimmed, and then i drank with him, he desiring a courtesy for a friend, which i have done for him. then to the office, and there sat long, then to dinner, captain murford with me. i had a dish of fish and a good hare, which was sent me the other day by goodenough the plasterer. so to the office again, where sir w. pen and i sat all alone, answering of petitions and nothing else, and so to sir w. batten's, where comes mr. jessop (one whom i could not formerly have looked upon, and now he comes cap in hand to us from the commissioners of the navy, though indeed he is a man of a great estate and of good report), about some business from them to us, which we answered by letter. here i sat long with sir w., who is not well, and then home and to my chamber, and some little, music, and so to bed. th. with sir w. batten and pen to whitehall to mr. coventry's chamber, to debate upon the business we were upon the other day morning, and thence to westminster hall. and after a walk to my lord's; where, while i and my lady were in her chamber in talk, in comes my lord from sea, to our great wonder. he had dined at havre de grace on monday last, and came to the downs the next day, and lay at canterbury that night; and so to dartford, and thence this morning to white hall. all my friends his servants well. among others, mr. creed and captain ferrers tell me the stories of my lord duke of buckingham's and my lord's falling out at havre de grace, at cards; they two and my lord st. alban's playing. the duke did, to my lord's dishonour, often say that he did in his conscience know the contrary to what he then said, about the difference at cards; and so did take up the money that he should have lost to my lord. which my lord resenting, said nothing then, but that he doubted not but there were ways enough to get his money of him. so they parted that night; and my lord sent for sir r. stayner and sent him the next morning to the duke, to know whether he did remember what he said last night, and whether he would own it with his sword and a second; which he said he would, and so both sides agreed. but my lord st. alban's, and the queen and ambassador montagu, did waylay them at their lodgings till the difference was made up, to my lord's honour; who hath got great reputation thereby. i dined with my lord, and then with mr. shepley and creed (who talked very high of france for a fine country) to the tavern, and then i home. to the office, where the two sir williams had staid for me, and then we drew up a letter to the commissioners of parliament again, and so to sir w. batten, where i staid late in talk, and so home, and after writing the letter fair then i went to bed. th. at the office all the morning. at noon to the exchange to meet mr. warren the timber merchant, but could not meet with him. here i met with many sea commanders, and among others captain cuttle, and curtis, and mootham, and i, went to the fleece tavern to drink; and there we spent till four o'clock, telling stories of algiers, and the manner of the life of slaves there! and truly captn. mootham and mr. dawes (who have been both slaves there) did make me fully acquainted with their condition there: as, how they eat nothing but bread and water. at their redemption they pay so much for the water they drink at the public fountaynes, during their being slaves. how they are beat upon the soles of their feet and bellies at the liberty of their padron. how they are all, at night, called into their master's bagnard; and there they lie. how the poorest men do use their slaves best. how some rogues do live well, if they do invent to bring their masters in so much a week by their industry or theft; and then they are put to no other work at all. and theft there is counted no great crime at all. thence to mr. rawlinson's, having met my old friend dick scobell, and there i drank a great deal with him, and so home and to bed betimes, my head aching. th. to my lord's with mr. creed (who was come to me this morning to get a bill of imprest signed), and my lord being gone out he and i to the rhenish wine-house with mr. blackburne. to whom i did make known my fears of will's losing of his time, which he will take care to give him good advice about. afterwards to my lord's and mr. shepley and i did make even his accounts and mine. and then with mr. creed and two friends of his (my late landlord jones' son one of them), to an ordinary to dinner, and then creed and i to whitefriars' to the play-house, and saw "the mad lover," the first time i ever saw it acted, which i like pretty well, and home. th (lord's day). took physique all day, and, god forgive me, did spend it in reading of some little french romances. at night my wife and i did please ourselves talking of our going into france, which i hope to effect this summer. at noon one came to ask for mrs. hunt that was here yesterday, and it seems is not come home yet, which makes us afraid of her. at night to bed. th. at the office all the morning. dined at home, and then to the exchequer, and took mr. warren with me to mr. kennard, the master joiner, at whitehall, who was at a tavern, and there he and i to him, and agreed about getting some of my lord's deals on board to-morrow. then with young mr. reeve home to his house, who did there show me many pretty pleasures in perspectives, ['telescope' and 'microscope' are both as old as milton, but for long while 'perspective' (glass being sometimes understood and sometimes expressed) did the work of these. it is sometimes written 'prospective.' our present use of 'perspective' does not, i suppose, date farther back than dryden.--trench's select glossary.--m. b.] that i have not seen before, and i did buy a little glass of him cost me s. and so to mr. crew's, and with mr. moore to see how my father and mother did, and so with him to mr. adam chard's' (the first time i ever was at his house since he was married) to drink, then we parted, and i home to my study, and set some papers and money in order, and so to bed. th. to my lord's, and there with him all the morning, and then (he going out to dinner) i and mr. pickering, creed, and captain ferrers to the leg in the palace to dinner, where strange pickering's impertinences. thence the two others and i after a great dispute whither to go, we went by water to salsbury court play-house, where not liking to sit, we went out again, and by coach to the theatre, and there saw "the scornfull lady," now done by a woman, which makes the play appear much better than ever it did to me. then creed and i (the other being lost in the crowd) to drink a cup of ale at temple bar, and there we parted, and i (seeing my father and mother by the way) went home. th. at the office all the morning; dined at home, and poor mr. wood with me, who after dinner would have borrowed money of me, but i would lend none. then to whitehall by coach with sir w. pen, where we did very little business, and so back to mr. rawlinson's, where i took him and gave him a cup of wine, he having formerly known mr. rawlinson, and here i met my uncle wight, and he drank with us, and with him to sir w. batten's, whither i sent for my wife, and we chose valentines' against to-morrow. [the observation of st. valentine's day is very ancient in this country. shakespeare makes ophelia sing "to-morrow is saint valentine's day, all in the morning betime, and i a maid at your window to be your valentine." hamlet, act iv. sc. .--m. b.] my wife chose me, which did much please me; my lady batten sir w. pen, &c. here we sat late, and so home to bed, having got my lady batten to give me a spoonful of honey for my cold. th (valentine's day). up early and to sir w. batten's, but would not go in till i asked whether they that opened the door was a man or a woman, and mingo, who was there, answered a woman, which, with his tone, made me laugh; so up i went and took mrs. martha for my valentine (which i do only for complacency), and sir w. batten he go in the same manner to my wife, and so we were very merry. about o'clock we, with a great deal of company, went down by our barge to deptford, and there only went to see how forward mr. pett's yacht is; and so all into the barge again, and so to woolwich, on board the rose-bush, captain brown's' ship, that is brother-in-law to sir w. batten, where we had a very fine dinner, dressed on shore, and great mirth and all things successfull; the first time i ever carried my wife a-ship-board, as also my boy wayneman, who hath all this day been called young pepys, as sir w. pen's boy young pen. so home by barge again; good weather, but pretty cold. i to my study, and began to make up my accounts for my lord, which i intend to end tomorrow. to bed. the talk of the town now is, who the king is like to have for his queen: and whether lent shall be kept with the strictness of the king's proclamation; ["a proclamation for restraint of killing, dressing, and eating of flesh in lent or on fish-dayes appointed by the law to be observed," was dated th january, - ]. which it is thought cannot be, because of the poor, who cannot buy fish. and also the great preparation for the king's crowning is now much thought upon and talked of. th. at the office all the morning, and in the afternoon at making up my accounts for my lord to-morrow; and that being done i found myself to be clear (as i think) l in the world, besides my goods in my house and all things paid for. th. to my lord in the morning, who looked over my accounts and agreed to them. i did also get him to sign a bill (which do make my heart merry) for l to me, in consideration of my work extraordinary at sea this last voyage, which i hope to get paid. i dined with my lord and then to the theatre, where i saw "the virgin martyr," a good but too sober a play for the company. then home. th (lord's day). a most tedious, unreasonable, and impertinent sermon, by an irish doctor. his text was "scatter them, o lord, that delight in war." sir wm. batten and i very much angry with the parson. and so i to westminster as soon as i came home to my lord's, where i dined with mr. shepley and howe. after dinner (without speaking to my lord), mr. shepley and i into the city, and so i home and took my wife to my uncle wight's, and there did sup with them, and so home again and to bed. th. at the office all the morning, dined at home with a very good dinner, only my wife and i, which is not yet very usual. in the afternoon my wife and i and mrs. martha batten, my valentine, to the exchange, and there upon a payre of embroydered and six payre of plain white gloves i laid out s. upon her. then we went to a mercer's at the end of lombard street, and there she bought a suit of lutestring--[more properly called "lustring"; a fine glossy silk.]--for herself, and so home. and at night i got the whole company and sir wm. pen home to my house, and there i did give them rhenish wine and sugar, and continued together till it was late, and so to bed. it is much talked that the king is already married to the niece of the prince de ligne, [the prince de ligne had no niece, and probably pepys has made some mistake in the name. charles at one time made an offer of marriage to mazarin's niece, hortense mancini.] and that he hath two sons already by her: which i am sorry to hear; but yet am gladder that it should be so, than that the duke of york and his family should come to the crown, he being a professed friend to the catholiques. th. by coach to whitehall with colonel slingsby (carrying mrs. turner with us) and there he and i up into the house, where we met with sir g. carteret: who afterwards, with the duke of york, my lord sandwich, and others, went into a private room to consult: and we were a little troubled that we were not called in with the rest. but i do believe it was upon something very private. we staid walking in the gallery; where we met with mr. slingsby, that was formerly a great friend of mons. blondeau, who showed me the stamps of the king's new coyne; which is strange to see, how good they are in the stamp and bad in the money, for lack of skill to make them. but he says blondeau will shortly come over, and then we shall have it better, and the best in the world. [peter blondeau, medallist, was invited to london from paris in , and appointed by the council of state to coin their money; but the moneyers succeeded in driving him out of the country. soon after the restoration he returned, and was appointed engineer to the mint.] the comptroller and i to the commissioners of parliament, and after some talk away again and to drink a cup of ale. he tells me, he is sure that the king is not yet married, as it is said; nor that it is known who he will have. to my lord's and found him dined, and so i lost my dinner, but i staid and played with him and mr. child, &c., some things of four parts, and so it raining hard and bitter cold (the first winter day we have yet had this winter), i took coach home and spent the evening in reading of a latin play, the "naufragium joculare." and so to bed. th. all the morning at the office, dined at home and my brother tom with me, who brought me a pair of fine slippers which he gave me. by and by comes little luellin and friend to see me, and then my coz stradwick, who was never here before. with them i drank a bottle of wine or two, and to the office again, and there staid about business late, and then all of us to sir w. pen's, where we had, and my lady batten, mrs. martha, and my wife, and other company, a good supper, and sat playing at cards and talking till at night, and so all to our lodgings. st. to westminster by coach with sir w. pen, and in our way saw the city begin to build scaffolds against the coronacion. to my lord, and there found him out of doors. so to the hall and called for some caps that i have a making there, and here met with mr. hawley, and with him to will's and drank, and then by coach with mr. langley our old friend into the city. i set him down by the way, and i home and there staid all day within, having found mr. moore, who staid with me till late at night talking and reading some good books. then he went away, and i to bed. nd. all the morning at the office. at noon with my wife and pall to my father's to dinner, where dr. thos. pepys and my coz snow and joyce norton. after dinner came the. turner, and so i home with her to her mother, good woman, whom i had not seen through my great neglect this half year, but she would not be angry with me. here i staid all the afternoon talking of the king's being married, which is now the town talk, but i believe false. in the evening mrs. the. and joyce took us all into the coach home, calling in bishopsgate street, thinking to have seen a new harpsicon--[the harpsichord is an instrument larger than a spinet, with two or three strings to a note.]--that she had a making there, but it was not done, and so we did not see it. then to my home, where i made very much of her, and then she went home. then my wife to sir w. batten's, and there sat a while; he having yesterday sent my wife half-a-dozen pairs of gloves, and a pair of silk stockings and garters, for her valentine's gift. then home and to bed. rd. this my birthday, years. this morning sir w. batten, pen, and i did some business, and then i by water to whitehall, having met mr. hartlibb by the way at alderman backwell's. so he did give me a glass of rhenish wine at the steeleyard, and so to whitehall by water. he continues of the same bold impertinent humour that he was always of and will ever be. he told me how my lord chancellor had lately got the duke of york and duchess, and her woman, my lord ossory's and a doctor, to make oath before most of the judges of the kingdom, concerning all the circumstances of their marriage. and in fine, it is confessed that they were not fully married till about a month or two before she was brought to bed; but that they were contracted long before, and time enough for the child to be legitimate. [the duke of york's marriage took place september rd, . anne hyde was contracted to the duke at breda, november th, .] but i do not hear that it was put to the judges to determine whether it was so or no. to my lord and there spoke to him about his opinion of the light, the sea-mark that captain murford is about, and do offer me an eighth part to concern myself with it, and my lord do give me some encouragement in it, and i shall go on. i dined herewith mr. shepley and howe. after dinner to whitehall chappell with mr. child, and there did hear captain cooke and his boy make a trial of an anthem against tomorrow, which was brave musique. then by water to whitefriars to the play-house, and there saw "the changeling," the first time it hath been acted these twenty years, and it takes exceedingly. besides, i see the gallants do begin to be tyred with the vanity and pride of the theatre actors who are indeed grown very proud and rich. then by link home, and there to my book awhile and to bed. i met to-day with mr. townsend, who tells me that the old man is yet alive in whose place in the wardrobe he hopes to get my father, which i do resolve to put for. i also met with the comptroller, who told me how it was easy for us all, the principal officers, and proper for us, to labour to get into the next parliament; and would have me to ask the duke's letter, but i shall not endeavour it because it will spend much money, though i am sure i could well obtain it. this is now years that i am born. and blessed be god, in a state of full content, and great hopes to be a happy man in all respects, both to myself and friends. th (sunday). mr. mills made as excellent a sermon in the morning against drunkenness as ever i heard in my life. i dined at home; another good one of his in the afternoon. my valentine had her fine gloves on at church to-day that i did give her. after sermon my wife and i unto sir wm. batten and sat awhile. then home, i to read, then to supper and to bed. th. sir wm. pen and i to my lord sandwich's by coach in the morning to see him, but he takes physic to-day and so we could not see him. so he went away, and i with luellin to mr. mount's chamber at the cockpit, where he did lie of old, and there we drank, and from thence to w. symons where we found him abroad, but she, like a good lady, within, and there we did eat some nettle porrige, which was made on purpose to-day for some of their coming, and was very good. with her we sat a good while, merry in discourse, and so away, luellin and i to my lord's, and there dined. he told me one of the prettiest stories, how mr. blurton, his friend that was with him at my house three or four days ago, did go with him the same day from my house to the fleet tavern by guildhall, and there (by some pretence) got the mistress of the house into their company, and by and by luellin calling him doctor she thought that he really was so, and did privately discover her disease to him, which was only some ordinary infirmity belonging to women, and he proffering her physic, she desired him to come some day and bring it, which he did. after dinner by water to the office, and there sir w. pen and i met and did business all the afternoon, and then i got him to my house and eat a lobster together, and so to bed. th (shrove tuesday). i left my wife in bed, being indisposed... i to mrs. turner's, who i found busy with the. and joyce making of things ready for fritters, so to mr. crew's and there delivered cotgrave's dictionary' to my lady jemimah, and then with mr. moore to my coz tom pepys, but he being out of town i spoke with his lady, though not of the business i went about, which was to borrow l for my lord. back to mrs. turner's, where several friends, all strangers to me but mr. armiger, dined. very merry and the best fritters that ever i eat in my life. after that looked out at window; saw the flinging at cocks. [the cruel custom of throwing at cocks on shrove tuesday is of considerable antiquity. it is shown in the first print of hogarth's "four stages of cruelty."] then mrs. the. and i, and a gentleman that dined there and his daughter, a perfect handsome young and very tall lady that lately came out of the country, and mr. thatcher the virginall maister to bishopsgate street, and there saw the new harpsicon made for mrs. the. we offered l , they demanded l . the master not being at home, we could make no bargain, so parted for to-night. so all by coach to my house, where i found my valentine with my wife, and here they drank, and then went away. then i sat and talked with my valentine and my wife a good while, and then saw her home, and went to sir w. batten to the dolphin, where mr. newborne, &c., were, and there after a quart or two of wine, we home, and i to bed.... th. at the office all the morning, that done i walked in the garden with little captain murford, where he and i had some discourse concerning the light-house again, and i think i shall appear in the business, he promising me that if i can bring it about, it will be worth l per annum. then came into the garden to me young mr. powell and mr. hooke that i once knew at cambridge, and i took them in and gave them a bottle of wine, and so parted. then i called for a dish of fish, which we had for dinner, this being the first day of lent; and i do intend to try whether i can keep it or no. my father dined with me and did show me a letter from my brother john, wherein he tells us that he is chosen schollar of the house,' which do please me much, because i do perceive now it must chiefly come from his merit and not the power of his tutor, dr. widdrington, who is now quite out of interest there and hath put over his pupils to mr. pepper, a young fellow of the college. with my father to mr. rawlinson's, where we met my uncle wight, and after a pint or two away. i walked with my father (who gave me an account of the great falling out between my uncle fenner and his son will) as far as paul's churchyard, and so left him, and i home. this day the commissioners of parliament begin to pay off the fleet, beginning with the hampshire, and do it at guildhall, for fear of going out of town into the power of the seamen, who are highly incensed against them. th. early to wait on my lord, and after a little talk with him i took boat at whitehall for redriffe, but in my way overtook captain cuttance and teddiman in a boat and so ashore with them at queenhithe, and so to a tavern with them to a barrel of oysters, and so away. capt. cuttance and i walked from redriffe to deptford, where i found both sir williams and sir g. carteret at mr. uthwayt's, and there we dined, and notwithstanding my resolution, yet for want of other victualls, i did eat flesh this lent, but am resolved to eat as little as i can. after dinner we went to captain bodilaw's, and there made sale of many old stores by the candle, and good sport it was to see how from a small matter bid at first they would come to double and treble the price of things. after that sir w. pen and i and my lady batten and her daughter by land to redriffe, staying a little at halfway house, and when we came to take boat, found sir george, &c., to have staid with the barge a great while for us, which troubled us. home and to bed. this month ends with two great secrets under dispute but yet known to very few: first, who the king will marry; and what the meaning of this fleet is which we are now sheathing to set out for the southward. most think against algier against the turk, or to the east indys against the dutch who, we hear, are setting out a great fleet thither. march - march st. all the morning at the office. dined at home only upon fish, and mr. shepley and tom hater with me. after dinner mr. shepley and i in private talking about my lord's intentions to go speedily into the country, but to what end we know not. we fear he is to go to sea with this fleet now preparing. but we wish that he could get his l per annum settled before he do go. then he and i walked into london, he to the wardrobe and i to whitefryars, and saw "the bondman" acted; an excellent play and well done. but above all that ever i saw, betterton do the bond man the best. then to my father's and found my mother ill. after staying a while with them, i went home and sat up late, spending my thoughts how to get money to bear me out in my great expense at the coronacion, against which all provide, and scaffolds setting up in every street. i had many designs in my head to get some, but know not which will take. to bed. d. early with mr. moore about sir paul neale's' business with my uncle and other things all the morning. dined with him at mr. crew's, and after dinner i went to the theatre, where i found so few people (which is strange, and the reason i did not know) that i went out again, and so to salsbury court, where the house as full as could be; and it seems it was a new play, "the queen's maske," wherein there are some good humours: among others, a good jeer to the old story of the siege of troy, making it to be a common country tale. but above all it was strange to see so little a boy as that was to act cupid, which is one of the greatest parts in it. then home and to bed. rd (lord's day): mr. woodcocke preached at our church a very good sermon upon the imaginacions of the thoughts of man's heart being only evil. so home, where being told that my lord had sent for me i went, and got there to dine with my lord, who is to go into the country tomorrow. i did give up the mortgage made to me by sir r. parkhurst for l , . in the abby all the afternoon. then at mr. pierces the surgeon, where shepley and i supped. so to my lord's, who comes in late and tells us how news is come to-day of mazarin's being dead, which is very great news and of great consequence.--[this report of the death of cardinal mazarin appears to have been premature, for he did not die until the th of march, .]--i lay tonight with mr. shepley here, because of my lord's going to-morrow. th. my lord went this morning on his journey to hinchingbroke, mr. parker with him; the chief business being to look over and determine how, and in what manner, his great work of building shall be done. before his going he did give me some jewells to keep for him, viz., that that the king of sweden did give him, with the king's own picture in it, most excellently done; and a brave george, all of diamonds, and this with the greatest expressions of love and confidence that i could imagine or hope for, which is a very great joy to me. to the office all the forenoon. then to dinner and so to whitehall to mr. coventry about several businesses, and then with mr. moore, who went with me to drink a cup of ale, and after some good discourse then home and sat late talking with sir w. batten. so home and to bed. th. with mr. pierce, purser, to westminster hall, and there met with captain cuttance, lieut. lambert, and pierce, surgeon, thinking to have met with the commissioners of parliament, but they not sitting, we went to the swan, where i did give them a barrel of oysters; and so i to my lady's and there dined, and had very much talk and pleasant discourse with my lady, my esteem growing every day higher and higher in her and my lord. so to my father bowyer's where my wife was, and to the commissioners of parliament, and there did take some course about having my lord's salary paid tomorrow when; the charles is paid off, but i was troubled to see how high they carry themselves, when in good truth nobody cares for them. so home by coach and my wife. i then to the office, where sir williams both and i set about making an estimate of all the officers' salaries in ordinary in the navy till o'clock at night. so home, and i with my head full of thoughts how to get a little present money, i eat a bit of bread and cheese, and so to bed. th. at the office all the morning. at dinner sir w. batten came and took me and my wife to his house to dinner, my lady being in the country, where we had a good lenten dinner. then to whitehall with captn. cuttle, and there i did some business with mr. coventry, and after that home, thinking to have had sir w. batten, &c., to have eat a wigg--[wigg, a kind of north country bun or tea-cake, still so called, to my knowledge, in staffordshire.--m. b.]--at my house at night. but my lady being come home out of the country ill by reason of much rain that has fallen lately, and the waters being very high, we could not, and so i home and to bed. th. this morning sir williams both went to woolwich to sell some old provisions there. i to whitehall, and up and down about many businesses. dined at my lord's, then to mr. crew to mr. moore, and he and i to london to guildhall to see the seamen paid off, but could not without trouble, and so i took him to the fleece tavern, where the pretty woman that luellin lately told me the story of dwells, but i could not see her. then towards home and met spicer, d. vines, ruddiard, and a company more of my old acquaintance, and went into a place to drink some ale, and there we staid playing the fool till late, and so i home. at home met with ill news that my hopes of getting some money for the charles were spoiled through mr. waith's perverseness, which did so vex me that i could not sleep at night. but i wrote a letter to him to send to-morrow morning for him to take my money for me, and so with good words i thought to coy with him. to bed. th. all the morning at the office. at noon sir w. batten, col. slingsby and i by coach to the tower, to sir john robinson's, to dinner; where great good cheer. high company; among others the duchess of albemarle, who is ever a plain homely dowdy. after dinner, to drink all the afternoon. towards night the duchess and ladies went away. then we set to it again till it was very late. and at last came in sir william wale, almost fuddled; and because i was set between him and another, only to keep them from talking and spoiling the company (as we did to others), he fell out with the lieutenant of the tower; but with much ado we made him under stand his error, and then all quiet. and so he carried sir william batten and i home again in his coach, and so i almost overcome with drink went to bed. i was much contented to ride in such state into the tower, and be received among such high company, while mr. mount, my lady duchess's gentleman usher, stood waiting at table, whom i ever thought a man so much above me in all respects; also to hear the discourse of so many high cavaliers of things past. it was a great content and joy to me. th. to whitehall and there with mr. creed took a most pleasant walk for two hours in the park, which is now a very fair place. here we had a long and candid discourse one to another of one another's condition, and he giving me an occasion i told him of my intention to get l paid me by him for a gratuity for my labour extraordinary at sea. which he did not seem unwilling to, and therefore i am very glad it is out. to my lord's, where we found him lately come from hinchingbroke, where he left my uncle very well, but my aunt not likely to live. i staid and dined with him. he took me aside, and asked me what the world spoke of the king's marriage. which i answering as one that knew nothing, he enquired no further of me. but i do perceive by it that there is something in it that is ready to come out that the world knows not of yet. after dinner into london to mrs. turner's and my father's, made visits and then home, where i sat late making of my journal for four days past, and so to bed. th (lord's day). heard mr. mills in the morning, a good sermon. dined at home on a poor lenten dinner of coleworts and bacon. in the afternoon again to church, and there heard one castle, whom i knew of my year at cambridge. he made a dull sermon. after sermon came my uncle and aunt wight to see us, and we sat together a great while. then to reading and at night to bed. th. at the office all the morning, dined at home and my father and dr. thos. pepys with him upon a poor dinner, my wife being abroad. after dinner i went to the theatre, and there saw "love's mistress" done by them, which i do not like in some things as well as their acting in salsbury court. at night home and found my wife come home, and among other things she hath got her teeth new done by la roche, and are indeed now pretty handsome, and i was much pleased with it. so to bed. th. at the office about business all the morning, so to the exchange, and there met with nick osborne lately married, and with him to the fleece, where we drank a glass of wine. so home, where i found mrs. hunt in great trouble about her husband's losing of his place in the excise. from thence to guildhall, and there set my hand to the book before colonel king for my sea pay, and blessed be god! they have cast me at midshipman's pay, which do make my heart very glad. so, home, and there had sir w. batten and my lady and all their company and capt. browne and his wife to a collation at my house till it was late, and then to bed. th. early up in the morning to read "the seaman's grammar and dictionary" i lately have got, which do please me exceeding well. at the office all the morning, dined at home, and mrs. turner, the. joyce, and mr. armiger, and my father and mother with me, where they stand till i was weary of their company and so away. then up to my chamber, and there set papers and things in order, and so to bed. th. with sir w. batten and pen to mr. coventry's, and there had a dispute about my claim to the place of purveyor of petty-provisions, and at last to my content did conclude to have my hand to all the bills for these provisions and mr. turner to purvey them, because i would not have him to lose the place. then to my lord's, and so with mr. creed to an alehouse, where he told me a long story of his amours at portsmouth to one of mrs. boat's daughters, which was very pleasant. dined with my lord and lady, and so with mr. creed to the theatre, and there saw "king and no king," well acted. thence with him to the cock alehouse at temple bar, where he did ask my advice about his amours, and i did give him it, which was to enquire into the condition of his competitor, who is a son of mr. gauden's, and that i promised to do for him, and he to make [what] use he can of it to his advantage. home and to bed. th. at the office all the morning. at noon sir williams both and i at a great fish dinner at the dolphin, given us by two tax merchants, and very merry we were till night, and so home. this day my wife and pall went to see my lady kingston, her brother's lady. th. early at sir wm. pen's, and there before mr. turner did reconcile the business of the purveyance between us two. then to whitehall to my lord's, and dined with him, and so to whitefriars and saw "the spanish curate," in which i had no great content. so home, and was very much troubled that will. staid out late, and went to bed early, intending not to let him come in, but by and by he comes and i did let him in, and he did tell me that he was at guildhall helping to pay off the seamen, and cast the books late. which since i found to be true. so to sleep, being in bed when he came. th (lord's day). at church in the morning, a stranger preached a good honest and painfull sermon. my wife and i dined upon a chine of beef at sir w. batten's, so to church again. then home, and put some papers in order. then to supper at sir w. batten's again, where my wife by chance fell down and hurt her knees exceedingly. so home and to bed. th. this morning early sir w. batten went to rochester, where he expects to be chosen parliament man. at the office all the morning, dined at home and with my wife to westminster, where i had business with the commissioner for paying the seamen about my lord's pay, and my wife at mrs. hunt's. i called her home, and made inquiry at greatorex's and in other places to hear of mr. barlow (thinking to hear that he is dead), but i cannot find it so, but the contrary. home and called at my lady batten's, and supped there, and so home. this day an ambassador from florence was brought into the town in state. good hopes given me to-day that mrs. davis is going away from us, her husband going shortly to ireland. yesterday it was said was to be the day that the princess henrietta was to marry the duke d'anjou' in france. this day i found in the newes-booke that roger pepys is chosen at cambridge for the town, the first place that we hear of to have made their choice yet. to bed with my head and mind full of business, which do a little put me out of order, and i do find myself to become more and more thoughtful about getting of money than ever heretofore. th. we met at the office this morning about some particular business, and then i to whitehall, and there dined with my lord, and after dinner mr. creed and i to white-fryars, where we saw "the bondman" acted most excellently, and though i have seen it often, yet i am every time more and more pleased with betterton's action. from thence with him and young mr. jones to penell's in fleet street, and there we drank and talked a good while, and so i home and to bed. th. at the office all the morning, dined at home and mr. creed and mr. shepley with me, and after dinner we did a good deal of business in my study about my lord's accounts to be made up and presented to our office. that done to white hall to mr. coventry, where i did some business with him, and so with sir w. pen (who i found with mr. coventry teaching of him upon the map to understand jamaica). [sir william penn was well fitted to give this information, as it was he who took the island from the spaniards in .] by water in the dark home, and so to my lady batten's where my wife was, and there we sat and eat and drank till very late, and so home to bed. the great talk of the town is the strange election that the city of london made yesterday for parliament-men; viz. fowke, love, jones, and... men that are so far from being episcopall that they are thought to be anabaptists; and chosen with a great deal of zeal, in spite of the other party that thought themselves very strong, calling out in the hall, "no bishops! no lord bishops!" it do make people to fear it may come to worse, by being an example to the country to do the same. and indeed the bishops are so high, that very few do love them. st. up very early, and to work and study in my chamber, and then to whitehall to my lord, and there did stay with him a good while discoursing upon his accounts. here i staid with mr. creed all the morning, and at noon dined with my lord, who was very merry, and after dinner we sang and fiddled a great while. then i by water (mr. shepley, pinkney, and others going part of the way) home, and then hard at work setting my papers in order, and writing letters till night, and so to bed. this day i saw the florence ambassador go to his audience, the weather very foul, and yet he and his company very gallant. after i was a-bed sir w. pen sent to desire me to go with him to-morrow morning to meet sir w. batten coming from rochester. nd. this morning i rose early, and my lady batten knocked at her door that comes into one of my chambers, and called me to know whether i and my wife were ready to go. so my wife got her ready, and about eight o'clock i got a horseback, and my lady and her two daughters, and sir w. pen into coach, and so over london bridge, and thence to dartford. the day very pleasant, though the way bad. here we met with sir w. batten, and some company along with him, who had assisted him in his election at rochester; and so we dined and were very merry. at o'clock we set out again in a coach home, and were very merry all the way. at deptford we met with mr. newborne, and some other friends and their wives in a coach to meet us, and so they went home with us, and at sir w. batten's we supped, and thence to bed, my head akeing mightily through the wine that i drank to-day. d. all the morning at home putting papers in order, dined at home, and then out to the red bull (where i had not been since plays come up again), but coming too soon i went out again and walked all up and down the charterhouse yard and aldersgate street. at last came back again and went in, where i was led by a seaman that knew me, but is here as a servant, up to the tireing-room, where strange the confusion and disorder that there is among them in fitting themselves, especially here, where the clothes are very poor, and the actors but common fellows. at last into the pitt, where i think there was not above ten more than myself, and not one hundred in the whole house. and the play, which is called "all's lost by lust," poorly done; and with so much disorder, among others, that in the musique-room the boy that was to sing a song, not singing it right, his master fell about his ears and beat him so, that it put the whole house in an uprore. thence homewards, and at the mitre met my uncle wight, and with him lieut.-col. baron, who told us how crofton, the great presbyterian minister that had lately preached so highly against bishops, is clapped up this day into the tower. which do please some, and displease others exceedingly. home and to bed. th (lord's day). my wife and i to church, and then home with sir w. batten and my lady to dinner, where very merry, and then to church again, where mr. mills made a good sermon. home again, and after a walk in the garden sir w. batten's two daughters came and sat with us a while, and i then up to my chamber to read. th (lady day). this morning came workmen to begin the making of me a new pair of stairs up out of my parler, which, with other work that i have to do, i doubt will keep me this two months and so long i shall be all in dirt; but the work do please me very well. to the office, and there all the morning, dined at home, and after dinner comes mr. salisbury to see me, and shewed me a face or two of his paynting, and indeed i perceive that he will be a great master. i took him to whitehall with me by water, but he would not by any means be moved to go through bridge, and so we were fain to go round by the old swan. to my lord's and there i shewed him the king's picture, which he intends to copy out in little. after that i and captain ferrers to salisbury court by water, and saw part of the "queene's maske." then i to mrs. turner, and there staid talking late. the. turner being in a great chafe, about being disappointed of a room to stand in at the coronacion. then to my father's, and there staid talking with my mother and him late about my dinner to-morrow. so homewards and took up a boy that had a lanthorn, that was picking up of rags, and got him to light me home, and had great discourse with him how he could get sometimes three or four bushells of rags in a day, and got d. a bushell for them, and many other discourses, what and how many ways there are for poor children to get their livings honestly. so home and i to bed at o'clock at night, being pleased well with the work that my workmen have begun to-day. th. up early to do business in my study. this is my great day that three years ago i was cut of the stone, and, blessed be god, i do yet find myself very free from pain again. all this morning i staid at home looking after my workmen to my great content about my stairs, and at noon by coach to my father's, where mrs. turner, the. joyce, mr. morrice, mr. armiger, mr. pierce, the surgeon, and his wife, my father and mother, and myself and my wife. very merry at dinner; among other things, because mrs. turner and her company eat no flesh at all this lent, and i had a great deal of good flesh which made their mouths water. after dinner mrs. pierce and her husband and i and my wife to salisbury court, where coming late he and she light of col. boone that made room for them, and i and my wife sat in the pit, and there met with mr. lewes and tom whitton, and saw "the bondman" done to admiration. so home by coach, and after a view of what the workmen had done to-day i went to bed. th. up early to see my workmen at work. my brother tom comes to me, and among other things i looked over my old clothes and did give him a suit of black stuff clothes and a hat and some shoes. at the office all the morning, where sir g. carteret comes, and there i did get him to promise me some money upon a bill of exchange, whereby i shall secure myself of l which otherwise i should not know how to get. at noon i found my stairs quite broke down, that i could not get up but by a ladder; and my wife not being well she kept her chamber all this day. to the dolphin to a dinner of mr. harris's, where sir williams both and my lady batten, and her two daughters, and other company, where a great deal of mirth, and there staid till o'clock at night; and in our mirth i sang and sometimes fiddled (there being a noise of fiddlers there), and at last we fell to dancing, the first time that ever i did in my life, which i did wonder to see myself to do. at last we made mingo, sir w. batten's black, and jack, sir w. pen's, dance, and it was strange how the first did dance with a great deal of seeming skill. home, where i found my wife all day in her chamber. so to bed. th. up early among my workmen, then mr. creed coming to see me i went along with him to sir robert slingsby (he being newly maister of that title by being made a baronett) to discourse about mr. creed's accounts to be made up, and from thence by coach to my cozen thomas pepys, to borrow l for my lord, which i am to expect an answer to tomorrow. so to my lord's, and there staid and dined, and after dinner did get my lord to view mr. shepley's accounts as i had examined them, and also to sign me a bond for my l . then with mr. shepley to the theatre and saw "rollo" ill acted. that done to drink a cup of ale and so by coach to london, and having set him down in cheapside i went home, where i found a great deal of work done to-day, and also l paid me by the treasurer upon the bill of exchange that i have had hopes of so long, so that, my heart in great content; i went to bed. th. up among my workmen with great pleasure. then to the office, where i found sir w. pen sent down yesterday to chatham to get two great ships in readiness presently to go to the east indies upon some design against the dutch, we think, at goa but it is a great secret yet. dined at home, came mr. shepley and moore, and did business with both of them. after that to sir w. batten's, where great store of company at dinner. among others my schoolfellow, mr. christmas, where very merry, and hither came letters from above for the fitting of two other ships for the east indies in all haste, and so we got orders presently for the hampshire and nonsuch. then home and there put some papers in order, and not knowing what to do, the house being so dirty, i went to bed. th. at the office we and sir w. rider to advise what sort of provisions to get ready for these ships going to the indies. then the comptroller and i by water to mr. coventry, and there discoursed upon the same thing. so to my coz. tho. pepys, and got him to promise me l , to lend my lord upon his and my uncle robert's and my security. so to my lord's, and there got him to sign a bond to him, which i also signed too, and he did sign counter security to us both. then into london up and down and drank a pint of wine with mr. creed, and so home and sent a letter and the bonds to my uncle to sign for my lord. this day i spoke with dr. castle about making up the dividend for the last quarter, and agreed to meet about it on monday. st (sunday). at church, where a stranger preached like a fool. from thence home and dined with my wife, she staying at home, being unwilling to dress herself, the house being all dirty. to church again, and after sermon i walked to my father's, and to mrs. turner's, where i could not woo the. to give me a lesson upon the harpsicon and was angry at it. so home and finding will abroad at sir w. batten's talking with the people there (sir w. and my lady being in the country), i took occasion to be angry with him, and so to prayers and to bed. april april st, . this day my waiting at the privy seal comes in again. up early among my workmen. so to the once, and went home to dinner with sir w. batten, and after that to the goat tavern by charing cross to meet dr. castle, where he and i drank a pint of wine and talked about privy seal business. then to the privy seal office and there found mr. moore, but no business yet. then to whitefryars, and there saw part of "rule a wife and have a wife," which i never saw before, but do not like it. so to my father, and there finding a discontent between my father and mother about the maid (which my father likes and my mother dislikes), i staid till at night, persuading my mother to understand herself, and that in some high words, which i was sorry for, but she is grown, poor woman, very froward. so leaving them in the same discontent i went away home, it being a brave moonshine, and to bed. d. among my workmen early and then along with my wife and pall to my father's by coach there to have them lie a while till my house be done. i found my mother alone weeping upon my last night's quarrel and so left her, and took my wife to charing cross and there left her to see her mother who is not well. so i into st. james's park, where i saw the duke of york playing at pelemele, [the game was originally played in the road now styled pall mall, near st. james's square, but at the restoration when sports came in fashion again the street was so much built over, that it became necessary to find another ground. the mall in st. james's park was then laid out for the purpose.] the first time that ever i saw the sport. then to my lord's, where i dined with my lady, and after we had dined in comes my lord and ned pickering hungry, and there was not a bit of meat left in the house, the servants having eat up all, at which my lord was very angry, and at last got something dressed. then to the privy seal, and signed some things, and so to white-fryars and saw "the little thiefe," which is a very merry and pretty play, and the little boy do very well. then to my father's, where i found my mother and my wife in a very good mood, and so left them and went home. then to the dolphin to sir w. batten, and pen, and other company; among others mr. delabar; where strange how these men, who at other times are all wise men, do now, in their drink, betwitt and reproach one another with their former conditions, and their actions as in public concernments, till i was ashamed to see it. but parted all friends at at night after drinking a great deal of wine. so home and alone to bed. rd. up among my workmen, my head akeing all day from last night's debauch. to the office all the morning, and at noon dined with sir w. batten and pen, who would needs have me drink two drafts of sack to-day to cure me of last night's disease, which i thought strange but i think find it true. [the proverb, "a hair of the dog that bit you," which probably had originally a literal meaning, has long been used to inculcate the advice of the two sir williams.] then home with my workmen all the afternoon, at night into the garden to play on my flageolette, it being moonshine, where i staid a good while, and so home and to bed. this day i hear that the dutch have sent the king a great present of money, which we think will stop the match with portugal; and judge this to be the reason that our so great haste in sending the two ships to the east indys is also stayed. th. to my workmen, then to my lord's, and there dined with mr. shepley. after dinner i went in to my lord and there we had a great deal of musique, and then came my cozen tom pepys and there did accept of the security which we gave him for his l that we borrow of him, and so the money to be paid next week. then to the privy seal, and so with mr. moore to my father's, where some friends did sup there and we with them and late went home, leaving my wife still there. so to bed. th: up among my workmen and so to the office, and then to sir w. pen's with the other sir william and sir john lawson to dinner, and after that, with them to mr. lucy's, a merchant, where much good company, and there drank a great deal of wine, and in discourse fell to talk of the weight of people, which did occasion some wagers, and where, among others, i won half a piece to be spent. then home, and at night to sir w. batten's, and there very merry with a good barrell of oysters, and this is the present life i lead. home and to bed. th. up among my workmen, then to whitehall, and there at privy seal and elsewhere did business, and among other things met with mr. townsend, who told of his mistake the other day, to put both his legs through one of his knees of his breeches, and went so all day. then with mr. creed and moore to the leg in the palace to dinner which i gave them, and after dinner i saw the girl of the house, being very pretty, go into a chamber, and i went in after her and kissed her. then by water, creed and i, to salisbury court and there saw "love's quarrell" acted the first time, but i do not like the design or words. so calling at my father's, where they and my wife well, and so home and to bed. th (lord's day). all the morning at home making up my accounts (god forgive me!) to give up to my lord this afternoon. then about o'clock out of doors towards westminster and put in at paul's, where i saw our minister, mr. mills, preaching before my lord mayor. so to white hall, and there i met with dr. fuller of twickenham, newly come from ireland; and took him to my lord's, where he and i dined; and he did give my lord and me a good account of the condition of ireland, and how it come to pass, through the joyning of the fanatiques and the presbyterians, that the latter and the former are in their declaration put together under the names of fanatiques. after dinner, my lord and i and mr. shepley did look over our accounts and settle matters of money between us; and my lord did tell me much of his mind about getting money and other things of his family, &c. then to my father's, where i found mr. hunt and his wife at supper with my father and mother and my wife, where after supper i left them and so home, and then i went to sir w. batten's and resolved of a journey tomorrow to chatham, and so home and to bed. th. up early, my lady batten knocking at her door that comes into one of my chambers. i did give directions to my people and workmen, and so about o'clock we took barge at the tower, sir william batten and his lady, mrs. turner, mr. fowler and i. a very pleasant passage and so to gravesend, where we dined, and from thence a coach took them and me, and mr. fowler with some others came from rochester to meet us, on horseback. at rochester, where alight at mr. alcock's and there drank and had good sport, with his bringing out so many sorts of cheese. then to the hillhouse at chatham, where i never was before, and i found a pretty pleasant house and am pleased with the arms that hang up there. here we supped very merry, and late to bed; sir william telling me that old edgeborrow, his predecessor, did die and walk in my chamber, did make me some what afeard, but not so much as for mirth's sake i did seem. so to bed in the treasurer's chamber. th. and lay and slept well till in the morning, and then waking, and by the light of the moon i saw my pillow (which overnight i flung from me) stand upright, but not bethinking myself what it might be, i was a little afeard, but sleep overcame all and so lay till high morning, at which time i had a candle brought me and a good fire made, and in general it was a great pleasure all the time i staid here to see how i am respected and honoured by all people; and i find that i begin to know now how to receive so much reverence, which at the beginning i could not tell how to do. sir william and i by coach to the dock and there viewed all the storehouses and the old goods that are this day to be sold, which was great pleasure to me, and so back again by coach home, where we had a good dinner, and among other strangers that come, there was mr. hempson and his wife, a pretty woman, and speaks latin; mr. allen and two daughters of his, both very tall and the youngest very handsome, so much as i could not forbear to love her exceedingly, having, among other things, the best hand that ever i saw. after dinner, we went to fit books and things (tom hater being this morning come to us) for the sale, by an inch of candle, and very good sport we and the ladies that stood by had, to see the people bid. among other things sold there was all the state's arms, which sir w. batten bought; intending to set up some of the images in his garden, and the rest to burn on the coronacion night. the sale being done, the ladies and i and captain pett and mr. castle took barge and down we went to see the sovereign, which we did, taking great pleasure therein, singing all the way, and, among other pleasures, i put my lady, mrs. turner, mrs. hempson, and the two mrs. allens into the lanthorn and i went in and kissed them, demanding it as a fee due to a principall officer, with all which we were exceeding merry, and drunk some bottles of wine and neat's tongue, &c. then back again home and so supped, and after much mirth to bed. th. in the morning to see the dockhouses. first, mr. pett's, the builder, and there was very kindly received, and among other things he did offer my lady batten a parrot, the best i ever saw, that knew mingo so soon as it saw him, having been bred formerly in the house with them; but for talking and singing i never heard the like. my lady did accept of it: then to see commissioner pett's house, he and his family being absent, and here i wondered how my lady batten walked up and down with envious looks to see how neat and rich everything is (and indeed both the house and garden is most handsome), saying that she would get it, for it belonged formerly to the surveyor of the navy. then on board the prince, now in the dock, and indeed it has one and no more rich cabins for carved work, but no gold in her. after that back home, and there eat a little dinner. then to rochester, and there saw the cathedrall, which is now fitting for use, and the organ then a-tuning. then away thence, observing the great doors of the church, which, they say, was covered with the skins of the danes, [traditions similar to that at rochester, here alluded to, are to be found in other places in england. sir harry englefield, in a communication made to the society of antiquaries, july nd, , called attention to the curious popular tale preserved in the village of hadstock, essex, that the door of the church had been covered with the skin of a danish pirate, who had plundered the church. at worcester, likewise, it was asserted that the north doors of the cathedral had been covered with the skin of a person who had sacrilegiously robbed the high altar. the date of these doors appears to be the latter part of the fourteenth century, the north porch having been built about . dart, in his "history of the abbey church of st. peter's, westminster," (vol. i., book ii., p. ), relates a like tradition then preserved in reference to a door, one of three which closed off a chamber from the south transept--namely, a certain building once known as the chapel of henry viii., and used as a "revestry." this chamber, he states, "is inclosed with three doors, the inner cancellated, the middle, which is very thick, lined with skins like parchment, and driven full of nails. these skins, they by tradition tell us, were some skins of the danes, tann'd and given here as a memorial of our delivery from them." portions of this supposed human skin were examined under the microscope by the late mr. john quekett of the hunterian museum, who ascertained, beyond question, that in each of the cases the skin was human. from a communication by the late mr. albert way, f.s.a., to the late lord braybrooke.] and also had much mirth at a tomb, on which was "come sweet jesu," and i read "come sweet mall," &c., at which captain pett and i had good laughter. so to the salutacion tavern, where mr. alcock and many of the town came and entertained us with wine and oysters and other things, and hither come sir john minnes to us, who is come to-day to see "the henery," in which he intends to ride as vice-admiral in the narrow seas all this summer. here much mirth, but i was a little troubled to stay too long, because of going to hempson's, which afterwards we did, and found it in all things a most pretty house, and rarely furnished, only it had a most ill access on all sides to it, which is a greatest fault that i think can be in a house. here we had, for my sake, two fiddles, the one a base viall, on which he that played, played well some lyra lessons, but both together made the worst musique that ever i heard. we had a fine collacion, but i took little pleasure in that, for the illness of the musique and for the intentness of my mind upon mrs. rebecca allen. after we had done eating, the ladies went to dance, and among the men we had, i was forced to dance too; and did make an ugly shift. mrs. r. allen danced very well, and seems the best humoured woman that ever i saw. about o'clock sir william and my lady went home, and we continued dancing an hour or two, and so broke up very pleasant and merry, and so walked home, i leading mrs. rebecca, who seemed, i know not why, in that and other things, to be desirous of my favours and would in all things show me respects. going home, she would needs have me sing, and i did pretty well and was highly esteemed by them. so to captain allen's (where we were last night, and heard him play on the harpsicon, and i find him to be a perfect good musician), and there, having no mind to leave mrs. rebecca, what with talk and singing (her father and i), mrs. turner and i staid there till o'clock in the morning and was most exceeding merry, and i had the opportunity of kissing mrs. rebecca very often. among other things captain pett was saying that he thought that he had got his wife with child since i came thither. which i took hold of and was merrily asking him what he would take to have it said for my honour that it was of my getting? he merrily answered that he would if i would promise to be godfather to it if it did come within the time just, and i said that i would. so that i must remember to compute it when the time comes. th. at o'clock, with very great mirth, we went to our lodging and to bed, and lay till , and then called up by sir w. batten, so i arose and we did some business, and then came captn. allen, and he and i withdrew and sang a song or two, and among others took pleasure in "goe and bee hanged, that's good-bye." the young ladies come too, and so i did again please myself with mrs. rebecca, and about o'clock, after we had breakfasted, we sett forth for london, and indeed i was a little troubled to part with mrs. rebecca, for which god forgive me. thus we went away through rochester, calling and taking leave of mr. alcock at the door, capt. cuttance going with us. we baited at dartford, and thence to london, but of all the journeys that ever i made this was the merriest, and i was in a strange mood for mirth. among other things, i got my lady to let her maid, mrs. anne, to ride all the way on horseback, and she rides exceeding well; and so i called her my clerk, that she went to wait upon me. i met two little schoolboys going with pitchers of ale to their schoolmaster to break up against easter, and i did drink of some of one of them and give him two pence. by and by we come to two little girls keeping cows, and i saw one of them very pretty, so i had a mind to make her ask my blessing, and telling her that i was her godfather, she asked me innocently whether i was not ned wooding, and i said that i was, so she kneeled down and very simply called, "pray, godfather, pray to god to bless me," which made us very merry, and i gave her twopence. in several places, i asked women whether they would sell me their children, but they denied me all, but said they would give me one to keep for them, if i would. mrs. anne and i rode under the man that hangs upon shooter's hill, [shooter's hill, kent, between the eighth and ninth milestones on the dover road. it was long a notorious haunt of highwaymen. the custom was to leave the bodies of criminals hanging until the bones fell to the ground.] and a filthy sight it was to see how his flesh is shrunk to his bones. so home and i found all well, and a deal of work done since i went. i sent to see how my wife do, who is well, and my brother john come from cambridge. to sir w. batten's and there supped, and very merry with the young ladles. so to bed very sleepy for last night's work, concluding that it is the pleasantest journey in all respects that ever i had in my life. th. up among my workmen, and about o'clock comes my wife to see me and my brother john with her, who i am glad to see, but i sent them away because of going to the office, and there dined with sir w. batten, all fish dinner, it being good friday. then home and looking over my workmen, and then into the city and saw in what forwardness all things are for the coronacion, which will be very magnificent. then back again home and to my chamber, to set down in my diary all my late journey, which i do with great pleasure; and while i am now writing comes one with a tickett to invite me to captain robert blake's buriall, for whose death i am very sorry, and do much wonder at it, he being a little while since a very likely man to live as any i knew. since my going out of town, there is one alexander rosse taken and sent to the counter by sir thomas allen, for counterfeiting my hand to a ticket, and we this day at the office have given order to mr. smith to prosecute him. to bed. th. to whitehall by water from towre-wharf, where we could not pass the ordinary way, because they were mending of the great stone steps against the coronacion. with sir w. pen, then to my lord's, and thence with capt. cuttance and capt. clark to drink our morning draught together, and before we could get back again my lord was gone out. so to whitehall again and, met with my lord above with the duke; and after a little talk with him, i went to the banquethouse, and there saw the king heal, the first time that ever i saw him do it; which he did with great gravity, and it seemed to me to be an ugly office and a simple one. that done to my lord's and dined there, and so by water with parson turner towards london, and upon my telling of him of mr. moore to be a fit man to do his business with bishop wren, about which he was going, he went back out of my boat into another to whitehall, and so i forwards home and there by and by took coach with sir w. pen and captain terne and went to the buriall of captain robert blake, at wapping, and there had each of us a ring, but it being dirty, we would not go to church with them, but with our coach we returned home, and there staid a little, and then he and i alone to the dolphin (sir w. batten being this day gone with his wife to walthamstow to keep easter), and there had a supper by ourselves, we both being very hungry, and staying there late drinking i became very sleepy, and so we went home and i to bed. th (easter. lord's day). in the morning towards my father's, and by the way heard mr. jacomb, at ludgate, upon these words, "christ loved you and therefore let us love one another," and made a lazy sermon, like a presbyterian. then to my father's and dined there, and dr. fairbrother (lately come to town) with us. after dinner i went to the temple and there heard dr. griffith, a good sermon for the day; so with mr. moore (whom i met there) to my lord's, and there he shewed me a copy of my lord chancellor's patent for earl, and i read the preamble, which is very short, modest, and good. here my lord saw us and spoke to me about getting mr. moore to come and govern his house while he goes to sea, which i promised him to do and did afterwards speak to mr. moore, and he is willing. then hearing that mr. barnwell was come, with some of my lord's little children, yesterday to town, to see the coronacion, i went and found them at the goat, at charing cross, and there i went and drank with them a good while, whom i found in very good health and very merry then to my father's, and after supper seemed willing to go home, and my wife seeming to be so too i went away in a discontent, but she, poor wretch, followed me as far in the rain and dark as fleet bridge to fetch me back again, and so i did, and lay with her to-night, which i have not done these eight or ten days before. th. from my father's, it being a very foul morning for the king and lords to go to windsor, i went to the office and there met mr. coventry and sir robt. slingsby, but did no business, but only appoint to go to deptford together tomorrow. mr. coventry being gone, and i having at home laid up l which i had brought this morning home from alderman backwell's, i went home by coach with sir r. slingsby and dined with him, and had a very good dinner. his lady' seems a good woman and very desirous they were to hear this noon by the post how the election has gone at newcastle, wherein he is concerned, but the letters are not come yet. to my uncle wight's, and after a little stay with them he and i to mr. rawlinson's, and there staid all the afternoon, it being very foul, and had a little talk with him what good i might make of these ships that go to portugal by venturing some money by them, and he will give me an answer to it shortly. so home and sent for the barber, and after that to bed. th. so soon as word was brought me that mr. coventry was come with the barge to the towre, i went to him, and found him reading of the psalms in short hand (which he is now busy about), and had good sport about the long marks that are made there for sentences in divinity, which he is never like to make use of. here he and i sat till the comptroller came and then we put off for deptford, where we went on board the king's pleasure boat that commissioner pett is making, and indeed it will be a most pretty thing. from thence to commr. pett's lodging, and there had a good breakfast, and in came the two sir wms. from walthamstow, and so we sat down and did a great deal of public business about the fitting of the fleet that is now going out. that done we went to the globe and there had a good dinner, and by and by took barge again and so home. by the way they would have me sing, which i did to mr. coventry, who went up to sir william batten's, and there we staid and talked a good while, and then broke up and i home, and then to my father's and there lay with my wife. th. by land and saw the arches, which are now almost done and are very fine, and i saw the picture of the ships and other things this morning, set up before the east indy house, which are well done. so to the office, and that being done i went to dinner with sir w. batten, and then home to my workmen, and saw them go on with great content to me. then comes mr. allen of chatham, and i took him to the mitre and there did drink with him, and did get of him the song that pleased me so well there the other day, "of shitten come shites the beginning of love." his daughters are to come to town to-morrow, but i know not whether i shall see them or no. that done i went to the dolphin by appointment and there i met sir wms. both and mr. castle, and did eat a barrel of oysters and two lobsters, which i did give them, and were very merry. here we had great talk of mr. warren's being knighted by the king, and sir w. b. seemed to be very much incensed against him. so home. th. up with my workmen and then about o'clock took horse with both the sir williams for walthamstow, and there we found my lady and her daughters all; and a pleasant day it was, and all things else, but that my lady was in a bad mood, which we were troubled at, and had she been noble she would not have been so with her servants, when we came thither, and this sir w. pen took notice of, as well as i. after dinner we all went to the church stile, and there eat and drank, and i was as merry as i could counterfeit myself to be. then, it raining hard, we left sir w. batten, and we two returned and called at mr.----and drank some brave wine there, and then homewards again and in our way met with two country fellows upon one horse, which i did, without much ado, give the way to, but sir w. pen would not, but struck them and they him, and so passed away, but they giving him some high words, he went back again and struck them off their horse, in a simple fury, and without much honour, in my mind, and so came away. home, and i sat with him a good while talking, and then home and to bed. th. among my workmen and then to the office, and after that dined with sir w. batten, and then home, where sir w. warren came, and i took him and mr. shepley and moore with me to the mitre, and there i cleared with warren for the deals i bought lately for my lord of him, and he went away, and we staid afterwards a good while and talked, and so parted, it being so foul that i could not go to whitehall to see the knights of the bath made to-day, which do trouble me mightily. so home, and having staid awhile till will came in (with whom i was vexed for staying abroad), he comes and then i went by water to my father's, and then after supper to bed with my wife. th. here comes my boy to tell me that the duke of york had sent for all the principal officers, &c., to come to him to-day. so i went by water to mr. coventry's, and there staid and talked a good while with him till all the rest come. we went up and saw the duke dress himself, and in his night habitt he is a very plain man. then he sent us to his closett, where we saw among other things two very fine chests, covered with gold and indian varnish, given him by the east indy company of holland. the duke comes; and after he had told us that the fleet was designed for algier (which was kept from us till now), we did advise about many things as to the fitting of the fleet, and so went away. and from thence to the privy seal, where little to do, and after that took mr. creed and moore and gave them their morning draught, and after that to my lord's, where sir w. pen came to me, and dined with my lord. after dinner he and others that dined there went away, and then my lord looked upon his pages' and footmen's liverys, which are come home to-day, and will be handsome, though not gaudy. then with my lady and my lady wright to white hall; and in the banqueting-house saw the king create my lord chancellor and several others, earls, and mr. crew and several others, barons: the first being led up by heralds and five old earls to the king, and there the patent is read, and the king puts on his vest, and sword, and coronet, and gives him the patent. and then he kisseth the king's hand, and rises and stands covered before the king. and the same for the barons, only he is led up but by three of the old barons, and are girt with swords before they go to the king. that being done (which was very pleasant to see their habits), i carried my lady back, and i found my lord angry, for that his page had let my lord's new beaver be changed for an old hat; then i went away, and with mr. creed to the exchange and bought some things, as gloves and bandstrings, &c. so back to the cockpitt, and there, by the favour of one mr. bowman, he and i got in, and there saw the king and duke of york and his duchess (which is a plain woman, and like her mother, my lady chancellor). and so saw "the humersome lieutenant" acted before the king, but not very well done. but my pleasure was great to see the manner of it, and so many great beauties, but above all mrs. palmer, with whom the king do discover a great deal of familiarity. so mr. creed and i (the play being done) went to mrs. harper's, and there sat and drank, it being about twelve at night. the ways being now so dirty, and stopped up with the rayles which are this day set up in the streets, i would not go home, but went with him to his lodging at mr. ware's, and there lay all night. st (lord's day). in the morning we were troubled to hear it rain as it did, because of the great show tomorrow. after i was ready i walked to my father's and there found the late maid to be gone and another come by my mother's choice, which my father do not like, and so great difference there will be between my father and mother about it. here dined doctor thos. pepys and dr. fayrebrother; and all our talk about to-morrow's show, and our trouble that it is like to be a wet day. after dinner comes in my coz. snow and his wife, and i think stay there till the show be over. then i went home, and all the way is so thronged with people to see the triumphal arches, that i could hardly pass for them. so home, people being at church, and i got home unseen, and so up to my chamber and saw done these last five or six days' diarys. my mind a little troubled about my workmen, which, being foreigners,--[foreigners were workmen dwelling outside the city.]--are like to be troubled by a couple of lazy rogues that worked with me the other day, that are citizens, and so my work will be hindered, but i must prevent it if i can. d. king's going from ye tower to white hall. [the king in the early morning of the nd went from whitehall to the tower by water, so that he might proceed from thence through the city to westminster abbey, there to be crowned.] up early and made myself as fine as i could, and put on my velvet coat, the first day that i put it on, though made half a year ago. and being ready, sir w. batten, my lady, and his two daughters and his son and wife, and sir w. pen and his son and i, went to mr. young's, the flag-maker, in corne-hill; [the members of the navy office appear to have chosen mr. young's house on account of its nearness to the second triumphal arch, situated near the royal exchange, which was dedicated to the navy.] and there we had a good room to ourselves, with wine and good cake, and saw the show very well. in which it is impossible to relate the glory of this day, expressed in the clothes of them that rid, and their horses and horses clothes, among others, my lord sandwich's. embroidery and diamonds were ordinary among them. the knights of the bath was a brave sight of itself; and their esquires, among which mr. armiger was an esquire to one of the knights. remarquable were the two men that represent the two dukes of normandy and aquitane. the bishops come next after barons, which is the higher place; which makes me think that the next parliament they will be called to the house of lords. my lord monk rode bare after the king, and led in his hand a spare horse, as being master of the horse. the king, in a most rich embroidered suit and cloak, looked most noble. wadlow, [simon wadlow was the original of "old sir simon the king," the favourite air of squire western in "tom jones." "hang up all the poor hop-drinkers, cries old sim, the king of skinkers." ben jonson, verses over the door into the apollo.] the vintner, at the devil; in fleetstreet, did lead a fine company of soldiers, all young comely men, in white doublets. there followed the vice-chamberlain, sir g. carteret, a company of men all like turks; but i know not yet what they are for. the streets all gravelled, and the houses hung with carpets before them, made brave show, and the ladies out of the windows, one of which over against us i took much notice of, and spoke of her, which made good sport among us. so glorious was the show with gold and silver, that we were not able to look at it, our eyes at last being so much overcome with it. both the king and the duke of york took notice of us, as he saw us at the window. the show being ended, mr. young did give us a dinner, at which we were very merry, and pleased above imagination at what we have seen. sir w. batten going home, he and i called and drunk some mum [mum. ale brewed with wheat at brunswick. "sedulous and stout with bowls of fattening mum." j. phillips, cyder, vol. ii. p. .] and laid our wager about my lady faulconbridge's name, [mary, third daughter of oliver cromwell, and second wife of thomas bellasis, second viscount fauconberg, created earl of fauconberg, april th, .] which he says not to be mary, and so i won above s. so home, where will and the boy staid and saw the show upon towre hill, and jane at t. pepys's, the. turner, and my wife at charles glassecocke's, in fleet street. in the evening by water to white hall to my lord's, and there i spoke with my lord. he talked with me about his suit, which was made in france, and cost him l , and very rich it is with embroidery. i lay with mr. shepley, and coronacion day. d. about i rose and got to the abbey, where i followed sir j. denham, the surveyor, with some company that he was leading in. and with much ado, by the favour of mr. cooper, his man, did get up into a great scaffold across the north end of the abbey, where with a great deal of patience i sat from past till before the king came in. and a great pleasure it was to see the abbey raised in the middle, all covered with red, and a throne (that is a chair) and footstool on the top of it; and all the officers of all kinds, so much as the very fidlers, in red vests. at last comes in the dean and prebends of westminster, with the bishops (many of them in cloth of gold copes), and after them the nobility, all in their parliament robes, which was a most magnificent sight. then the duke, and the king with a scepter (carried by my lord sandwich) and sword and mond [mond or orb of gold, with a cross set with precious stones, carried by the duke of buckingham.] before him, and the crown too. the king in his robes, bare-headed, which was very fine. and after all had placed themselves, there was a sermon and the service; and then in the quire at the high altar, the king passed through all the ceremonies of the coronacon, which to my great grief i and most in the abbey could not see. the crown being put upon his head, a great shout begun, and he came forth to the throne, and there passed more ceremonies: as taking the oath, and having things read to him by the bishop; and his lords (who put on their caps as soon as the king put on his crown) [as yet barons had no coronet. a grant of that outward mark of dignity was made to them by charles soon after his coronation. queen elizabeth had assigned coronets to viscounts.--b.] and bishops come, and kneeled before him. and three times the king at arms went to the three open places on the scaffold, and proclaimed, that if any one could show any reason why charles stewart should not be king of england, that now he should come and speak. and a generall pardon also was read by the lord chancellor, and meddalls flung up and down by my lord cornwallis, of silver, but i could not come by any. but so great a noise that i could make but little of the musique; and indeed, it was lost to every body. but i had so great a lust to.... that i went out a little while before the king had done all his ceremonies, and went round the abbey to westminster hall, all the way within rayles, and , people, with the ground covered with blue cloth; and scaffolds all the way. into the hall i got, where it was very fine with hangings and scaffolds one upon another full of brave ladies; and my wife in one little one, on the right hand. here i staid walking up and down, and at last upon one of the side stalls i stood and saw the king come in with all the persons (but the soldiers) that were yesterday in the cavalcade; and a most pleasant sight it was to see them in their several robes. and the king came in with his crown on, and his sceptre in his hand, under a canopy borne up by six silver staves, carried by barons of the cinque ports, [pepys was himself one of the barons of the cinque ports at the coronation of james ii.] and little bells at every end. and after a long time, he got up to the farther end, and all set themselves down at their several tables; and that was also a brave sight: and the king's first course carried up by the knights of the bath. and many fine ceremonies there was of the heralds leading up people before him, and bowing; and my lord of albemarle's going to the kitchin and eat a bit of the first dish that was to go to the king's table. but, above all, was these three lords, northumberland, and suffolk, and the duke of ormond, coming before the courses on horseback, and staying so all dinner-time, and at last to bring up [dymock] the king's champion, all in armour on horseback, with his spear and targett carried before him. and a herald proclaims "that if any dare deny charles stewart to be lawful king of england, here was a champion that would fight with him;" [the terms of the champion's challenge were as follows: "if any person of what degree soever, high or low, shall deny or gainsay our soveraigne lord king charles the second, king of england, scotland, france and ireland, defender of the faith, sonne and next heire to our soveraigne lord charles the first, the last king deceased, to be right heire to the imperiall crowne of this realme of england, or that bee ought not to enjoy the same; here is his champion, who sayth that he lyeth and is a false traytor, being ready in person to combate with him, and in this quarrell will venture his life against him, on what day soever hee shall be appointed."] and with these words, the champion flings down his gauntlet, and all this he do three times in his going up towards the king's table. at last when he is come, the king drinks to him, and then sends him the cup which is of gold, and he drinks it off, and then rides back again with the cup in his hand. i went from table to table to see the bishops and all others at their dinner, and was infinitely pleased with it. and at the lords' table, i met with william howe, and he spoke to my lord for me, and he did give me four rabbits and a pullet, and so i got it and mr. creed and i got mr. michell to give us some bread, and so we at a stall eat it, as every body else did what they could get. i took a great deal of pleasure to go up and down, and look upon the ladies, and to hear the musique of all sorts, but above all, the violins: about six at night they had dined, and i went up to my wife, and there met with a pretty lady (mrs. frankleyn, a doctor's wife, a friend of mr. bowyer's), and kissed them both, and by and by took them down to mr. bowyer's. and strange it is to think, that these two days have held up fair till now that all is done, and the king gone out of the hall; and then it fell a-raining and thundering and lightening as i have not seen it do for some years: which people did take great notice of; god's blessing of the work of these two days, which is a foolery to take too much notice of such things. i observed little disorder in all this, but only the king's footmen had got hold of the canopy, and would keep it from the barons of the cinque ports, [bishop kennett gives a somewhat fuller account of this unseemly broil: "no sooner had the aforesaid barons brought up the king to the foot of the stairs in westminster hall, ascending to his throne, and turned on the left hand (towards their own table) out of the way, but the king's footmen most insolently and violently seized upon the canopy, which the barons endeavouring to keep and defend, were by their number and strength dragged clown to the lower end of the hall, nevertheless still keeping their hold; and had not mr. owen york herald, being accidentally near the hall door, and seeing the contest, caused the same to be shut, the footmen had certainly carried it away by force. but in the interim also (speedy notice hereof having been given the king) one of the querries were sent from him, with command to imprison the footmen, and dismiss them out of his service, which put an end to the present disturbance. these footmen were also commanded to make their submission to the court of claims, which was accordingly done by them the th april following, and the canopy then delivered back to the said barons." whilst this disturbance happened, the upper end of the first table, which had been appointed for the barons of the cinque ports, was taken up by the bishops, judges, &c., probably nothing loth to take precedence of them; and the poor barons, naturally unwilling to lose their dinner, were necessitated to eat it at the bottom of the second table, below the masters of chancery and others of the long robe.-b.] which they endeavoured to force from them again, but could not do it till my lord duke of albemarle caused it to be put into sir r. pye's' hand till tomorrow to be decided. at mr. bowyer's; a great deal of company, some i knew, others i did not. here we staid upon the leads and below till it was late, expecting to see the fire-works, but they were not performed to-night: only the city had a light like a glory round about it with bonfires. at last i went to kingstreet, and there sent crockford to my father's and my house, to tell them i could not come home tonight, because of the dirt, and a coach could not be had. and so after drinking a pot of ale alone at mrs. harper's i returned to mr. bowyer's, and after a little stay more i took my wife and mrs. frankleyn (who i proffered the civility of lying with my wife at mrs. hunt's to-night) to axe-yard, in which at the further end there were three great bonfires, and a great many great gallants, men and women; and they laid hold of us, and would have us drink the king's health upon our knees, kneeling upon a faggot, which we all did, they drinking to us one after another. which we thought a strange frolique; but these gallants continued thus a great while, and i wondered to see how the ladies did tipple. at last i sent my wife and her bedfellow to bed, and mr. hunt and i went in with mr. thornbury (who did give the company all their wine, he being yeoman of the wine-cellar to the king) to his house; and there, with his wife and two of his sisters, and some gallant sparks that were there, we drank the king's health, and nothing else, till one of the gentlemen fell down stark drunk, and there lay spewing; and i went to my lord's pretty well. but no sooner a-bed with mr. shepley but my head began to hum, and i to vomit, and if ever i was foxed it was now, which i cannot say yet, because i fell asleep and slept till morning. only when i waked i found myself wet with my spewing. thus did the day end with joy every where; and blessed be god, i have not heard of any mischance to any body through it all, but only to serjt. glynne, whose horse fell upon him yesterday, and is like to kill him, which people do please themselves to see how just god is to punish the rogue at such a time as this; he being now one of the king's serjeants, and rode in the cavalcade with maynard, to whom people wish the same fortune. there was also this night in king-street, [a woman] had her eye put out by a boy's flinging a firebrand into the coach. now, after all this, i can say that, besides the pleasure of the sight of these glorious things, i may now shut my eyes against any other objects, nor for the future trouble myself to see things of state and show, as being sure never to see the like again in this world. th. waked in the morning with my head in a sad taking through the last night's drink, which i am very sorry for; so rose and went out with mr. creed to drink our morning draft, which he did give me in chocolate [chocolate was introduced into england about the year . in the "publick advertiser" of tuesday, june - , , we find the following; "in bishopsgate street in queen's head alley, at a frenchman's house, is an excellent west india drink called chocolate, to be sold, where you may have it ready at any time, and also unmade at reasonable rates."--m. b.] to settle my stomach. and after that i to my wife, who lay with mrs. frankelyn at the next door to mrs. hunt's, and they were ready, and so i took them up in a coach, and carried the ladies to paul's, and there set her down, and so my wife and i home, and i to the office. that being done my wife and i went to dinner to sir w. batten, and all our talk about the happy conclusion of these last solemnities. after dinner home, and advised with my wife about ordering things in my house, and then she went away to my father's to lie, and i staid with my workmen, who do please me very well with their work. at night, set myself to write down these three days' diary, and while i am about it, i hear the noise of the chambers,--[a chamber is a small piece of ordnance.]--and other things of the fire-works, which are now playing upon the thames before the king; and i wish myself with them, being sorry not to see them. so to bed. th. all the morning with my workmen with great pleasure to see them near coming to an end. at noon mr. moore and i went to an ordinary at the king's head in towre street, and there had a dirty dinner. afterwards home and having done some business with him, in comes mr. sheply and pierce the surgeon, and they and i to the mitre and there staid a while and drank, and so home and after a little rending to bed. th. at the office all the morning, and at noon dined by myself at home on a piece of meat from the cook's, and so at home all the afternoon with my workmen, and at night to bed, having some thoughts to order my business so as to go to portsmouth the next week with sir robert slingsby. th. in the morning to my lord's, and there dined with my lady, and after dinner with mr. creed and captain ferrers to the theatre to see "the chances," and after that to the cock alehouse, where we had a harp and viallin played to us, and so home by coach to sir w. batten's, who seems so inquisitive when my house will be made an end of that i am troubled to go thither. so home with some trouble in my mind about it. th (lord's day). in the morning to my father's, where i dined, and in the afternoon to their church, where come mrs. turner and mrs. edward pepys, and several other ladies, and so i went out of the pew into another. and after sermon home with them, and there staid a while and talked with them and was sent for to my father's, where my cozen angier and his wife, of cambridge, to whom i went, and was glad to see them, and sent for wine for them, and they supped with my father. after supper my father told me of an odd passage the other night in bed between my mother and him, and she would not let him come to bed to her out of jealousy of him and an ugly wench that lived there lately, the most ill-favoured slut that ever i saw in my life, which i was ashamed to hear that my mother should be become such a fool, and my father bid me to take notice of it to my mother, and to make peace between him and her. all which do trouble me very much. so to bed to my wife. th. up and with my father towards my house, and by the way met with lieut. lambert, and with him to the dolphin in tower street and drank our morning draught, he being much troubled about his being offered a fourth rate ship to be lieutenant of her now he has been two years lieutenant in a first rate. so to the office, where it is determined that i should go to-morrow to portsmouth. so i went out of the office to whitehall presently, and there spoke with sir w. pen and sir george carteret and had their advice as to my going, and so back again home, where i directed mr. hater what to do in order to our going to-morrow, and so back again by coach to whitehall and there eat something in the buttery at my lord's with john goods and ned osgood. and so home again, and gave order to my workmen what to do in my absence. at night to sir w. batten's, and by his and sir w. pen's persuasion i sent for my wife from my father's, who came to us to mrs. turner's, where we were all at a collacion to-night till twelve o'clock, there being a gentlewoman there that did play well and sang well to the harpsicon, and very merry we were. so home and to bed, where my wife had not lain a great while. th. this morning, after order given to my workmen, my wife and i and mr. creed took coach, and in fishstreet took up mr. hater and his wife, who through her mask seemed at first to be an old woman, but afterwards i found her to be a very pretty modest black woman. we got a small bait at leatherhead, and so to godlyman, where we lay all night, and were very merry, having this day no other extraordinary rencontre, but my hat falling off my head at newington into the water, by which it was spoiled, and i ashamed of it. i am sorry that i am not at london, to be at hide-parke to-morrow, among the great gallants and ladies, which will be very fine. may may st. up early, and bated at petersfield, in the room which the king lay in lately at his being there. here very merry, and played us and our wives at bowls. then we set forth again, and so to portsmouth, seeming to me to be a very pleasant and strong place; and we lay at the red lyon, where haselrigge and scott and walton did hold their councill, when they were here, against lambert and the committee of safety. several officers of the yard came to see us to-night, and merry we were, but troubled to have no better lodgings. nd. up, and mr. creed and i to walk round the town upon the walls. then to our inn, and there all the officers of the yard to see me with great respect, and i walked with them to the dock and saw all the stores, and much pleased with the sight of the place. back and brought them all to dinner with me, and treated them handsomely; and so after dinner by water to the yard, and there we made the sale of the old provisions. then we and our wives all to see the montagu, which is a fine ship, and so to the town again by water, and then to see the room where the duke of buckingham was killed by felton.-- . so to our lodging, and to supper and to bed. to-night came mr. stevens to town to help us to pay off the fox. rd. early to walk with mr. creed up and down the town, and it was in his and some others' thoughts to have got me made free of the town, but the mayor, it seems, unwilling, and so they could not do it. then to the payhouse, and there paid off the ship, and so to a short dinner, and then took coach, leaving mrs. hater there to stay with her husband's friends, and we to petersfield, having nothing more of trouble in all my journey, but the exceeding unmannerly and most epicure-like palate of mr. creed. here my wife and i lay in the room the queen lately lay at her going into france. th. up in the morning and took coach, and so to gilford, where we lay at the red lyon, the best inn, and lay in the room the king lately lay in, where we had time to see the hospital, built by archbishop abbott, and the free school, and were civilly treated by the mayster. so to supper, and to bed, being very merry about our discourse with the drawers concerning the minister of the town, with a red face and a girdle. so to bed, where we lay and sleep well. th (lord's day). mr. creed and i went to the red-faced parson's church, and heard a good sermon of him, better than i looked for. then home, and had a good dinner, and after dinner fell in some talk in divinity with mr. stevens that kept us till it was past church time. anon we walked into the garden, and there played the fool a great while, trying who of mr. creed or i could go best over the edge of an old fountain well, and i won a quart of sack of him. then to supper in the banquet house, and there my wife and i did talk high, she against and i for mrs. pierce (that she was a beauty), till we were both angry. then to walk in the fields, and so to our quarters, and to bed. th. up by four o'clock and took coach. mr. creed rode, and left us that we know not whither he went. we went on, thinking to be at home before the officers rose, but finding we could not we staid by the way and eat some cakes, and so home, where i was much troubled to see no more work done in my absence than there was, but it could not be helped. i sent my wife to my father's, and i went and sat till late with my lady batten, both the sir williams being gone this day to pay off some ships at deptford. so home and to bed without seeing of them. i hear to-night that the duke of york's son is this day dead, which i believe will please every body; and i hear that the duke and his lady themselves are not much troubled at it. th. in the morning to mr. coventry, sir g. carteret, and my lord's to give them an account of my return. my lady, i find, is, since my going, gone to the wardrobe. then with mr. creed into london, to several places about his and my business, being much stopped in our way by the city traynebands, who go in much solemnity and pomp this day to muster before the king and the duke, and shops in the city are shut up every where all this day. he carried me to an ordinary by the old exchange, where we come a little too late, but we had very good cheer for our d. a-piece, and an excellent droll too, my host, and his wife so fine a woman; and sung and played so well that i staid a great while and drunk a great deal of wine. then home and staid among my workmen all day, and took order for things for the finishing of their work, and so at night to sir w. batten's, and there supped and so home and to bed, having sent my lord a letter to-night to excuse myself for not going with him to-morrow to the hope, whither he is to go to see in what condition the fleet is in. th. this morning came my brother john to take his leave of me, he being to return to cambridge to-morrow, and after i had chid him for going with my will the other day to deptford with the principal officers, i did give him some good counsell and s. in money, and so he went away. all this day i staid at home with my workmen without eating anything, and took much pleasure to see my work go forward. at night comes my wife not well from my father's, having had a fore-tooth drawn out to-day, which do trouble me, and the more because i am now in the greatest of all my dirt. my will also returned to-night pretty well, he being gone yesterday not very well to his father's. to-day i received a letter from my uncle, to beg an old fiddle of me for my cozen perkin, the miller, whose mill the wind hath lately broke down, and now he hath nothing to live by but fiddling, and he must needs have it against whitsuntide to play to the country girls; but it vexed me to see how my uncle writes to me, as if he were not able to buy him one. but i intend tomorrow to send him one. at night i set down my journal of my late journey to this time, and so to bed. my wife not being well and i very angry with her for her coming hither in that condition. th. with my workmen all the morning, my wife being ill and in great pain with her old pain, which troubled me much because that my house is in this condition of dirt. in the afternoon i went to whitehall and there spoke with my lord at his lodgings, and there being with him my lord chamberlain, i spoke for my old waterman payne, to get into white's place, who was waterman to my lord chamberlain, and is now to go master of the barge to my lord to sea, and my lord chamberlain did promise that payne should be entertained in white's place with him. from thence to sir g. carteret, and there did get his promise for the payment of the remainder of the bill of mr. creed's, wherein of late i have been so much concerned, which did so much rejoice me that i meeting with mr. childe took him to the swan tavern in king street, and there did give him a tankard of white wine and sugar,--[the popular taste was formerly for sweet wines, and sugar was frequently mixed with the wine.]--and so i went by water home and set myself to get my lord's accounts made up, which was till nine at night before i could finish, and then i walked to the wardrobe, being the first time i was there since my lady came thither, who i found all alone, and so she shewed me all the lodgings as they are now fitted, and they seem pretty pleasant. by and by comes in my lord, and so, after looking over my accounts, i returned home, being a dirty and dark walk. so to bed. th. at the office all the morning, and the afternoon among my workmen with great pleasure, because being near an end of their work. this afternoon came mr. blackburn and creed to see me, and i took them to the dolphin, and there drank a great deal of rhenish wine with them and so home, having some talk with mr. blackburn about his kinsman my will, and he did give me good satisfaction in that it is his desire that his kinsman should do me all service, and that he would give him the best counsel he could to make him good. which i begin of late to fear that he will not because of the bad company that i find that he do begin to take. this afternoon mr. hater received for me the l due upon mr. creed's bill in which i am concerned so much, which do make me very glad. at night to sir w. batten and sat a while. so to bed. th. this morning i went by water with payne (mr. moore being with me) to my lord chamberlain at whitehall, and there spoke with my lord, and he did accept of payne for his waterman, as i had lately endeavoured to get him to be. after that mr. cooling did give payne an order to be entertained, and so i left him and mr. moore, and i went to graye's inne, and there to a barber's, where i was trimmed, and had my haire cut, in which i am lately become a little curious, finding that the length of it do become me very much. so, calling at my father's, i went home, and there staid and saw my workmen follow their work, which this night is brought to a very good condition. this afternoon mr. shepley, moore, and creed came to me all about their several accounts with me, and we did something with them all, and so they went away. this evening mr. hater brought my last quarter's salary, of which i was very glad, because i have lost my first bill for it, and so this morning was forced to get another signed by three of my fellow officers for it. all this evening till late setting my accounts and papers in order, and so to bed. th. my wife had a very troublesome night this night and in great pain, but about the morning her swelling broke, and she was in great ease presently as she useth to be. so i put in a vent (which dr. williams sent me yesterday) into the hole to keep it open till all the matter be come out, and so i question not that she will soon be well again. i staid at home all this morning, being the lord's day, making up my private accounts and setting papers in order. at noon went with my lady montagu at the wardrobe, but i found it so late that i came back again, and so dined with my wife in her chamber. after dinner i went awhile to my chamber to set my papers right. then i walked forth towards westminster and at the savoy heard dr. fuller preach upon david's words, "i will wait with patience all the days of my appointed time until my change comes;" but methought it was a poor dry sermon. and i am afeard my former high esteem of his preaching was more out of opinion than judgment. from thence homewards, but met with mr. creed, with whom i went and walked in grayes-inn-walks, and from thence to islington, and there eat and drank at the house my father and we were wont of old to go to; and after that walked homeward, and parted in smithfield: and so i home, much wondering to see how things are altered with mr. creed, who, twelve months ago, might have been got to hang himself almost as soon as go to a drinking-house on a sunday. th. all the morning at home among my workmen. at noon mr. creed and i went to the ordinary behind the exchange, where we lately were, but i do not like it so well as i did. so home with him and to the office, where we sat late, and he did deliver his accounts to us. the office being done i went home and took pleasure to see my work draw to an end. th. up early and by water to whitehall to my lord, and there had much talk with him about getting some money for him. he told me of his intention to get the muster master's place for mr. pierce, the purser, who he has a mind to carry to sea with him, and spoke very slightingly of mr. creed, as that he had no opinion at all of him, but only he was forced to make use of him because of his present accounts. thence to drink with mr. shepley and mr. pinkny, and so home and among my workmen all day. in the evening mr. shepley came to me for some money, and so he and i to the mitre, and there we had good wine and a gammon of bacon. my uncle wight, mr. talbot, and others were with us, and we were pretty merry. so at night home and to bed. finding my head grow weak now-a-days if i come to drink wine, and therefore hope that i shall leave it off of myself, which i pray god i could do. th. with my workmen all day till the afternoon, and then to the office, where mr. creed's accounts were passed. home and found all my joyner's work now done, but only a small job or two, which please me very well. this afternoon there came two men with an order from a committee of lords to demand some books of me out of the office, in order to the examining of mr. hutchinson's accounts, but i give them a surly answer, and they went away to complain, which put me into some trouble with myself, but i resolve to go to-morrow myself to these lords and answer them. to bed, being in great fear because of the shavings which lay all up and down the house and cellar, for fear of fire. th. up early to see whether the work of my house be quite done, and i found it to my mind. staid at home all the morning, and about o'clock went in my velvet coat by water to the savoy, and there, having staid a good while, i was called into the lords, and there, quite contrary to my expectations, they did treat me very civilly, telling me that what they had done was out of zeal to the king's service, and that they would joyne with the governors of the chest with all their hearts, since they knew that there was any, which they did not before. i give them very respectful answer and so went away to the theatre, and there saw the latter end of "the mayd's tragedy," which i never saw before, and methinks it is too sad and melancholy. thence homewards, and meeting mr. creed i took him by water to the wardrobe with me, and there we found my lord newly gone away with the duke of ormond and some others, whom he had had to the collation; and so we, with the rest of the servants in the hall, sat down and eat of the best cold meats that ever i eat on in all my life. from thence i went home (mr. moore with me to the waterside, telling me how kindly he is used by my lord and my lady since his coming hither as a servant), and to bed. th. all the morning at home. at noon lieutenant lambert came to me, and he and i to the exchange, and thence to an ordinary over against it, where to our dinner we had a fellow play well upon the bagpipes and whistle like a bird exceeding well, and i had a fancy to learn to whistle as he do, and did promise to come some other day and give him an angell to teach me. to the office, and sat there all the afternoon till at night. so home to my musique, and my wife and i sat singing in my chamber a good while together, and then to bed. th. towards westminster, from the towre, by water, and was fain to stand upon one of the piers about the bridge, [the dangers of shooting the bridge were so great that a popular proverb has it--london bridge was made for wise men to go over and fools to go under.] before the men could drag their boat through the lock, and which they could not do till another was called to help them. being through bridge i found the thames full of boats and gallys, and upon inquiry found that there was a wager to be run this morning. so spying of payne in a gully, i went into him, and there staid, thinking to have gone to chelsy with them. but upon, the start, the wager boats fell foul one of another, till at last one of them gives over, pretending foul play, and so the other row away alone, and all our sport lost. so, i went ashore, at westminster; and to the hall i went, where it was very pleasant to see the hall in the condition it is now with the judges on the benches at the further end of it, which i had not seen all this term till now. thence with mr. spicer, creed and some others to drink. and so away homewards by water with mr. creed, whom i left in london going about business and i home, where i staid all the afternoon in the garden reading "faber fortunae" with great pleasure. so home to bed. th. (lord's day) i walked in the morning towards westminster, and seeing many people at york house, i went down and found them at mass, it being the spanish ambassodors; and so i go into one of the gallerys, and there heard two masses done, i think, not in so much state as i have seen them heretofore. after that into the garden, and walked a turn or two, but found it not so fine a place as i always took it for by the outside. thence to my lord's and there spake with him about business, and then he went to whitehall to dinner, and capt. ferrers and mr. howe and myself to mr. wilkinson's at the crown, and though he had no meat of his own, yet we happened to find our cook mr. robinson there, who had a dinner for himself and some friends, and so he did give us a very fine dinner. then to my lord's, where we went and sat talking and laughing in the drawing-room a great while. all our talk about their going to sea this voyage, which capt. ferrers is in some doubt whether he shall go or no, but swears that he would go, if he were sure never to come back again; and i, giving him some hopes, he grew so mad with joy that he fell a-dancing and leaping like a madman. now it fell out so that the balcone windows were open, and he went to the rayle and made an offer to leap over, and asked what if he should leap over there. i told him i would give him l if he did not go to sea. with that thought i shut the doors, and w. howe hindered him all we could; yet he opened them again, and, with a vault, leaps down into the garden:--the greatest and most desperate frolic that ever i saw in my life. i run to see what was become of him, and we found him crawled upon his knees, but could not rise; so we went down into the garden and dragged him to the bench, where he looked like a dead man, but could not stir; and, though he had broke nothing, yet his pain in his back was such as he could not endure. with this, my lord (who was in the little new room) come to us in amaze, and bid us carry him up, which, by our strength, we did, and so laid him in east's bed, by the door; where he lay in great pain. we sent for a doctor and chyrurgeon, but none to be found, till by-and-by by chance comes in dr. clerke, who is afeard of him. so we sent to get a lodging for him, and i went up to my lord, where captain cooke, mr. gibbons, and others of the king's musicians were come to present my lord with some songs and symphonys, which were performed very finely. which being done i took leave and supped at my father's, where was my cozen beck come lately out of the country. i am troubled to see my father so much decay of a suddain, as he do both in his seeing and hearing, and as much to hear of him how my brother tom do grow disrespectful to him and my mother. i took leave and went home, where to prayers (which i have not had in my house a good while), and so to bed. th. at home all the morning; paid l to one mr. grant for mr. barlow, for the last half year, and was visited by mr. anderson, my former chamber fellow at cambridge, with whom i parted at the hague, but i did not go forthwith him, only gave him a morning draft at home. at noon mr. creed came to me, and he and i to the exchange, and so to an ordinary to dinner, and after dinner to the mitre, and there sat drinking while it rained very much. then to the office, where i found sir williams both, choosing of masters for the new fleet of ships that is ordered to be set forth, and pen seeming to be in an ugly humour, not willing to gratify one that i mentioned to be put in, did vex me. we sat late, and so home. mr. moore came to me when i was going to bed, and sat with me a good while talking about my lord's business and our own and so good night. st. up early, and, with sir r. slingsby (and major waters the deaf gentleman, his friend, for company's sake) to the victualling-office (the first time that i ever knew where it was), and there staid while he read a commission for enquiry into some of the king's lands and houses thereabouts, that are given his brother. and then we took boat to woolwich, where we staid and gave order for the fitting out of some more ships presently. and then to deptford, where we staid and did the same; and so took barge again, and were overtaken by the king in his barge, he having been down the river with his yacht this day for pleasure to try it; and, as i hear, commissioner pett's do prove better than the dutch one, and that that his brother built. while we were upon the water, one of the greatest showers of rain fell that ever i saw. the comptroller and i landed with our barge at the temple, and from thence i went to my father's, and there did give order about some clothes to be made, and did buy a new hat, cost between and shillings, at mr. holden's. so home. nd. to westminster, and there missed of my lord, and so about noon i and w. howe by water to the wardrobe, where my lord and all the officers of the wardrobe dined, and several other friends of my lord, at a venison pasty. before dinner, my lady wright and my lady jem. sang songs to the harpsicon. very pleasant and merry at dinner. and then i went away by water to the office, and there staid till it was late. at night before i went to bed the barber came to trim me and wash me, and so to bed, in order to my being clean to-morrow. rd. this day i went to my lord, and about many other things at whitehall, and there made even my accounts with mr. shepley at my lord's, and then with him and mr. moore and john bowles to the rhenish wine house, and there came jonas moore, the mathematician, to us, and there he did by discourse make us fully believe that england and france were once the same continent, by very good arguments, and spoke very many things, not so much to prove the scripture false as that the time therein is not well computed nor understood. from thence home by water, and there shifted myself into my black silk suit (the first day i have put it on this year), and so to my lord mayor's by coach, with a great deal of honourable company, and great entertainment. at table i had very good discourse with mr. ashmole, wherein he did assure me that frogs and many insects do often fall from the sky, ready formed. dr. bates's singularity in not rising up nor drinking the king's nor other healths at the table was very much observed. [dr. william bates, one of the most eminent of the puritan divines, and who took part in the savoy conference. his collected writings were published in , and fill a large folio volume. the dissenters called him silver-tongued bates. calamy affirmed that if bates would have conformed to the established church he might have been raised to any bishopric in the kingdom. he died in , aged seventy-four.] from thence we all took coach, and to our office, and there sat till it was late; and so i home and to bed by day-light. this day was kept a holy-day through the town; and it pleased me to see the little boys walk up and down in procession with their broom-staffs in their hands, as i had myself long ago gone. [pepys here refers to the perambulation of parishes on holy thursday, still observed. this ceremony was sometimes enlivened by whipping the boys, for the better impressing on their minds the remembrance of the day, and the boundaries of the parish, instead of beating houses or stones. but this would not have harmonized well with the excellent hooker's practice on this day, when he "always dropped some loving and facetious observations, to be remembered against the next year, especially by the boys and young people." amongst dorsetshire customs, it seems that, in perambulating a manor or parish, a boy is tossed into a stream, if that be the boundary; if a hedge, a sapling from it is applied for the purpose of flagellation.--b.] th. at home all the morning making up my private accounts, and this is the first time that i do find myself to be clearly worth l in money, besides all my goods in my house, &c. in the afternoon at the office late, and then i went to the wardrobe, where i found my lord at supper, and therefore i walked a good while till he had done, and i went in to him, and there he looked over my accounts. and they were committed to mr. moore to see me paid what remained due to me. then down to the kitchen to eat a bit of bread and butter, which i did, and there i took one of the maids by the chin, thinking her to be susan, but it proved to be her sister, who is very like her. from thence home. th. all the morning at home about business. at noon to the temple, where i staid and looked over a book or two at playford's, and then to the theatre, where i saw a piece of "the silent woman," which pleased me. so homewards, and in my way bought "the bondman" in paul's churchyard, and so home, where i found all clean, and the hearth and range, as it is now enlarged, set up, which pleases me very much. th (lord's day). lay long in bed. to church and heard a good sermon at our own church, where i have not been a great many weeks. dined with my wife alone at home pleasing myself in that my house do begin to look as if at last it would be in good order. this day the parliament received the communion of dr. gunning at st. margaret's, westminster. in the afternoon both the sir williams came to church, where we had a dull stranger. after church home, and so to the mitre, where i found dr. burnett, the first time that ever i met him to drink with him, and my uncle wight and there we sat and drank a great deal, and so i to sir w. batten's, where i have on purpose made myself a great stranger, only to get a high opinion a little more of myself in them. here i heard how mrs. browne, sir w. batten's sister, is brought to bed, and i to be one of the godfathers, which i could not nor did deny. which, however, did trouble me very much to be at charge to no purpose, so that i could not sleep hardly all night, but in the morning i bethought myself, and i think it is very well i should do it. sir w. batten told me how mr. prin (among the two or three that did refuse to-day to receive the sacrament upon their knees) was offered by a mistake the drink afterwards, which he did receive, being denied the drink by dr. gunning, unless he would take it on his knees; and after that by another the bread was brought him, and he did take it sitting, which is thought very preposterous. home and to bed. th. to the wardrobe, and from thence with my lords sandwich and hinchinbroke to the lords' house by boat at westminster, and there i left them. then to the lobby, and after waiting for sir g. downing's coming out, to speak with him about the giving me up of my bond for my honesty when i was his clerk, but to no purpose, i went to clerke's at the legg, and there i found both mr. pierces, mr. rolt, formerly too great a man to meet upon such even terms, and there we dined very merry, there coming to us captain ferrers, this being the first day of his going abroad since his leap a week ago, which i was greatly glad to see. by water to the office, and there sat late, sir george carteret coming in, who among other things did inquire into the naming of the maisters for this fleet, and was very angry that they were named as they are, and above all to see the maister of the adventure (for whom there is some kind of difference between sir w. pen and me) turned out, who has been in her list. the office done, i went with the comptroller to the coffee house, and there we discoursed of this, and i seem to be fond of him, and indeed i find i must carry fair with all as far as i see it safe, but i have got of him leave to have a little room from his lodgings to my house, of which i am very glad, besides i do open him a way to get lodgings himself in the office, of which i should be very glad. home and to bed. th. this morning to the wardrobe, and thence to a little alehouse hard by, to drink with john bowies, who is now going to hinchinbroke this day. thence with mr. shepley to the exchange about business, and there, by mr. rawlinson's favour, got into a balcone over against the exchange; and there saw the hangman burn, by vote of parliament, two old acts, the one for constituting us a commonwealth, and the others i have forgot. which still do make me think of the greatness of this late turn, and what people will do tomorrow against what they all, through profit or fear, did promise and practise this day. then to the mitre with mr. shepley, and there dined with d. rawlinson and some friends of his very well. so home, and then to cheapside about buying a piece of plate to give away to-morrow to mrs. browne's child. so to the star in cheapside, where i left mr. moore telling l out for me, who i found in a great strait for my coming back again, and so he went his way at my coming. then home, where mr. cook i met and he paid me s., an old debt of his to me. so to sir w. pen's, and there sat alone with him till ten at night in talk with great content, he telling me things and persons that i did not understand in the late times, and so i home to bed. my cozen john holcroft (whom i have not seen many years) this morning came to see me. th (king's birth-day). rose early and having made myself fine, and put six spoons and a porringer of silver in my pocket to give away to-day, sir w. pen and i took coach, and (the weather and ways being foul) went to walthamstowe; and being come there heard mr. radcliffe, my former school fellow at paul's (who is yet a mere boy), preach upon "nay, let him take all, since my lord the king is returned," &c. he reads all, and his sermon very simple, but i looked for new matter. back to dinner to sir william batten's; and then, after a walk in the fine gardens, we went to mrs. browne's, where sir w. pen and i were godfathers, and mrs. jordan and shipman godmothers to her boy. and there, before and after the christening; we were with the woman above in her chamber; but whether we carried ourselves well or ill, i know not; but i was directed by young mrs. batten. one passage of a lady that eat wafers with her dog did a little displease me. i did give the midwife s. and the nurse s. and the maid of the house s. but for as much i expected to give the name to the child, but did not (it being called john), i forbore then to give my plate till another time after a little more advice. all being done, we went to mrs. shipman's, who is a great butter-woman, and i did see there the most of milk and cream, and the cleanest that ever i saw in my life. after we had filled our bellies with cream, we took our leaves and away. in our way, we had great sport to try who should drive fastest, sir w. batten's coach, or sir w. pen's chariott, they having four, and we two horses, and we beat them. but it cost me the spoiling of my clothes and velvet coat with dirt. being come home i to bed, and give my breeches to be dried by the fire against to-morrow. th. to the wardrobe and there, with my lord, went into his new barge to try her, and found her a good boat, and like my lord's contrivance of the door to come out round and not square as they used to do. back to the wardrobe with my lord, and then with mr. moore to the temple, and thence to. greatorex, who took me to arundell-house, and there showed me some fine flowers in his garden, and all the fine statues in the gallery, which i formerly had seen, and is a brave sight, and thence to a blind dark cellar, where we had two bottles of good ale, and so after giving him direction for my silver side-table, i took boat at arundell stairs, and put in at milford.... so home and found sir williams both and my lady going to deptford to christen captain rooth's child, and would have had me with them, but i could not go. to the office, where sir r. slingsby was, and he and i into his and my lodgings to take a view of them, out of a desire he has to have mine of me to join to his, and give me mr. turner's. to the office again, where sir g. carteret came and sat a while, he being angry for sir williams making of the maisters of this fleet upon their own heads without a full table. then the comptroller and i to the coffee house, and there sat a great while talking of many things. so home and to bed. this day, i hear, the parliament have ordered a bill to be brought in for the restoring the bishops to the house of lords; which they had not done so soon but to spite mr. prin, who is every day so bitter against them in his discourse in the house. st. i went to my father's thinking to have met with my cozen john holcroft, but he came not, but to my great grief i found my father and mother in a great deal of discontent one with another, and indeed my mother is grown now so pettish that i know not how my father is able to bear with it. i did talk to her so as did not indeed become me, but i could not help it, she being so unsufferably foolish and simple, so that my father, poor man, is become a very unhappy man. there i dined, and so home and to the office all the afternoon till at night, and then home and to supper and to bed. great talk now how the parliament intend to make a collection of free gifts to the king through the kingdom; but i think it will not come to much. june june st. having taken our leaves of sir w. batten and my lady, who are gone this morning to keep their whitsuntide, sir w. pen and i and mr. gauden by water to woolwich, and there went from ship to ship to give order for and take notice of their forwardness to go forth, and then to deptford and did the like, having dined at woolwich with captain poole at the tavern there. from deptford we walked to redriffe, calling at the half-way house, and there come into a room where there was infinite of new cakes placed that are made against whitsuntide, and there we were very merry. by water home, and there did businesses of the office. among others got my lord's imprest of l and mr. creed's of l , against this voyage their bills signed. having wrote letters into the country and read some things i went to bed. nd (whitsunday). the barber having done with me, i went to church, and there heard a good sermon of mr. mills, fit for the day. then home to dinner, and then to church again, and going home i found greatorex (whom i expected today at dinner) come to see me, and so he and i in my chamber drinking of wine and eating of anchovies an hour or two, discoursing of many things in mathematics, and among others he showed me how it comes to pass the strength that levers have, and he showed me that what is got as to matter of strength is lost by them as to matter of time. it rained very hard, as it hath done of late so much that we begin to doubt a famine, and so he was forced to stay longer than i desired. at night after prayers to bed. rd. to the wardrobe, where discoursing with my lord, he did instruct me as to the business of the wardrobe, in case, in his absence, mr. townsend should die, and told me that he do intend to joyne me and mr. moore with him as to the business, now he is going to sea, and spoke to me many other things, as to one that he do put the greatest confidence in, of which i am proud. here i had a good occasion to tell him (what i have had long in my mind) that, since it has pleased god to bless me with something, i am desirous to lay out something for my father, and so have pitched upon mr. young's place in the wardrobe, which i desired he would give order in his absence, if the place should fall that i might have the refusal. which my lord did freely promise me, at which i was very glad, he saying that he would do that at the least. so i saw my lord into the barge going to whitehall, and i and mr. creed home to my house, whither my father and my cozen scott came to dine with me, and so we dined together very well, and before we had done in comes my father bowyer and my mother and four daughters, and a young gentleman and his sister, their friends, and there staid all the afternoon, which cost me great store of wine, and were very merry. by and by i am called to the office, and there staid a little. so home again, and took mr. creed and left them, and so he and i to the towre, to speak for some ammunition for ships for my lord; and so he and i, with much pleasure, walked quite round the towre, which i never did before. so home, and after a walk with my wife upon the leads, i and she went to bed. this morning i and dr. peirce went over to the beare at the bridge foot, thinking to have met my lord hinchinbroke and his brother setting forth for france; but they being not come we went over to the wardrobe, and there found that my lord abbot montagu being not at paris, my lord hath a mind to have them stay a little longer before they go. th. the comptroller came this morning to get me to go see a house or two near our office, which he would take for himself or mr. turner, and then he would have me have mr. turner's lodgings and himself mine and mr. davis's. but the houses did not like us, and so that design at present is stopped. then he and i by water to the bridge, and then walked over the bank-side till we came to the temple, and so i went over and to my father's, where i met with my cozen j. holcroft, and took him and my father and my brother tom to the bear tavern and gave them wine, my cozen being to go into the country again to-morrow. from thence to my lord crew's to dinner with him, and had very good discourse about having of young noblemen and gentlemen to think of going to sea, as being as honourable service as the land war. and among other things he told us how, in queen elizabeth's time, one young nobleman would wait with a trencher at the back of another till he came to age himself. and witnessed in my young lord of kent, that then was, who waited upon my lord bedford at table, when a letter came to my lord bedford that the earldom of kent was fallen to his servant, the young lord; and so he rose from table, and made him sit down in his place, and took a lower for himself, for so he was by place to sit. from thence to the theatre and saw "harry the th," a good play. that done i went over the water and walked over the fields to southwark, and so home and to my lute. at night to bed. th. this morning did give my wife l to lay out upon lace and other things for herself. i to wardrobe and so to whitehall and westminster, where i dined with my lord and ned dickering alone at his lodgings. after dinner to the office, where we sat and did business, and sir w. pen and i went home with sir r. slingsby to bowls in his ally, and there had good sport, and afterwards went in and drank and talked. so home sir william and i, and it being very hot weather i took my flageolette and played upon the leads in the garden, where sir w. pen came out in his shirt into his leads, and there we staid talking and singing, and drinking great drafts of claret, and eating botargo ["botarga. the roe of the mullet pressed flat and dried; that of commerce, however, is from the tunny, a large fish of passage which is common in the mediterranean. the best kind comes from tunis." --smyth's sailor's word-book. botargo was chiefly used to promote drinking by causing thirst, and rabelais makes gargantua eat it.] and bread and butter till at night, it being moonshine; and so to bed, very near fuddled. th. my head hath aked all night, and all this morning, with my last night's debauch. called up this morning by lieutenant lambert, who is now made captain of the norwich, and he and i went down by water to greenwich, in our way observing and discoursing upon the things of a ship, he telling me all i asked him, which was of good use to me. there we went and eat and drank and heard musique at the globe, and saw the simple motion that is there of a woman with a rod in her hand keeping time to the musique while it plays, which is simple, methinks. back again by water, calling at captain lambert's house, which is very handsome and neat, and a fine prospect at top. so to the office, where we sat a little, and then the captain and i again to bridewell to mr. holland's, where his wife also, a plain dowdy, and his mother was. here i paid mrs. holland the money due from me to her husband. here came two young gentlewomen to see mr. holland, and one of them could play pretty well upon the viallin, but, good god! how these ignorant people did cry her up for it! we were very merry. i staid and supped there, and so home and to bed. the weather very hot, this night i left off my wastecoat. th. to my lord's at whitehall, but not finding him i went to the wardrobe and there dined with my lady, and was very kindly treated by her. after dinner to the office, and there till late at night. so home, and to sir william batten's, who is come this day from chatham with my lady, who is and has been much troubled with the toothache. here i staid till late, and so home and to bed. th. to whitehall to my lord, who did tell me that he would have me go to mr. townsend, whom he had ordered to discover to me the whole mystery of the wardrobe, and none else but me, and that he will make me deputy with him for fear that he should die in my lord's absence, of which i was glad. then to the cook's with mr. shepley and mr. creed, and dined together, and then i went to the theatre and there saw bartholomew faire, the first time it was acted now a-days. it is a most admirable play and well acted, but too much prophane and abusive. from thence, meeting mr. creed at the door, he and i went to the tobacco shop under temple bar gate, and there went up to the top of the house and there sat drinking lambeth ale a good while. then away home, and in my way called upon mr. rawlinson (my uncle wight being out of town), for his advice to answer a letter of my uncle robert, wherein he do offer me a purchase to lay some money upon, that joynes upon some of his own lands, and plainly telling me that the reason of his advice is the convenience that it will give me as to his estate, of which i am exceeding glad, and am advised to give up wholly the disposal of my money to him, let him do what he will with it, which i shall do. so home and to bed. th (lord's day). this day my wife put on her black silk gown, which is now laced all over with black gimp lace, as the fashion is, in which she is very pretty. she and i walked to my lady's at the wardrobe, and there dined and was exceeding much made of. after dinner i left my wife there, and i walked to whitehall, and then went to mr. pierce's and sat with his wife a good while (who continues very pretty) till he came, and then he and i, and mr. symons (dancing master), that goes to sea with my lord, to the swan tavern, and there drank, and so again to white hall, and there met with dean fuller, and walked a great while with him; among other things discoursed of the liberty the bishop (by name the of galloway) takes to admit into orders any body that will; among others, roundtree, a simple mechanique that was a person [parson?] formerly in the fleet. he told me he would complain of it. by and by we went and got a sculler, and landing him at worcester house, i and w. howe, who came to us at whitehall, went to the wardrobe, where i met with mr. townsend, who is very willing he says to communicate anything for my lord's advantage to me as to his business. i went up to jane shore's towre, and there w. howe and i sang, and so took my wife and walked home, and so to bed. after i came home a messenger came from my lord to bid me come to him tomorrow morning. th. early to my lord's, who privately told me how the king had made him embassador in the bringing over the queen. [katherine of braganza, daughter of john iv. of portugal, born , married to charles ii., may st, . after the death of the king she lived for some time at somerset house, and then returned to portugal, of which country she became regent in on the retirement of her brother don pedro. she died december st, .] that he is to go to algier, &c., to settle the business, and to put the fleet in order there; and so to come back to lisbone with three ships, and there to meet the fleet that is to follow him. he sent for me, to tell me that he do intrust me with the seeing of all things done in his absence as to this great preparation, as i shall receive orders from my lord chancellor and mr. edward montagu. at all which my heart is above measure glad; for my lord's honour, and some profit to myself, i hope. by and by, out with mr. shepley walden, parliament-man for huntingdon, rolt, mackworth, and alderman backwell, to a house hard by, to drink lambeth ale. so i back to the wardrobe, and there found my lord going to trinity house, this being the solemn day of choosing master, and my lord is chosen, so he dines there to-day. i staid and dined with my lady; but after we were set, comes in some persons of condition, and so the children and i rose and dined by ourselves, all the children and i, and were very merry and they mighty fond of me. then to the office, and there sat awhile. so home and at night to bed, where we lay in sir r. slingsby's lodgings in the dining room there in one green bed, my house being now in its last work of painting and whiting. th. at the office this morning, sir g. carteret with us; and we agreed upon a letter to the duke of york, to tell him the sad condition of this office for want of money; how men are not able to serve us more without some money; and that now the credit of the office is brought so low, that none will sell us any thing without our personal security given for the same. all the afternoon abroad about several businesses, and at night home and to bed. th. wednesday, a day kept between a fast and a feast, the bishops not being ready enough to keep the fast for foul weather before fair weather came; and so they were forced to keep it between both. [a form of prayer was published to be used in london on the th, and in the country on the th of june, being the special days appointed for a general fast to be kept in the respective places for averting those sicknesses and diseases, that dearth and scarcity, which justly may be feared from the late immoderate rain and waters: for a thanksgiving also for the blessed change of weather; and the begging the continuance of it to us for our comfort: and likewise for beseeching a blessing upon the high court of parliament now assembled: set forth by his majesty's authority. a sermon was preached before the commons by thomas greenfield, preacher of lincoln's inn. the lords taxed themselves for the poor--an earl, s., a baron, s. those absent from prayers were to pay a forfeit.--b.] i to whitehall, and there with captain rolt and ferrers we went to lambeth to drink our morning draft, where at the three mariners, a place noted for their ale, we went and staid awhile very merry, and so away. and wanting a boat, we found captain bun going down the river, and so we went into his boat having a lady with him, and he landed them at westminster and me at the bridge. at home all day with my workmen, and doing several things, among others writing the letter resolved of yesterday to the duke. then to white hall, where i met my lord, who told me he must have l laid out in cloth, to give in barbary, as presents among the turks. at which occasion of getting something i was very glad. home to supper, and then to sir r. slingsby, who with his brother and i went to my lord's at the wardrobe, and there staid a great while, but he being now taking his leave of his friends staid out late, and so they went away. anon came my lord in, and i staid with him a good while, and then to bed with mr. moore in his chamber. th. i went up and down to alderman backwell's, but his servants not being up, i went home and put on my gray cloth suit and faced white coat, made of one of my wife's pettycoates, the first time i have had it on, and so in a riding garb back again and spoke with mr. shaw at the alderman's, who offers me l if my lord pleases to buy this cloth with, which pleased me well. so to the wardrobe and got my lord to order mr. creed to imprest so much upon me to be paid by alderman backwell. so with my lord to whitehall by water, and he having taken leave of the king, comes to us at his lodgings and from thence goes to the garden stairs and there takes barge, and at the stairs was met by sir r. slingsby, who there took his leave of my lord, and i heard my lord thank him for his kindness to me, which sir robert answered much to my advantage. i went down with my lord in the barge to deptford, and there went on board the dutch yacht and staid there a good while, w. howe not being come with my lord's things, which made my lord very angry. by and by he comes and so we set sayle, and anon went to dinner, my lord and we very merry; and after dinner i went down below and there sang, and took leave of w. howe, captain rolt, and the rest of my friends, then went up and took leave of my lord, who give me his hand and parted with great respect. so went and captain ferrers with me into our wherry, and my lord did give five guns, all they had charged, which was the greatest respect my lord could do me, and of which i was not a little proud. so with a sad and merry heart i left them sailing pleasantly from erith, hoping to be in the downs tomorrow early. we toward london in our boat. pulled off our stockings and bathed our legs a great while in the river, which i had not done some years before. by and by we come to greenwich, and thinking to have gone on the king's yacht, the king was in her, so we passed by, and at woolwich went on shore, in the company of captain poole of jamaica and young mr. kennersley, and many others, and so to the tavern where we drank a great deal both wine and beer. so we parted hence and went home with mr. falconer, who did give us cherrys and good wine. so to boat, and young poole took us on board the charity and gave us wine there, with which i had full enough, and so to our wherry again, and there fell asleep till i came almost to the tower, and there the captain and i parted, and i home and with wine enough in my head, went to bed. th. to whitehall to my lord's, where i found mr. edward montagu and his family come to lie during my lord's absence. i sent to my house by my lord's order his shipp--[qy. glass omitted after shipp.]--and triangle virginall. so to my father's, and did give him order about the buying of this cloth to send to my lord. but i could not stay with him myself, for having got a great cold by my playing the fool in the water yesterday i was in great pain, and so went home by coach to bed, and went not to the office at all, and by keeping myself warm, i broke wind and so came to some ease. rose and eat some supper, and so to bed again. th. my father came and drank his morning draft with me, and sat with me till i was ready, and so he and i about the business of the cloth. by and by i left him and went and dined with my lady, who, now my lord is gone, is come to her poor housekeeping again. then to my father's, who tells me what he has done, and we resolved upon two pieces of scarlet, two of purple, and two of black, and l in linen. i home, taking l with me home from alderman backwell's. after writing to my lord to let him know what i had done i was going to bed, but there coming the purser of the king's yacht for victualls presently, for the duke of york is to go down to-morrow, i got him to promise stowage for these things there, and so i went to bed, bidding will go and fetch the things from the carrier's hither, which about o'clock were brought to my house and laid there all night. th (lord's day). but no purser coming in the morning for them, and i hear that the duke went last night, and so i am at a great loss what to do; and so this day (though the lord's day) staid at home, sending will up and down to know what to do. sometimes thinking to continue my resolution of sending by the carrier to be at deal on wednesday next, sometimes to send them by sea by a vessel on purpose, but am not yet come to a resolution, but am at a very great loss and trouble in mind what in the world to do herein. the afternoon (while will was abroad) i spent in reading "the spanish gypsey," a play not very good, though commended much. at night resolved to hire a margate hoy, who would go away to-morrow morning, which i did, and sent the things all by him, and put them on board about this night, hoping to have them as the wind now serves in the downs to-morrow night. to-bed with some quiet of mind, having sent the things away. th. visited this morning by my old friend mr. ch. carter, who staid and went to westminster with me, and there we parted, and i to the wardrobe and dined with my lady. so home to my painters, who are now about painting my stairs. so to the office, and at night we all went to sir w. pen's, and there sat and drank till at night, and so home and to bed. th. all this morning at home vexing about the delay of my painters, and about four in the afternoon my wife and i by water to captain lambert's, where we took great pleasure in their turret-garden, and seeing the fine needle-works of his wife, the best i ever saw in my life, and afterwards had a very handsome treat and good musique that she made upon the harpsicon, and with a great deal of pleasure staid till at night, and so home again, there being a little pretty witty child that is kept in their house that would not let us go without her, and so fell a-crying by the water-side. so home, where i met jack cole, who staid with me a good while, and is still of the old good humour that we were of at school together, and i am very glad to see him. he gone, i went to bed. th. all the morning almost at home, seeing my stairs finished by the painters, which pleases me well. so with mr. moore to westminster hall, it being term, and then by water to the wardrobe, where very merry, and so home to the office all the afternoon, and at night to the exchange to my uncle wight about my intention of purchasing at brampton. so back again home and at night to bed. thanks be to god i am very well again of my late pain, and to-morrow hope to be out of my pain of dirt and trouble in my house, of which i am now become very weary. one thing i must observe here while i think of it, that i am now become the most negligent man in the world as to matters of news, insomuch that, now-a-days, i neither can tell any, nor ask any of others. th. at home the greatest part of the day to see my workmen make an end, which this night they did to my great content. st. this morning going to my father's i met him, and so he and i went and drank our morning draft at the samson in paul's churchyard, and eat some gammon of bacon, &c., and then parted, having bought some green say--[a woollen cloth. "saye clothe serge."--palsgrave.]--for curtains in my parler. home, and so to the exchequer, where i met with my uncle wight, and home with him to dinner, where among others (my aunt being out of town), mr. norbury and i did discourse of his wife's house and land at brampton, which i find too much for me to buy. home, and in the afternoon to the office, and much pleased at night to see my house begin to be clean after all the dirt. nd. abroad all the morning about several businesses. at noon went and dined with my lord crew, where very much made of by him and his lady. then to the theatre, "the alchymist,"--[comedy by ben jonson, first printed in .]--which is a most incomparable play. and that being done i met with little luellin and blirton, who took me to a friend's of theirs in lincoln's inn fields, one mr. hodges, where we drank great store of rhenish wine and were very merry. so i went home, where i found my house now very clean, which was great content to me. rd (lord's day). in the morning to church, and my wife not being well, i went with sir w. batten home to dinner, my lady being out of town, where there was sir w. pen, captain allen and his daughter rebecca, and mr. hempson and his wife. after dinner to church all of us and had a very good sermon of a stranger, and so i and the young company to walk first to graye's inn walks, where great store of gallants, but above all the ladies that i there saw, or ever did see, mrs. frances butler (monsieur l'impertinent's sister) is the greatest beauty. then we went to islington, where at the great house i entertained them as well as i could, and so home with them, and so to my own home and to bed. pall, who went this day to a child's christening of kate joyce's, staid out all night at my father's, she not being well. th (midsummer-day). we kept this a holiday, and so went not to the office at all. all the morning at home. at noon my father came to see my house now it is done, which is now very neat. he and i and dr. williams (who is come to see my wife, whose soare belly is now grown dangerous as she thinks) to the ordinary over against the exchange, where we dined and had great wrangling with the master of the house when the reckoning was brought to us, he setting down exceeding high every thing. i home again and to sir w. batten's, and there sat a good while. so home. th. up this morning to put my papers in order that are come from my lord's, so that now i have nothing there remaining that is mine, which i have had till now. this morning came mr. goodgroome [theodore goodgroome, pepys's singing-master. he was probably related to john goodgroome, a gentleman of the chapel royal, who is also referred to in the diary.] to me (recommended by mr. mage), with whom i agreed presently to give him s. entrance, which i then did, and s. a month more to teach me to sing, and so we began, and i hope i have come to something in it. his first song is "la cruda la bella." he gone my brother tom comes, with whom i made even with my father and the two drapers for the cloths i sent to sea lately. at home all day, in the afternoon came captain allen and his daughter rebecca and mr. hempson, and by and by both sir williams, who sat with me till it was late, and i had a very gallant collation for them. at night to bed. th. to westminster about several businesses, then to dine with my lady at the wardrobe, taking dean fuller along with me; then home, where i heard my father had been to find me about special business; so i took coach and went to him, and found by a letter to him from my aunt that my uncle robert is taken with a dizziness in his head, so that they desire my father to come down to look after his business, by which we guess that he is very ill, and so my father do think to go to-morrow. and so god's will be done. back by water to the office, there till night, and so home to my musique and then to bed. th. to my father's, and with him to mr. starling's to drink our morning draft, and there i told him how i would have him speak to my uncle robert, when he comes thither, concerning my buying of land, that i could pay ready money l and the rest by l per annum, to make up as much as will buy l per annum, which i do, though i not worth above l ready money, that he may think me to be a greater saver than i am. here i took my leave of my father, who is going this morning to my uncle upon my aunt's letter this week that he is not well and so needs my father's help. at noon home, and then with my lady batten, mrs. rebecca allen, mrs. thompson, &c., two coaches of us, we went and saw "bartholomew fayre" acted very well, and so home again and staid at sir w. batten's late, and so home to bed. this day mr. holden sent me a bever, which cost me l s. [whilst a hat (see january th, - , ante) cost only s. see also lord sandwich's vexation at his beaver being stolen, and a hat only left in lieu of it, april th, , ante; and april th and th, , post.--b.] th. at home all the morning practising to sing, which is now my great trade, and at noon to my lady and dined with her. so back and to the office, and there sat till at night, and then sir w. pen and i in his coach went to moorefields, and there walked, and stood and saw the wrestling, which i never saw so much of before, between the north and west countrymen. so home, and this night had our bed set up in our room that we called the nursery, where we lay, and i am very much pleased with the room. th. by a letter from the duke complaining of the delay of the ships that are to be got ready, sir williams both and i went to deptford and there examined into the delays, and were satisfyed. so back again home and staid till the afternoon, and then i walked to the bell at the maypole in the strand, and thither came to me by appointment mr. chetwind, gregory, and hartlibb, so many of our old club, and mr. kipps, where we staid and drank and talked with much pleasure till it was late, and so i walked home and to bed. mr. chetwind by chewing of tobacco is become very fat and sallow, whereas he was consumptive, and in our discourse he fell commending of "hooker's ecclesiastical polity," as the best book, and the only one that made him a christian, which puts me upon the buying of it, which i will do shortly. th (lord's day). to church, where we observe the trade of briefs is come now up to so constant a course every sunday, that we resolve to give no more to them. [it appears, from an old ms. account-book of the collections in the church of st. olave, hart street, beginning in , still extant, that the money gathered on the th june, , "for several inhabitants of the parish of st. dunstan in the west towards their losse by fire," amounted to "xxs. viiid." pepys might complain of the trade in briefs, as similar contributions had been levied fourteen weeks successively, previous to the one in question at st. olave's church. briefs were abolished in .--b.] a good sermon, and then home to dinner, my wife and i all alone. after dinner sir williams both and i by water to whitehall, where having walked up and down, at last we met with the duke of york, according to an order sent us yesterday from him, to give him an account where the fault lay in the not sending out of the ships, which we find to be only the wind hath been against them, and so they could not get out of the river. hence i to graye's inn walk, all alone, and with great pleasure seeing the fine ladies walk there. myself humming to myself (which now-a-days is my constant practice since i begun to learn to sing) the trillo, and found by use that it do come upon me. home very weary and to bed, finding my wife not sick, but yet out of order, that i fear she will come to be sick. this day the portuguese embassador came to white hall to take leave of the king; he being now going to end all with the queen, and to send her over. the weather now very fair and pleasant, but very hot. my father gone to brampton to see my uncle robert, not knowing whether to find him dead or alive. myself lately under a great expense of money upon myself in clothes and other things, but i hope to make it up this summer by my having to do in getting things ready to send with the next fleet to the queen. myself in good health, but mighty apt to take cold, so that this hot weather i am fain to wear a cloth before my belly. july july st. this morning i went up and down into the city, to buy several things, as i have lately done, for my house. among other things, a fair chest of drawers for my own chamber, and an indian gown for myself. the first cost me s., the other s. home and dined there, and theodore goodgroome, my singing master, with me, and then to our singing. after that to the office, and then home. nd. to westminster hall and there walked up and down, it being term time. spoke with several, among others my cozen roger pepys, who was going up to the parliament house, and inquired whether i had heard from my father since he went to brampton, which i had done yesterday, who writes that my uncle is by fits stupid, and like a man that is drunk, and sometimes speechless. home, and after my singing master had done, took coach and went to sir william davenant's opera; this being the fourth day that it hath begun, and the first that i have seen it. to-day was acted the second part of "the siege of rhodes." we staid a very great while for the king and the queen of bohemia. and by the breaking of a board over our heads, we had a great deal of dust fell into the ladies' necks and the men's hair, which made good sport. the king being come, the scene opened; which indeed is very fine and magnificent, and well acted, all but the eunuch, who was so much out that he was hissed off the stage. home and wrote letters to my lord at sea, and so to bed. rd. to westminster to mr. edward montagu about business of my lord's, and so to the wardrobe, and there dined with my lady, who is in some mourning for her brother, mr. saml. crew, who died yesterday of the spotted fever. so home through duck lane' to inquire for some spanish books, but found none that pleased me. so to the office, and that being done to sir w. batten's with the comptroller, where we sat late talking and disputing with mr. mills the parson of our parish. this day my lady batten and my wife were at the burial of a daughter of sir john lawson's, and had rings for themselves and their husbands. home and to bed. th. at home all the morning; in the afternoon i went to the theatre, and there i saw "claracilla" (the first time i ever saw it), well acted. but strange to see this house, that used to be so thronged, now empty since the opera begun; and so will continue for a while, i believe. called at my father's, and there i heard that my uncle robert--[robert pepys, of brampton, who died on the following day.]--continues to have his fits of stupefaction every day for or hours together. from thence to the exchange at night, and then went with my uncle wight to the mitre and were merry, but he takes it very ill that my father would go out of town to brampton on this occasion and would not tell him of it, which i endeavoured to remove but could not. here mr. batersby the apothecary was, who told me that if my uncle had the emerods--[haemorrhoids or piles.]--(which i think he had) and that now they are stopped, he will lay his life that bleeding behind by leeches will cure him, but i am resolved not to meddle in it. home and to bed. th. at home, and in the afternoon to the office, and that being done all went to sir w. batten's and there had a venison pasty, and were very merry. at night home and to bed. th. waked this morning with news, brought me by a messenger on purpose, that my uncle robert is dead, and died yesterday; so i rose sorry in some respect, glad in my expectations in another respect. so i made myself ready, went and told my uncle wight, my lady, and some others thereof, and bought me a pair of boots in st. martin's, and got myself ready, and then to the post house and set out about eleven and twelve o'clock, taking the messenger with me that came to me, and so we rode and got well by nine o'clock to brampton, where i found my father well. my uncle's corps in a coffin standing upon joynt-stools in the chimney in the hall; but it begun to smell, and so i caused it to be set forth in the yard all night, and watched by two men. my aunt i found in bed in a most nasty ugly pickle, made me sick to see it. my father and i lay together tonight, i greedy to see the will, but did not ask to see it till to-morrow. th (lord's day). in the morning my father and i walked in the garden and read the will; where, though he gives me nothing at present till my father's death, or at least very little, yet i am glad to see that he hath done so well for us, all, and well to the rest of his kindred. after that done, we went about getting things, as ribbands and gloves, ready for the burial. which in the afternoon was done; where, it being sunday, all people far and near come in; and in the greatest disorder that ever i saw, we made shift to serve them what we had of wine and other things; and then to carry him to the church, where mr. taylor buried him, and mr. turners preached a funerall sermon, where he spoke not particularly of him anything, but that he was one so well known for his honesty, that it spoke for itself above all that he could say for it. and so made a very good sermon. home with some of the company who supped there, and things being quiet, at night to bed. th, th, loth, th, th, th. i fell to work, and my father to look over my uncle's papers and clothes, and continued all this week upon that business, much troubled with my aunt's base, ugly humours. we had news of tom trice's putting in a caveat against us, in behalf of his mother, to whom my uncle hath not given anything, and for good reason therein expressed, which troubled us also. but above all, our trouble is to find that his estate appears nothing as we expected, and all the world believes; nor his papers so well sorted as i would have had them, but all in confusion, that break my brains to understand them. we missed also the surrenders of his copyhold land, without which the land would not come to us, but to the heir at law, so that what with this, and the badness of the drink and the ill opinion i have of the meat, and the biting of the gnats by night and my disappointment in getting home this week, and the trouble of sorting all the papers, i am almost out of my wits with trouble, only i appear the more contented, because i would not have my father troubled. the latter end of the week mr. philips comes home from london, and so we advised with him and have the best counsel he could give us, but for all that we were not quiet in our minds. th (lord's day). at home, and robert barnwell with us, and dined, and in the evening my father and i walked round portholme and viewed all the fields, which was very pleasant. thence to hinchingbroke, which is now all in dirt, because of my lord's building, which will make it very magnificent. back to brampton, and to supper and to bed. th. up by three o'clock this morning, and rode to cambridge, and was there by seven o'clock, where, after i was trimmed, i went to christ college, and found my brother john at eight o'clock in bed, which vexed me. then to king's college chappell, where i found the scholars in their surplices at the service with the organs, which is a strange sight to what it used in my time to be here. then with dr. fairbrother (whom i met there) to the rose tavern, and called for some wine, and there met fortunately with mr. turner of our office, and sent for his wife, and were very merry (they being come to settle their son here), and sent also for mr. sanchy, of magdalen, with whom and other gentlemen, friends of his, we were very merry, and i treated them as well as i could, and so at noon took horse again, having taken leave of my cozen angier, and rode to impington, where i found my old uncle [talbot pepys, sixth son of john pepys of impington, was born , and therefore at this time he was seventy-eight years of age. he was educated at trinity hall, cambridge, and called to the bar at the middle temple in . he was m.p. for cambridge in , and recorder of cambridge from to , in which year he was succeeded by his son roger. he died of the plague, march, , aged eighty-three.] sitting all alone, like a man out of the world: he can hardly see; but all things else he do pretty livelyly. then with dr. john pepys and him, i read over the will, and had their advice therein, who, as to the sufficiency thereof confirmed me, and advised me as to the other parts thereof. having done there, i rode to gravely with much ado to inquire for a surrender of my uncle's in some of the copyholders' hands there, but i can hear of none, which puts me into very great trouble of mind, and so with a sad heart rode home to brampton, but made myself as cheerful as i could to my father, and so to bed. th, th, th, th. these four days we spent in putting things in order, letting of the crop upon the ground, agreeing with stankes to have a care of our business in our absence, and we think ourselves in nothing happy but in lighting upon him to be our bayly; in riding to offord and sturtlow, and up and down all our lands, and in the evening walking, my father and i about the fields talking, and had advice from mr. moore from london, by my desire, that the three witnesses of the will being all legatees, will not do the will any wrong. to-night serjeant bernard, i hear, is come home into the country. to supper and to bed. my aunt continuing in her base, hypocritical tricks, which both jane perkin (of whom we make great use), and the maid do tell us every day of. th. up to huntingdon this morning to sir robert bernard, with whom i met jaspar trice. so sir robert caused us to sit down together and began discourse very fairly between us, so i drew out the will and show it him, and [he] spoke between us as well as i could desire, but could come to no issue till tom trice comes. then sir robert and i fell to talk about the money due to us upon surrender from piggott, l ., which he tells me will go with debts to the heir at law, which breaks my heart on the other side. here i staid and dined with sir robert bernard and his lady, my lady digby, a very good woman. after dinner i went into the town and spent the afternoon, sometimes with mr. phillips, sometimes with dr. symcottes, mr. vinter, robert ethell, and many more friends, and at last mr. davenport, phillips, jaspar trice, myself and others at mother-----over against the crown we sat and drank ale and were very merry till at night, and so broke up. i walked home, and there found tom trice come, and he and my father gone to goody gorum's, where i found them and jaspar trice got before me, and mr. greene, and there had some calm discourse, but came to no issue, and so parted. so home and to bed, being now pretty well again of my left hand, which lately was stung and very much swelled. st (lord's day). at home all the morning, putting my papers in order against my going to-morrow and doing many things else to that end. had a good dinner, and stankes and his wife with us. to my business again in the afternoon, and in the evening came the two trices, mr. greene, and mr. philips, and so we began to argue. at last it came to some agreement that for our giving of my aunt l she is to quit the house, and for other matters they are to be left to the law, which do please us all, and so we broke up, pretty well satisfyed. then came mr. barnwell and j. bowles and supped with us, and after supper away, and so i having taken leave of them and put things in the best order i could against to-morrow i went to bed. old william luffe having been here this afternoon and paid up his bond of l , and i did give him into his hand my uncle's surrender of sturtlow to me before mr. philips, r. barnwell, and mr. pigott, which he did acknowledge to them my uncle did in his lifetime deliver to him. nd. up by three, and going by four on my way to london; but the day proves very cold, so that having put on no stockings but thread ones under my boots, i was fain at bigglesworth to buy a pair of coarse woollen ones, and put them on. so by degrees till i come to hatfield before twelve o'clock, where i had a very good dinner with my hostess, at my lord of salisbury's inn, and after dinner though weary i walked all alone to the vineyard, which is now a very beautiful place again; and coming back i met with mr. looker, my lord's gardener (a friend of mr. eglin's), who showed me the house, the chappell with brave pictures, and, above all, the gardens, such as i never saw in all my life; nor so good flowers, nor so great gooseberrys, as big as nutmegs. back to the inn, and drank with him, and so to horse again, and with much ado got to london, and set him up at smithfield; so called at my uncle fenner's, my mother's, my lady's, and so home, in all which i found all things as well as i could expect. so weary and to bed. rd. put on my mourning. made visits to sir w. pen and batten. then to westminster, and at the hall staid talking with mrs. michell a good while, and in the afternoon, finding myself unfit for business, i went to the theatre, and saw "brenoralt," i never saw before. it seemed a good play, but ill acted; only i sat before mrs. palmer, the king's mistress, and filled my eyes with her, which much pleased me. then to my father's, where by my desire i met my uncle thomas, and discoursed of my uncle's will to him, and did satisfy [him] as well as i could. so to my uncle wight's, but found him out of doors, but my aunt i saw and staid a while, and so home and to bed. troubled to hear how proud and idle pall is grown, that i am resolved not to keep her. th. this morning my wife in bed tells me of our being robbed of our silver tankard, which vexed me all day for the negligence of my people to leave the door open. my wife and i by water to whitehall, where i left her to her business and i to my cozen thomas pepys, and discoursed with him at large about our business of my uncle's will. he can give us no light at all into his estate, but upon the whole tells me that he do believe that he has left but little money, though something more than we have found, which is about l . here came sir g. lane by chance, seeing a bill upon the door to hire the house, with whom my coz and i walked all up and down, and indeed it is a very pretty place, and he do intend to leave the agreement for the house, which is l fine, and l rent a year to me between them. then to the wardrobe, but come too late, and so dined with the servants. and then to my lady, who do shew my wife and me the greatest favour in the world, in which i take great content. home by water and to the office all the afternoon, which is a great pleasure to me again, to talk with persons of quality and to be in command, and i give it out among them that the estate left me is l a year in land, besides moneys, because i would put an esteem upon myself. at night home and to bed after i had set down my journals ever since my going from london this journey to this house. this afternoon i hear that my man will hath lost his clock with my tankard, at which i am very glad. th. this morning came my box of papers from brampton of all my uncle's papers, which will now set me at work enough. at noon i went to the exchange, where i met my uncle wight, and found him so discontented about my father (whether that he takes it ill that he has not been acquainted with things, or whether he takes it ill that he has nothing left him, i cannot tell), for which i am much troubled, and so staid not long to talk with him. thence to my mother's, where i found my wife and my aunt bell and mrs. ramsey, and great store of tattle there was between the old women and my mother, who thinks that there is, god knows what fallen to her, which makes me mad, but it was not a proper time to speak to her of it, and so i went away with mr. moore, and he and i to the theatre, and saw "the jovial crew," the first time i saw it, and indeed it is as merry and the most innocent play that ever i saw, and well performed. from thence home, and wrote to my father and so to bed. full of thoughts to think of the trouble that we shall go through before we come to see what will remain to us of all our expectations. th. at home all the morning, and walking met with mr. hill of cambridge at pope's head alley with some women with him whom he took and me into the tavern there, and did give us wine, and would fain seem to be very knowing in the affairs of state, and tells me that yesterday put a change to the whole state of england as to the church; for the king now would be forced to favour presbytery, or the city would leave him: but i heed not what he says, though upon enquiry i do find that things in the parliament are in a great disorder. home at noon and there found mr. moore, and with him to an ordinary alone and dined, and there he and i read my uncle's will, and i had his opinion on it, and still find more and more trouble like to attend it. back to the office all the afternoon, and that done home for all night. having the beginning of this week made a vow to myself to drink no wine this week (finding it to unfit me to look after business), and this day breaking of it against my will, i am much troubled for it, but i hope god will forgive me. th. to westminster, where at mr. montagu's chamber i heard a frenchman play, a friend of monsieur eschar's, upon the guitar, most extreme well, though at the best methinks it is but a bawble. from thence to westminster hall, where it was expected that the parliament was to have been adjourned for two or three months, but something hinders it for a day or two. in the lobby i spoke with mr. george montagu, and advised about a ship to carry my lord hinchingbroke and the rest of the young gentlemen to france, and they have resolved of going in a hired vessell from rye, and not in a man of war. he told me in discourse that my lord chancellor is much envied, and that many great men, such as the duke of buckingham and my lord of bristoll, do endeavour to undermine him, and that he believes it will not be done; for that the king (though he loves him not in the way of a companion, as he do these young gallants that can answer him in his pleasures), yet cannot be without him, for his policy and service. from thence to the wardrobe, where my wife met me, it being my lord of sandwich's birthday, and so we had many friends here, mr. townsend and his wife, and captain ferrers lady and captain isham, and were very merry, and had a good venison pasty. mr. pargiter, the merchant, was with us also. after dinner mr. townsend was called upon by captain cooke: so we three went to a tavern hard by, and there he did give us a song or two; and without doubt he hath the best manner of singing in the world. back to my wife, and with my lady jem. and pall by water through bridge, and showed them the ships with great pleasure, and then took them to my house to show it them (my lady their mother having been lately all alone to see it and my wife, in my absence in the country), and we treated them well, and were very merry. then back again through bridge, and set them safe at home, and so my wife and i by coach home again, and after writing a letter to my father at brampton, who, poor man, is there all alone, and i have not heard from him since my coming from him, which troubles me. to bed. th (lord's day). this morning as my wife and i were going to church, comes mrs. ramsay to see us, so we sent her to church, and we went too, and came back to dinner, and she dined with us and was wellcome. to church again in the afternoon, and then come home with us sir w. pen, and drank with us, and then went away, and my wife after him to see his daughter that is lately come out of ireland. i staid at home at my book; she came back again and tells me that whereas i expected she should have been a great beauty, she is a very plain girl. this evening my wife gives me all my linen, which i have put up, and intend to keep it now in my own custody. to supper and to bed. th. this morning we began again to sit in the mornings at the office, but before we sat down. sir r. slingsby and i went to sir r. ford's to see his house, and we find it will be very convenient for us to have it added to the office if he can be got to part with it. then we sat down and did business in the office. so home to dinner, and my brother tom dined with me, and after dinner he and i alone in my chamber had a great deal of talk, and i find that unless my father can forbear to make profit of his house in london and leave it to tom, he has no mind to set up the trade any where else, and so i know not what to do with him. after this i went with him to my mother, and there told her how things do fall out short of our expectations, which i did (though it be true) to make her leave off her spending, which i find she is nowadays very free in, building upon what is left to us by my uncle to bear her out in it, which troubles me much. while i was here word is brought that my aunt fenner is exceeding ill, and that my mother is sent for presently to come to her: also that my cozen charles glassecocke, though very ill himself, is this day gone to the country to his brother, john glassecocke, who is a-dying there. home. th. after my singing-master had done with me this morning, i went to white hall and westminster hall, where i found the king expected to come and adjourn the parliament. i found the two houses at a great difference, about the lords challenging their privileges not to have their houses searched, which makes them deny to pass the house of commons' bill for searching for pamphlets and seditious books. thence by water to the wardrobe (meeting the king upon the water going in his barge to adjourn the house) where i dined with my lady, and there met dr. thomas pepys, who i found to be a silly talking fellow, but very good-natured. so home to the office, where we met about the business of tangier this afternoon. that done, at home i found mr. moore, and he and i walked into the city and there parted. to fleet street to find when the assizes begin at cambridge and huntingdon, in order to my going to meet with roger pepys for counsel. so in fleet street i met with mr. salisbury, who is now grown in less than two years' time so great a limner--that he is become excellent, and gets a great deal of money at it. i took him to hercules pillars to drink, and there came mr. whore (whom i formerly have known), a friend of his to him, who is a very ingenious fellow, and there i sat with them a good while, and so home and wrote letters late to my lord and to my father, and then to bed. st. singing-master came to me this morning; then to the office all the morning. in the afternoon i went to the theatre, and there i saw "the tamer tamed" well done. and then home, and prepared to go to walthamstow to-morrow. this night i was forced to borrow l of sir w. batten. august august st. this morning sir williams both, and my wife and i and mrs. margarett pen (this first time that i have seen her since she came from ireland) went by coach to walthamstow, a-gossiping to mrs. browne, where i did give her six silver spoons--[but not the porringer of silver. see may th, .--m. b]--for her boy. here we had a venison pasty, brought hot from london, and were very merry. only i hear how nurse's husband has spoken strangely of my lady batten how she was such a man's whore, who indeed is known to leave her her estate, which we would fain have reconciled to-day, but could not and indeed i do believe that the story is true. back again at night home. d. at the office all the morning. at noon dr. thos. pepys dined with me, and after dinner my brother tom came to me and then i made myself ready to get a-horseback for cambridge. so i set out and rode to ware, this night, in the way having much discourse with a fellmonger,--[a dealer in hides.]--a quaker, who told me what a wicked man he had been all his life-time till within this two years. here i lay, and rd. got up early the next morning and got to barkway, where i staid and drank, and there met with a letter-carrier of cambridge, with whom i rode all the way to cambridge, my horse being tired, and myself very wet with rain. i went to the castle hill, where the judges were at the assizes; and i staid till roger pepys rose and went with him, and dined with his brother, the doctor, and claxton at trinity hall. then parted, and i went to the rose, and there with mr. pechell, sanchy, and others, sat and drank till night and were very merry, only they tell me how high the old doctors are in the university over those they found there, though a great deal better scholars than themselves; for which i am very sorry, and, above all, dr. gunning. at night i took horse, and rode with roger pepys and his two brothers to impington, and there with great respect was led up by them to the best chamber in the house, and there slept. th (lord's day). got up, and by and by walked into the orchard with my cozen roger, and there plucked some fruit, and then discoursed at large about the business i came for, that is, about my uncle's will, in which he did give me good satisfaction, but tells me i shall meet with a great deal of trouble in it. however, in all things he told me what i am to expect and what to do. to church, and had a good plain sermon, and my uncle talbot went with us and at our coming in the country-people all rose with so much reverence; and when the parson begins, he begins "right worshipfull and dearly beloved" to us. home to dinner, which was very good, and then to church again, and so home and to walk up and down and so to supper, and after supper to talk about publique matters, wherein roger pepys--(who i find a very sober man, and one whom i do now honour more than ever before for this discourse sake only) told me how basely things have been carried in parliament by the young men, that did labour to oppose all things that were moved by serious men. that they are the most prophane swearing fellows that ever he heard in his life, which makes him think that they will spoil all, and bring things into a warr again if they can. so to bed. th. early to huntingdon, but was fain to stay a great while at stanton because of the rain, and there borrowed a coat of a man for d., and so he rode all the way, poor man, without any. staid at huntingdon for a little, but the judges are not come hither: so i went to brampton, and there found my father very well, and my aunt gone from the house, which i am glad of, though it costs us a great deal of money, viz. l . here i dined, and after dinner took horse and rode to yelling, to my cozen nightingale's, who hath a pretty house here, and did learn of her all she could tell me concerning my business, and has given me some light by her discourse how i may get a surrender made for graveley lands. hence to graveley, and there at an alehouse met with chancler and jackson (one of my tenants for cotton closes) and another with whom i had a great deal of discourse, much to my satisfaction. hence back again to brampton and after supper to bed, being now very quiet in the house, which is a content to us. th. up early and went to mr. phillips, but lost my labour, he lying at huntingdon last night, so i went back again and took horse and rode thither, where i staid with thos. trice and mr. philips drinking till noon, and then tom trice and i to brampton, where he to goody gorum's and i home to my father, who could discern that i had been drinking, which he did never see or hear of before, so i eat a bit of dinner and went with him to gorum's, and there talked with tom trice, and then went and took horse for london, and with much ado, the ways being very bad, got to baldwick, and there lay and had a good supper by myself. the landlady being a pretty woman, but i durst not take notice of her, her husband being there. before supper i went to see the church, which is a very handsome church, but i find that both here, and every where else that i come, the quakers do still continue, and rather grow than lessen. to bed. th. called up at three o'clock, and was a-horseback by four; and as i was eating my breakfast i saw a man riding by that rode a little way upon the road with me last night; and he being going with venison in his pan-yards to london, i called him in and did give him his breakfast with me, and so we went together all the way. at hatfield we bayted and walked into the great house through all the courts; and i would fain have stolen a pretty dog that followed me, but i could not, which troubled me. to horse again, and by degrees with much ado got to london, where i found all well at home and at my father's and my lady's, but no news yet from my lord where he is. at my lady's (whither i went with dean fuller, who came to my house to see me just as i was come home) i met with mr. moore, who told me at what a loss he was for me, for to-morrow is a seal day at the privy seal, and it being my month, i am to wait upon my lord roberts, lord privy seal, at the seal. home and to bed. th. early in the mornink to whitehall, but my lord privy seal came not all the morning. at noon mr. moore and i to the wardrobe to dinner, where my lady and all merry and well. back again to the privy seal; but my lord comes not all the afternoon, which made me mad and gives all the world reason to talk of his delaying of business, as well as of his severity and ill using of the clerks of the privy seal. in the evening i took mons. eschar and mr. moore and dr. pierce's brother (the souldier) to the tavern next the savoy, and there staid and drank with them. here i met with mr. mage, and discoursing of musique mons. eschar spoke so much against the english and in praise of the french that made him mad, and so he went away. after a stay with them a little longer we parted and i home. th. to the office, where word is brought me by a son-in-law of mr. pierces; the purser, that his father is a dying and that he desires that i would come to him before he dies. so i rose from the table and went, where i found him not so ill as i thought that he had been ill. so i did promise to be a friend to his wife and family if he should die, which was all he desired of me, but i do believe he will recover. back again to the office, where i found sir g. carteret had a day or two ago invited some of the officers to dinner to-day at deptford. so at noon, when i heard that he was a-coming, i went out, because i would see whether he would send to me or no to go with them; but he did not, which do a little trouble me till i see how it comes to pass. although in other things i am glad of it because of my going again to-day to the privy seal. i dined at home, and having dined news is brought by mr. hater that his wife is now falling into labour, so he is come for my wife, who presently went with him. i to white hall, where, after four o'clock, comes my lord privy seal, and so we went up to his chamber over the gate at white hall, where he asked me what deputacon i had from my lord. i told him none; but that i am sworn my lord's deputy by both of the secretarys, which did satisfy him. so he caused mr. moore to read over all the bills as is the manner, and all ended very well. so that i see the lyon is not so fierce as he is painted. that being done mons. eschar (who all this afternoon had been waiting at the privy seal for the warrant for l , for my lord of sandwich's preparation for portugal) and i took some wine with us and went to visit la belle pierce, who we find very big with child, and a pretty lady, one mrs. clifford, with her, where we staid and were extraordinary merry. from thence i took coach to my father's, where i found him come home this day from brampton (as i expected) very well, and after some discourse about business and it being very late i took coach again home, where i hear by my wife that mrs. hater is not yet delivered, but continues in her pains. so to bed. th. this morning came the maid that my wife hath lately hired for a chamber maid. she is very ugly, so that i cannot care for her, but otherwise she seems very good. but however she do come about three weeks hence, when my wife comes back from brampton, if she go with my father. by and by came my father to my house, and so he and i went and found out my uncle wight at the coffee house, and there did agree with him to meet the next week with my uncle thomas and read over the captain's will before them both for their satisfaction. having done with him i went to my lady's and dined with her, and after dinner took the two young gentlemen and the two ladies and carried them and captain ferrers to the theatre, and shewed them "the merry devill of edmunton," which is a very merry play, the first time i ever saw it, which pleased me well. and that being done i took them all home by coach to my house and there gave them fruit to eat and wine. so by water home with them, and so home myself. th (lord's day). to our own church in the forenoon, and in the afternoon to clerkenwell church, only to see the two [a comedy acted at the globe, and first printed in . in the original entry in the stationers' books it is said to be by t. b., which may stand for tony or anthony brewer. the play has been attributed without authority both to shakespeare and to drayton.] fayre botelers;--[mrs. frances butler and her sister.]--and i happened to be placed in the pew where they afterwards came to sit, but the pew by their coming being too full, i went out into the next, and there sat, and had my full view of them both, but i am out of conceit now with them, colonel dillon being come back from ireland again, and do still court them, and comes to church with them, which makes me think they are not honest. hence to graye's-inn walks, and there staid a good while; where i met with ned pickering, who told me what a great match of hunting of a stagg the king had yesterday; and how the king tired all their horses, and come home with not above two or three able to keep pace with him. so to my father's, and there supped, and so home. th. at the office this morning. at home in the afternoon, and had notice that my lord hinchingbroke is fallen ill, which i fear is with the fruit that i did give them on saturday last at my house: so in the evening i went thither and there found him very ill, and in great fear of the smallpox. i supped with my lady, and did consult about him, but we find it best to let him lie where he do; and so i went home with my heart full of trouble for my lord hinchinabroke's sickness, and more for my lord sandwich's himself, whom we are now confirmed is sick ashore at alicante, who, if he should miscarry, god knows in what condition would his family be. i dined to-day with my lord crew, who is now at sir h. wright's, while his new house is making fit for him, and he is much troubled also at these things. th. to the privy seal in the morning, then to the wardrobe to dinner, where i met my wife, and found my young lord very ill. so my lady intends to send her other three sons, sidney, oliver, and john, to my house, for fear of the small-pox. after dinner i went to my father's, where i found him within, and went up to him, and there found him settling his papers against his removal, and i took some old papers of difference between me and my wife and took them away. after that pall being there i spoke to my father about my intention not to keep her longer for such and such reasons, which troubled him and me also, and had like to have come to some high words between my mother and me, who is become a very simple woman. by and by comes in mrs. cordery to take her leave of my father, thinking he was to go presently into the country, and will have us to come and see her before he do go. then my father and i went forth to mr. rawlinson's, where afterwards comes my uncle thomas and his two sons, and then my uncle wight by appointment of us all, and there we read the will and told them how things are, and what our thoughts are of kindness to my uncle thomas if he do carry himself peaceable, but otherwise if he persist to keep his caveat up against us. so he promised to withdraw it, and seemed to be very well contented with things as they are. after a while drinking, we paid all and parted, and so i home, and there found my lady's three sons come, of which i am glad that i am in condition to do her and my lord any service in this kind, but my mind is yet very much troubled about my lord of sandwich's health, which i am afeard of. th. this morning sir w. batten and sir w. pen and i, waited upon the duke of york in his chamber, to give him an account of the condition of the navy for lack of money, and how our own very bills are offered upon the exchange, to be sold at in the loss. he is much troubled at it, and will speak to the king and council of it this morning. so i went to my lady's and dined with her, and found my lord hinchingbroke somewhat better. after dinner captain ferrers and i to the theatre, and there saw "the alchymist;" and there i saw sir w. pen, who took us when the play was done and carried the captain to paul's and set him down, and me home with him, and he and i to the dolphin, but not finding sir w. batten there, we went and carried a bottle of wine to his house, and there sat a while and talked, and so home to bed. at home i found a letter from mr. creed of the th of july last, that tells me that my lord is rid of his pain (which was wind got into the muscles of his right side) and his feaver, and is now in hopes to go aboard in a day or two, which do give me mighty great comfort. th. to the privy seal and whitehall, up and down, and at noon sir w. pen carried me to paul's, and so i walked to the wardrobe and dined with my lady, and there told her, of my lord's sickness (of which though it hath been the town-talk this fortnight, she had heard nothing) and recovery, of which she was glad, though hardly persuaded of the latter. i found my lord hinchingbroke better and better, and the worst past. thence to the opera, which begins again to-day with "the witts," never acted yet with scenes; and the king and duke and duchess were there (who dined to-day with sir h. finch, reader at the temple, in great state); and indeed it is a most excellent play, and admirable scenes. so home and was overtaken by sir w. pen in his coach, who has been this afternoon with my lady batten, &c., at the theatre. so i followed him to the dolphin, where sir w. batten was, and there we sat awhile, and so home after we had made shift to fuddle mr. falconer of woolwich. so home. th. at the office all the morning, though little to be done; because all our clerks are gone to the buriall of tom whitton, one of the controller's clerks, a very ingenious, and a likely young man to live, as any in the office. but it is such a sickly time both in city and country every where (of a sort of fever), that never was heard of almost, unless it was in a plague-time. among others, the famous tom fuller is dead of it; and dr. nichols, dean of paul's; and my lord general monk is very dangerously ill. dined at home with the children and were merry, and my father with me; who after dinner he and i went forth about business. among other things we found one dr. john williams at an alehouse, where we staid till past nine at night, in shoe lane, talking about our country business, and i found him so well acquainted with the matters of gravely that i expect he will be of great use to me. so by link home. i understand my aunt fenner is upon the point of death. th. at the privy seal, where we had a seal this morning. then met with ned pickering, and walked with him into st. james's park (where i had not been a great while), and there found great and very noble alterations. and, in our discourse, he was very forward to complain and to speak loud of the lewdness and beggary of the court, which i am sorry to hear, and which i am afeard will bring all to ruin again. so he and i to the wardrobe to dinner, and after dinner captain ferrers and i to the opera, and saw "the witts" again, which i like exceedingly. the queen of bohemia was here, brought by my lord craven. so the captain and i and another to the devil tavern and drank, and so by coach home. troubled in mind that i cannot bring myself to mind my business, but to be so much in love of plays. we have been at a great loss a great while for a vessel that i sent about a month ago with, things of my lord's to lynn, and cannot till now hear of them, but now we are told that they are put into soale bay, but to what purpose i know not. th (lord's day). to our own church in the morning and so home to dinner, where my father and dr. tom pepys came to me to dine, and were very merry. after dinner i took my wife and mr. sidney to my lady to see my lord hinchingbroke, who is now pretty well again, and sits up and walks about his chamber. so i went to white hall, and there hear that my lord general monk continues very ill: so i went to la belle pierce and sat with her; and then to walk in st. james's park, and saw great variety of fowl which i never saw before and so home. at night fell to read in "hooker's ecclesiastical polity," which mr. moore did give me last wednesday very handsomely bound; and which i shall read with great pains and love for his sake. so to supper and to bed. th. at the office all the morning; at noon the children are sent for by their mother my lady sandwich to dinner, and my wife goes along with them by coach, and she to my father's and dines there, and from thence with them to see mrs. cordery, who do invite them before my father goes into the country, and thither i should have gone too but that i am sent for to the privy seal, and there i found a thing of my lord chancellor's [this "thing" was probably one of those large grants which clarendon quietly, or, as he himself says, "without noise or scandal," procured from the king. besides lands and manors, clarendon states at one time that the king gave him a "little billet into his hand, that contained a warrant of his own hand-writing to sir stephen fox to pay to the chancellor the sum of l , ,--[approximately million dollars in the year ]--of which nobody could have notice." in he received l , out of the money voted to the king by the parliament of ireland, as he mentions in his vindication of himself against the impeachment of the commons; and we shall see that pepys, in february, , names another sum of l , given to the chancellor to clear the mortgage upon clarendon park; and this last sum, it was believed, was paid from the money received from france by the sale of dunkirk.--b.] to be sealed this afternoon, and so i am forced to go to worcester house, where severall lords are met in council this afternoon. and while i am waiting there, in comes the king in a plain common riding-suit and velvet cap, in which he seemed a very ordinary man to one that had not known him. here i staid till at last, hearing that my lord privy seal had not the seal here, mr. moore and i hired a coach and went to chelsy, and there at an alehouse sat and drank and past the time till my lord privy seal came to his house, and so we to him and examined and sealed the thing, and so homewards, but when we came to look for our coach we found it gone, so we were fain to walk home afoot and saved our money. we met with a companion that walked with us, and coming among some trees near the neate houses, he began to whistle, which did give us some suspicion, but it proved that he that answered him was mr. marsh (the lutenist) and his wife, and so we all walked to westminster together, in our way drinking a while at my cost, and had a song of him, but his voice is quite lost. so walked home, and there i found that my lady do keep the children at home, and lets them not come any more hither at present, which a little troubles me to lose their company. this day my aunt fenner dyed. th. at the office in the morning and all the afternoon at home to put my papers in order. this day we come to some agreement with sir r. ford for his house to be added to the office to enlarge our quarters. st. this morning by appointment i went to my father, and after a morning draft he and i went to dr. williams, but he not within we went to mrs. terry, a daughter of mr. whately's, who lately offered a proposal of her sister for a wife for my brother tom, and with her we discoursed about and agreed to go to her mother this afternoon to speak with her, and in the meantime went to will. joyce's and to an alehouse, and drank a good while together, he being very angry that his father fenner will give him and his brother no more for mourning than their father did give him and my aunt at their mother's death, and a very troublesome fellow i still find him to be, that his company ever wearys me. from thence about two o'clock to mrs. whately's, but she being going to dinner we went to whitehall and there staid till past three, and here i understand by mr. moore that my lady sandwich is brought to bed yesterday of a young lady, and is very well. so to mrs. whately's again, and there were well received, and she desirous to have the thing go forward, only is afeard that her daughter is too young and portion not big enough, but offers l down with her. the girl is very well favoured,, and a very child, but modest, and one i think will do very well for my brother: so parted till she hears from hatfield from her husband, who is there; but i find them very desirous of it, and so am i. hence home to my father's, and i to the wardrobe, where i supped with the ladies, and hear their mother is well and the young child, and so home. nd. to the privy seal, and sealed; so home at noon, and there took my wife by coach to my uncle fenner's, where there was both at his house and the sessions, great deal of company, but poor entertainment, which i wonder at; and the house so hot, that my uncle wight, my father and i were fain to go out, and stay at an alehouse awhile to cool ourselves. then back again and to church, my father's family being all in mourning, doing him the greatest honour, the world believing that he did give us it: so to church, and staid out the sermon, and then with my aunt wight, my wife, and pall and i to her house by coach, and there staid and supped upon a westphalia ham, and so home and to bed. rd. this morning i went to my father's, and there found him and my mother in a discontent, which troubles me much, and indeed she is become very simple and unquiet. hence he and i to dr. williams, and found him within, and there we sat and talked a good while, and from him to tom trice's to an alehouse near, and there sat and talked, and finding him fair we examined my uncle's will before him and dr. williams, and had them sign the copy and so did give t. trice the original to prove, so he took my father and me to one of the judges of the court, and there we were sworn, and so back again to the alehouse and drank and parted. dr. williams and i to a cook's where we eat a bit of mutton, and away, i to w. joyce's, where by appointment my wife was, and i took her to the opera, and shewed her "the witts," which i had seen already twice, and was most highly pleased with it. so with my wife to the wardrobe to see my lady, and then home. th. at the office all the morning and did business; by and by we are called to sir w. batten's to see the strange creature that captain holmes hath brought with him from guiny; it is a great baboon, but so much like a man in most things, that though they say there is a species of them, yet i cannot believe but that it is a monster got of a man and she-baboon. i do believe that it already understands much english, and i am of the mind it might be taught to speak or make signs. hence the comptroller and i to sir rd. ford's and viewed the house again, and are come to a complete end with him to give him l per an. for it. home and there met capt. isham inquiring for me to take his leave of me, he being upon his voyage to portugal, and for my letters to my lord which are not ready. but i took him to the mitre and gave him a glass of sack, and so adieu, and then straight to the opera, and there saw "hamlet, prince of denmark," done with scenes very well, but above all, betterton [sir william davenant introduced the use of scenery. the character of hamlet was one of betterton's masterpieces. downes tells us that he was taught by davenant how the part was acted by taylor of the blackfriars, who was instructed by shakespeare himself.] did the prince's part beyond imagination. hence homeward, and met with mr. spong and took him to the sampson in paul's churchyard, and there staid till late, and it rained hard, so we were fain to get home wet, and so to bed. th (lord's day). at church in the morning, and dined at home alone with my wife very comfortably, and so again to church with her, and had a very good and pungent sermon of mr. mills, discoursing the necessity of restitution. home, and i found my lady batten and her daughter to look something askew upon my wife, because my wife do not buckle to them, and is not solicitous for their acquaintance, which i am not troubled at at all. by and by comes in my father (he intends to go into the country to-morrow), and he and i among other discourse at last called pall up to us, and there in great anger told her before my father that i would keep her no longer, and my father he said he would have nothing to do with her. at last, after we had brought down her high spirit, i got my father to yield that she should go into the country with my mother and him, and stay there awhile to see how she will demean herself. that being done, my father and i to my uncle wight's, and there supped, and he took his leave of them, and so i walked with [him] as far as paul's and there parted, and i home, my mind at some rest upon this making an end with pall, who do trouble me exceedingly. th. this morning before i went out i made even with my maid jane, who has this day been my maid three years, and is this day to go into the country to her mother. the poor girl cried, and i could hardly forbear weeping to think of her going, for though she be grown lazy and spoilt by pall's coming, yet i shall never have one to please us better in all things, and so harmless, while i live. so i paid her her wages and gave her s. d. over, and bade her adieu, with my mind full of trouble at her going. hence to my father, where he and i and thomas together setting things even, and casting up my father's accounts, and upon the whole i find that all he hath in money of his own due to him in the world is but l , and he owes about the same sum: so that i cannot but think in what a condition he had left my mother if he should have died before my uncle robert. hence to tom trice for the probate of the will and had it done to my mind, which did give my father and me good content. from thence to my lady at the wardrobe and thence to the theatre, and saw the "antipodes," wherein there is much mirth, but no great matter else. hence with mr. bostock whom i met there (a clerk formerly of mr. phelps) to the devil tavern, and there drank and so away. i to my uncle fenner's, where my father was with him at an alehouse, and so we three went by ourselves and sat talking a great while about a broker's daughter that he do propose for a wife for tom, with a great portion, but i fear it will not take, but he will do what he can. so we broke up, and going through the street we met with a mother and son, friends of my father's man, ned's, who are angry at my father's putting him away, which troubled me and my father, but all will be well as to that. we have news this morning of my uncle thomas and his son thomas being gone into the country without giving notice thereof to anybody, which puts us to a stand, but i fear them not. at night at home i found a letter from my lord sandwich, who is now very well again of his feaver, but not yet gone from alicante, where he lay sick, and was twice let blood. this letter dated the nd july last, which puts me out of doubt of his being ill. in my coming home i called in at the crane tavern at the stocks by appointment, and there met and took leave of mr. fanshaw, who goes to-morrow and captain isham toward their voyage to portugal. here we drank a great deal of wine, i too much and mr. fanshaw till he could hardly go. so we took leave one of another. th. this morning to the wardrobe, and there took leave of my lord hinchingbroke and his brother, and saw them go out by coach toward rye in their way to france, whom god bless. then i was called up to my lady's bedside, where we talked an hour about mr. edward montagu's disposing of the l for my lord's departure for portugal, and our fears that he will not do it to my lord's honour, and less to his profit, which i am to enquire a little after. hence to the office, and there sat till noon, and then my wife and i by coach to my cozen, thos. pepys, the executor, to dinner, where some ladies and my father and mother, where very merry, but methinks he makes but poor dinners for such guests, though there was a poor venison pasty. hence my wife and i to the theatre, and there saw "the joviall crew," where the king, duke and duchess, and madame palmer, were; and my wife, to her great content, had a full sight of them all the while. the play full of mirth. hence to my father's, and there staid to talk a while and so by foot home by moonshine. in my way and at home, my wife making a sad story to me of her brother balty's a condition, and would have me to do something for him, which i shall endeavour to do, but am afeard to meddle therein for fear i shall not be able to wipe my hands of him again, when i once concern myself for him. i went to bed, my wife all the while telling me his case with tears, which troubled me. th. at home all the morning setting papers in order. at noon to the exchange, and there met with dr. williams by appointment, and with him went up and down to look for an attorney, a friend of his, to advise with about our bond of my aunt pepys of l , and he tells me absolutely that we shall not be forced to pay interest for the money yet. i do doubt it very much. i spent the whole afternoon drinking with him and so home. this day i counterfeited a letter to sir w. pen, as from the thief that stole his tankard lately, only to abuse and laugh at him. th. at the office all the morning, and at noon my father, mother, and my aunt bell (the first time that ever she was at my house) come to dine with me, and were very merry. after dinner the two women went to visit my aunt wight, &c., and my father about other business, and i abroad to my bookseller, and there staid till four o'clock, at which time by appointment i went to meet my father at my uncle fenner's. so thither i went and with him to an alehouse, and there came mr. evans, the taylor, whose daughter we have had a mind to get for a wife for tom, and then my father, and there we sat a good while and talked about the business; in fine he told us that he hath not to except against us or our motion, but that the estate that god hath blessed him with is too great to give where there is nothing in present possession but a trade and house; and so we friendly ended. there parted, my father and i together, and walked a little way, and then at holborn he and i took leave of one another, he being to go to brampton (to settle things against my mother comes) tomorrow morning. so i home. th. at noon my wife and i met at the wardrobe, and there dined with the children, and after dinner up to my lady's bedside, and talked and laughed a good while. then my wife end i to drury lane to the french comedy, which was so ill done, and the scenes and company and every thing else so nasty and out of order and poor, that i was sick all the while in my mind to be there. here my wife met with a son of my lord somersett, whom she knew in france, a pretty man; i showed him no great countenance, to avoyd further acquaintance. that done, there being nothing pleasant but the foolery of the farce, we went home. st. at home and the office all the morning, and at noon comes luellin to me, and he and i to the tavern and after that to bartholomew fair, and there upon his motion to a pitiful alehouse, where we had a dirty slut or two come up that were whores, but my very heart went against them, so that i took no pleasure but a great deal of trouble in being there and getting from thence for fear of being seen. from hence he and i walked towards ludgate and parted. i back again to the fair all alone, and there met with my ladies jemimah and paulina, with mr. pickering and madamoiselle, at seeing the monkeys dance, which was much to see, when they could be brought to do so, but it troubled me to sit among such nasty company. after that with them into christ's hospitall, and there mr. pickering bought them some fairings, and i did give every one of them a bauble, which was the little globes of glass with things hanging in them, which pleased the ladies very well. after that home with them in their coach, and there was called up to my lady, and she would have me stay to talk with her, which i did i think a full hour. and the poor lady did with so much innocency tell me how mrs. crispe had told her that she did intend, by means of a lady that lies at her house, to get the king to be godfather to the young lady that she is in childbed now of; but to see in what a manner my lady told it me, protesting that she sweat in the very telling of it, was the greatest pleasure to me in the world to see the simplicity and harmlessness of a lady. then down to supper with the ladies, and so home, mr. moore (as he and i cannot easily part) leading me as far as fenchurch street to the mitre, where we drank a glass of wine and so parted, and i home and to bed. thus ends the month. my maid jane newly gone, and pall left now to do all the work till another maid comes, which shall not be till she goes away into the country with my mother. myself and wife in good health. my lord sandwich in the straits and newly recovered of a great sickness at alicante. my father gone to settle at brampton, and myself under much business and trouble for to settle things in the estate to our content. but what is worst, i find myself lately too much given to seeing of plays, and expense, and pleasure, which makes me forget my business, which i must labour to amend. no money comes in, so that i have been forced to borrow a great deal for my own expenses, and to furnish my father, to leave things in order. i have some trouble about my brother tom, who is now left to keep my father's trade, in which i have great fears that he will miscarry for want of brains and care. at court things are in very ill condition, there being so much emulacion, poverty, and the vices of drinking, swearing, and loose amours, that i know not what will be the end of it, but confusion. and the clergy so high, that all people that i meet with do protest against their practice. in short, i see no content or satisfaction any where, in any one sort of people. the benevolence [a voluntary contribution made by the subjects to their sovereign. upon this occasion the clergy alone gave l , : see may st, .--b] proves so little, and an occasion of so much discontent every where; that it had better it had never been set up. i think to subscribe l . we are at our office quiet, only for lack of money all things go to rack. our very bills offered to be sold upon the exchange at per cent. loss. we are upon getting sir r. ford's house added to our office. but i see so many difficulties will follow in pleasing of one another in the dividing of it, and in becoming bound personally to pay the rent of l per annum, that i do believe it will yet scarce come to pass. the season very sickly every where of strange and fatal fevers. september september st (lord's day). last night being very rainy [the rain] broke into my house, the gutter being stopped, and spoiled all my ceilings almost. at church in the morning, and dined at home with my wife. after dinner to sir w. batten's, where i found sir w. pen and captain holmes. here we were very merry with sir w. pen about the loss of his tankard, though all be but a cheat, and he do not yet understand it; but the tankard was stole by sir w. batten, and the letter, as from the thief, wrote by me, which makes: very good sport. here i staid all the afternoon, and then captain holmes and i by coach to white hall; in our way, i found him by discourse, to be a great friend of my lord's, and he told me there was many did seek to remove him; but they were old seamen, such as sir j. minnes (but he would name no more, though i do believe sir w. batten is one of them that do envy him), but he says he knows that the king do so love him, and the duke of york too, that there is no fear of him. he seems to be very well acquainted with the king's mind, and with all the several factions at court, and spoke all with so much frankness, that i do take him to be my lord's good friend, and one able to do him great service, being a cunning fellow, and one (by his own confession to me) that can put on two several faces, and look his enemies in the face with as much love as his friends. but, good god! what an age is this, and what a world is this! that a man cannot live without playing the knave and dissimulation. at whitehall we parted, and i to mrs. pierce's, meeting her and madam clifford in the street, and there staid talking and laughing with them a good while, and so back to my mother's, and there supped, and so home and to bed. nd. in the morning to my cozen thos. pepys, executor, and there talked with him about my uncle thomas, his being in the country, but he could not advise me to anything therein, not knowing what the other has done in the country, and so we parted. and so to whitehall, and there my lord privy seal, who has been out of town this week, not being yet come, we can have no seal, and therefore meeting with mr. battersby the apothecary in fenchurch street to the king's apothecary's chamber in whitehall, and there drank a bottle or two of wine, and so he and i by water towards london. i landed at blackfriars and so to the wardrobe and dined, and then back to whitehall with captain ferrers, and there walked, and thence to westminster hall, where we met with mr. pickering, and so all of us to the rhenish wine house (prior's), where the master of the house is laying out some money in making a cellar with an arch in his yard, which is very convenient for him. here we staid a good while, and so mr. pickering and i to westminster hall again, and there walked an hour or two talking, and though he be a fool, yet he keeps much company, and will tell all he sees or hears, and so a man may understand what the common talk of the town is, and i find by him that there are endeavours to get my lord out of play at sea, which i believe mr. coventry and the duke do think will make them more absolute; but i hope, for all this, they will not be able to do it. he tells me plainly of the vices of the court, and how the pox is so common there, and so i hear on all hands that it is as common as eating and swearing. from him by water to the bridge, and thence to the mitre, where i met my uncle and aunt wight come to see mrs. rawlinson (in her husband's absence out of town), and so i staid with them and mr. lucas and other company, very merry, and so home, where my wife has been busy all the day making of pies, and had been abroad and bought things for herself, and tells that she met at the change with my young ladies of the wardrobe and there helped them to buy things, and also with mr. somerset, who did give her a bracelet of rings, which did a little trouble me, though i know there is no hurt yet in it, but only for fear of further acquaintance. so to bed. this night i sent another letter to sir w. pen to offer him the return of his tankard upon his leaving of s. at a place where it should be brought. the issue of which i am to expect. rd. this day some of us commissioners went down to deptford to pay off some ships, but i could not go, but staid at home all the morning setting papers to rights, and this morning mr. howell, our turner, sent me two things to file papers on very handsome. dined at home, and then with my wife to the wardrobe, where my lady's child was christened (my lord crew and his lady, and my lady montagu, my lord's mother-in-law, were the witnesses), and named katherine [lady katherine montagu, youngest daughter of lord sandwich, married, first, nicholas bacon, eldest son and heir of sir nicholas bacon, k.b., of shrubland hall, co. suffolk; and, secondly, the rev. balthazar gardeman. she died january th, , at ninety-six years, four months.--b.] (the queen elect's name); but to my and all our trouble, the parson of the parish christened her, and did not sign the child with the sign of the cross. after that was done, we had a very fine banquet, the best i ever was at, and so (there being very little company) we by and by broke up, and my wife and i to my mother, who i took a liberty to advise about her getting things ready to go this week into the country to my father, and she (being become now-a-days very simple) took it very ill, and we had a great deal of noise and wrangling about it. so home by coach. th. in the morning to the privy seal to do some things of the last month, my lord privy seal having been some time out of town. then my wife came to me to whitehall, and we went and walked a good while in st. james's park to see the brave alterations, and so to wilkinson's, the cook's, to dinner, where we sent for mrs. sarah and there dined and had oysters, the first i have eat this year, and were pretty good. after dinner by agreement to visit mrs. symonds, but she is abroad, which i wonder at, and so missing her my wife again to my mother's (calling at mrs. pierce's, who we found brought to bed of a girl last night) and there staid and drank, and she resolves to be going to-morrow without fail. many friends come in to take their leave of her, but a great deal of stir i had again tonight about getting her to go to see my lady sandwich before she goes, which she says she will do tomorrow. so i home. th. to the privy seal this morning about business, in my way taking leave of my mother, who goes to brampton to-day. but doing my business at the privy seal pretty soon, i took boat and went to my uncle fenner's, and there i found my mother and my wife and pall (of whom i had this morning at my own house taken leave, and given her s. and good counsel how to carry herself to my father and mother), and so i took them, it being late, to beard's, where they were staid for, and so i put them into the waggon, and saw them going presently, pall crying exceedingly. then in with my wife, my aunt bell and charles pepys, whom we met there, and drank, and so to my uncle fenner's to dinner (in the way meeting a french footman with feathers, who was in quest of my wife, and spoke with her privately, but i could not tell what it was, only my wife promised to go to some place to-morrow morning, which do trouble my mind how to know whither it was), where both his sons and daughters were, and there we were merry and dined. after dinner news was brought that my aunt kite, the butcher's widow in london, is sick ready to die and sends for my uncle and me to come to take charge of things, and to be entrusted with the care of her daughter. but i through want of time to undertake such a business, i was taken up by antony joyce, which came at last to very high words, which made me very angry, and i did not think that he would ever have been such a fool to meddle with other people's business, but i saw he spoke worse to his father than to me and therefore i bore it the better, but all the company was offended with him, so we parted angry he and i, and so my wife and i to the fair, and i showed her the italians dancing the ropes, and the women that do strange tumbling tricks and so by foot home vexed in my mind about antony joyce. th. this morning my uncle fenner by appointment came and drank his morning draft with me, and from thence he and i go to see my aunt kite (my wife holding her resolution to go this morning as she resolved yesterday, and though there could not be much hurt in it, yet my own jealousy put a hundred things into my mind, which did much trouble me all day), whom we found in bed and not like to live as we think, and she told us her mind was that if she should die she should give all she had to her daughter, only l apiece to her second husband's children, in case they live to come out of their apprenticeships, and that if her daughter should die before marrying, then l to be divided between sarah kite's children and the rest as her own daughter shall dispose of it, and this i set down that i may be able to swear in case there should be occasion. from thence to an alehouse while it rained, which kept us there i think above two hours, and at last we were fain to go through the rainy street home, calling on his sister utbeck and drank there. then i home to dinner all alone, and thence my mind being for my wife's going abroad much troubled and unfit for business, i went to the theatre, and saw "elder brother" ill acted; that done, meeting here with sir g. askew, sir theophilus jones, and another knight, with sir w. pen, we to the ship tavern, and there staid and were merry till late at night, and so got a coach, and sir wm. and i home, where my wife had been long come home, but i seemed very angry, as indeed i am, and did not all night show her any countenance, neither before nor in bed, and so slept and rose discontented. th. at the office all the morning. at noon mr. moore dined with me, and then in comes wm. joyce to answer a letter of mine i wrote this morning to him about a maid of his that my wife had hired, and she sent us word that she was hired to stay longer with her master, which mistake he came to clear himself of; and i took it very kindly. so i having appointed the young ladies at the wardrobe to go with them to a play to-day, i left him and my brother tom who came along with him to dine, and my wife and i took them to the theatre, where we seated ourselves close by the king, and duke of york, and madame palmer, which was great content; and, indeed, i can never enough admire her beauty. and here was "bartholomew fayre," with the puppet-show, acted to-day, which had not been these forty years (it being so satyricall against puritanism, they durst not till now, which is strange they should already dare to do it, and the king do countenance it), but i do never a whit like it the better for the puppets, but rather the worse. thence home with the ladies, it being by reason of our staying a great while for the king's coming, and the length of the play, near nine o'clock before it was done, and so in their coach home, and still in discontent with my wife, to bed, and rose so this morning also. th (lord's day). to church, it being a very wet night last night and to-day, dined at home, and so to church again with my wife in the afternoon, and coming home again found our new maid doll asleep, that she could not hear to let us in, so that we were fain to send the boy in at a window to open the door to us. so up to my chamber all alone, and troubled in mind to think how much of late i have addicted myself to expense and pleasure, that now i can hardly reclaim myself to look after my great business of settling gravely business, until now almost too late. i pray god give me grace to begin now to look after my business, but it always was, and i fear will ever be, my foible that after i am once got behind-hand with business, i am hard to set to it again to recover it. in the evening i begun to look over my accounts and upon the whole i do find myself, by what i can yet see, worth near l , for which god be blessed, which put me into great comfort. so to supper and to bed. th. to the privy seal in the morning, but my lord did not come, so i went with captain morrice at his desire into the king's privy kitchen to mr. sayres, the master cook, and there we had a good slice of beef or two to our breakfast, and from thence he took us into the wine cellar where, by my troth, we were very merry, and i drank too much wine, and all along had great and particular kindness from mr. sayres, but i drank so much wine that i was not fit for business, and therefore at noon i went and walked in westminster hall a while, and thence to salisbury court play house, where was acted the first time "'tis pity shee's a whore," a simple play and ill acted, only it was my fortune to sit by a most pretty and most ingenious lady, which pleased me much. thence home, and found sir williams both and much more company gone to the dolphin to drink the s. that we got the other day of sir w. pen about his tankard. here was sir r. slingsby, holmes, captn. allen, mr. turner, his wife and daughter, my lady batten, and mrs. martha, &c., and an excellent company of fiddlers; so we exceeding merry till late; and then we begun to tell sir w. pen the business, but he had been drinking to-day, and so is almost gone, that we could not make him understand it, which caused us more sport. but so much the better, for i believe when he do come to understand it he will be angry, he has so talked of the business himself and the letter up and down that he will be ashamed to be found abused in it. so home and to bed. th. at the office all the morn, dined at home; then my wife into wood street to buy a chest, and thence to buy other things at my uncle fenner's (though by reason of rain we had ill walking), thence to my brother tom's, and there discoursed with him about business, and so to the wardrobe to see my lady, and after supper with the young ladies, bought a link and carried it myself till i met one that would light me home for the link. so he light me home with his own, and then i did give him mine. this night i found mary, my cozen w. joyce's maid, come to me to be my cook maid, and so my house is full again. so to bed. th. early to my cozen thomas trice to discourse about our affairs, and he did make demand of the l and the interest thereof. but for the l i did agree to pay him, but for the other i did desire to be advised. so from him to dr. williams, who did carry me into his garden, where he hath abundance of grapes; and did show me how a dog that he hath do kill all the cats that come thither to kill his pigeons, and do afterwards bury them; and do it with so much care that they shall be quite covered; that if but the tip of the tail hangs out he will take up the cat again, and dig the hole deeper. which is very strange; and he tells me that he do believe that he hath killed above cats. after he was ready we went up and down to inquire about my affairs and then parted, and to the wardrobe, and there took mr. moore to tom trice, who promised to let mr. moore have copies of the bond and my aunt's deed of gift, and so i took him home to my house to dinner, where i found my wife's brother, balty, as fine as hands could make him, and his servant, a frenchman, to wait on him, and come to have my wife to visit a young lady which he is a servant to, and have hope to trepan and get for his wife. i did give way for my wife to go with him, and so after dinner they went, and mr. moore and i out again, he about his business and i to dr. williams: to talk with him again, and he and i walking through lincoln's fields observed at the opera a new play, "twelfth night" [pepys seldom liked any play of shakespeare's, and he sadly blundered when he supposed "twelfth night" was a new play.] was acted there, and the king there; so i, against my own mind and resolution, could not forbear to go in, which did make the play seem a burthen to me, and i took no pleasure at all in it; and so after it was done went home with my mind troubled for my going thither, after my swearing to my wife that i would never go to a play without her. so that what with this and things going so cross to me as to matters of my uncle's estate, makes me very much troubled in my mind, and so to bed. my wife was with her brother to see his mistress today, and says she is young, rich, and handsome, but not likely for him to get. th. though it was an office day, yet i was forced to go to the privy seal, at which i was all the morning, and from thence to my lady's to dinner at the wardrobe; and in my way upon the thames, i saw the king's new pleasure-boat that is come now for the king to take pleasure in above bridge; and also two gundaloes ["two long boats that were made in venice, called gondolas, were by the duke of venice (dominico contareni) presented to his majesty; and the attending watermen, being four, were in very rich clothes, crimson satin; very big were their breeches and doublets; they wore also very large shirts of the same satin, very richly laced." --rugge's diurnal.--b.] that are lately brought, which are very rich and fine. after dinner i went into my lady's chamber where i found her up now out of her childbed, which i was glad to see, and after an hour's talk with her i took leave and to tom trice again, and sat talking and drinking with him about our business a great while. i do find i am likely to be forced to pay interest for the l . by and by in comes my uncle thomas, and as he was always a close cunning fellow, so he carries himself to me, and says nothing of what his endeavours are, though to my trouble i know that he is about recovering of gravely, but neither i nor he began any discourse of the business. from thence to dr. williams (at the little blind alehouse in shoe lane, at the gridiron, a place i am ashamed to be seen to go into), and there with some bland counsel of his we discuss our matters, but i find men of so different minds that by my troth i know not what to trust to. it being late i took leave, and by link home and called at sir w. batten's, and there hear that sir w. pen do take our jest of the tankard very ill, which pam sorry for. th. this morning i was sent for by my uncle fenner to come and advise about the buriall of my aunt, the butcher, who died yesterday; and from thence to the anchor, by doctor's commons, and there dr. williams and i did write a letter for my purpose to mr. sedgewick, of cambridge, about gravely business, and after that i left him and an attorney with him and went to the wardrobe, where i found my wife, and thence she and i to the water to spend the afternoon in pleasure; and so we went to old george's, and there eat as much as we would of a hot shoulder of mutton, and so to boat again and home. so to bed, my mind very full of business and trouble. th. at the office all the morning, at noon to the change, and then home again. to dinner, where my uncle fenner by appointment came and dined with me, thinking to go together to my aunt kite's that is dead; but before we had dined comes sir r. slingsby and his lady, and a great deal of company, to take my wife and i out by barge to shew them the king's and duke's yachts. so i was forced to leave my uncle and brother tom at dinner and go forth with them, and we had great pleasure, seeing all four yachts, viz., these two and the two dutch ones. and so home again, and after writing letters by post, to bed. th (lord's day). to my aunt kite's in the morning to help my uncle fenner to put things in order against anon for the buriall, and at noon home again; and after dinner to church, my wife and i, and after sermon with my wife to the buriall of my aunt kite, where besides us and my uncle fenner's family, there was none of any quality, but poor rascally people. so we went to church with the corps, and there had service read at the grave, and back again with pegg kite who will be, i doubt, a troublesome carrion to us executors; but if she will not be ruled, i shall fling up my executorship. after that home, and will joyce along with me where we sat and talked and drank and ate an hour or two, and so he went away and i up to my chamber and then to prayers and to bed. th. this morning i was busy at home to take in my part of our freight of coles, which sir g. carteret, sir r. slingsby, and myself sent for, which is chaldron, of which i took in, and with the other to repay sir w. pen what i borrowed of him a little while ago. so that from this day i should see how long chaldron of coals will serve my house, if it please the lord to let me live to see them burned. in the afternoon by appointment to meet dr. williams and his attorney, and they and i to tom trice, and there got him in discourse to confess the words that he had said that his mother did desire him not to see my uncle about her l bond while she was alive. here we were at high words with t. trice and then parted, and we to standing's, in fleet street, where we sat and drank and talked a great while about my going down to gravely court, [the manorial court of graveley, in huntingdonshire, to which impington owed suit or service, and under which the pepys's copyhold estates were held. see july th, , ante.--b.] which will be this week, whereof the doctor had notice in a letter from his sister this week. in the middle of our discourse word was brought me from my brother's that there is a fellow come from my father out of the country, on purpose to speak to me, so i went to him and he made a story how he had lost his letter, but he was sure it was for me to go into the country, which i believed, and thought it might be to give me notice of gravely court, but i afterwards found that it was a rogue that did use to play such tricks to get money of people, but he got none of me. at night i went home, and there found letters-from my father informing me of the court, and that i must come down and meet him at impington, which i presently resolved to do, th. and the next morning got up, telling my wife of my journey, and she with a few words got me to hire her a horse to go along with me. so i went to my lady's and elsewhere to take leave, and of mr. townsend did borrow a very fine side-saddle for my wife; and so after all things were ready, she and i took coach to the end of the town towards kingsland, and there got upon my horse and she upon her pretty mare that i hired for her, and she rides very well. by the mare at one time falling she got a fall, but no harm; so we got to ware, and there supped, and to bed very merry and pleasant. th. the next morning up early and begun our march; the way about puckridge--[puckeridge, a village in hertfordshire six and a half miles n.n.e, of ware.]--very bad, and my wife, in the very last dirty place of all, got a fall, but no hurt, though some dirt. at last she begun, poor wretch, to be tired, and i to be angry at it, but i was to blame; for she is a very good companion as long as she is well. in the afternoon we got to cambridge, where i left my wife at my cozen angier's while i went to christ's college, and there found my brother in his chamber, and talked with him; and so to the barber's, and then to my wife again, and remounted for impington, where my uncle received me and my wife very kindly. and by and by in comes my father, and we supped and talked and were merry, but being weary and sleepy my wife and i to bed without talking with my father anything about our business. th. up early, and my father and i alone into the garden, and there talked about our business, and what to do therein. so after i had talked and advised with my coz claxton, and then with my uncle by his bedside, we all horsed away to cambridge, where my father and i, having left my wife at the beare with my brother, went to mr. sedgewicke, the steward of gravely, and there talked with him, but could get little hopes from anything that he would tell us; but at last i did give him a fee, and then he was free to tell me what i asked, which was something, though not much comfort. from thence to our horses, and with my wife went and rode through sturbridge [sturbridge fair is of great antiquity. the first trace of it is found in a charter granted about by king john to the lepers of the hospital of st. mary magdalen at sturbridge by cambridge, a fair to be held in the close of the hospital on the vigil and feast of the holy cross (see cornelius walford's "fairs past and present," , p. ).] but the fair was almost done. so we did not 'light there at all, but went back to cambridge, and there at the beare we had some herrings, we and my brother, and after dinner set out for brampton, where we come in very good time, and found all things well, and being somewhat weary, after some talk about tomorrow's business with my father, we went to bed. th. will stankes and i set out in the morning betimes for gravely, where to an ale-house and drank, and then, going towards the court house, met my uncle thomas and his son thomas, with bradly, the rogue that had betrayed us, and one young, a cunning fellow, who guides them. there passed no unkind words at all between us, but i seemed fair and went to drink with them. i said little till by and by that we come to the court, which was a simple meeting of a company of country rogues, with the steward, and two fellows of jesus college, that are lords of the town where the jury were sworn; and i producing no surrender, though i told them i was sure there is and must be one somewhere, they found my uncle thomas heir at law, as he is, and so, though i did tell him and his son that they would find themselves abused by these fellows, and did advise them to forbear being admitted this court (which they could have done, but that these rogues did persuade them to do it now), my uncle was admitted, and his son also, in reversion after his father, which he did well in to secure his money. the father paid a year and a half for his fine, and the son half a year, in all l , besides about l fees; so that i do believe the charges of his journeys, and what he gives those two rogues, and other expenses herein, cannot be less than l , which will be a sad thing for them if a surrender be found. after all was done, i openly wished them joy in it, and so rode to offord with them and there parted fairly without any words. i took occasion to bid them money for their half acre of land, which i had a mind to do that in the surrender i might secure piggott's, which otherwise i should be forced to lose. so with stankes home and supped, and after telling my father how things went, i went to bed with my mind in good temper, because i see the matter and manner of the court and the bottom of my business, wherein i was before and should always have been ignorant. st. all the morning pleasing myself with my father, going up and down the house and garden with my father and my wife, contriving some alterations. after dinner (there coming this morning my aunt hanes and her son from london, that is to live with my father) i rode to huntingdon, where i met mr. philips, and there put my bugden [bugden, or buckden, a village and parish in the st. neots district of huntingdonshire, four miles s.w. of huntingdon.] matter in order against the court, and so to hinchingbroke, where mr. barnwell shewed me the condition of the house, which is yet very backward, and i fear will be very dark in the cloyster when it is done. so home and to supper and to bed, very pleasant and quiet. nd (lord's day). before church time walking with my father in the garden contriving. so to church, where we had common prayer, and a dull sermon by one mr. case, who yet i heard sing very well. so to dinner, and busy with my father about his accounts all the afternoon, and people came to speak with us about business. mr. barnwell at night came and supped with us. so after setting matters even with my father and i, to bed. rd. up, and sad to hear my father and mother wrangle as they used to do in london, of which i took notice to both, and told them that i should give over care for anything unless they would spend what they have with more love and quiet. so (john bowles coming to see us before we go) we took horse and got early to baldwick; where there was a fair, and we put in and eat a mouthfull of pork, which they made us pay d. for, which vexed us much. and so away to stevenage, and staid till a showre was over, and so rode easily to welling, where we supped well, and had two beds in the room and so lay single, and still remember it that of all the nights that ever i slept in my life i never did pass a night with more epicurism of sleep; there being now and then a noise of people stirring that waked me, and then it was a very rainy night, and then i was a little weary, that what between waking and then sleeping again, one after another, i never had so much content in all my life, and so my wife says it was with her. th. we rose, and set forth, but found a most sad alteration in the road by reason of last night's rains, they being now all dirty and washy, though not deep. so we rode easily through, and only drinking at holloway, at the sign of a woman with cakes in one hand and a pot of ale in the other, which did give good occasion of mirth, resembling her to the maid that served us, we got home very timely and well, and finding there all well, and letters from sea, that speak of my lord's being well, and his action, though not considerable of any side, at argier.--[algiers]--i went straight to my lady, and there sat and talked with her, and so home again, and after supper we to bed somewhat weary, hearing of nothing ill since my absence but my brother tom, who is pretty well though again. th. by coach with sir w. pen to covent garden. by the way, upon my desire, he told me that i need not fear any reflection upon my lord for their ill success at argier, for more could not be done than was done. i went to my cozen, thos. pepys, there, and talked with him a good while about our country business, who is troubled at my uncle thomas his folly, and so we parted; and then meeting sir r. slingsby in st. martin's lane, he and i in his coach through the mewes, which is the way that now all coaches are forced to go, because of a stop at charing cross, by reason of a drain there to clear the streets. to whitehall, and there to mr. coventry, and talked with him, and thence to my lord crew's and dined with him, where i was used with all imaginable kindness both from him and her. and i see that he is afraid that my lord's reputacon will a little suffer in common talk by this late success; but there is no help for it now. the queen of england (as she is now owned and called) i hear doth keep open court, and distinct at lisbon. hence, much against my nature and will, yet such is the power of the devil over me i could not refuse it, to the theatre, and saw "the merry wives of windsor," ill done. and that ended, with sir w. pen and sir g. more to the tavern, and so home with him by coach, and after supper to prayers and to bed. in full quiet of mind as to thought, though full of business, blessed be god. th. at the office all the morning, so dined at home, and then abroad with my wife by coach to the theatre to shew her "king and no king," it being very well done. and so by coach, though hard to get it, being rainy, home. so to my chamber to write letters and the journal for these six last days past. th. by coach to whitehall with my wife (where she went to see mrs. pierce, who was this day churched, her month of childbed being out). i went to mrs. montagu and other businesses, and at noon met my wife at the wardrobe; and there dined, where we found captain country (my little captain that i loved, who carried me to the sound), come with some grapes and millons [the antiquity of the cultivation of the melon is very remote. both the melon (cucaimis melo) and the water-melon (cucumis citrullus) were introduced into england at the end of the sixteenth century. see vol. i., p. .] from my lord at lisbon, the first that ever i saw any, and my wife and i eat some, and took some home; but the grapes are rare things. here we staid; and in the afternoon comes mr. edwd. montagu (by appointment this morning) to talk with my lady and me about the provisions fit to be bought, and sent to my lord along with him. and told us, that we need not trouble ourselves how to buy them, for the king would pay for all, and that he would take care to get them: which put my lady and me into a great deal of ease of mind. here we staid and supped too, and, after my wife had put up some of the grapes in a basket for to be sent to the king, we took coach and home, where we found a hampire of millons sent to me also. th. at the office in the morning, dined at home, and then sir w. pen and his daughter and i and my wife to the theatre, and there saw "father's own son," a very good play, and the first time i ever saw it, and so at night to my house, and there sat and talked and drank and merrily broke up, and to bed. th (lord's day). to church in the morning, and so to dinner, and sir w. pen and daughter, and mrs. poole, his kinswoman, captain poole's wife, came by appointment to dinner with us, and a good dinner we had for them, and were very merry, and so to church again, and then to sir w. pen's and there supped, where his brother, a traveller, and one that speaks spanish very well, and a merry man, supped with us, and what at dinner and supper i drink i know not how, of my own accord, so much wine, that i was even almost foxed, and my head aked all night; so home and to bed, without prayers, which i never did yet, since i came to the house, of a sunday night: i being now so out of order that i durst not read prayers, for fear of being perceived by my servants in what case i was. so to bed. th. this morning up by moon-shine, at o'clock, to white hall, to meet mr. moore at the privy seal, but he not being come as appointed, i went into king street to the red lyon' to drink my morning draft, and there i heard of a fray between the two embassadors of spain and france; and that, this day, being the day of the entrance of an embassador from sweden, they intended to fight for the precedence! our king, i heard, ordered that no englishman should meddle in the business, [the comte de brienne insinuates, in his "memoirs," that charles purposely abstained from interfering, in the belief that it was for his interest to let france and spain quarrel, in order to further his own designs in the match with portugal. louis certainly held that opinion; and he afterwards instructed d'estrades to solicit from the english court the punishment of those londoners who had insulted his ambassador, and to demand the dismissal of de batteville. either no londoner had interfered, or louis's demand had not in england the same force as in spain; for no one was punished. the latter part of his request it was clearly not for charles to entertain, much less enforce.--b.] but let them do what they would. and to that end all the soldiers in the town were in arms all the day long, and some of the train-bands in the city; and a great bustle through the city all the day. then i to the privy seal, and there mr. moore and a gentleman being come with him, we took coach (which was the business i come for) to chelsy, to my lord privy seal, and there got him to seal the business. here i saw by day-light two very fine pictures in the gallery, that a little while ago i saw by night; and did also go all over the house, and found it to be the prettiest contrived house that ever i saw in my life. so to coach back again; and at white hall light, and saw the soldiers and people running up and down the streets. so i went to the spanish embassador's and the french, and there saw great preparations on both sides; but the french made the most noise and vaunted most, the other made no stir almost at all; so that i was afraid the other would have had too great a conquest over them. then to the wardrobe, and dined there, end then abroad and in cheapside hear that the spanish hath got the best of it, and killed three of the french coach-horses and several men, and is gone through the city next to our king's coach; at which, it is strange to see how all the city did rejoice. and indeed we do naturally all love the spanish, and hate the french. but i, as i am in all things curious, presently got to the water-side, and there took oars to westminster palace, thinking to have seen them come in thither with all the coaches, but they being come and returned, i ran after them with my boy after me through all the dirt and the streets full of people; till at last, at the mewes, i saw the spanish coach go, with fifty drawn swords at least to guard it, and our soldiers shouting for joy. and so i followed the coach, and then met it at york house, where the embassador lies; and there it went in with great state. so then i went to the french house, where i observe still, that there is no men in the world of a more insolent spirit where they do well, nor before they begin a matter, and more abject if they do miscarry, than these people are; for they all look like dead men, and not a word among them, but shake their heads. the truth is, the spaniards were not only observed to fight most desperately, but also they did outwitt them; first in lining their own harness with chains of iron that they could not be cut, then in setting their coach in the most advantageous place, and to appoint men to guard every one of their horses, and others for to guard the coach, and others the coachmen. and, above all, in setting upon the french horses and killing them, for by that means the french were not able to stir. there were several men slain of the french, and one or two of the spaniards, and one englishman by a bullet. which is very observable, the french were at least four to one in number, and had near case of pistols among them, and the spaniards had not one gun among them; which is for their honour for ever, and the others' disgrace. so, having been very much daubed with dirt, i got a coach, and home where i vexed my wife in telling of her this story, and pleading for the spaniards against the french. so ends this month; myself and family in good condition of health, but my head full of my lord's and my own and the office business; where we are now very busy about the business of sending forces to tangier, [this place so often mentioned, was first given up to the english fleet under lord sandwich, by the portuguese, january th, ; and lord peterborough left governor, with a garrison. the greatest pains were afterwards taken to preserve the fortress, and a fine mole was constructed at a vast expense, to improve the harbour. at length, after immense sums of money had been wasted there, the house of commons expressed a dislike to the management of the garrison, which they suspected to be a nursery for a popish army, and seemed disinclined to maintain it any longer. the king consequently, in , sent lord dartmouth to bring home the troops, and destroy the works; which he performed so effectually, that it would puzzle all our engineers to restore the harbour. it were idle to speculate on the benefits which might have accrued to england, by its preservation and retention; tangier fell into the hands of the moors, its importance having ceased, with the demolition of the mole. many curious views of tangier were taken by hollar, during its occupation by the english; and his drawings are preserved in the british museum. some have been engraved by himself; but the impressions are of considerable rarity.--b.] and the fleet to my lord of sandwich, who is now at lisbon to bring over the queen, who do now keep a court as queen of england. the business of argier hath of late troubled me, because my lord hath not done what he went for, though he did as much as any man in the world could have done. the want of money puts all things, and above all things the nary, out of order; and yet i do not see that the king takes care to bring in any money, but thinks of new designs to lay out money. october october st. this morning my wife and i lay long in bed, and among other things fell into talk of musique, and desired that i would let her learn to sing, which i did consider, and promised her she should. so before i rose, word was brought me that my singing master, mr. goodgroome, was come to teach me and so she rose and this morning began to learn also. to the office, where busy all day. so to dinner and then to the office again till night, and then to my study at home to set matters and papers in order, which, though i can hardly bring myself to do, yet do please me much when it is done. so eat a bit of bread and cheese, and to bed. nd. all this morning at pegg kite's with my uncle fenner, and two friends of his, appraising her goods that her mother has left; but the slut is like to prove so troublesome that i am out of heart with troubling myself in her business. after we had done we all went to a cook's shop in bishopsgate street and dined, and then i took them to the tavern and did give them a quart of sack, and so parted. i home and then took my wife out, and in a coach of a gentlewoman's that had been to visit my lady batten and was going home again our way, we went to the theatre, but coming late, and sitting in an ill place, i never had so little pleasure in a play in my life, yet it was the first time that ever i saw it, "victoria corombona." methinks a very poor play. then at night troubled to get my wife home, it being very dark, and so we were forced to have a coach. so to supper and to bed. rd. at the office all the morning; dined at home, and in the afternoon mr. moore came to me, and he and i went to tower hill to meet with a man, and so back all three to my house, and there i signed a bond to mr. battersby, a friend of mr. moore's, who lends me l , the first money that ever i borrowed upon bond for my own occasion, and so i took them to the mitre and a portugal millon with me; there sat and discoursed in matters of religion till night with great pleasure, and so parted, and i home, calling at sir w. batten's, where his son and his wife were, who had yesterday been at the play where we were, and it was good sport to hear how she talked of it with admiration like a fool. so home, and my head was not well with the wine that i drank to-day. th. by coach to white hall with sir w. pen. so to mr. montagu, where his man, mons. eschar, makes a great com plaint against the english, that they did help the spaniards against the french the other day; and that their embassador do demand justice of our king, and that he do resolve to be gone for france the next week; which i, and all that i met with, are very glad of. thence to paternoster row, where my will did receive the l i borrowed yesterday. i to the wardrobe to dinner, and there staid most of the afternoon very merry with the ladies. then captain ferrers and i to the theatre, and there came too late, so we staid and saw a bit of "victoria," which pleased me worse than it did the other day. so we staid not to see it out, but went out and drank a bottle or two of china ale, and so home, where i found my wife vexed at her people for grumbling to eat suffolk cheese, which i also am vexed at. so to bed. th. at the office all the morning, then dined at home, and so staid at home all the afternoon putting up my lord's model of the royal james, which i borrowed of him long ago to hang up in my room. and at night sir w. pen and i alone to the dolphin, and there eat some bloat-herrings [to bloat is to dry by smoke, a method chiefly used to cure herrings or bloaters. "i have more smoke in my mouth than would blote a hundred herrings."--beaumont and fletcher, island princess. "why, you stink like so many bloat-herrings newly taken out of the chimney."--ben jonson, "masque of augurs."] and drank good sack. then came in sir w. warren and another and staid a while with us, and then sir arnold brames, with whom we staid late and till we had drank too much wine. so home and i to bed pleased at my afternoon's work in hanging up the shipp. so to bed. th (lord's day). to church in the morning; mr. mills preached, who, i expect, should take in snuffe [anger] that my wife not come to his child's christening the other day. the winter coming on, many of parish ladies are come home and appear at church again; among others, the three sisters the thornbury's, a very fine, and the most zealous people that ever i saw in my life, even to admiration, if it were true zeal. there was also my pretty black girl, mrs. dekins, and mrs. margaret pen, this day come to church in a new flowered satin suit that my wife helped to buy her the other day. so me to dinner, and to church in the afternoon to st. gregory's, by paul's, where i saw mr. moose in the gallery and went up to him and heard a good sermon of dr. buck's, one i never heard before, a very able man. so home, and in the evening i went to my valentine, her father and mother being out of town, to fetch her to supper to my house, and then came sir w. pen and would have her to his, so with much sport i got them all to mine, and we were merry, and so broke up and to bed. th. up in the morning and to my uncle fenner's, thinking to have met peg kite about her business but she comes not, so i went to dr. williams, where i found him sick in bed and was sorry for it. so about business all day, troubled in my mind till i can hear from brampton, how things go on at sturtlow, at the court, which i was cleared in at night by a letter, which tells me that my cozen tom was there to be admitted, in his father's name, as heir-at-law, but that he was opposed, and i was admitted by proxy, which put me out of great trouble of mind. th. at the office all the morning. after office done, went and eat some colchester oysters with sir w. batten at his house, and there, with some company; dined and staid there talking all the afternoon; and late after dinner took mrs. martha out by coach, and carried her to the theatre in a frolique, to my great expense, and there shewed her part of the "beggar's bush," without much pleasure, but only for a frolique, and so home again. th. this morning went out about my affairs, among others to put my theorbo out to be mended, and then at noon home again, thinking to go with sir williams both to dinner by invitation to sir w. rider's, but at home i found mrs. pierce, la belle, and madam clifford, with whom i was forced to stay, and made them the most welcome i could; and i was (god knows) very well pleased with their beautiful company, and after dinner took them to the theatre, and shewed them "the chances;" and so saw them both at home and back to the fleece tavern, in covent garden, where luellin and blurton, and my old friend frank bagge, was to meet me, and there staid till late very merry. frank bagge tells me a story of mrs. pepys that lived with my lady harvy, mr. montagu's sister, a good woman; that she had been very ill, and often asked for me; that she is in good condition, and that nobody could get her to make her will; but that she did still enquire for me, and that now she is well she desires to have a chamber at my house. now i do not know whether this is a trick of bagge's, or a good will of hers to do something for me; but i will not trust her, but told him i should be glad to see her, and that i would be sure to do all that i could to provide a place for her. so by coach home late. th. at the office all the morning; dined at home, and after dinner sir w. pen and my wife and i to the theatre (she first going into covent garden to speak a word with a woman to enquire of her mother, and i in the meantime with sir w. pen's coach staying at w. joyce's), where the king came to-day, and there was "the traytor" most admirably acted; and a most excellent play it is. so home, and intended to be merry, it being my sixth wedding night; but by a late bruise.... i am in so much pain that i eat my supper and in pain to bed, yet my wife and i pretty merry. th: all day in bed with a cataplasm.... and at night rose a little, and to bed again in more ease than last night. this noon there came my brother and dr. tom and snow to dinner, and by themselves were merry. th. in bed the greatest part of this day also, and my swelling in some measure gone. i received a letter this day from my father, that sir r. bernard do a little fear that my uncle has not observed exactly the custom of brampton in his will about his lands there, which puts me to a great trouble in mind, and at, night wrote to him and to my father about it, being much troubled at it. th (lord's day). did not stir out all day, but rose and dined below, and this day left off half skirts and put on a wastecoate, and my false taby wastecoate with gold lace; and in the evening there came sir w. batten to see me, and sat and supped very kindly with me, and so to prayers and to bed. th. this morning i ventured by water abroad to westminster, but lost my labour, for mr. montagu was not in town. so to the wardrobe, and there dined with my lady, which is the first time i have seen her dine abroad since her being brought to bed of my lady katherine. in the afternoon captain ferrers and i walked abroad to several places, among others to mr. pim's, my lord's taylour's, and there he went out with us to the fountain tavern and did give us store of wine, and it being the duke of york's birthday, we drank the more to his health. but, lord! what a sad story he makes of his being abused by a dr. of physique who is in one part of the tenement wherein he dwells. it would make one laugh, though i see he is under a great trouble in it. thence home by link and found a good answer from my father that sir r. bernard do clear all things as to us and our title to brampton, which puts my heart in great ease and quiet. th. at the office all the morning, and in the afternoon to paul's churchyard to a blind place, where mrs. goldsborough was to meet me (who dare not be known where she lives) to treat about the difference which remains between my uncle and her. but, lord! to hear how she talks and how she rails against my uncle would make one mad. but i seemed not to be troubled at it, but would indeed gladly have an agreement with her. so i appoint mr. moore and she another against friday next to look into our papers and to see what can be done to conclude the matter. so home in much pain by walking too much yesterday.... which much troubles me. th. in bed till o'clock. this morning came several maids to my wife to be hired, and at last she pitched upon one nell, whose mother, an old woman, came along with her, but would not be hired under half a year, which i am pleased at their drollness. this day dined by appointment with me, dr. thos. pepys and my coz: snow, and my brother tom, upon a fin of ling and some sounds, neither of which did i ever know before, but most excellent meat they are both, that in all my life i never eat the like fish. so after dinner came in w. joyce and eat and drank and were merry. so up to my chamber, and put all my papers, at rights, and in the evening our maid mary. (who was with us upon trial for a month) did take leave of us, going as we suppose to be married, for the maid liked us and we her, but all she said was that she had a mind to live in a tradesman's house where there was but one maid. so to supper and to bed. th. at the office all the morning, at noon my wife being gone to my coz snow's with dr. thomas pepys and my brother tom to a venison pasty (which proved a pasty of salted pork); by appointment i went with captain david lambert to the exchequer, and from thence by appointment he and i were to meet at a cook's shop to dine. but before i went to him captain. cock, a merchant i had not long known, took me to the sun tavern and gave me a glass of sack, and being a man of great observation and repute, did tell me that he was confident that the parliament, when it comes the next month to sit again, would bring trouble with it, and enquire how the king had disposed of offices and money, before they will raise more; which, i fear, will bring all things to ruin again. thence to the cook's and there dined with captain lambert and his father-in-law, and had much talk of portugall; from whence he is lately come, and he tells me it is a very poor dirty place; i mean the city and court of lisbon; that the king is a very rude and simple fellow; and, for reviling of somebody a little while ago, and calling of him cuckold, was run into.... with a sword and had been killed, had he not told them that he was their king. that there are there no glass windows, nor will they have any; which makes sport among our merchants there to talk of an english factor that, being newly come thither, writ into england that glass would be a good commodity to send thither, &c. that the king has his meat sent up by a dozen of lazy guards and in pipkins, sometimes, to his own table; and sometimes nothing but fruits, and, now and then, half a hen. and now that the infanta is become our queen, she is come to have a whole hen or goose to her table, which is not ordinary. so home and to look over my papers that concern the difference between mrs. goldsborough and us; which cost me much pains, but contented me much after it was done. so at home all the evening and to supper and to bed. th. to white hall, to mr. montagu's, where i met with mr. pierce, the purser, to advise about the things to be sent to my lord for the queen's provision, and was cleared in it, and now there is all haste made, for the fleet's going. at noon to my lord's to dinner, and in the afternoon, leaving my wife there, mr. moore and i to mrs. goldsborough, who sent for a friend to meet with us, and so we were talking about the difference between us till at night. i find it very troublesome, and have brought it into some hopes of an agreement, i offering to forgive her l that is yet due according to my uncle's accounts to us. so we left her friend to advise about it, and i hope to hear of her, for i would not by any means go to law with a woman of so devilish a tongue as she has. so to my lady's, where i left my wife to lie with mademoiselle all night, and i by link home and to bed. this night lying alone, and the weather cold, and having this last or days been troubled with a tumor... which is now abated by a poultice of a good handful of bran with half a pint of vinegar and a pint of water boiled till it be thick, and then a spoonful of honey put to it and so spread in a cloth and laid to it, i first put on my waistcoat to lie in all night this year, and do not intend to put it off again till spring. i met with complaints at home that my wife left no victuals for them all this day. th. at the office all the morning, and at noon mr. coventry, who sat with us all the morning, and sir g. carteret, sir w. pen, and myself,. by coach to captain marshe's, at limehouse, to a house that hath been their ancestors for this years, close by the lime-house which gives the name to the place. here they have a design to get the king to hire a dock for the herring busses, which is now the great design on foot, to lie up in. we had a very good and handsome dinner, and excellent wine. i not being neat in clothes, which i find a great fault in me, could not be so merry as otherwise, and at all times i am and can be, when i am in good habitt, which makes me remember my father osborne's' rule for a gentleman to spare in all things rather than in that. so by coach home, and so to write letters by post, and so to bed. th (lord's day). at home in bed all the morning to ease my late tumour, but up to dinner and much offended in mind at a proud trick my man will hath got, to keep his hat on in the house, but i will not speak of it to him to-day; but i fear i shall be troubled with his pride and laziness, though in other things he is good enough. to church in the afternoon, where a sleepy presbyter preached, and then to sir w. batten who is to go to portsmouth to-morrow to wait upon the duke of york, who goes to take possession and to set in order the garrison there. supped at home and to bed. st. early with mr. moore by coach to chelsy, to my lord privy seal's, but have missed of coming time enough; and having taken up mr. pargiter, the goldsmith (who is the man of the world that i do most know and believe to be a cheating rogue), we drank our morning draft there together of cake and ale, and did make good sport of his losing so much by the king's coming in, he having bought much of crown lands, of which, god forgive me! i am very glad. at whitehall, at the privy seal, did with sir w. pen take advice about passing of things of his there that concern his matters of ireland. thence to the wardrobe and dined, and so against my judgment and conscience (which god forgive, for my very heart knows that i offend god in breaking my vows herein) to the opera, which is now newly begun to act again, after some alteracion of their scene, which do make it very much worse; but the play, "love and honour," being the first time of their acting it, is a very good plot, and well done. so on foot home, and after a little business done in my study and supper, to bed. nd. at the office all the morning, where we had a deputation from the duke in his absence, he being gone to portsmouth, for us to have the whole disposal and ordering of the fleet. in the afternoon about business up and down, and at night to visit sir r. slingsby, who is fallen sick of this new disease, an ague and fever. so home after visiting my aunt wight and mrs. norbury (who continues still a very pleasant lady), and to supper, and so to bed. rd. to whitehall, and there, to drink our morning, sir w. pen and i to a friend's lodging of his (col. pr. swell), and at noon he and i dined together alone at the legg in king street, and so by coach to chelsy to my lord privy seal's about business of sir william's, in which we had a fair admittance to talk with my lord, and had his answer, and so back to the opera, and there i saw again "love and honour," and a very good play it is. and thence home, calling by the way to see sir robert slingsby, who continues ill, and so home. this day all our office is invited against tuesday next, my lord mayor's day, to dinner with him at guildhall. this evening mr. holliard came and sat with us, and gave us both directions to observe. th. at the office all morning, at noon luellin dined with me, and then abroad to fleet street, leaving my wife at tom's while i went out and did a little business. so home again, and went to see sir robert [slingsby], who continues ill, and this day has not spoke at all, which makes them all afeard of him. so home. th. to whitehall, and so to dinner at the wardrobe, where my wife met me, and there we met with a venison pasty, and my lady very merry and very handsome, methought. after dinner my wife and i to the opera, and there saw again "love and honour," a play so good that it has been acted but three times and i have seen them all, and all in this week; which is too much, and more than i will do again a good while. coming out of the house we met mrs. pierce and her comrade mrs. clifford, and i seeming willing to stay with them to talk my wife grew angry, and whether she be jealous or no i know, not, but she loves not that i should speak of mrs. pierce. home on foot very discontented, in my way i calling at the instrument maker, hunt's, and there saw my lute, which is now almost done, it being to have a new neck to it and to be made to double strings. so home and to bed. this day i did give my man will a sound lesson about his forbearing to give us the respect due to a master and mistress. th. this morning sir w. pen and i should have gone out of town with my lady batten, to have met sir william coming back from portsmouth; at kingston, but could not, by reason that my lord of peterborough (who is to go governor of tangier) came this morning, with sir g. carteret, to advise with us about completing of the affairs and preparacions for that place. so at the office all the morning, and in the afternoon sir w. pen, my wife and i to the theatre, and there saw "the country captain," the first time it hath been acted this twenty-five years, a play of my lord newcastle's, but so silly a play as in all my life i never saw, and the first that ever i was weary of in my life. so home again, and in the evening news was brought that sir r. slingsby, our comptroller (who hath this day been sick a week), is dead; which put me into so great a trouble of mind, that all the night i could not sleep, he being a man that loved me, and had many qualitys that made me to love him above all the officers and commissioners in the navy. coming home we called at dan rawlinson's; and there drank good sack, and so home. th (lord's day). at church in the morning; where in the pew both sir williams and i had much talk about the death of sir robert, which troubles me much; and them in appearance, though i do not believe it; because i know that he was a cheque to their engrossing the whole trade of the navy office. home to dinner, and in the afternoon to church again, my wife with me, whose mourning is now grown so old that i am ashamed to go to church with her. and after church to see my uncle and aunt wight, and there staid and talked and supped with them, and were merry as we could be in their company. among other things going up into their chamber to see their two pictures, which i am forced to commend against my judgment, and also she showed us her cabinet, where she had very pretty medals and good jewels. so home and to prayers and to bed. th. at the office all the morning, and dined at home, and so to paul's churchyard to hunt's, and there found my theorbo done, which pleases me very well, and costs me s. to the altering. but now he tells me it is as good a lute as any is in england, and is worth well l . hither i sent for captain ferrers to me, who comes with a friend of his, and they and i to the theatre, and there saw "argalus and parthenia," where a woman acted parthenia, and came afterwards on the stage in men's clothes, and had the best legs that ever i saw, and i was very well pleased with it. thence to the ringo alehouse, and thither sent for a belt-maker, and bought of him a handsome belt for second mourning, which cost me s., and is very neat. th. this day i put on my half cloth black stockings and my new coat of the fashion, which pleases me well, and with my beaver i was (after office was done) ready to go to my lord mayor's feast, as we are all invited; but the sir williams were both loth to go, because of the crowd, and so none of us went, and i staid and dined with them, and so home, and in evening, by consent, we met at the dolphin, where other company came to us, and should have been merry, but their wine was so naught, and all other things out of order, that we were not so, but staid long at night, and so home and to bed. my mind not pleased with the spending of this day, because i had proposed a great deal of pleasure to myself this day at guildhall. this lord mayor, it seems, brings up again the custom of lord mayors going the day of their installment to paul's, and walking round about the cross, and offering something at the altar. th. all the morning at the office. at noon played on my theorbo, and much pleased therewith; it is now altered with a new neck. in the afternoon captain lambert called me out by appointment, and we walked together to deptford, and there in his ship, the norwich, i got him to shew me every hole and corner of the ship, much to my information, and the purpose of my going. so home again, and at sir w. batten's heard how he had been already at sir r. slingsby's, as we were all invited, and i intended this night to go, and there he finds all things out of order, and no such thing done to-night, but pretending that the corps stinks, they will bury it to-night privately, and so will unbespeak all their guests, and there shall be no funerall, which i am sorry for, that there should be nothing done for the honour of sir robert, but i fear he hath left his family in great distraction. here i staid till late at cards with my lady and mrs. martha, and so home. i sent for a bottle or two of wine thither. at my coming home i am sorry to find my wife displeased with her maid doll, whose fault is that she cannot keep her peace, but will always be talking in an angry manner, though it be without any reason and to no purpose, which i am sorry for and do see the inconvenience that do attend the increase of a man's fortune by being forced to keep more servants, which brings trouble. sir henry vane, lambert, and others, are lately sent suddenly away from the tower, prisoners to scilly; but i do not think there is any plot as is said, but only a pretence; as there was once pretended often against the cavaliers. st. this morning comes prior of brampton to me about the house he has to buy of me, but i was forced to be at the office all the morning, and so could not talk with him. and so, after the office was done, and dined at home, i went to my brother tom's, and there met him. he demanded some abatement, he having agreed with my father for barton's house, at a price which i told him i could not meddle with, but that as for anything to secure his title to them i was ready, and so we parted. thence to sir robert bernard, and as his client did ask his advice about my uncle thomas's case and ours as to gravely, and in short he tells me that there is little hopes of recovering it or saving his annuity, which do trouble me much, but god's will be done. hence, with my mind full of trouble, to my uncle fenner's, when at the alehouse i found him drinking and very jolly and youthsome, and as one that i believe will in a little time get a wife. so home. november november st. i went this morning with sir w. pen by coach to westminster, and having done my business at mr. montagu's, i went back to him at whitehall, and from thence with him to the tun tavern, at charing cross, and there sent for up the maister of the house's dinner, and dined very well upon it, and afterwards had him and his fayre sister (who is very great with sir w. batten and sir w. pen in mirth) up to us, and looked over some medals that they shewed us of theirs; and so went away to the theatre, to "the joviall crew," and from hence home, and at my house we were very merry till late, having sent for his son, mr. william pen, [the celebrated quaker, and founder of pennsylvania.] lately come from oxford. and after supper parted, and to bed. d. at the office all the morning; where sir john minnes, our new comptroller, was fetched by sir wm. pen and myself from sir wm. batten's, and led to his place in the office. the first time that he had come hither, and he seems a good fair condition man, and one that i am glad hath the office. after the office done, i to the wardrobe, and there dined, and in the afternoon had an hour or two's talk with my lady with great pleasure. and so with the two young ladies by coach to my house, and gave them some entertainment, and so late at night sent them home with captain ferrers by coach. this night my boy wayneman, as i was in my chamber, i overheard him let off some gunpowder; and hearing my wife chide him below for it, and a noise made, i call him up, and find that it was powder that he had put in his pocket, and a match carelessly with it, thinking that it was out, and so the match did give fire to the powder, and had burnt his side and his hand that he put into his pocket to put out the fire. but upon examination, and finding him in a lie about the time and place that he bought it, i did extremely beat him, and though it did trouble me to do it, yet i thought it necessary to do it. so to write by the post, and to bed. rd (lord's day). this day i stirred not out, but took physique, and it did work very well, and all the day as i was at leisure i did read in fuller's holy warr, which i have of late bought, and did try to make a song in the praise of a liberall genius (as i take my own to be) to all studies and pleasures, but it not proving to my mind i did reject it and so proceeded not in it. at night my wife and i had a good supper by ourselves of a pullet hashed, which pleased me much to see my condition come to allow ourselves a dish like that, and so at night to bed. th. in the morning, being very rainy, by coach with sir w. pen and my wife to whitehall, and sent her to mrs. bunt's, and he and i to mr. coventry's about business, and so sent for her again, and all three home again, only i to the mitre (mr. rawlinson's), where mr. pierce, the purser, had got us a most brave chine of beef, and a dish of marrowbones. our company my uncle wight, captain lambert, one captain davies, and purser barter, mr. rawlinson, and ourselves; and very merry. after dinner i took coach, and called my wife at my brother's, where i left her, and to the opera, where we saw "the bondman," which of old we both did so doat on, and do still; though to both our thinking not so well acted here (having too great expectations), as formerly at salisbury-court. but for betterton he is called by us both the best actor in the world. so home by coach, i lighting by the way at my uncle wight's and staid there a little, and so home after my wife, and to bed. th. at the office all the morning. at noon comes my brother tom and mr. armiger to dine with me, and did, and we were very merry. after dinner, i having drunk a great deal of wine, i went away, seeming to go about business with sir w. pen, to my lady batten's (sir william being at chatham), and there sat a good while, and then went away (before i went i called at home to see whether they were gone, and found them there, and armiger inviting my wife to go to a play, and like a fool would be courting her, but he is an ass, and lays out money with tom, otherwise i should not think him worth half this respect i shew him). to the dolphin, where he and i and captain cocke sat late and drank much, seeing the boys in the streets flying their crackers, this day being kept all the day very strictly in the city. at last broke up, and called at my lady batten's again and would have gone to cards, but sir w. pen was so fuddled that we could not try him to play, and therefore we parted, and i home and to bed. th. going forth this morning i met mr. davenport and a friend of his, one mr. furbisher, to drink their morning draft with me, and i did give it them in good wine, and anchovies, and pickled oysters, and took them to the sun in fish street, there did give them a barrel of good ones, and a great deal of wine, and sent for mr. w. bernard (sir robert's son), a grocer thereabouts, and were very merry, and cost me a good deal of money, and at noon left them, and with my head full of wine, and being invited by a note from luellin, that came to my hands this morning in bed, i went to nick osborne's at the victualling office, and there saw his wife, who he has lately married, a good sober woman, and new come to their home. we had a good dish or two of marrowbones and another of neats' tongues to dinner, and that being done i bade them adieu and hastened to whitehall (calling mr. moore by the way) to my lord privy seal, who will at last force the clerks to bring in a table of their fees, which they have so long denied, but i do not join with them, and so he is very respectful to me. so he desires me to bring in one which i observe in making of fees, which i will speedily do. so back again, and endeavoured to speak with tom trice (who i fear is hatching some mischief), but could not, which vexed me, and so i went home and sat late with pleasure at my lute, and so to bed. th. this morning came one mr. hill (sent by mr. hunt, the instrument maker), to teach me to play on the theorbo, but i do not like his play nor singing, and so i found a way to put him off. so to the office. and then to dinner, and got mr. pett the commissioner to dinner with me, he and i alone, my wife not being well, and so after dinner parted. and i to tom trice, who in short shewed me a writt he had ready for my father, and i promised to answer it. so i went to dr. williams (who is now pretty well got up after his sickness), and after that to mr. moore to advise, and so returned home late on foot, with my mind cleared, though not satisfied. i met with letters at home from my lord from lisbone, which speak of his being well; and he tells me he had seen at the court there the day before he wrote this letter, the juego de toro.--[a bull fight. see may th, .--b:]--so fitted myself for bed. coming home i called at my uncle fenner's, who tells that peg kite now hath declared she will have the beggarly rogue the weaver, and so we are resolved neither to meddle nor make with her. th. this morning up early, and to my lord chancellor's with a letter to him from my lord, and did speak with him; and he did ask me whether i was son to mr. talbot pepys or no (with whom he was once acquainted in the court of requests), and spoke to me with great respect. thence to westminster hall (it being term time) and there met with commissioner pett, and so at noon he and i by appointment to the sun in new fish street, where sir j. minnes, sir w. batten, and we all were to dine, at an invitation of captain stoaks and captain clerk, and were very merry, and by discourse i found sir j. minnes a fine gentleman and a very good scholler. after dinner to the wardrobe, and thence to dr. williams, who went with me (the first time that he has been abroad a great while) to the six clerks office to find me a clerk there able to advise me in my business with tom trice, and after i had heard them talk, and had given me some comfort, i went to my brother tom's, and took him with me to my coz. turner at the temple, and had his opinion that i should not pay more than the principal l , with which i was much pleased, and so home. th. at the office all the morning. at noon mr. davenport, phillips, and mr. wm. bernard and furbisher, came by appointment and dined with me, and we were very merry. after dinner i to the wardrobe, and there staid talking with my lady all the afternoon till late at night. among other things my lady did mightily urge me to lay out money upon my wife, which i perceived was a little more earnest than ordinary, and so i seemed to be pleased with it, and do resolve to bestow a lace upon her, and what with this and other talk, we were exceeding merry. so home at night. th (lord's day). at our own church in the morning, where mr. mills preached. thence alone to the wardrobe to dinner with my lady, where my lady continues upon yesterday's discourse still for me to lay out money upon my wife, which i think it is best for me to do for her honour and my own. last night died archibald, my lady's butler and mrs. sarah's brother, of a dropsy, which i am troubled at. in the afternoon went and sat with mr. turner in his pew at st. gregory's, where i hear our queen katherine, the first time by name as such, publickly prayed for, and heard dr. buck upon "woe unto thee, corazin," &c., where he started a difficulty, which he left to another time to answer, about why god should give means of grace to those people which he knew would not receive them, and deny to others which he himself confesses, if they had had them, would have received them, and they would have been effectual too. i would i could hear him explain this, when he do come to it. thence home to my wife, and took her to my aunt wight's, and there sat a while with her (my uncle being at katharine hill), and so home, and i to sir w. batten's, where captain cock was, and we sent for two bottles of canary to the rose, which did do me a great deal of hurt, and did trouble me all night, and, indeed, came home so out of order that i was loth to say prayers to-night as i am used ever to do on sundays, which my wife took notice of and people of the house, which i was sorry for. th. to the wardrobe, and with mr. townsend and moore to the saracen's head to a barrel of oysters, and so mr. moore and i to tom trice's, with whom i did first set my hand to answer to a writt of his this tearm. thence to the wardrobe to dinner, and there by appointment met my wife, who had by my direction brought some laces for my lady to choose one for her. and after dinner i went away, and left my wife and ladies together, and all their work was about this lace of hers. captain ferrers and i went together, and he carried me the first time that ever i saw any gaming house, to one, entering into lincoln's-inn-fields, at the end of bell yard, where strange the folly of men to lay and lose so much money, and very glad i was to see the manner of a gamester's life, which i see is very miserable, and poor, and unmanly. and thence he took me to a dancing school in fleet street, where we saw a company of pretty girls dance, but i do not in myself like to have young girls exposed to so much vanity. so to the wardrobe, where i found my lady had agreed upon a lace for my wife of l , which i seemed much glad of that it was no more, though in my mind i think it too much, and i pray god keep me so to order myself and my wife's expenses that no inconvenience in purse or honour follow this my prodigality. so by coach home. th. at the office all the morning. dined at home alone. so abroad with sir w. pen. my wife and i to "bartholomew fayre," with puppets which i had seen once before, and ate play without puppets often, but though i love the play as much as ever i did, yet i do not like the puppets at all, but think it to be a lessening to it. thence to the greyhound in fleet street, and there drank some raspberry sack and eat some sasages, and so home very merry. this day holmes come to town; and we do expect hourly to hear what usage he hath from the duke and the king about this late business of letting the swedish embassador go by him without striking his flag. [and that, too, in the river thames itself. the right of obliging ships of all nations to lower topsails, and strike their flag to the english, whilst in the british seas, and even on the french coasts, had, up to this time, been rigidly enforced. when sully was sent by henry iv., in , to congratulate james i. on his accession, and in a ship commanded by a vice-admiral of france, he was fired upon by the english admiral mansel, for daring to hoist the flag of france in the presence of that of england, although within sight of calais. the french flag was lowered, and all sully's remonstrances could obtain no redress for the alleged injury. according to rugge, holmes had insisted upon the swede's lowering his flag, and had even fired a shot to enforce the observance of the usual tribute of respect, but the ambassador sent his secretary and another gentleman on board the english frigate, to assure the captain, upon the word and honour of an ambassador, that the king, by a verbal order, had given him leave and a dispensation in that particular, and upon this false representation he was allowed to proceed on his voyage without further question. this want of caution, and disobedience of orders, fell heavily on holmes, who was imprisoned for two months, and not re-appointed to the same ship. brahe afterwards made a proper submission for the fault he had committed, at his own court. his conduct reminds us of sir henry wotton's definition of an ambassador--that he is an honest man sent to lie abroad for the good of his country. a pun upon the term lieger--ambassador.--b.] th. by appointment, we all went this morning to wait upon the duke of york, which we did in his chamber, as he was dressing himself in his riding suit to go this day by sea to the downs. he is in mourning for his wife's grandmother, which is thought a great piece of fondness. [fondness, foolishness. "fondness it were for any, being free, to covet fetters, tho' they golden be." spenser, sonnet ,--m. b.] after we had given him our letter relating the bad condition of the navy for want of money, he referred it to his coming back and so parted, and i to whitehall and to see la belle pierce, and so on foot to my lord crew's, where i found him come to his new house, which is next to that he lived in last; here i was well received by my lord and sir thomas, with whom i had great talk: and he tells me in good earnest that he do believe the parliament (which comes to sit again the next week), will be troublesome to the court and clergy, which god forbid! but they see things carried so by my lord chancellor and some others, that get money themselves, that they will not endure it. from thence to the theatre, and there saw "father's own son" again, and so it raining very hard i went home by coach, with my mind very heavy for this my expensefull life, which will undo me, i fear, after all my hopes, if i do not take up, for now i am coming to lay out a great deal of money in clothes for my wife, i must forbear other expenses. to bed, and this night began to lie in the little green chamber, where the maids lie, but we could not a great while get nell to lie there, because i lie there and my wife, but at last, when she saw she must lie there or sit up, she, with much ado, came to bed. th. at the office all the morning. at noon i went by appointment to the sun in fish street to a dinner of young mr. bernard's for myself, mr. phillips, davenport, weaver, &c., where we had a most excellent dinner, but a pie of such pleasant variety of good things, as in all my life i never tasted. hither came to me captain lambert to take his leave of me, he being this day to set sail for the straights. we drank his farewell and a health to all our friends, and were very merry, and drank wine enough. hence to the temple to mr. turner about drawing up my bill in chancery against t. trice, and so to salisbury court, where mrs. turner is come to town to-night, but very ill still of an ague, which i was sorry to see. so to the wardrobe and talked with my lady, and so home and to bed. th. at home all the morning, and at noon with my wife to the wardrobe to dinner, and there, did shew herself to my lady in the handkercher that she bought the lace for the other day, and indeed it is very handsome. here i left my wife and went to my lord privy seal to whitehall, and there did give him a copy of the fees of the office as i have received them, and he was well pleased with it. so to the opera, where i met my wife and captain ferrers and madamoiselle le blanc, and there did see the second part of "the siege of rhodes" very well done; and so by coach set her home, and the coach driving down the hill through thames street, which i think never any coach did before from that place to the bridge-foot, but going up fish street hill his horses were so tired, that they could not be got to go up the hill, though all the street boys and men did beat and whip them. at last i was fain to send my boy for a link, and so light out of the coach till we got to another at the corner of fenchurch street, and so home, and to bed. th. at the office all the morning. dined at home, and so about my business in the afternoon to the temple, where i found my chancery bill drawn against t. trice, which i read and like it, and so home. th (lord's day). to our own church, and at noon, by invitation, sir w. pen dined with me, and i took mrs. hester, my lady batten's kinswoman, to dinner from church with me, and we were very merry. so to church again, and heard a simple fellow upon the praise of church musique, and exclaiming against men's wearing their hats on in the church, but i slept part of the sermon, till latter prayer and blessing and all was done without waking which i never did in my life. so home, and by and by comes my uncle wight and my aunt and mr. norbury and his lady, and we drank hard and were very merry till supper time, and then we parted, my wife and i being invited to sir w. pen's, where we also were very merry, and so home to prayers and to bed. th. by coach with sir w. pen; my wife and i toward westminster, but seeing mr. moore in the street i light and he and i went to mr. battersby's the minister, in my way i putting in at st. paul's, where i saw the quiristers in their surplices going to prayers, and a few idle poor people and boys to hear them, which is the first time i have seen them, and am sorry to see things done so out of order, and there i received l more, which make up l that i now have borrowed of him, and so i did burn the old bond for l , and paying him the use of it did make a new bond for the whole l . here i dined and had a good dinner, and his wife a good pretty woman. there was a young parson at the table that had got himself drunk before dinner, which troubled me to see. after dinner to mr. bowers at westminster for my wife, and brought her to the theatre to see "philaster," which i never saw before, but i found it far short of my expectations. so by coach home. th. at the office all the morning, and coming home found mr. hunt with my wife in the chamber alone, which god forgive me did trouble my head, but remembering that it was washing and that there was no place else with a fire for him to be in, it being also cold weather, i was at ease again. he dined with us, and after dinner took coach and carried him with us as far as my cozen scott's, where we set him down and parted, and my wife and i staid there at the christening of my cozens boy, where my cozen samuel pepys, of ireland, and i were godfathers, and i did name the child samuel. there was a company of pretty women there in the chamber, but we staid not, but went with the minister into another room and eat and drank, and at last, when most of the women were gone, sam and i went into my cozen scott, who was got off her bed, and so we staid and talked and were very merry, my she-cozen, stradwick, being godmother. and then i left my wife to go home by coach, and i walked to the temple about my law business, and there received a subpoena for t. trice. i carried it myself to him at the usual house at doctors commons and did give it him, and so home and to bed. it cost me s, between the midwife and the two nurses to-day. th. to westminster hall by water in the morning, where i saw the king going in his barge to the parliament house; this being the first day of their meeting again. and the bishops, i hear, do take their places in the lords house this day. i walked long in the hall, but hear nothing of news, but what ned pickering tells me, which i am troubled at, that sir j. minnes should send word to the king, that if he did not remove all my lord sandwich's captains out of this fleet, he believed the king would not be master of the fleet at its coming again: and so do endeavour to bring disgrace upon my lord. but i hope all that will not do, for the king loves him. hence by water to the wardrobe, and dined with my lady, my lady wright being there too, whom i find to be a witty but very conceited woman and proud. and after dinner mr. moore and i to the temple, and there he read my bill and likes it well enough, and so we came back again, he with me as far as the lower end of cheapside, and there i gave him a pint of sack and parted, and i home, and went seriously to look over my papers touching t. trice, and i think i have found some that will go near to do me more good in this difference of ours than all i have before. so to bed with my mind cheery upon it, and lay long reading "hobbs his liberty and necessity," and a little but very shrewd piece, and so to sleep. st. in the morning again at looking over my last night's papers, and by and by comes mr. moore, who finds that my papers may do me much good. he staid and dined with me, and we had a good surloyne of rost beefe, the first that ever i had of my own buying since i kept house; and after dinner he and i to the temple, and there showed mr. smallwood my papers, who likes them well, and so i left them with him, and went with mr. moore to gray's inn to his chamber, and there he shewed me his old camden's "britannica", which i intend to buy of him, and so took it away with me, and left it at st. paul's churchyard to be bound, and so home and to the office all the afternoon; it being the first afternoon that we have sat, which we are now to do always, so long as the parliament sits, who this day have voted the king l , [a mistake. according to the journals, l , , . and see diary, february th, - .--m. b.] to be raised to pay his debts. and after the office with sir w. batten to the dolphin, and drank and left him there, and i again to the temple about my business, and so on foot home again and to bed. nd. within all the morning, and at noon with my wife, by appointment to dinner at the dolphin, where sir w. batten, and his lady and daughter matt, and captain cocke and his lady, a german lady, but a very great beauty, and we dined together, at the spending of some wagers won and lost between him and i; and there we had the best musique and very good songs, and were very merry and danced, but i was most of all taken with madam cocke and her little boy, which in mirth his father had given to me. but after all our mirth comes a reckoning of l , besides s. to the musicians, which did trouble us, but it must be paid, and so i took leave and left them there about eight at night. and on foot went to the temple, and then took my cozen turner's man roger, and went by his advice to serjeant fountaine and told him our case, who gives me good comfort in it, and i gave him s. fee. so home again and to bed. this day a good pretty maid was sent my wife by mary bowyer, whom my wife has hired. rd. to westminster with my wife (she to her father's), and about o'clock back again home, and there i to the office a little, and thence by coach with commissioner pett to cheapside to one savill, a painter, who i intend shall do my picture and my wife's. thence i to dinner at the wardrobe, and so home to the office, and there all the afternoon till night, and then both sir williams to my house, and in comes captain cock, and they to cards. by and by sir w. batten and cock, after drinking a good deal of wine, went away, and sir w. pen staid with my wife and i to supper, very pleasant, and so good night. this day i have a chine of beef sent home, which i bespoke to send, and did send it as a present to my uncle wight. th (lord's day). up early, and by appointment to st. clement danes to church, and there to meet captain cocke, who had often commended mr. alsopp, their minister, to me, who is indeed an able man, but as all things else did not come up to my expectations. his text was that all good and perfect gifts are from above. thence cocke and i to the sun tavern behind the exchange, and there met with others that are come from the same church, and staid and drank and talked with them a little, and so broke up, and i to the wardrobe and there dined, and staid all the afternoon with my lady alone talking, and thence to see madame turner, who, poor lady, continues very ill, and i begin to be afraid of her. thence homewards, and meeting mr. yong, the upholster, he and i to the mitre, and with mr. rawlinson sat and drank a quart of sack, and so i to sir w. batten's and there staid and supped, and so home, where i found an invitation sent my wife and i to my uncle wight's on tuesday next to the chine of beef which i presented them with yesterday. so to prayers and to bed. th. to westminster hall in the morning with captain lambert, and there he did at the dog give me and some other friends of his, his foy, he being to set sail to-day towards the streights. here we had oysters and good wine. having this morning met in the hall with mr. sanchy, we appointed to meet at the play this afternoon. at noon, at the rising of the house, i met with sir w. pen and major general massy, [major-general edward massey (or massie), son of john massie, was captain of one of the foot companies of the irish expedition, and had oliver cromwell as his ensign (see peacock's "army lists in ," p. ). he was governor of gloucester in its obstinate defence against the royal forces, ; dismissed by the self- denying ordinance when he entered charles ii's service. he was taken prisoner at the battle of worcester, september rd, , but escaped abroad.] who i find by discourse to be a very ingenious man, and among other things a great master in the secresys of powder and fireworks, and another knight to dinner, at the swan, in the palace yard, and our meat brought from the legg; and after dinner sir w. pen and i to the theatre, and there saw "the country captain," a dull play, and that being done, i left him with his torys [this is a strange use of the word tory, and an early one also. the word originally meant bogtrotters or wild irish, and as penn was governor of kildare these may have been some of his irish followers. the term was not used politically until about .] and went to the opera, and saw the last act of "the bondman," and there found mr. sanchy and mrs. mary archer, sister to the fair betty, whom i did admire at cambridge, and thence took them to the fleece in covent garden, there to bid good night to sir w. pen who staid for me; but mr. sanchy could not by any argument get his lady to trust herself with him into the tavern, which he was much troubled at, and so we returned immediately into the city by coach, and at the mitre in cheapside there light and drank, and then yet her at her uncle's in the old jewry. and so he and i back again thither, and drank till past at night, till i had drank something too much. he all the while telling me his intention to get a girl who is worth l , and many times we had her sister betty's health, whose memory i love. at last parted, and i well home, only had got cold and was hoarse and so to bed. th. this morning our maid dorothy and my wife parted, which though she be a wench for her tongue not to be borne with, yet i was loth to part with her, but i took my leave kindly of her and went out to savill's, the painter, and there sat the first time for my face with him; thence to dinner with my lady; and so after an hour or two's talk in divinity with my lady, captain ferrers and mr. moore and i to the theatre, and there saw "hamlett" very well done, and so i home, and found that my wife had been with my aunt wight and ferrers to wait on my lady to-day this afternoon, and there danced and were very merry, and my lady very fond as she is always of my wife. so to bed. th. at home all the morning; at noon will brought me from whitehall, whither i had sent him, some letters from my lord sandwich, from tangier; where he continues still, and hath done some execution upon the turks, and retaken an englishman from them, of one mr. parker's, a merchant in marke-lane. in the afternoon mr. pett and i met at the office; there being none more there than we two i saw there was not the reverence due to us observed, and so i took occasion to break up and took mr. gawdon along with me, and he and i (though it rained) were resolved to go, he to my lord treasurer's and i to the chancellor's with a letter from my lord to-day. so to a tavern at the end of mark lane, and there we staid till with much ado we got a coach, and so to my lord treasurer's and lost our labours, then to the chancellor's, and there met with mr. dugdale, and with him and one mr. simons, i think that belongs to my lord hatton, and mr. kipps and others, to the fountain tavern, and there staid till twelve at night drinking and singing, mr. simons and one mr. agar singing very well. then mr. gawdon being almost drunk had the wit to be gone, and so i took leave too, and it being a fine moonshine night he and i footed it all the way home, but though he was drunk he went such a pace as i did admire how he was able to go. when i came home i found our new maid sarah--[sarah did not stay long with mrs. pepys, who was continually falling out with her. she left to enter sir william penn's service.]--come, who is a tall and a very well favoured wench, and one that i think will please us. so to bed. th. i lay long in bed, till sir williams both sent me word that we were to wait upon the duke of york to-day; and that they would have me to meet them at westminster hall, at noon: so i rose and went thither; and there i understand that they are gone to mr. coventry's lodgings, in the old palace yard, to dinner (the first time i knew he had any); and there i met them two and sir g. carteret, and had a very fine dinner, and good welcome, and discourse; and so, by water, after dinner to white hall to the duke, who met us in his closet; and there he did discourse to us the business of holmes, and did desire of us to know what hath been the common practice about making of forrayne ships to strike sail to us, which they did all do as much as they could; but i could say nothing to it, which i was sorry for. so indeed i was forced to study a lie, and so after we were gone from the duke, i told mr. coventry that i had heard mr. selden often say, that he could prove that in henry the th's time, he did give commission to his captains to make the king of denmark's ships to strike to him in the baltique. from thence sir w. pen and i to the theatre, but it was so full that we could hardly get any room, so he went up to one of the boxes, and i into the d. places, and there saw "love at first sight," a play of mr. killigrew's, and the first time that it hath been acted since before the troubles, and great expectation there was, but i found the play to be a poor thing, and so i perceive every body else do. so home, calling at paul's churchyard for a "mare clausum," having it in my mind to write a little matter, what i can gather, about the business of striking sayle, and present it to the duke, which i now think will be a good way to make myself known. so home and to bed. th. in the morning to the temple, mr. philips and dr. williams about my several law matters, and so to the wardrobe to dinner, and after dinner stole away, my lady not dining out of her chamber, and so home and then to the office all the afternoon, and that being done sir w. batten and i and captain cock got a bottle of sack into the office, and there we sat late and drank and talked, and so home and to bed. i am this day in very good health, only got a little cold. the parliament has sat a pretty while. the old condemned judges of the late king have been brought before the parliament, and like to be hanged. i am deep in chancery against tom trice, god give a good issue; and myself under great trouble for my late great expending of money vainly, which god stop for the future. this is the last day for the old state's coyne [in a speech of lord lucas in the house of lords, the nd february, - (which speech was burnt by the common hangman), he thus adverted to that coin: "it is evident that there is scarcity of money; for all the parliament's money called breeches (a fit stamp for the coin of the rump) is wholly vanished--the king's proclamation and the dutch have swept it all away, and of his now majesty's coin there appears but very little; so that in effect we have none left for common use, but a little old lean coined money of the late three former princes. and what supply is preparing for it, my lords? i hear of none, unless it be of copper farthings, and this is the metal that is to vindicate, according to the inscription on it, the dominion of the four seas."--quoted in penn's "memorials of sir wm. penn," ii. .] to pass in common payments, but they say it is to pass in publique payments to the king three months still. december december st (lord's day). in the morning at church and heard mr. mills. at home dined and with me by appointment mr. sanchy, who should have brought his mistress, mrs. mary archer, of cambridge, but she could not come, but we had a good dinner for him. and so in the afternoon my wife went to church, and he and i stayed at home and drank and talked, and he stayed with me till night and supped with me, when i expected to have seen jack cole and lem. wagstaffe, but they did not come. we this day cut a brave collar of brawn from winchcombe which proves very good, and also opened the glass of girkins which captain cocke did give my wife the other day, which are rare things. so at night to bed. there hath lately been great clapping up of some old statesmen, such as ireton, moyer, and others, and they say, upon a great plot, but i believe no such thing; but it is but justice that they should be served as they served the poor cavaliers; and i believe it will oftentimes be so as long as i live, whether there be cause or no. this evening my brother tom was with me, and i did talk again to him about mr. townsend's daughter, and i do intend to put the business in hand. i pray god give a good end to it. nd. to savill the painter's, but he not being well i could do nothing there, and so i returned home, and in my way met mr. moore and took him with me home; where we staid and talked all the morning, and he dined with me, and after dinner went away to the privy seal, this being our first day this month. by and by called on by mr. sanchy and his mistress, and with them by coach to the opera, to see "the mad lover," but not much pleased with the play. that done home all to my house, where they staid and supped and were merry, and at last late bid good night and so we to bed. rd. to the paynter's and sat and had more of my picture done; but it do not please me, for i fear it will not be like me. at noon from thence to the wardrobe, where dinner not being ready mr. moore and i to the temple about my little business at mr. turner's, and so back again, and dinner being half done i went in to my lady, where my lady wright was at dinner with her, and all our talk about the great happiness that my lady wright says there is in being in the fashion and in variety of fashions, in scorn of others that are not so, as citizens' wives and country gentlewomen, which though it did displease me enough, yet i said nothing to it. thence by water to the office through bridge, being carried by him in oars that the other day rowed in a scull faster than my oars to the towre, and i did give him d. at the office all the afternoon, and at night home to read in "mare clausum" till bedtime, and so to bed, but had a very bad night by dreams of my wife's riding with me and her horse throwing her and breaking her leg, and then i dreamed that i.. [was] in such pain that i waked with it, and had a great deal of pain there a very great while till i fell asleep again, and such apprehension i had of it that when i rose and trussed up myself thinking that it had been no dream. till in the daytime i found myself very well at ease, and remembered that i did dream so, and that mr. creed was with me, and that i did complain to him of it, and he said he had the same pain in his left that i had in my right... which pleased me much to remember. th. to whitehall with both sir williams, thence by water, where i saw a man lie dead upon westminster stairs that had been drowned yesterday. to the temple, and thence to mr. phillips and got my copy of sturtlow lands. so back to the tuns at charing cross, and there met the two sir williams and col. treswell and mr. falconer, and dined there at sir w. pen's cost, and after dinner by water to cheapside to the painter's, and there found my wife, and having sat a little she and i by coach to the opera and theatre, but coming too late to both, and myself being a little out of tune we returned, and i settled to read in "mare clausum "till bedtime, and so to bed. th. this morning i went early to the paynter's and there sat for my picture the fourth time, but it do not yet please me, which do much trouble me. thence to the treasury office, where i found sir w. batten come before me, and there we sat to pay off the st. george. by and by came sir w. pen, and he and i staid while sir w. batten went home to dinner, and then he came again, and sir w. pen and i went and dined at my house, and had two mince pies sent thither by our order from the messenger slater, that had dressed some victuals for us, and so we were very merry, and after dinner rode out in his coach, he to whitehall, and my wife and i to the opera, and saw "hamlett" well performed. thence to the temple and mrs. turner's (who continues still very ill), and so home and to bed. th. lay long in bed, and then to westminster hall and there walked, and then with mr. spicer, hawly, washington, and little mr. ashwell (my old friends at the exchequer) to the dog, and gave them two or three quarts of wine, and so away to white hall, where, at sir g. carteret's, sir williams both and i dined very pleasantly; and after dinner, by appointment, came the governors of the east india company, to sign and seal the contract between us [charles ii.'s charter to the company, confirming and extending the former charter, is dated april rd, . bombay, just acquired as part of queen katherine's dowry, was made over to the company by letters patent dated march th, .] (in the king's name) and them. and that done, we all went to the king's closet, and there spoke with the king and the duke of york, who promise to be very careful of the india trade to the utmost. so back to sir g. carteret's and ended our business, and so away homewards, but sir w. batten offering to go to the tuns at charing cross, where the pretty maid the daughter of the house is; i was saying that, that tickled sir w. pen, he seemed to take these words very captiously and angrily, which i saw, and seemed indifferent to go home in his coach with them, and so took leave to go to the council chamber to speak with my lord privy seal, which i did, but they did stay for me, which i was pleased at, but no words passed between him and me in all our way home. so home and to bed. th. this morning comes captain ferrers and the german, emanuel luffe, who goes as one of my lord's footmen, though he deserves a much better preferment, to take their leave of me, and here i got the german to play upon my theorbo, which he did both below and in my wife's chamber, who was in bed. he plays bravely. i find by him that my lute is a most excellent lute. i did give them a mince pie and a collar of brawn and some wine for their breakfast, and were very merry, and sent for mr. adamson's neighbour to drink mr. shepley's health. at last we all parted, but within a quarter of an hour after they were gone, and my wife and i were talking about buying of a fine scallop which is brought her this morning by a woman to be sold, which is to cost her s., in comes the german back again, all in a goare of blood, which i wondered at, and tells me that he is afeard that the captain is killed by the watermen at towre stayres; so i presently went thither, and found that upon some rude pressing of the watermen to ply the captain, he struck one of them with his cane, which they would not take, but struck him again, and then the german drew his sword and ran at one of them, but they were both soundly beaten. [see a similar outrage, committed by captain ferrers, september th, . swords were usually worn by footmen. see may th, , host.--b.] the captain is, however, got to the boy that carries him and the pages to the downs, and i went into the alehouse at the stayres and got them to deliver the captain's feathers, which one from the captain was come to demand, and went home again, and there found my wife dressing of the german's head, and so did [give] him a cravett for his neck, and a crown in his purse, and sent him away again. then came mr. moore, and he and i to westminster and to worcester house to see mr. montagu before he goes away (this night), but could not see him, nor do i think he has a mind to see us for fear of our demanding of money of him for anything. so back to whitehall, and eat a bit of meat at wilkinson's, and then to the privy seal, and sealed there the first time this month; and, among other things that passed, there was a patent for roger palmer (madam palmer's husband) to be earl of castlemaine and baron of limbricke in ireland; but the honour is tied up to the males got of the body of this wife, the lady barbary: the reason whereof every body knows. that done, by water to the office, when i found sir w. pen had been alone all the night and was just rose, and so i to him, and with him i found captain holmes, who had wrote his case, and gives me a copy, as he hath many among his friends, and presented the same to the king and council. which i shall make use of in my attempt of writing something concerning the business of striking sail, which i am now about. but he do cry out against sir john minnes, as the veriest knave and rogue and coward in the world, which i was glad to hear, because he has given out bad words concerning my lord, though i am sorry it is so. here captain cox then came in, and he and i staid a good while and so good night. home and wrote by the post to my father, and so to bed. th (lord's day). in bed all the morning thinking to take physique, but it being a frost my wife would not have me. so to dinner at the wardrobe, and after a great deal of good discourse with my lady after dinner, and among other things of the great christening yesterday at mr. rumbell's, and courtiers and pomp that was there, which i wonder at, i went away up and down into all the churches almost between that place and my house, and so home. and then came my brother tom, and staid and talked with me, and i hope he will do very well and get money. so to supper and to bed. this morning as i was in bed, one brings me t. trice's answer to my bill in chancery from mr. smallwood, which i am glad to see, though i am afraid it will do me hurt. th. to whitehall, and thence to the rhenish wine-house, where i met mons. eschar and there took leave of him, he being to go this night to the downs towards portugall, and so spent all the morning. at noon to dinner to the wardrobe; where my lady wright was, who did talk much upon the worth and the desert of gallantry; and that there was none fit to be courtiers, but such as have been abroad and know fashions. which i endeavoured to oppose; and was troubled to hear her talk so, though she be a very wise and discreet lady in other things. from thence mr. moore and i to the temple about my law business with my cozen turner, and there we read over t. trice's answer to my bill and advised thereupon what to do in his absence, he being to go out of town to-morrow. thence he and i to mr. walpole, my attorney, whom i never saw before, and we all to an alehouse hard by, and there we talked of our business, and he put me into great hopes, but he is but a young man, and so i do not depend so much upon his encouragement. so by coach home, and to supper, and to bed, having staid up till at night writing letters to my lord sandwich and all my friends with him at sea, to send to-morrow by mons. eschar, who goes tomorrow post to the downs to go along with the fleet to portugall. th. to whitehall, and there finding mons. eschar to be gone, i sent my letters by a porter to the posthouse in southwark to be sent by despatch to the downs. so to dinner to my lord crew's by coach, and in my way had a stop of above an hour and a half, which is a great trouble this parliament time, but it cannot be helped. however i got thither before my lord come from the house, and so dined with him, and dinner done, home to the office, and there sat late and so home. th. my brother tom and then mr. moore came to me this morning, and staid a while with me, and then i went out, and in my way met with mr. howell the turner, who invited me to dine this day at mr. rawlinson's with some friends of his, officers of the towre, at a venison pasty, which i promised him, and so i went to the old bayly, and there staid and drank with him, who told me the whole story how pegg kite has married herself to a weaver, an ugly fellow, to her undoing, of which i am glad that i have nothing to do in it. from thence home and put on my velvet coat, and so to the mitre to dinner according to my promise this morning, but going up into the room i found at least or more persons, and knew not the face of any of them, so i went down again, and though i met mr. yong the upholster yet i would not be persuaded to stay, but went away and walked to the exchequer, and up and down, and was very hungry, and from thence home, when i understand mr. howell was come for me to go thither, but i am glad i was not at home, and my wife was gone out by coach to clerkenwell to see mrs. margaret pen, who is at school there. so i went to see sir w. pen, who for this two or three days has not been well, and he and i after some talk took a coach and went to moorfields, and there walked, though it was very cold, an hour or two, and went into an alehouse, and there i drank some ale and eat some bread and cheese, but he would not eat a bit, and so being very merry we went home again. he to his lodgings and i by promise to sir w. batten's, where he and my lady have gone out of town, and so mrs. martha was at home alone, and mrs. moore and there i supped upon some good things left of yesterday's dinner there, where dined a great deal of company--sir r. browne and others--and by and by comes in captain cox who promised to be here with me, but he staid very late, and had been drinking somewhere and was very drunk, and so very capricious, which i was troubled to see in a man that i took for a very wise and wary man. so i home and left him there, and so to bed. th. we lay long in bed, then up and made me ready, and by and by come will bowyer and mr. gregory, my old exchequer friend, to see me, and i took them to the dolphin and there did give them a good morning draft, and so parted, and invited them and all my old exchequer acquaintance to come and dine with me there on wednesday next. from thence to the wardrobe and dined with my lady, where her brother, mr. john crew, dined also, and a strange gentlewoman dined at the table as a servant of my lady's; but i knew her not, and so i am afeard that poor madamoiselle was gone, but i since understand that she is come as housekeeper to my lady, and is a married woman. from thence to westminster to my lord's house to meet my lord privy seal, who appointed to seal there this afternoon, but by and by word is brought that he is come to whitehall, and so we are fain to go thither to him, and there we staid to seal till it was so late that though i got leave to go away before he had done, yet the office was done before i could get thither, and so to sir w. pen's, and there sat and talked and drank with him, and so home. th. at home all the morning, being by the cold weather, which for these two days has been frost, in some pain in my bladder. dined at home and then with my wife to the paynter's, and there she sat the first time to be drawn, while i all the while stood looking on a pretty lady's picture, whose face did please me extremely. at last, he having done, i found that the dead colour of my wife is good, above what i expected, which pleased me exceedingly. so home and to the office about some special business, where sir williams both were, and from thence with them to the steelyard, where my lady batten and others came to us, and there we drank and had musique and captain cox's company, and he paid all, and so late back again home by coach, and so to bed. th. all the morning at home lying in bed with my wife till o'clock. such a habit we have got this winter of lying long abed. dined at home, and in the afternoon to the office. there sat late, and so home and to bed. th (lord's day). to church in the morning, where our young reader begun the first day to read. sir w. pen dined with me and we were merry. again to church and so home, and all alone read till bedtime, and so to prayers and to bed. i have been troubled this day about a difference between my wife and her maid nell, who is a simple slut, and i am afeard we shall find her a cross-grained wench. i am now full of study about writing something about our making of strangers strike to us at sea; and so am altogether reading selden and grotius, and such other authors to that purpose. th. up by five o'clock this morning by candlelight (which i have not done for many a day), being called upon by one mr. bollen by appointment, who has business to be done with my lord privy seal this morning, and so by coach, calling mr. moore at the wardrobe, to chelsy, and there did get my lord to seal it. and so back again to westminster hall, and thence to my lord sandwich's lodging, where i met my wife (who had been to see mrs. hunt who was brought to bed the other day of a boy), and got a joint of meat thither from the cook's, and she and i and sarah dined together, and after dinner to the opera, where there was a new play ("cutter of coleman street"), [cutter, an old word for a rough swaggerer: hence the title of cowley's play. it was originally called "the guardian," when acted before prince charles at trinity college, cambridge, on march th, .] made in the year , with reflections much upon the late times; and it being the first time, the pay was doubled, and so to save money, my wife and i went up into the gallery, and there sat and saw very well; and a very good play it is. it seems of cowly's making. from thence by coach home, and to bed. th. up and to the paynter's to see how he went forward in our picture. so back again to dinner at home, and then was sent for to the privy seal, whither i was forced to go and stay so long and late that i was much vexed. at last we got all done, and then made haste to the office, where they were sat, and there we sat late, and so home to supper and to selden, "mare clausum," and so to bed. th. at the office upon business extraordinary all the morning, then to my lady sandwich's to dinner, whither my wife, who had been at the painter's, came to me, and there dined, and there i left her, and to the temple my brother and i to see mrs. turner, who begins to be better, and so back to my lady's, where much made of, and so home to my study till bed-time, and so to bed. th. this morning my wife dressed herself fine to go to the christening of mrs. hunt's child, and so she and i in the way in the morning went to the paynter s, and there she sat till noon, and i all the while looking over great variety of good prints which he had, and by and by comes my boy to tell us that mrs. hunt has been at our house to tell us that the christening is not till saturday next. so after the paynter had done i did like the picture pretty well, and my wife and i went by coach home, but in the way i took occasion to fall out with my wife very highly about her ribbands being ill matched and of two colours, and to very high words, so that, like a passionate fool, i did call her whore, for which i was afterwards sorry. but i set her down at home, and went myself by appointment to the dolphin, where sir w. warren did give us all a good dinner, and that being done, to the office, and there sat late, and so home. th. lay long in bed, and then up, and so to the wardrobe to dinner, and from thence out with mr. moore towards my house, and in our way met with mr. swan (my old acquaintance), and we to a tavern, where we had enough of his old simple religious talk, and he is still a coxcomb in these things as he ever was, and tells me he is setting out a book called "the unlawfull use of lawfull things;" but a very simple fellow he is, and so i leave him. so we drank and at last parted, and mr. moore and i into cornhill, it being dark night, and in the street and on the exchange discoursed about dominion of the sea, wherein i am lately so much concerned, and so i home and sat late up reading of mr. selden, and so to bed. st. to white hall to the privy seal, where my lord privy seal did tell us he could seal no more this month, for that he goes thirty miles out of town to keep his christmas. at which i was glad, but only afeard lest any thing of the king's should force us to go after him to get a seal in the country. thence to westminster hall (having by the way drank with mrs. sarah and mrs. betty at my lord's lodgings), and thence taken by some exchequer men to the dogg, where, being st. thomas's day, by custom they have a general meeting at dinner. there i was and all very merry, and there i spoke to mr. falconberge to look whether he could out of domesday book, give me any thing concerning the sea, and the dominion thereof; which he says he will look after. thence taking leave to my brother's, and there by appointment met with prior of brampton who had money to pay me, but desiring some advice he stays till monday. so by coach home to the office, where i was vexed to see sir williams both seem to think so much that i should be a little out of the way, saying that without their register they were not a committee, which i took in some dudgeon, and see clearly that i must keep myself at a little distance with them and not crouch, or else i shall never keep myself up even with them. so home and wrote letters by the post. this evening my wife come home from christening mrs. hunt's son, his name john, and a merchant in mark lane came along with her, that was her partner. so after my business was done, and read something in mr. selden, i went to bed. nd. to church in the morning, where the reader made a boyish young sermon. home to dinner, and there i took occasion, from the blacknesse of the meat as it came out of the pot, to fall out with my wife and my maid for their sluttery, and so left the table, and went up to read in mr. selden till church time, and then my wife and i to church, and there in the pew, with the rest of the company, was captain holmes, in his gold-laced suit, at which i was troubled because of the old business which he attempted upon my wife. so with my mind troubled i sat still, but by and by i took occasion from the rain now holding up (it raining when we came into the church) to put my wife in mind of going to the christening (which she was invited to) of n. osborne's child, which she did, and so went out of the pew, and my mind was eased. so home after sermon and there came by appointment dr. t. pepys, will. joyce, and my brother tom, and supped with me, and very merry they were, and i seemed to be, but i was not pleased at all with their company. so they being gone we went to bed. rd. early up and by coach (before daylight) to the wardrobe, and took up mr. moore, and he and i to chelsy to my lord privy seal, and there sealed some things, he being to go out of town for all christmas to-morrow. so back again to westminster, and from thence by water to the treasury office, where i found sir w. pen paying off the sophia and griffen, and there i staid with him till noon, and having sent for some collar of beef and a mince pie, we eat and drank, and so i left him there and to my brother's by appointment to meet prior, but he came not, so i went and saw mrs. turner who continues weak, and by and by word was brought me that prior's man was come to tom's, and so i went and told out l which i am to receive of him, but prior not coming i went away and left the money by his desire with my brother all night, and they to come to me to-morrow morning. so i took coach, and lighting at my bookseller's in paul's churchyard, i met with mr. crumlum and the second master of paul's school, and thence i took them to the starr, and there we sat and talked, and i had great pleasure in their company, and very glad i was of meeting him so accidentally, i having omitted too long to go to see him. here in discourse of books i did offer to give the school what books he would choose of l . so we parted, and i home, and to mr. selden, and then to bed. th. home all the morning and dined at home, and in the afternoon to the office. so home. th. in the morning to church, where at the door of our pew i was fain to stay, because that the sexton had not opened the door. a good sermon of mr. mills. dined at home all alone, and taking occasion from some fault in the meat to complain of my maid's sluttery, my wife and i fell out, and i up to my chamber in a discontent. after dinner my wife comes up to me and all friends again, and she and i to walk upon the leads, and there sir w. pen called us, and we went to his house and supped with him, but before supper captain cock came to us half drunk, and began to talk, but sir w. pen knowing his humour and that there was no end of his talking, drinks four great glasses of wine to him, one after another, healths to the king, and by that means made him drunk, and so he went away, and so we sat down to supper, and were merry, and so after supper home and to bed. th. this morning sir w. pen and i to the treasury office, and there we paid off the amity (captain stokes's ship that was at guinny) and another ship, and so home, and after dinner sir william came to me, and he and his son and aaugliter, and i and my wife, by coach to moorfields to walk; but it was most foul weather, and so we went into an alehouse and there eat some cakes and ale, and a washeallbowle ["the wenches with their wassall bowls about the streets are singing." --wither's christmas carol. the old custom of carrying the wassail bowl from door to door, with songs and merriment, in christmas week, is still observed in some of our rural districts.--b.] woman and girl came to us and sung to us. and after all was done i called my boy (wayneman) to us to eat some cake that was left, and the woman of the house told us that he had called for two cakes and a pot of ale for himself, at which i was angry, and am resolved to correct him for it. so home, and sir w. pen and his son and daughter to supper to me to a good turkey, and were merry at cards, and so to bed. th. in the morning to my bookseller's to bespeak a stephens's thesaurus, for which i offer l , to give to paul's school; and from thence to paul's church; and there i heard dr. gunning preach a good sermon upon the day (being st. john's day), and did hear him tell a story, which he did persuade us to believe to be true, that st. john and the virgin mary did appear to gregory, a bishopp, at his prayer to be confirmed in the faith, which i did wonder to hear from him. here i met with mr. crumlum (and told him of my endeavour to get stephens's thesaurus for the school), and so home, and after dinner comes mr. faulconberge to see me, and at his desire i sent over for his kinsman mr. knightly, the merchant, and so he came over and sat and drank with us, and at his request i went over with him, and there i sat till the evening, and till both mr. knightly and mr. faulconberge (for whom i sent my boy to get a coach to carry him to westminster) were both drunk, and so home, but better wine i never drank in all my life. so home, and finding my wife gone to sir w. pen's, i went thither, and there i sat and played at cards and supped, and so home and to bed. th. at home all the morning; and in the afternoon all of us at the office, upon a letter from the duke for the making up of a speedy estimate of all the debts of the navy, which is put into good forwardness. i home and sir w. pen to my house, who with his children staid playing cards late, and so to bed. th (lord's day). long in bed with my wife, and though i had determined to go to dine with my wife at my lady's, (chiefly to put off dining with sir w. pen to-day because holmes dined there), yet i could not get a coach time enough to go thither, and so i dined at home, and my brother tom with me, and then a coach came and i carried my wife to westminster, and she went to see mrs. hunt, and i to the abbey, and there meeting with mr. hooper, he took me in among the quire, and there i sang with them their service, and so that being done, i walked up and down till night for that mr. coventry was not come to whitehall since dinner again. at last i went thither and he was come, and i spoke with him about some business of the office, and so took leave of him, and sent for my wife and the coach, and so to the wardrobe and supped, and staid very long talking with my lady, who seems to doat every day more and more upon us. so home and to prayers, and to bed. th. at the office about this estimate and so with my wife and sir w. pen to see our pictures, which do not much displease us, and so back again, and i staid at the mitre, whither i had invited all my old acquaintance of the exchequer to a good chine of beef, which with three barrels of oysters and three pullets, and plenty of wine and mirth, was our dinner, and there was about twelve of us, among others mr. bowyer, the old man, and mr. faulconberge, shadwell, taylor, spicer, woodruffe (who by reason of some friend that dined with him came to us after dinner), servington, &c., and here i made them a foolish promise to give them one this day twelvemonth, and so for ever while i live, but i do not intend it. mere i staid as long as i could keep them, and so home to sir w. pen, who with his children and my wife has been at a play to-day and saw "d'ambois," which i never saw. here we staid late at supper and playing at cards, and so home and st. my wife and i this morning to the paynter's, and there she sat the last time, and i stood by and did tell him some little things to do, that now her picture i think will please me very well; and after her, her little black dogg sat in her lap; and was drawn, which made us very merry; so home to dinner, and so to the office; and there late finishing our estimate of the debts of the navy to this day; and it come to near l , . so home, and after supper, and my barber had trimmed me, i sat down to end my journell for this year, and my condition at this time, by god's blessing, is thus: my health (only upon catching cold, which brings great pain in my back... as it used to be when i had the stone) is very good, and so my wife's in all respects: my servants, w. hewer, sarah, nell, and wayneman: my house at the navy office. i suppose myself to be worth about l clear in the world, and my goods of my house my own, and what is coming to me from brampton, when my father dies, which god defer. but, by my uncle's death, the whole care and trouble of all, and settling of all lies upon me, which is very great, because of law-suits, especially that with t. trice, about the interest of l , which will, i hope, be ended soon. my chiefest thought is now to get a good wife for tom, there being one offered by the joyces, a cozen of theirs, worth l in ready money. i am also upon writing a little treatise to present to the duke, about our privilege in the seas, as to other nations striking their flags to us. but my greatest trouble is, that i have for this last half year been a very great spendthrift in all manner of respects, that i am afeard to cast up my accounts, though i hope i am worth what i say above. but i will cast them up very shortly. i have newly taken a solemn oath about abstaining from plays and wine, which i am resolved to keep according to the letter of the oath which i keep by me. the fleet hath been ready to sail for portugall, but hath lacked wind this fortnight, and by that means my lord is forced to keep at sea all this winter, till he brings home the queen, which is the expectation of all now, and the greatest matter of publique talk. etext editor's bookmarks for pepys diary of : a most tedious, unreasonable, and impertinent sermon a play not very good, though commended much a great baboon, but so much like a man in most things a little while since a very likely man to live as any i knew a lady spit backward upon me by a mistake after dinner my wife comes up to me and all friends again ambassador--that he is an honest man sent to lie abroad and so by coach, though hard to get it, being rainy, home as all things else did not come up to my expectations begun to smell, and so i caused it to be set forth (corpse) being sure never to see the like again in this world believe that england and france were once the same continent bleeding behind by leeches will cure him but she loves not that i should speak of mrs. pierce by chewing of tobacco is become very fat and sallow cannot bring myself to mind my business chocolate was introduced into england about the year comely black woman.--[the old expression for a brunette.] coming to lay out a great deal of money in clothes for my wife cruel custom of throwing at cocks on shrove tuesday day i first begun to go forth in my coat and sword did extremely beat him, and though it did trouble me to do it did trouble me very much to be at charge to no purpose difference there will be between my father and mother about it discontented that my wife do not go neater now she has two maids dominion of the sea durst not take notice of her, her husband being there eat of the best cold meats that ever i eat on in all my life exclaiming against men's wearing their hats on in the church faced white coat, made of one of my wife's pettycoates family being all in mourning, doing him the greatest honour fear i shall not be able to wipe my hands of him again fell to dancing, the first time that ever i did in my life finding my wife not sick, but yet out of order foolery to take too much notice of such things found my brother john at eight o'clock in bed, which vexed me found him not so ill as i thought that he had been ill frogs and many insects do often fall from the sky, ready formed from some fault in the meat to complain of my maid's sluttery gamester's life, which i see is very miserable, and poor get his lady to trust herself with him into the tavern god! what an age is this, and what a world is this good god! how these ignorant people did cry her up for it! good wine, and anchovies, and pickled oysters (for breakfast) greedy to see the will, but did not ask to see it till to-morrow have been so long absent that i am ashamed to go his company ever wearys me i could not forbear to love her exceedingly i took occasion to be angry with him i had the opportunity of kissing mrs. rebecca very often i would fain have stolen a pretty dog that followed me i broke wind and so came to some ease i was as merry as i could counterfeit myself to be i went in and kissed them, demanding it as a fee due in men's clothes, and had the best legs that ever i saw inconvenience that do attend the increase of a man's fortune instructed by shakespeare himself jealousy of him and an ugly wench that lived there lately justice of god in punishing men for the sins of their ancestors king, duke and duchess, and madame palmer, were lady batten how she was such a man's whore lady batten to give me a spoonful of honey for my cold lately too much given to seeing of plays, and expense lay with her to-night, which i have not done these eight(days) lewdness and beggary of the court like a passionate fool, i did call her whore look askew upon my wife, because my wife do not buckle to them made a lazy sermon, like a presbyterian man cannot live without playing the knave and dissimulation my head was not well with the wine that i drank to-day my great expense at the coronacion my wife and i fell out none will sell us any thing without our personal security given oliver cromwell as his ensign quakers do still continue, and rather grow than lessen sat before mrs. palmer, the king's mistress, and filled my eyes seemed much glad of that it was no more she hath got her teeth new done by la roche she would not let him come to bed to her out of jealousy she is a very good companion as long as she is well sir w. pen was so fuddled that we could not try him to play so the children and i rose and dined by ourselves so home and to bed, where my wife had not lain a great while so much wine, that i was even almost foxed sorry in some respect, glad in my expectations in another respec still in discontent with my wife, to bed, and rose so this morn strange the folly of men to lay and lose so much money that i might not seem to be afeared the lords taxed themselves for the poor--an earl, s. the unlawfull use of lawfull things the barber came to trim me and wash me "the alchymist,"--[comedy by ben jonson the monkey loose, which did anger me, and so i did strike her this week made a vow to myself to drink no wine this week this day churched, her month of childbed being out those absent from prayers were to pay a forfeit to be so much in love of plays took occasion to fall out with my wife very highly took physique, and it did work very well tory--the term was not used politically until about troubled to see my father so much decay of a suddain vices of the court, and how the pox is so common there was kissing my wife, which i did not like we do naturally all love the spanish, and hate the french we are to go to law never to revenge, but only to repayre we had a good surloyne of rost beefe what they all, through profit or fear, did promise what people will do tomorrow who seems so inquisitive when my house will be made an end of who we found ill still, but he do make very much of it woman with a rod in her hand keeping time to the musique wronged by my over great expectations none the diary of samuel pepys m.a. f.r.s. clerk of the acts and secretary to the admiralty transcribed from the shorthand manuscript in the pepysian library magdalene college cambridge by the rev. mynors bright m.a. late fellow and president of the college (unabridged) with lord braybrooke's notes edited with additions by henry b. wheatley f.s.a. diary of samuel pepys. may & june may st. sir g. carteret, sir w. pen, and myself, with our clerks, set out this morning from portsmouth very early, and got by noon to petersfield; several officers of the yard accompanying us so far. here we dined and were merry. at dinner comes my lord carlingford from london, going to portsmouth: tells us that the duchess of york is brought to bed of a girl,--[mary, afterwards queen of england.]--at which i find nobody pleased; and that prince rupert and the duke of buckingham are sworn of the privy councell. he himself made a dish with eggs of the butter of the sparagus, which is very fine meat, which i will practise hereafter. to horse again after dinner, and got to gilford, where after supper i to bed, having this day been offended by sir w. pen's foolish talk, and i offending him with my answers. among others he in discourse complaining of want of confidence, did ask me to lend him a grain or two, which i told him i thought he was better stored with than myself, before sir george. so that i see i must keep a greater distance than i have done, and i hope i may do it because of the interest which i am making with sir george. to bed all alone, and my will in the truckle bed. [according to the original statutes of corpus christi coll. oxon, a scholar slept in a truckle bed below each fellow. called also "a trindle bed." compare hall's description of an obsequious tutor: "he lieth in a truckle bed while his young master lieth o'er his head." satires, ii. , . the bed was drawn in the daytime under the high bed of the tutor. see wordsworth's "university life in the eighteenth century."--m. b.] nd. early to coach again and to kingston, where we baited a little, and presently to coach again and got early to london, and i found all well at home, and mr. hunt and his wife had dined with my wife to-day, and been very kind to my wife in my absence. after i had washed myself, it having been the hottest day that has been this year, i took them all by coach to mrs. hunt's, and i to dr. clerke's lady, and gave her her letter and token. she is a very fine woman, and what with her person and the number of fine ladies that were with her, i was much out of countenance, and could hardly carry myself like a man among them; but however, i staid till my courage was up again, and talked to them, and viewed her house, which is most pleasant, and so drank and good-night. and so to my lord's lodgings, where by chance i spied my lady's coach, and found her and my lady wright there, and so i spoke to them, and they being gone went to mr. hunt's for my wife, and so home and to bed. rd. sir w. pen and i by coach to st. james's, and there to the duke's chamber, who had been a-hunting this morning and is come back again. thence to westminster, where i met mr. moore, and hear that mr. watkins' is suddenly dead since my going. to dinner to my lady sandwich, and sir thomas crew's children coming thither, i took them and all my ladys to the tower and showed them the lions [the tower menagerie was not abolished until the reign of william iv.] and all that was to be shown, and so took them to my house, and there made much of them, and so saw them back to my lady's. sir thomas crew's children being as pretty and the best behaved that ever i saw of their age. thence, at the goldsmith's, took my picture in little,--[miniature by savill]--which is now done, home with me, and pleases me exceedingly and my wife. so to supper and to bed, it being exceeding hot. th (lord's day). lay long talking with my wife, then mr. holliard came to me and let me blood, about sixteen ounces, i being exceedingly full of blood and very good. i begun to be sick; but lying upon my back i was presently well again, and did give him s. for his pains, and so we parted, and i, to my chamber to write down my journall from the beginning of my late journey to this house. dined well, and after dinner, my arm tied up with a black ribbon, i walked with my wife to my brother tom's; our boy waiting on us with his sword, which this day he begins to wear, to outdo sir w. pen's boy, who this day, and six w. batten's too, begin to wear new livery; but i do take mine to be the neatest of them all. i led my wife to mrs. turner's pew, and the church being full, it being to hear a doctor who is to preach a probacon sermon, i went out to the temple and there walked, and so when church was done went to mrs. turner's, and after a stay there, my wife and i walked to grays inn, to observe fashions of the ladies, because of my wife's making some clothes. thence homewards, and called in at antony joyce's, where we found his wife brought home sick from church, and was in a convulsion fit. so home and to sir w. pen's and there supped, and so to prayers at home and to bed. th. my arme not being well, i staid within all the morning, and dined alone at home, my wife being gone out to buy some things for herself, and a gown for me to dress myself in. and so all the afternoon looking over my papers, and at night walked upon the leads, and so to bed. th. this morning i got my seat set up on the leads, which pleases me well. so to the office, and thence to the change, but could not meet with my uncle wight. so home to dinner and then out again to several places to pay money and to understand my debts, and so home and walked with my wife on the leads, and so to supper and to bed. i find it a hard matter to settle to business after so much leisure and pleasure. th. walked to westminster; where i understand the news that mr. montagu is this last night come to the king with news, that he left the queen and fleet in the bay of biscay, coming this wayward; and that he believes she is now at the isle of scilly. so at noon to my lord crew's and there dined, and after dinner sir thos. crew and i talked together, and among other instances of the simple light discourse that sometimes is in the parliament house, he told me how in the late business of chymny money, when all occupiers were to pay, it was questioned whether women were under that name to pay, and somebody rose and said that they were not occupiers, but occupied. thence to paul's church yard; where seeing my lady's sandwich and carteret, and my wife (who this day made a visit the first time to my lady carteret), come by coach, and going to hide park, i was resolved to follow them; and so went to mrs. turner's: and thence found her out at the theatre, where i saw the last act of the "knight of the burning pestle," which pleased me not at all. and so after the play done, she and the. turner and mrs. lucin and i, in her coach to the park; and there found them out, and spoke to them; and observed many fine ladies, and staid till all were gone almost. and so to mrs. turner's, and there supped, and so walked home, and by and by comes my wife home, brought by my lady carteret to the gate, and so to bed. th. at the office all the morning doing business alone, and then to the wardrobe, where my, lady going out with the children to dinner i staid not, but returned home, and was overtaken in st. paul's churchyard by sir g. carteret in his coach, and so he carried me to the exchange, where i staid awhile. he told me that the queen and the fleet were in mount's bay on monday last, and that the queen endures her sickness pretty well. he also told me how sir john lawson hath done some execution upon the turks in the straight, of which i am glad, and told the news the first on the exchange, and was much followed by merchants to tell it. so home and to dinner, and by and by to the office, and after the rest gone (my lady albemarle being this day at dinner at sir w. batten's) sir g. carteret comes, and he and i walked in the garden, and, among other discourse, tells me that it is mr. coventry that is to come to us as a commissioner of the navy; at which he is much vexed, and cries out upon sir w. pen, and threatens him highly. and looking upon his lodgings, which are now enlarging, he in passion cried, "guarda mi spada; for, by god, i may chance to keep him in ireland, when he is there:" for sir w. pen is going thither with my lord lieutenant. but it is my design to keep much in with sir george; and i think i have begun very well towards it. so to the office, and was there late doing business, and so with my head full of business i to bed. th. up and to my office, and so to dinner at home, and then to several places to pay my debts, and then to westminster to dr. castle, who discoursed with me about privy seal business, which i do not much mind, it being little worth, but by watkins's--[clerk of the privy seal]--late sudden death we are like to lose money. thence to mr. de cretz, and there saw some good pieces that he hath copyed of the king's pieces, some of raphael and michael angelo; and i have borrowed an elizabeth of his copying to hang up in my house, and sent it home by will. thence with mr. salisbury, who i met there, into covent garden to an alehouse, to see a picture that hangs there, which is offered for s., and i offered fourteen--but it is worth much more money--but did not buy it, i having no mind to break my oath. thence to see an italian puppet play that is within the rayles there, which is very pretty, the best that ever i saw, and great resort of gallants. so to the temple and by water home, and so walk upon the leads, and in the dark there played upon my flageolette, it being a fine still evening, and so to supper and to bed. this day i paid godfrey's debt of and odd pounds. the duke of york went last night to portsmouth; so that i believe the queen is near. th. by myself at the office all the morning drawing up instructions for portsmouth yard in those things wherein we at our late being there did think fit to reform, and got them signed this morning to send away to-night, the duke being now there. at noon to the wardrobe; there dined. my lady told me how my lady castlemaine do speak of going to lie in at hampton court; which she and all our ladies are much troubled at, because of the king's being forced to show her countenance in the sight of the queen when she comes. back to the office and there all afternoon, and in the evening comes sir g. carteret, and he and i did hire a ship for tangier, and other things together; and i find that he do single me out to join with me apart from the rest, which i am much glad of. so home, and after being trimmed, to bed. th (lord's day). to our church in the morning, where, our minister being out of town, a dull, flat presbiter preached. dined at home, and my wife's brother with us, we having a good dish of stewed beef of jane's own dressing, which was well done, and a piece of sturgeon of a barrel sent me by captain cocke. in the afternoon to white hall; and there walked an hour or two in the park, where i saw the king now out of mourning, in a suit laced with gold and silver, which it was said was out of fashion. thence to the wardrobe; and there consulted with the ladies about our going to hampton court to-morrow, and thence home, and after settled business there my wife and i to the wardrobe, and there we lay all night in captain ferrers' chambers, but the bed so soft that i could not sleep that hot night. th. mr. townsend called us up by four o'clock; and by five the three ladies, my wife and i, and mr. townsend, his son and daughter, were got to the barge and set out. we walked from mortlake to richmond, and so to boat again. and from teddington to hampton court mr. townsend and i walked again. and then met the ladies, and were showed the whole house by mr. marriott; which is indeed nobly furnished, particularly the queen's bed, given her by the states of holland; a looking-glass sent by the queen-mother from france, hanging in the queen's chamber, and many brave pictures. so to mr. marriott's, and there we rested ourselves and drank. and so to barge again, and there we had good victuals and wine, and were very merry; and got home about eight at night very well. so my wife and i took leave of my ladies, and home by a hackney-coach, the easiest that ever i met with, and so to bed. th. all the morning at westminster and elsewhere about business, and dined at the wardrobe; and after dinner, sat talking an hour or two alone with my lady. she is afeard that my lady castlemaine will keep still with the king, and i am afeard she will not, for i love her well. thence to my brother's, and finding him in a lie about the lining of my new morning gown, saying that it was the same with the outside, i was very angry with him and parted so. so home after an hour stay at paul's churchyard, and there came mr. morelock of chatham, and brought me a stately cake, and i perceive he has done the same to the rest, of which i was glad; so to bed. th. to westminster; and at the privy seal i saw mr. coventry's seal for his being commissioner with us, at which i know not yet whether to be glad or otherwise. so doing several things by the way, i walked home, and after dinner to the office all the afternoon. at night, all the bells of the town rung, and bonfires made for the joy of the queen's arrival, who came and landed at portsmouth last night. but i do not see much thorough joy, but only an indifferent one, in the hearts of people, who are much discontented at the pride and luxury of the court, and running in debt. th. up early, mr. hater and i to the office, and there i made an end of my book of contracts which i have been making an abstract of. dined at home, and spent most of the day at the office. at night to supper and bed. th. upon a letter this morning from mr. moore, i went to my cozen turner's chamber, and there put him drawing a replication to tom trice's answer speedily. so to whitehall and there met mr. moore, and i walked long in westminster hall, and thence with him to the wardrobe to dinner, where dined mrs. sanderson, the mother of the maids, and after dinner my lady and she and i on foot to pater noster row to buy a petticoat against the queen's coming for my lady, of plain satin, and other things; and being come back again, we there met mr. nathaniel crew [nathaniel crew, born , fifth son of john, first lord crew; he himself became third lord crew in . sub-rector of lincoln college, oxford, . took orders in , and was rector of lincoln college in ; dean of chichester, ; bishop of oxford, ; bishop of durham, ; sworn of the privy council in . he was very subservient to james ii., and at the revolution was excepted from the general pardon of may, , but he was allowed to keep possession of the bishopric of durham.] at the wardrobe with a young gentleman, a friend and fellow student of his, and of a good family, mr. knightly, and known to the crews, of whom my lady privately told me she hath some thoughts of a match for my lady jemimah. i like the person very well, and he hath l per annum. thence to the office, and there we sat, and thence after writing letters to all my friends with my lord at portsmouth, i walked to my brother tom's to see a velvet cloak, which i buy of mr. moore. it will cost me l s.; he bought it for l s., but it is worth my money. so home and find all things made clean against to-morrow, which pleases me well. so to bed. th (whitsunday). by water to white hall, and thereto chappell in my pew belonging to me as clerk of the privy seal; and there i heard a most excellent sermon of dr. hacket, bishop of lichfield and coventry, upon these words: "he that drinketh this water shall never thirst." we had an excellent anthem, sung by captain cooke and another, and brave musique. and then the king came down and offered, and took the sacrament upon his knees; a sight very well worth seeing. hence with sir g. carteret to his lodging to dinner with his lady and one mr. brevin, a french divine, we were very merry, and good discourse, and i had much talk with my lady. after dinner, and so to chappell again; and there had another good anthem of captain cooke's. thence to the councell-chamber; where the king and councell sat till almost eleven o'clock at night, and i forced to walk up and down the gallerys till that time of night. they were reading all the bills over that are to pass to-morrow at the house, before the king's going out of town and proroguing the house. at last the councell risen, and sir g. carteret telling me what the councell hath ordered about the ships designed to carry horse from ireland to portugall, which is now altered. i got a coach and so home, sending the boat away without me. at home i found my wife discontented at my being abroad, but i pleased her. she was in her new suit of black sarcenet and yellow petticoat very pretty. so to bed. th. long in bed, sometimes scolding with my wife, and then pleased again, and at last up, and put on my riding cloth suit, and a camelott coat new, which pleases me well enough. to the temple about my replication, and so to my brother tom's, and there hear that my father will be in town this week. so home, the shops being but some shut and some open. i hear that the house of commons do think much that they should be forced to huddle over business this morning against the afternoon, for the king to pass their acts, that he may go out of town. [to ears accustomed to the official words of speeches from the throne at the present day, the familiar tone of the following extracts from charles's speech to the commons, on the st of march; will be amusing: "i will conclude with putting you in mind of the season of the year, and the convenience of your being in the country, in many respects, for the good and welfare of it; for you will find much tares have been sowed there in your absence. the arrival of my wife, who i expect some time this month, and the necessity of my own being out of town to meet her, and to stay some time before she comes hither, makes it very necessary that the parliament be adjourned before easter, to meet again in the winter . . . . . the mention of my wife's arrival puts me in mind to desire you to put that compliment upon her, that her entrance into the town may be with more decency than the ways will now suffer it to be; and, to that purpose, i pray you would quickly pass such laws as are before you, in order to the amending those ways, and that she may not find whitehall surrounded with water." such a bill passed the commons on the th june. from charles's speech, march st, .--b.] but he, i hear since, was forced to stay till almost nine o'clock at night before he could have done, and then he prorogued them; and so to gilford, and lay there. home, and mr. hunt dined with me, and were merry. after dinner sir w. pen and his daughter, and i and my wife by coach to the theatre, and there in a box saw "the little thief" well done. thence to moorefields, and walked and eat some cheesecake and gammon of bacon, but when i was come home i was sick, forced to vomit it up again. so my wife walking and singing upon the leads till very late, it being pleasant and moonshine, and so to bed. th. sir w. pen and i did a little business at the office, and so home again. then comes dean fuller after we had dined, but i got something for him, and very merry we were for an hour or two, and i am most pleased with his company and goodness. at last parted, and my wife and i by coach to the opera, and there saw the nd part of "the siege of rhodes," but it is not so well done as when roxalana was there, who, it is said, is now owned by my lord of oxford. [for note on mrs. davenport, who was deceived by a pretended marriage with the earl of oxford, see ante. lord oxford's first wife died in . he married, in , his second wife, diana kirke, of whom nothing more need be said than that she bore an inappropriate christian name.] thence to tower-wharf, and there took boat, and we all walked to halfeway house, and there eat and drank, and were pleasant, and so finally home again in the evening, end so good night, this being a very pleasant life that we now lead, and have long done; the lord be blessed, and make us thankful. but, though i am much against too much spending, yet i do think it best to enjoy some degree of pleasure now that we have health, money, and opportunity, rather than to leave pleasures to old age or poverty, when we cannot have them so properly. st. my wife and i by water to westminster, and after she had seen her father (of whom lately i have heard nothing at all what he does or her mother), she comes to me to my lord's lodgings, where she and i staid walking in white hall garden. and in the privy-garden saw the finest smocks and linnen petticoats of my lady castlemaine's, laced with rich lace at the bottom, that ever i saw; and did me good to look upon them. so to wilkinson's, she and i and sarah to dinner, where i had a good quarter of lamb and a salat. here sarah told me how the king dined at my lady castlemaine's, and supped, every day and night the last week; and that the night that the bonfires were made for joy of the queen's arrivall, the king was there; but there was no fire at her door, though at all the rest of the doors almost in the street; which was much observed: and that the king and she did send for a pair of scales and weighed one another; and she, being with child, was said to be heaviest. but she is now a most disconsolate creature, and comes not out of doors, since the king's going. but we went to the theatre to "the french dancing master," and there with much pleasure gazed upon her (lady castlemaine); but it troubles us to see her look dejectedly and slighted by people already. the play pleased us very well; but lacy's part, the dancing master, the best in the world. thence to my brother tom's, in expectation to have met my father to-night come out of the country, but he is not yet come, but here we found my uncle fenner and his old wife, whom i had not seen since the wedding dinner, nor care to see her. they being gone, my wife and i went and saw mrs. turner, whom we found not well, and her two boys charles and will come out of the country, grown very plain boys after three years being under their father's care in yorkshire. thence to tom's again, and there supped well, my she cozen scott being there and my father being not come, we walked home and to bed. d. this morning comes an order from the secretary of state, nicholas, for me to let one mr. lee, a councellor, to view what papers i have relating to passages of the late times, wherein sir h. vane's hand is employed, in order to the drawing up his charge; which i did, and at noon he, with sir w. pen and his daughter, dined with me, and he to his work again, and we by coach to the theatre and saw "love in a maze." the play hath little in it but lacy's part of a country fellow, which he did to admiration. so home, and supped with sir w. pen, where sir w. batten and captn. cocke came to us, to whom i have lately been a great stranger. this night we had each of us a letter from captain teddiman from the streights, of a peace made upon good terms, by sir j. lawson, with the argier men, which is most excellent news? he hath also sent each of us some anchovies, olives, and muscatt; but i know not yet what that is, and am ashamed to ask. after supper home, and to bed, resolving to make up this week in seeing plays and pleasure, and so fall to business next week again for a great while. rd. at the office good part of the morning, and then about noon with my wife on foot to the wardrobe. my wife went up to the dining room to my lady paulina, and i staid below talking with mr. moore in the parley, reading of the king's and chancellor's late speeches at the proroguing of the houses of parliament. and while i was reading, news was brought me that my lord sandwich is come and gone up to my lady, which put me into great suspense of joy, so i went up waiting my lord's coming out of my lady's chamber, which by and by he did, and looks very well, and my soul is glad to see him. he very merry, and hath left the king and queen at portsmouth, and is come up to stay here till next wednesday, and then to meet the king and queen at hampton court. so to dinner, mr. browne, clerk of the house of lords, and his wife and brother there also; and my lord mighty merry; among other things, saying that the queen is a very agreeable lady, and paints still. after dinner i showed him my letter from teddiman about the news from argier, which pleases him exceedingly; and he writ one to the duke of york about it, and sent it express. there coming much company after dinner to my lord, my wife and i slunk away to the opera, where we saw "witt in a constable," the first time that it is acted; but so silly a play i never saw i think in my life. after it was done, my wife and i to the puppet play in covent garden, which i saw the other day, and indeed it is very pleasant. here among the fidlers i first saw a dulcimere [the dulcimer (or psaltery) consisted of a flat box, acting as a resonating chamber, over which strings of wire were stretched: these were struck by little hammers.] played on with sticks knocking of the strings, and is very pretty. so by water home, and supped with sir william pen very merry, and so to bed. th. to the wardrobe, and there again spoke with my lord, and saw w. howe, who is grown a very pretty and is a sober fellow. thence abroad with mr. creed, of whom i informed myself of all i had a mind to know. among other things, the great difficulty my lord hath been in all this summer for lack of good and full orders from the king; and i doubt our lords of the councell do not mind things as the late powers did, but their pleasures or profit more. that the juego de toros is a simple sport, yet the greatest in spain. that the queen hath given no rewards to any of the captains or officers, but only to my lord sandwich; and that was a bag of gold, which was no honourable present, of about l sterling. how recluse the queen hath ever been, and all the voyage never come upon the deck, nor put her head out of her cabin; but did love my lord's musique, and would send for it down to the state-room, and she sit in her cabin within hearing of it. that my lord was forced to have some clashing with the council of portugall about payment of the portion, before he could get it; which was, besides tangier and a free trade in the indys, two millions of crowns, half now, and the other half in twelve months. but they have brought but little money; but the rest in sugars and other commoditys, and bills of exchange. that the king of portugall is a very fool almost, and his mother do all, and he is a very poor prince. after a morning draft at the star in cheapside, i took him to the exchange, thence home, but my wife having dined, i took him to fish street, and there we had a couple of lobsters, and dined upon them, and much discourse. and so i to the office, and that being done, sir w. pen and i to deptford by water to captain rooth's to see him, he being very sick, and by land home, calling at halfway house, where we eat and drank. so home and to bed. th (lord's day). to trimming myself, which i have this week done every morning, with a pumice stone,--[shaving with pumice stone.]--which i learnt of mr. marsh, when i was last at portsmouth; and i find it very easy, speedy, and cleanly, and shall continue the practice of it. to church, and heard a good sermon of mr. woodcocke's at our church; only in his latter prayer for a woman in childbed, he prayed that god would deliver her from the hereditary curse of child-bearing, which seemed a pretty strange expression. dined at home, and mr. creed with me. this day i had the first dish of pease i have had this year. after discourse he and i abroad, and walked up and down, and looked into many churches, among others mr. baxter's at blackfryers. then to the wardrobe, where i found my lord takes physic, so i did not see him, but with captn. ferrers in mr. george montagu's coach to charing cross; and there at the triumph tavern he showed me some portugall ladys, which are come to town before the queen. they are not handsome, and their farthingales a strange dress. [farthingales had gone out of fashion in england during the reign of charles i., and therefore their use by the portuguese ladies astonished the english. evelyn also remarks in his diary on this ugly custom (may th, ).] many ladies and persons of quality come to see them. i find nothing in them that is pleasing; and i see they have learnt to kiss and look freely up and down already, and i do believe will soon forget the recluse practice of their own country. they complain much for lack of good water to drink. so to the wardrobe back on foot and supped with my lady, and so home, and after a walk upon the leads with my wife, to prayers and bed. the king's guards and some city companies do walk up and down the town these five or six days; which makes me think, and they do say, there are some plots in laying. god keep us. th. up by four o'clock in the morning, and fell to the preparing of some accounts for my lord of sandwich. by and by, by appointment comes mr. moore, and, by what appears to us at present, we found that my lord is above l , in debt, and that he hath money coming into him that will clear all, and so we think him clear, but very little money in his purse. so to my lord's, and after he was ready, we spent an hour with him, giving him an account thereof; and he having some l , in his hands, remaining of the king's, he is resolved to make use of that, and get off of it as well as he can, which i like well of, for else i fear he will scarce get beforehand again a great while. thence home, and to the trinity house; where the brethren (who have been at deptford choosing a new maister; which is sir j. minnes, notwithstanding sir w. batten did contend highly for it: at which i am not a little pleased, because of his proud lady) about three o'clock came hither, and so to dinner. i seated myself close by mr. prin, who, in discourse with me, fell upon what records he hath of the lust and wicked lives of the nuns heretofore in england, and showed me out of his pocket one wherein thirty nuns for their lust were ejected of their house, being not fit to live there, and by the pope's command to be put, however, into other nunnerys. i could not stay to end dinner with them, but rose, and privately went out, and by water to my brother's, and thence to take my wife to the redd bull, where we saw "doctor faustus," but so wretchedly and poorly done, that we were sick of it, and the worse because by a former resolution it is to be the last play we are to see till michaelmas. thence homewards by coach, through moorefields, where we stood awhile, and saw the wrestling. at home, got my lute upon the leads, and there played, and so to bed. th. to my lord this morning, and thence to my brother's, where i found my father, poor man, come, which i was glad to see. i staid with him till noon, and then he went to my cozen scott's to dinner, who had invited him. he tells me his alterations of the house and garden at brampton, which please me well. i could not go with him, and so we parted at ludgate, and i home to dinner, and to the office all the afternoon, and musique in my chamber alone at night, and so to bed. th. up early to put things in order in my chamber, and then to my lord's, with whom i spoke about several things, and so up and down in several places about business with mr. creed, among others to mr. wotton's the shoemaker, and there drank our morning draft, and then home about noon, and by and by comes my father by appointment to dine with me, which we did very merrily, i desiring to make him as merry as i can, while the poor man is in town. after dinner comes my uncle wight and sat awhile and talked with us, and thence we three to the mum house at leadenhall, and there sat awhile. then i left them, and to the wardrobe, where i found my lord gone to hampton court. here i staid all the afternoon till late with creed and captain ferrers, thinking whether we should go to-morrow together to hampton court, but ferrers his wife coming in by and by to the house with the young ladies (with whom she had been abroad), she was unwilling to go, whereupon i was willing to put off our going, and so home, but still my mind was hankering after our going to-morrow. so to bed. th. at home all the morning. at noon to the wardrobe, and dined with my lady, and after dinner staid long talking with her; then homeward, and in lumbard street was called out of a window by alderman backwell, where i went, and saluted his lady, a very pretty woman. here was mr. creed, and it seems they have been under some disorder in fear of a fire at the next door, and had been removing their goods, but the fire was over before i came. thence home, and with my wife and the two maids, and the boy, took boat and to foxhall, [foxhall, faukeshall, or vauxhall, a manor in surrey, properly fulke's. hall, and so called from fulke de breaute, the notorious mercenary follower of king john. the manor house was afterwards known as copped or copt hall. sir samuel morland obtained a lease of the place, and king charles made him master of mechanics, and here "he (morland), anno , built a fine room," says aubrey, "the inside all of looking-glass and fountains, very pleasant to behold." the gardens were formed about , and originally called the "new spring gardens," to distinguish them from the "old spring gardens" at charing cross, but according to the present description by pepys there was both an old and a new spring garden at vauxhall. balthazar monconys, who visited england early in the reign of charles ii., describes the 'jardins printemps' at lambeth as having lawns and gravel walks, dividing squares of twenty or thirty yards enclosed with hedges of gooseberry trees, within which were planted roses.] where i had not been a great while. to the old spring garden, and there walked long, and the wenches gathered pinks. here we staid, and seeing that we could not have anything to eat, but very dear, and with long stay, we went forth again without any notice taken of us, and so we might have done if we had had anything. thence to the new one, where i never was before, which much exceeds the other; and here we also walked, and the boy crept through the hedge and gathered abundance of roses, and, after a long walk, passed out of doors as we did in the other place, and here we had cakes and powdered beef--[salt beef]--and ale, and so home again by water with much pleasure. this day, being the king's birth-day, was very solemnly observed; and the more, for that the queen this day comes to hampton court. in the evening, bonfires were made, but nothing to the great number that was heretofore at the burning of the rump. so to bed. th. this morning i made up my accounts, and find myself 'de claro' worth about l , and no more, so little have i increased it since my last reckoning; but i confess i have laid out much money in clothes. upon a suddaine motion i took my wife, and sarah and will by water, with some victuals with us, as low as gravesend, intending to have gone into the hope to the royal james, to have seen the ship and mr. shepley, but meeting mr. shepley in a hoy, bringing up my lord's things, she and i went on board, and sailed up with them as far as half-way tree, very glad to see mr. shepley. here we saw a little turk and a negroe, which are intended for pages to the two young ladies. many birds and other pretty noveltys there was, but i was afeard of being louzy, and so took boat again, and got to london before them, all the way, coming and going, reading in the "wallflower" with great pleasure. so home, and thence to the wardrobe, where mr. shepley was come with the things. here i staid talking with my lady, who is preparing to go to-morrow to hampton court. so home, and at ten o'clock at night mr. shepley came to sup with me. so we had a dish of mackerell and pease, and so he bid us good night, going to lie on board the hoy, and i to bed. st. lay long in bed, and so up to make up my journall for these two or three days past. then came anthony joyce, who duns me for money for the tallow which he served in lately by my desire, which vexes me, but i must get it him the next by my promise. by and by to white hall, hearing that sir g. carteret was come to town, but i could not find him, and so back to tom's, and thence i took my father to my house, and there he dined with me, discoursing of our businesses with uncle thomas and t. trice. after dinner he departed and i to the office where we met, and that being done i walked to my brother's and the wardrobe and other places about business, and so home, and had sarah to comb my head clean, which i found so foul with powdering and other troubles, that i am resolved to try how i can keep my head dry without powder; and i did also in a suddaine fit cut off all my beard, which i had been a great while bringing up, only that i may with my pumice-stone do my whole face, as i now do my chin, and to save time, which i find a very easy way and gentile. so she also washed my feet in a bath of herbs, and so to bed. this month ends with very fair weather for a great while together. my health pretty well, but only wind do now and then torment me . . . extremely. the queen is brought a few days since to hampton court; and all people say of her to be a very fine and handsome lady, and very discreet; and that the king is pleased enough with her which, i fear, will put madam castlemaine's nose out of joynt. the court is wholly now at hampton. a peace with argier is lately made; which is also good news. my father is lately come to town to see us, and though it has cost and will cost more money, yet i am pleased with the alteraeons on my house at brampton. my lord sandwich is lately come with the queen from sea, very well and in good repute. upon an audit of my estate i find myself worth about l 'de claro'. the act for uniformity is lately printed, ["an act for the uniformity of public prayers and administration of sacraments and other rites and ceremonies, and for establishing the form of making, ordaining, and consecrating bishops, priests, and deacons in the church of england."] which, it is thought, will make mad work among the presbyterian ministers. people of all sides are very much discontented; some thinking themselves used, contrary to promise, too hardly; and the other, that they are not rewarded so much as they expected by the king. god keep us all. i have by a late oath obliged myself from wine and plays, of which i find good effect. diary of samuel pepys. june june st (lord's day). at church in the morning. a stranger made a very good sermon. dined at home, and mr. spong came to see me; so he and i sat down a little to sing some french psalms, and then comes mr. shepley and mr. moore, and so we to dinner, and after dinner to church again, where a presbyter made a sad and long sermon, which vexed me, and so home, and so to walk on the leads, and supper and to prayers and bed. nd. up early about business and then to the wardrobe with mr. moore, and spoke to my lord about the exchange of the crusados [cruzado, a portuguese coin of reis. it is named from a cross which it bears on one side, the arms of portugal being on the other. it varied in value at different periods from s. d. to s.] into sterling money, and other matters. so to my father at tom's, and after some talk with him away home, and by and by comes my father to dinner with me, and then by coach, setting him down in cheapside, my wife and i to mrs. clarke's at westminster, the first visit that ever we both made her yet. we found her in a dishabille, intending to go to hampton court to-morrow. we had much pretty discourse, and a very fine lady she is. thence by water to salisbury court, and mrs. turner not being at home, home by coach, and so after walking on the leads and supper to bed. this day my wife put on her slasht wastecoate, which is very pretty. rd. up by four o'clock and to my business in my chamber, to even accounts with my lord and myself, and very fain i would become master of l , but i have not above l toward it yet. at the office all the morning, and mr. coventry brought his patent and took his place with us this morning. upon our making a contract, i went, as i use to do, to draw the heads thereof, but sir w. pen most basely told me that the comptroller is to do it, and so begun to employ mr. turner about it, at which i was much vexed, and begun to dispute; and what with the letter of the duke's orders, and mr. barlow's letter, and the practice of our predecessors, which sir g. carteret knew best when he was comptroller, it was ruled for me. what sir j. minnes will do when he comes i know not, but sir w. pen did it like a base raskall, and so i shall remember him while i live. after office done, i went down to the towre wharf, where mr. creed and shepley was ready with three chests of the crusados, being about l , ready to bring to shore to my house, which they did, and put it in my further cellar, and mr. shepley took the key. i to my father and dr. williams and tom trice, by appointment, in the old bayly, to short's, the alehouse, but could come to no terms with t. trice. thence to the wardrobe, where i found my lady come from hampton court, where the queen hath used her very civilly; and my lady tells me is a most pretty woman, at which i am glad. yesterday (sir r. ford told me) the aldermen of the city did attend her in their habits, and did present her with a gold cupp and l in gold therein. but, he told me, that they are so poor in their chamber, that they were fain to call two or three aldermen to raise fines to make up this sum, among which was sir w. warren. home and to the office, where about at night comes sir g. carteret and sir w. batten, and so we did some business, and then home and to bed, my mind troubled about sir w. pen, his playing the rogue with me to-day, as also about the charge of money that is in my house, which i had forgot; but i made the maids to rise and light a candle, and set it in the dining-room, to scare away thieves, and so to sleep. th. up early, and mr. moore comes to me and tells me that mr. barnwell is dead, which troubles me something, and the more for that i believe we shall lose mr. shepley's company. by and by sir w. batten and i by water to woolwich; and there saw an experiment made of sir r. ford's holland's yarn (about which we have lately had so much stir; and i have much concerned myself for our ropemaker, mr. hughes, who has represented it as bad), and we found it to be very bad, and broke sooner than, upon a fair triall, five threads of that against four of riga yarn; and also that some of it had old stuff that had been tarred, covered over with new hemp, which is such a cheat as hath not been heard of. i was glad of this discovery, because i would not have the king's workmen discouraged (as sir w. batten do most basely do) from representing the faults of merchants' goods, where there is any. after eating some fish that we had bought upon the water at falconer's, we went to woolwich, and there viewed our frames of our houses, and so home, and i to my lord's, who i find resolved to buy brampton manor of sir peter ball, [sir peter ball was the queen's attorney-general, and evelyn mentions, in his diary (january th, - ), having received from him the draft of an act against the nuisance of the smoke of london.] at which i am glad. thence to white hall, and showed sir g. carteret the cheat, and so to the wardrobe, and there staid and supped with my lady. my lord eating nothing, but writes letters to-night to several places, he being to go out of town to-morrow. so late home and to bed. th. to the wardrobe, and there my lord did enquire my opinion of mr. moore, which i did give to the best advantage i could, and by that means shall get him joined with mr. townsend in the wardrobe business. he did also give me all mr. shepley's and mr. moore's accounts to view, which i am glad of, as being his great trust in me, and i would willingly keep up a good interest with him. so took leave of him (he being to go this day) and to the office, where they were just sat down, and i showed them yesterday's discovery, and have got sir r. ford to be my enemy by it; but i care not, for it is my duty, and so did get his bill stopped for the present. to dinner, and found dr. thos. pepys at my house; but i was called from dinner by a note from mr. moore to alderman backwell's, to see some thousands of my lord's crusados weighed, and we find that , come to about l or generally. home again and found my father there; we talked a good while and so parted. we met at the office in the afternoon to finish mr. gauden's accounts, but did not do them quite. in the evening with mr. moore to backwell's with another , crusados and saw them weighed, and so home and to bed. th. at my office all alone all the morning, and the smith being with me about other things, did open a chest that hath stood ever since i came to the office, in my office, and there we found a modell of a fine ship, which i long to know whether it be the king's or mr. turner's. at noon to the wardrobe by appointment to meet my father, who did come and was well treated by my lady, who tells me she has some thoughts to send her two little boys to our house at brampton, but i have got leave for them to go along with me and my wife to hampton court to-morrow or sunday. thence to my brother tom's, where we found a letter from pall that my mother is dangerously ill in fear of death, which troubles my father and me much, but i hope it is otherwise, the letter being four days old since it was writ. home and at my office, and with mr. hater set things in order till evening, and so home and to bed by daylight. this day at my father's desire i lent my brother tom l , to be repaid out of the proceeds of sturtlow when we can sell it. i sent the money all in new money by my boy from alderman backwell's. th. to the office, where all the morning, and i find mr. coventry is resolved to do much good, and to enquire into all the miscarriages of the office. at noon with him and sir w. batten to dinner at trinity house; where, among others, sir j. robinson, lieutenant of the tower, was, who says that yesterday sir h. vane had a full hearing at the king's bench, and is found guilty; and that he did never hear any man argue more simply than he in all his life, and so others say. my mind in great trouble whether i should go as i intended to hampton court to-morrow or no. at last resolved the contrary, because of the charge thereof, and i am afraid now to bring in any accounts for journeys, and so will others i suppose be, because of mr. coventry's prying into them. thence sent for to sir g. carteret's, and there talked with him a good while. i perceive, as he told me, were it not that mr. coventry had already feathered his nest in selling of places, he do like him very well, and hopes great good from him. but he complains so of lack of money, that my heart is very sad, under the apprehension of the fall of the office. at my office all the afternoon, and at night hear that my father is gone into the country, but whether to richmond as he intended, and thence to meet us at hampton court on monday, i know not, or to brampton. at which i am much troubled. in the evening home and to bed. th (lord's day). lay till church-time in bed, and so up and to church, and there i found mr. mills come home out of the country again, and preached but a lazy sermon. home and dined with my wife, and so to church again with her. thence walked to my lady's, and there supped with her, and merry, among other things, with the parrott which my lord hath brought from the sea, which speaks very well, and cries pall so pleasantly, that made my lord give it my lady paulina; but my lady, her mother, do not like it. home, and observe my man will to walk with his cloak flung over his shoulder, like a ruffian, which, whether it was that he might not be seen to walk along with the footboy, i know not, but i was vexed at it; and coming home, and after prayers, i did ask him where he learned that immodest garb, and he answered me that it was not immodest, or some such slight answer, at which i did give him two boxes on the ears, which i never did before, and so was after a little troubled at it. th. early up and at the office with mr. hater, making my alphabet of contracts, upon the dispatch of which i am now very intent, for that i am resolved much to enquire into the price of commodities. dined at home, and after dinner to greatorex's, and with him and another stranger to the tavern, but i drank no wine. he recommended bond, of our end of the town, to teach me to measure timber, and some other things that i would learn, in order to my office. thence back again to the office, and there t. hater and i did make an end of my alphabet, which did much please me. so home to supper and to bed. th. at the office all the morning, much business; and great hopes of bringing things, by mr. coventry's means, to a good condition in the office. dined at home, mr. hunt with us; to the office again in the afternoon, but not meeting, as was intended, i went to my brother's and bookseller's, and other places about business, and paid off all for books to this day, and do not intend to buy any more of any kind a good while, though i had a great mind to have bought the king's works, as they are new printed in folio, and present it to my lord; but i think it will be best to save the money. so home and to bed. [there is a beautiful copy of "the workes of king charles the martyr, and collections of declarations, treaties, &c." ( vols. folio, ), in the pepysian library, with a very interesting note in the first volume by pepys (dated october th, ), to the effect that he had collated it with a copy in lambeth library, presented by dr. zachary cradock, provost of eton. "this book being seized on board an english ship was delivered, by order of the inquisition of lisbon, to some of the english priests to be perused and corrected according to the rules of the 'index expurgatorius.' thus corrected it was given to barnaby crafford, english merchant there, and by him it was given to me, the english preacher resident there a.d. , and by me as i then received it to the library at lambeth to be there preserved. nov. , . 'ita testor', zach. cradock.--from which (through the favour of the most reverend father in god and my most honoured friend his grace the present archbishop of canterbury) i have this th of october, , had an opportunity given me there (assisted by my clerk, thomas henderson), leisurely to overlook, and with my uttermost attention to note the said expurgations through each part of this my own book." whole sentences in the book are struck through, as well as such words as martyr, defender of the faith, more than conqueror, &c.] th. at the office all the morning, sir w. batten, sir w. pen, and i about the victualler's accounts. then home to dinner and to the office again all the afternoon, mr. hater and i writing over my alphabet fair, in which i took great pleasure to rule the lines and to have the capitall words wrote with red ink. so home and to supper. this evening savill the paynter came and did varnish over my wife's picture and mine, and i paid him for my little picture l , and so am clear with him. so after supper to bed. this day i had a letter from my father that he is got down well, and found my mother pretty well again. so that i am vexed with all my heart at pall for writing to him so much concerning my mother's illness (which i believe was not so great), so that he should be forced to hasten down on the sudden back into the country without taking leave, or having any pleasure here. th. this morning i tried on my riding cloth suit with close knees, the first that ever i had; and i think they will be very convenient, if not too hot to wear any other open knees after them. at the office all the morning, where we had a full board, viz., sir g. carteret, sir john mennes, sir w. batten, mr. coventry, sir w. pen, mr. pett, and myself. among many other businesses, i did get a vote signed by all, concerning my issuing of warrants, which they did not smell the use i intend to make of it; but it is to plead for my clerks to have their right of giving out all warrants, at which i am not a little pleased. but a great difference happened between sir g. carteret and mr. coventry, about passing the victualler's account, and whether sir george is to pay the victualler his money, or the exchequer; sir george claiming it to be his place to save his threepences. it ended in anger, and i believe will come to be a question before the king and council. i did what i could to keep myself unconcerned in it, having some things of my own to do before i would appear high in anything. thence to dinner, by mr. gauden's invitation, to the dolphin, where a good dinner; but what is to myself a great wonder; that with ease i past the whole dinner without drinking a drop of wine. after dinner to the office, my head full of business, and so home, and it being the longest day in the year,--[that is, by the old style. the new style was not introduced until ]--i made all my people go to bed by daylight. but after i was a-bed and asleep, a note came from my brother tom to tell me that my cozen anne pepys, of worcestershire, her husband is dead, and she married again, and her second husband in town, and intends to come and see me to-morrow. th. up by o'clock in the morning, and read cicero's second oration against catiline, which pleased me exceedingly; and more i discern therein than ever i thought was to be found in him; but i perceive it was my ignorance, and that he is as good a writer as ever i read in my life. by and by to sir g. carteret's, to talk with him about yesterday's difference at the office; and offered my service to look into any old books or papers that i have, that may make for him. he was well pleased therewith, and did much inveigh against mr. coventry; telling me how he had done him service in the parliament, when prin had drawn up things against him for taking of money for places; that he did at his desire, and upon his, letters, keep him off from doing it. and many other things he told me, as how the king was beholden to him, and in what a miserable condition his family would be, if he should die before he hath cleared his accounts. upon the whole, i do find that he do much esteem of me, and is my friend, and i may make good use of him. thence to several places about business, among others to my brother's, and there tom beneere the barber trimmed me. thence to my lady's, and there dined with her, mr. laxton, gibbons, and goldgroove with us, and after dinner some musique, and so home to my business, and in the evening my wife and i, and sarah and the boy, a most pleasant walk to halfway house, and so home and to bed. th. up by four o'clock in the morning and upon business at my office. then we sat down to business, and about o'clock, having a room got ready for us, we all went out to the tower-hill; and there, over against the scaffold, made on purpose this day, saw sir henry vane brought. [sir harry vane the younger was born . charles signed on june th a warrant for the execution of vane by hanging at tyburn on the th, which sentence on the following day "upon humble suit made" to him, charles was "graciously pleased to mitigate," as the warrant terms it, for the less ignominious punishment of beheading on tower hill, and with permission that the head and body should be given to the relations to be by them decently and privately interred.-- lister's life of clarendon, ii, .] a very great press of people. he made a long speech, many times interrupted by the sheriff and others there; and they would have taken his paper out of his hand, but he would not let it go. but they caused all the books of those that writ after him to be given the sheriff; and the trumpets were brought under the scaffold that he might not be heard. then he prayed, and so fitted himself, and received the blow; but the scaffold was so crowded that we could not see it done. but boreman, who had been upon the scaffold, came to us and told us, that first he began to speak of the irregular proceeding against him; that he was, against magna charta, denied to have his exceptions against the indictment allowed; and that there he was stopped by the sheriff. then he drew out his, paper of notes, and begun to tell them first his life; that he was born a gentleman, that he was bred up and had the quality of a gentleman, and to make him in the opinion of the world more a gentleman, he had been, till he was seventeen years old, a good fellow, but then it pleased god to lay a foundation of grace in his heart, by which he was persuaded, against his worldly interest, to leave all preferment and go abroad, where he might serve god with more freedom. then he was called home, and made a member of the long parliament; where he never did, to this day, any thing against his conscience, but all for the glory of god. here he would have given them an account of the proceedings of the long parliament, but they so often interrupted him, that at last he was forced to give over: and so fell into prayer for england in generall, then for the churches in england, and then for the city of london: and so fitted himself for the block, and received the blow. he had a blister, or issue, upon his neck, which he desired them not hurt: he changed not his colour or speech to the last, but died justifying himself and the cause he had stood for; and spoke very confidently of his being presently at the right hand of christ; and in all, things appeared the most resolved man that ever died in that manner, and showed more of heat than cowardize, but yet with all humility and gravity. one asked him why he did not pray for the king. he answered, "nay," says he, "you shall see i can pray for the king: i pray god bless him!" the king had given his body to his friends; and, therefore, he told them that he hoped they would be civil to his body when dead; and desired they would let him die like a gentleman and a christian, and not crowded and pressed as he was. so to the office a little, and so to the trinity-house all of us to dinner; and then to the office again all the afternoon till night. so home and to bed. this day, i hear, my lord peterborough is come unexpected from tangier, to give the king an account of the place, which, we fear, is in none of the best condition. we had also certain news to-day that the spaniard is before lisbon with thirteen sail; six dutch, and the rest his own ships; which will, i fear, be ill for portugall. i writ a letter of all this day's proceedings to my lord, at hinchingbroke, who, i hear, is very well pleased with the work there. th (lord's day). to church in the morning and home to dinner, where come my brother tom and mr. fisher, my cozen, nan pepys's second husband, who, i perceive, is a very good-humoured man, an old cavalier. i made as much of him as i could, and were merry, and am glad she hath light of so good a man. they gone, to church again; but my wife not being dressed as i would have her, i was angry, and she, when she was out of doors in her way to church, returned home again vexed. but i to church, mr. mills, an ordinary sermon. so home, and found my wife and sarah gone to a neighbour church, at which i was not much displeased. by and by she comes again, and, after a word or two, good friends. and then her brother came to see her, and he being gone she told me that she believed he was married and had a wife worth l to him, and did inquire how he might dispose the money to the best advantage, but i forbore to advise her till she could certainly tell me how things are with him, being loth to meddle too soon with him. so to walk upon the leads, and to supper, and to bed. th. up before four o'clock, and after some business took will forth, and he and i walked over the tower hill, but the gate not being open we walked through st. catharine's and ratcliffe (i think it is) by the waterside above a mile before we could get a boat, and so over the water in a scull (which i have not done a great while), and walked finally to deptford, where i saw in what forwardness the work is for sir w. batten's house and mine, and it is almost ready. i also, with mr. davis, did view my cozen joyce's tallow, and compared it with the irish tallow we bought lately, and found ours much more white, but as soft as it; now what is the fault, or whether it be or no a fault, i know not. so walked home again as far as over against the towre, and so over and home, where i found sir w. pen and sir john minnes discoursing about sir john minnes's house and his coming to live with us, and i think he intends to have mr. turner's house and he to come to his lodgings, which i shall be very glad of. we three did go to mr. turner's to view his house, which i think was to the end that sir john minnes might see it. then by water with my wife to the wardrobe, and dined there; and in the afternoon with all the children by water to greenwich, where i showed them the king's yacht, the house, and the park, all very pleasant; and so to the tavern, and had the musique of the house, and so merrily home again. will and i walked home from the wardrobe, having left my wife at the tower wharf coming by, whom i found gone to bed not very well . . . . so to bed. th. up, and mr. mayland comes to me and borrowed s. of me to be paid again out of the money coming to him in the james and charles for his late voyage. so to the office, where all the morning. so home to dinner, my wife not being well, but however dined with me. so to the office, and at sir w. batten's, where we all met by chance and talked, and they drank wine; but i forebore all their healths. sir john minnes, i perceive, is most excellent company. so home and to bed betimes by daylight. th. up early; and after reading a little in cicero, i made me ready and to my office, where all the morning very busy. at noon mr. creed came to me about business, and he and i walked as far as lincoln's inn fields together. after a turn or two in the walks we parted, and i to my lord crew's and dined with him; where i hear the courage of sir h. vane at his death is talked on every where as a miracle. thence to somerset house to sir j. winter's chamber by appointment, and met mr. pett, where he and i read over his last contract with the king for the forest of dean, whereof i took notes because of this new one that he is now in making. that done he and i walked to lilly's, the painter's, where we saw among other rare things, the duchess of york, her whole body, sitting instate in a chair, in white sattin, and another of the king, that is not finished; most rare things. i did give the fellow something that showed them us, and promised to come some other time, and he would show me lady castlemaine's, which i could not then see, it being locked up! thence to wright's, the painter's: but, lord! the difference that is between their two works. thence to the temple, and there spoke with my cozen roger, who gives me little hopes in the business between my uncle tom and us. so mr. pett (who staid at his son's chamber) and i by coach to the old exchange, and there parted, and i home and at the office till night. my windows at my office are made clean to-day and a casement in my closet. so home, and after some merry discourse in the kitchen with my wife and maids as i now-a-days often do, i being well pleased with both my maids, to bed. th. up by five o'clock, and while my man will was getting himself ready to come up to me i took and played upon my lute a little. so to dress myself, and to my office to prepare things against we meet this morning. we sat long to-day, and had a great private business before us about contracting with sir w. rider, mr. cutler, and captain cocke, for ton of hemp, which we went through, and i am to draw up the conditions. home to dinner, where i found mr. moore, and he and i cast up our accounts together and evened them, and then with the last chest of crusados to alderman backwell's, by the same token his lady going to take coach stood in the shop, and having a gilded glassfull of perfumed comfits given her by don duarte de silva, the portugall merchant, that is come over with the queen, i did offer at a taste, and so she poured some out into my hand, and, though good, yet pleased me the better coming from a pretty lady. so home and at the office preparing papers and things, and indeed my head has not been so full of business a great while, and with so much pleasure, for i begin to see the pleasure it gives. god give me health. so to bed. th. up by four or five o'clock, and to the office, and there drew up the agreement between the king and sir john winter about the forrest of deane; and having done it, he came himself (i did not know him to be the queen's secretary before, but observed him to be a man of fine parts); and we read it, and both liked it well. that done, i turned to the forrest of deane, in speede's mapps, and there he showed me how it lies; and the lea-bayly, with the great charge of carrying it to lydny, and many other things worth my knowing; and i do perceive that i am very short in my business by not knowing many times the geographical part of my business. at my office till mr. moore took me out and at my house looked over our papers again, and upon our evening accounts did give full discharges one to the other, and in his and many other accounts i perceive i shall be better able to give a true balance of my estate to myself within a day or two than i have been this twelve months. then he and i to alderman backwell's and did the like there, and i gave one receipt for all the money i have received thence upon the receipt of my lord's crusados. then i went to the exchange, and hear that the merchants have a great fear of a breach with the spaniard; for they think he will not brook our having tangier, dunkirk, and jamaica; and our merchants begin to draw home their estates as fast as they can. then to pope's head ally, and there bought me a pair of tweezers, cost me s., the first thing like a bawble i have bought a good while, but i do it with some trouble of mind, though my conscience tells me that i do it with an apprehension of service in my office to have a book to write memorandums in, and a pair of compasses in it; but i confess myself the willinger to do it because i perceive by my accounts that i shall be better by l than i expected to be. but by tomorrow night i intend to see to the bottom of all my accounts. then home to dinner, where mr. moore met me. then he went away, and i to the office and dispatch much business. so in the evening, my wife and i and jane over the water to the halfway-house, a pretty, pleasant walk, but the wind high. so home again and to bed. st. up about four o'clock, and settled some private business of my own, then made me ready and to the office to prepare things for our meeting to-day. by and by we met, and at noon sir w. pen and i to the trinity house; where was a feast made by the wardens, when great good cheer, and much, but ordinary company. the lieutenant of the tower, upon my demanding how sir h. vane died, told me that he died in a passion; but all confess with so much courage as never man died. thence to the office, where sir w. rider, capt. cocke, and mr. cutler came by appointment to meet me to confer about the contract between us and them for tons of hemp. that being done, i did other business and so went home, and there found mr. creed, who staid talking with my wife and me an hour or two, and i put on my riding cloth suit, only for him to see how it is, and i think it will do very well. he being gone, and i hearing from my wife and the maids' complaints made of the boy, i called him up, and with my whip did whip him till i was not able to stir, and yet i could not make him confess any of the lies that they tax him with. at last, not willing to let him go away a conqueror, i took him in task again, and pulled off his frock to his shirt, and whipped him till he did confess that he did drink the whey, which he had denied, and pulled a pink, and above all did lay the candlestick upon the ground in his chamber, which he had denied this quarter of a year. i confess it is one of the greatest wonders that ever i met with that such a little boy as he could possibly be able to suffer half so much as he did to maintain a lie. i think i must be forced to put him away. so to bed, with my arm very weary. nd (lord's day). this day i first put on my slasht doublet, which i like very well. mr. shepley came to me in the morning, telling me that he and my lord came to town from hinchinbroke last night. he and i spend an hour in looking over his account, and then walked to the wardrobe, all the way discoursing of my lord's business. he tells me to my great wonder that mr. barnwell is dead l in debt to my lord. by and by my lord came from church, and i dined, with some others, with him, he very merry, and after dinner took me aside and talked of state and other matters. by and by to my brother tom's and took him out with me homewards (calling at the wardrobe to talk a little with mr. moore), and so to my house, where i paid him all i owed him, and did make the l i lately lent him up to l , for which he shall give bond to mr. shepley, for it is his money. so my wife and i to walk in the garden, where all our talk was against sir w. pen, against whom i have lately had cause to be much prejudiced. by and by he and his daughter came out to walk, so we took no notice of them a great while, at last in going home spoke a word or two, and so good night, and to bed. this day i am told of a portugall lady, at hampton court, that hath dropped a child already since the queen's coming, but the king would not have them searched whose it is; and so it is not commonly known yet. coming home to-night, i met with will. swan, who do talk as high for the fanatiques as ever he did in his life; and do pity my lord sandwich and me that we should be given up to the wickedness of the world; and that a fall is coming upon us all; for he finds that he and his company are the true spirit of the nation, and the greater part of the nation too, who will have liberty of conscience in spite of this "act of uniformity," or they will die; and if they may not preach abroad, they will preach in their own houses. he told me that certainly sir h. vane must be gone to heaven, for he died as much a martyr and saint as ever man did; and that the king hath lost more by that man's death, than he will get again a good while. at all which i know not what to think; but, i confess, i do think that the bishops will never be able to carry it so high as they do. rd. up early, this morning, and my people are taking down the hangings and things in my house because of the great dust that is already made by the pulling down of sir w. batten's house, and will be by my own when i come to it. to my office, and there hard at work all the morning. at noon to the exchange to meet dr. williams, who sent me this morning notice of his going into the country tomorrow, but could not find him, but meeting with frank moore, my lord lambeth's man formerly, we, and two or three friends of his did go to a tavern, and there they drank, but i nothing but small beer. in the next room one was playing very finely of the dulcimer, which well played i like well, but one of our own company, a talking fellow, did in discourse say much of this act against seamen, [in was passed "an act for providing of carriage by land and by water for the use of his majesty's navy and ordinance" ( - gar. ii., cap. ), which gave power for impressing seamen, &c.] for their being brought to account; and that it was made on purpose for my lord sandwich, who was in debt l , , and hath been forced to have pardon oftentimes from oliver for the same: at which i was vexed at him, but thought it not worth my trouble to oppose what he said, but took leave and went home, and after a little dinner to my office again, and in the evening sir w. warren came to me about business, and that being done, discoursing of deals, i did offer to go along with him among his deal ships, which we did to half a score, where he showed me the difference between dram, swinsound, christiania, and others, and told me many pleasant notions concerning their manner of cutting and sawing them by watermills, and the reason how deals become dearer and cheaper, among others, when the snow is not so great as to fill up the values that they may pass from hill to hill over the snow, then it is dear carriage. from on board he took me to his yard, where vast and many places of deals, sparrs, and bulks, &c., the difference between which i never knew before, and indeed am very proud of this evening's work. he had me into his house, which is most pretty and neat and well furnished. after a glass, not of wine, for i would not be tempted to drink any, but a glass of mum, i well home by water, but it being late was forced to land at the custom house, and so home and to bed, and after i was a-bed, letters came from the duke for the fitting out of four ships forthwith from portsmouth (i know not yet for what) so i was forced to make will get them wrote, and signed them in bed and sent them away by express. and so to sleep. th (midsummer day). up early and to my office, putting things in order against we sit. there came to me my cozen harry alcocke, whom i much respect, to desire (by a letter from my father to me, where he had been some days) my help for him to some place. i proposed the sea to him, and i think he will take it, and i hope do well. sat all the morning, and i bless god i find that by my diligence of late and still, i do get ground in the office every day. at noon to the change, where i begin to be known also, and so home to dinner, and then to the office all the afternoon dispatching business. at night news is brought me that field the rogue hath this day cast me at guildhall in l for his imprisonment, to which i signed his commitment with the rest of the officers; but they having been parliament-men, that he hath begun the law with me; and threatens more, but i hope the duke of york will bear me out. at night home, and mr. spong came to me, and so he and i sat singing upon the leads till almost ten at night and so he went away (a pretty, harmless, and ingenious man), and i to bed, in a very great content of mind, which i hope by my care still in my business will continue to me. th. up by four o'clock, and put my accounts with my lord into a very good order, and so to my office, where having put many things in order i went to the wardrobe, but found my lord gone to hampton court. after discourse with mr. shepley we parted, and i into thames street, beyond the bridge, and there enquired among the shops the price of tarre and oyle, and do find great content in it, and hope to save the king money by this practice. so home to dinner, and then to the change, and so home again, and at the office preparing business against to-morrow all the afternoon. at night walked with my wife upon the leads, and so to supper and to bed. my wife having lately a great pain in her ear, for which this night she begins to take physique, and i have got cold and so have a great deal of my old pain. th. up and took physique, but such as to go abroad with, only to loosen me, for i am bound. so to the office, and there all the morning sitting till noon, and then took commissioner pett home to dinner with me, where my stomach was turned when my sturgeon came to table, upon which i saw very many little worms creeping, which i suppose was through the staleness of the pickle. he being gone, comes mr. nicholson, my old fellow-student at magdalene, and we played three or four things upon the violin and basse, and so parted, and i to my office till night, and there came mr. shepley and creed in order to settling some accounts of my lord to-night, and so to bed. th. up early, not quite rid of my pain. i took more physique, and so made myself ready to go forth. so to my lord, who rose as soon as he heard i was there; and in his nightgown and shirt stood talking with me alone two hours,. i believe, concerning his greatest matters of state and interest. among other things, that his greatest design is, first, to get clear of all debts to the king for the embassy money, and then a pardon. then, to get his land settled; and then to, discourse and advise what is best for him, whether to keep his sea employment longer or no. for he do discern that the duke would be willing to have him out, and that by coventry's means. and here he told me, how the terms at argier were wholly his; and that he did plainly tell lawson and agree with him, that he would have the honour of them, if they should ever be agreed to; and that accordingly they did come over hither entitled, "articles concluded on by sir j. lawson, according to instructions received from his royal highness james duke of york, &c., and from his excellency the earle of sandwich." (which however was more than needed; but lawson tells my lord in his letter, that it was not he, but the council of warr that would have "his royal highness" put into the title, though he did not contribute one word to it.) but the duke of york did yesterday propose them to the council, to be printed with this title: "concluded on, by sir j. lawson, knt." and my lord quite left out. here i find my lord very politique; for he tells me, that he discerns they design to set up lawson as much as they can and that he do counterplot them by setting him up higher still; by which they will find themselves spoiled of their design, and at last grow jealous of lawson. this he told me with much pleasure; and that several of the duke's servants, by name my lord barkeley [of stratton], mr. talbot, and others, had complained to my lord, of coventry, and would have him out. my lord do acknowledge that his greatest obstacle is coventry. he did seem to hint such a question as this: "hitherto i have been supported by the king and chancellor against the duke; but what if it should come about, that it should be the duke and chancellor against the king?" which, though he said it in these plain words, yet i could not fully understand it; but may more here after. my lord did also tell me, that the duke himself at portsmouth did thank my lord for all his pains and care; and that he perceived it must be the old captains that must do the business; and that the new ones would spoil all. and that my lord did very discreetly tell the duke (though quite against his judgement and inclination), that, however, the king's new captains ought to be borne with a little and encouraged. by which he will oblige that party, and prevent, as much as may be, their envy; but he says that certainly things will go to rack if ever the old captains should be wholly out, and the new ones only command. then we fell to talk of sir j. minnes, of whom my lord hath a very slight opinion, and that at first he did come to my lord very displeased and sullen, and had studied and turned over all his books to see whether it had ever been that two flags should ride together in the main-top, but could not find it, nay, he did call his captains on board to consult them. so when he came by my lord's side, he took down his flag, and all the day did not hoist it again, but next day my lord did tell him that it was not so fit to ride without a flag, and therefore told him that he should wear it in the fore-top, for it seems my lord saw his instructions, which were that he should not wear his flag in the maintop in the presence of the duke or my lord. but that after that my lord did caress him, and he do believe him as much his friend as his interest will let him. i told my lord of the late passage between swan and me, and he told me another lately between dr. dell and himself when he was in the country. at last we concluded upon dispatching all his accounts as soon as possible, and so i parted, and to my office, where i met sir w. pen, and he desired a turn with me in the garden, where he told me the day now was fixed for his going into ireland;--[penn was governor of kinsale.-b.]--and that whereas i had mentioned some service he could do a friend of mine there, saml. pepys, [mentioned elsewhere as "my cousin in ireland." he was son of lord chief justice richard pepys.] he told me he would most readily do what i would command him, and then told me we must needs eat a dish of meat together before he went, and so invited me and my wife on sunday next. to all which i did give a cold consent, for my heart cannot love or have a good opinion of him since his last playing the knave with me, but he took no notice of our difference at all, nor i to him, and so parted, and i by water to deptford, where i found sir w. batten alone paying off the yard three quarters pay. thence to dinner, where too great a one was prepared, at which i was very much troubled, and wished i had not been there. after dinner comes sir j. minnes and some captains with him, who had been at a councill of warr to-day, who tell us they have acquitted captain hall, who was accused of cowardice in letting of old winter, the argier pyrate, go away from him with a prize or two; and also captain diamond of the murder laid to him of a man that he had struck, but he lived many months after, till being drunk, he fell into the hold, and there broke his jaw and died, but they say there are such bawdy articles against him as never were heard of . . . . to the pay again, where i left them, and walked to redriffe, and so home, and there came mr. creed and shepley to me, and staid till night about my lord's accounts, our proceeding to set them in order, and so parted and i to bed. mr. holliard had been with my wife to-day, and cured her of her pain in her ear by taking out a most prodigious quantity of hard wax that had hardened itself in the bottom of the ear, of which i am very glad. th. up to my lord's and my own accounts, and so to the office, where all the forenoon sitting, and at noon by appointment to the mitre, where mr. shepley gave me and mr. creed, and i had my uncle wight with us, a dish of fish. thence to the office again, and there all the afternoon till night, and so home, and after talking with my wife to bed. this day a genteel woman came to me, claiming kindred of me, as she had once done before, and borrowed s. of me, promising to repay it at night, but i hear nothing of her. i shall trust her no more. great talk there is of a fear of a war with the dutch; and we have order to pitch upon twenty ships to be forthwith set out; but i hope it is but a scarecrow to the world, to let them see that we can be ready for them; though, god knows! the king is not able to set out five ships at this present without great difficulty, we neither having money, credit, nor stores. my mind is now in a wonderful condition of quiet and content, more than ever in all my life, since my minding the business of my office, which i have done most constantly; and i find it to be the very effect of my late oaths against wine and plays, which, if god please, i will keep constant in, for now my business is a delight to me, and brings me great credit, and my purse encreases too. th (lord's day). up by four o'clock, and to the settling of my own accounts, and i do find upon my monthly ballance, which i have undertaken to keep from month to month, that i am worth l , the greatest sum that ever i was yet master of. i pray god give me a thankfull, spirit, and care to improve and encrease it. to church with my wife, who this day put on her green petticoat of flowred satin, with fine white and gimp lace of her own putting on, which is very pretty. home with sir w. pen to dinner by appointment, and to church again in the afternoon, and then home, mr. shepley coming to me about my lord's accounts, and in the evening parted, and we to supper again to sir w. pen. whatever the matter is, he do much fawn upon me, and i perceive would not fall out with me, and his daughter mighty officious to my wife, but i shall never be deceived again by him, but do hate him and his traitorous tricks with all my heart. it was an invitation in order to his taking leave of us to-day, he being to go for ireland in a few days. so home and prayers, and to bed. th. up betimes, and to my office, where i found griffen's girl making it clean, but, god forgive me! what a mind i had to her, but did not meddle with her. she being gone, i fell upon boring holes for me to see from my closet into the great office, without going forth, wherein i please myself much. so settled to business, and at noon with my wife to the wardrobe, and there dined, and staid talking all the afternoon with my lord, and about four o'clock took coach with my wife and lady, and went toward my house, calling at my lady carteret's, who was within by chance (she keeping altogether at deptford for a month or two), and so we sat with her a little. among other things told my lady how my lady fanshaw is fallen out with her only for speaking in behalf of the french, which my lady wonders at, they having been formerly like sisters, but we see there is no true lasting friendship in the world. thence to my house, where i took great pride to lead her through the court by the hand, she being very fine, and her page carrying up her train. she staid a little at my house, and then walked through the garden, and took water, and went first on board the king's pleasure boat, which pleased her much. then to greenwich park; and with much ado she was able to walk up to the top of the hill, and so down again, and took boat, and so through bridge to blackfryers, and home, she being much pleased with the ramble in every particular of it. so we supped with her, and then walked home, and to bed. observations. this i take to be as bad a juncture as ever i observed. the king and his new queen minding their pleasures at hampton court. all people discontented; some that the king do not gratify them enough; and the others, fanatiques of all sorts, that the king do take away their liberty of conscience; and the height of the bishops, who i fear will ruin all again. they do much cry up the manner of sir h. vane's death, and he deserves it. they clamour against the chimney-money, and say they will not pay it without force. and in the mean time, like to have war abroad; and portugall to assist, when we have not money to pay for any ordinary layings-out at home. myself all in dirt about building of my house and sir w. batten's a story higher. into a good way, fallen on minding my business and saving money, which god encrease; and i do take great delight in it, and see the benefit of it. in a longing mind of going to see brampton, but cannot get three days time, do what i can. in very good health, my wife and myself. etext editor's bookmarks: afeard of being louzy afeard that my lady castlemaine will keep still with the king afraid now to bring in any accounts for journeys as much his friend as his interest will let him comb my head clean, which i found so foul with powdering deliver her from the hereditary curse of child-bearing discontented at the pride and luxury of the court enjoy some degree of pleasure now that we have health, money god forgive me! what a mind i had to her hard matter to settle to business after so much leisure holes for me to see from my closet into the great office i know not yet what that is, and am ashamed to ask king dined at my lady castlemaine's, and supped, every day lady castlemaine do speak of going to lie in at hampton court let me blood, about sixteen ounces, i being exceedingly full lust and wicked lives of the nuns heretofore in england only wind do now and then torment me . . . extremely see her look dejectedly and slighted by people already she also washed my feet in a bath of herbs, and so to bed sir w. pen did it like a base raskall, and so i shall remember slight answer, at which i did give him two boxes on the ears they were not occupiers, but occupied (women) trumpets were brought under the scaffold that he not be heard up and took physique, but such as to go abroad with will put madam castlemaine's nose out of joynt with my whip did whip him till i was not able to stir the diary of samuel pepys m.a. f.r.s. clerk of the acts and secretary to the admiralty transcribed from the shorthand manuscript in the pepysian library magdalene college cambridge by the rev. mynors bright m.a. late fellow and president of the college (unabridged) with lord braybrooke's notes edited with additions by henry b. wheatley f.s.a. diary of samuel pepys. march & april - march st. this morning i paid sir w. batten l , which i have owed him this half year, having borrowed it of him. then to the office all the morning, so dined at home, and after dinner comes my uncle thomas, with whom i had some high words of difference, but ended quietly, though i fear i shall do no good by fair means upon him. thence my wife and i by coach, first to see my little picture that is a drawing, and thence to the opera, and there saw "romeo and juliet," the first time it was ever acted; but it is a play of itself the worst that ever i heard in my life, and the worst acted that ever i saw these people do, and i am resolved to go no more to see the first time of acting, for they were all of them out more or less. thence home, and after supper and wrote by the post, i settled to what i had long intended, to cast up my accounts with myself, and after much pains to do it and great fear, i do find that i am in money beforehand in the world, which i was afraid i was not, but i find that i had spent above l this last half year, which troubles me much, but by god's blessing i am resolved to take up, having furnished myself with all things for a great while, and to-morrow to think upon some rules and obligations upon myself to walk by. so with my mind eased of a great deal of trouble, though with no great content to find myself above l worse now than i was half a year ago, i went to bed. nd (lord's day). with my mind much eased talking long in bed with my wife about our frugall life for the time to come, proposing to her what i could and would do if i were worth l , , that is, be a knight, and keep my coach, which pleased her, [lord braybrooke wrote, "this reminds me of a story of my father's, when he was of merton college, and heard bowen the porter wish that he had l a-year, to enable him to keep a couple of hunters and a pack of foxhounds."] and so i do hope we shall hereafter live to save something, for i am resolved to keep myself by rules from expenses. to church in the morning: none in the pew but myself. so home to dinner, and after dinner came sir william and talked with me till church time, and then to church, where at our going out i was at a loss by sir w. pen's putting me upon it whether to take my wife or mrs. martha (who alone was there), and i began to take my wife, but he jogged me, and so i took martha, and led her down before him and my wife. so set her at home, and sir william and my wife and i to walk in the garden, and anon hearing that sir g. carteret had sent to see whether we were at home or no, sir william and i went to his house, where we waited a good while, they being at prayers, and by and by we went up to him; there the business was about hastening the east india ships, about which we are to meet to-morrow in the afternoon. so home to my house, and sir william supped with me, and so to bed. rd. all the morning at home about business with my brother tom, and then with mr. moore, and then i set to make some strict rules for my future practice in my expenses, which i did bind myself in the presence of god by oath to observe upon penalty therein set down, and i do not doubt but hereafter to give a good account of my time and to grow rich, for i do find a great deal more of content in these few days, that i do spend well about my business, than in all the pleasure of a whole week, besides the trouble which i remember i always have after that for the expense of my money. dined at home, and then up to my chamber again about business, and so to the office about despatching of the east india ships, where we staid till at night, and then after i had been at sir w. pen's awhile discoursing with him and mr. kenard the joiner about the new building in his house, i went home, where i found a vessel of oysters sent me from chatham, so i fell to eat some and then to supper, and so after the barber had done to bed. i am told that this day the parliament hath voted s. per annum for every chimney in england, as a constant revenue for ever to the crown. [although fumage or smoke money was as old as the conquest, the first parliamentary levy of hearth or chimney money was by statute and car. ii., c. , which gave the king an hereditary revenue of two shillings annually upon every hearth in all houses paying church or poor rate. this act was repealed by statute i william and mary, c. , it being declared in the preamble as "not only a great oppression to the poorer sort, but a badge of slavery upon the whole people, exposing every man's house to be entered into and searched at pleasure by persons unknown to him."] th. at the office all the morning, dined at home at noon, and then to the office again in the afternoon to put things in order there, my mind being very busy in settling the office to ourselves, i having now got distinct offices for the other two. by and by sir w. pen and i and my wife in his coach to moore fields, where we walked a great while, though it was no fair weather and cold; and after our walk we went to the pope's head, and eat cakes and other fine things, and so home, and i up to my chamber to read and write, and so to bed. th. in the morning to the painter's about my little picture. thence to tom's about business, and so to the pewterer's, to buy a poore's-box to put my forfeits in, upon breach of my late vows. so to the wardrobe and dined, and thence home and to my office, and there sat looking over my papers of my voyage, when we fetched over the king, and tore so many of these that were worth nothing, as filled my closet as high as my knees. i staid doing this till at night, and so home and to bed. th. up early, my mind full of business, then to the office, where the two sir williams and i spent the morning passing the victualler's accounts, the first i have had to do withal. then home, where my uncle thomas (by promise and his son tom) were come to give me his answer whether he would have me go to law or arbitracon with him, but he is unprovided to answer me, and desires two days more. i left them to dine with my wife, and myself to mr. gauden and the two knights at dinner at the dolphin, and thence after dinner to the office back again till night, we having been these four or five days very full of business, and i thank god i am well pleased with it, and hope i shall continue of that temper, which god grant. so after a little being at sir w. batten's with sir g. carteret talking, i went home, and so to my chamber, and then to bed, my mind somewhat troubled about brampton affairs. this night my new camelott riding coat to my coloured cloth suit came home. more news to-day of our losses at brampton by the late storm. th. early to white hall to the chappell, where by mr. blagrave's means i got into his pew, and heard dr. creeton, the great scotchman, preach before the king, and duke and duchess, upon the words of micah:--"roule yourselves in dust." he made a most learned sermon upon the words; but, in his application, the most comical man that ever i heard in my life. just such a man as hugh peters; saying that it had been better for the poor cavalier never to have come with the king into england again; for he that hath the impudence to deny obedience to the lawful magistrate, and to swear to the oath of allegiance, &c., was better treated now-a-days in newgate, than a poor royalist, that hath suffered all his life for the king, is at white hall among his friends. he discoursed much against a man's lying with his wife in lent, saying that he might be as incontinent during that time with his own wife as at another time in another man's bed. thence with mr. moore to whitehall and walked a little, and so to the wardrobe to dinner, and so home to the office about business till late at night by myself, and so home and to bed. th. by coach with both sir williams to westminster; this being a great day there in the house to pass the business for chimney-money, which was done. in the hall i met with serjeant pierce; and he and i to drink a cup of ale at the swan, and there he told me how my lady monk hath disposed of all the places which mr. edwd. montagu hoped to have had, as he was master of the horse to the queen; which i am afraid will undo him, because he depended much upon the profit of what he should make by these places. he told me, also, many more scurvy stories of him and his brother ralph, which troubles me to hear of persons of honour as they are. about one o'clock with both sir williams and another, one sir rich. branes, to the trinity house, but came after they had dined, so we had something got ready for us. here sir w. batten was taken with a fit of coughing that lasted a great while and made him very ill, and so he went home sick upon it. sir w. pen. and i to the office, whither afterward came sir g. carteret; and we sent for sir thos. allen, one of the aldermen of the city, about the business of one colonel appesley, whom we had taken counterfeiting of bills with all our hands and the officers of the yards, so well counterfeited that i should never have mistrusted them. we staid about this business at the office till ten at night, and at last did send him with a constable to the counter; and did give warrants for the seizing of a complice of his, one blinkinsopp. so home and wrote to my father, and so to bed. th (lord's day). church in the morning: dined at home, then to church again and heard mr. naylor, whom i knew formerly of keye's college, make a most eloquent sermon. thence to sir w. batten's to see how he did, then to walk an hour with sir w. pen in the garden: then he in to supper with me at my house, and so to prayers and to bed. th. at the office doing business all the morning, and my wife being gone to buy some things in the city i dined with sir w. batten, and in the afternoon met sir w. pen at the treasury office, and there paid off the guift, where late at night, and so called in and eat a bit at sir w. batten's again, and so home and to bed, to-morrow being washing day. th. at the office all the morning, and all the afternoon rummaging of papers in my chamber, and tearing some and sorting others till late at night, and so to bed, my wife being not well all this day. this afternoon mrs. turner and the. came to see me, her mother not having been abroad many a day before, but now is pretty well again and has made me one of the first visits. th. at the office from morning till night putting of papers in order, that so i may have my office in an orderly condition. i took much pains in sorting and folding of papers. dined at home, and there came mrs. goldsborough about her old business, but i did give her a short answer and sent away. this morning we had news from mr. coventry, that sir g. downing (like a perfidious rogue, though the action is good and of service to the king, [("and hail the treason though we hate the traitor.") on the st charles returned his formal thanks to the states for their assistance in the matter.--b.] yet he cannot with any good conscience do it) hath taken okey, corbet, and barkestead at delfe, in holland, and sent them home in the blackmore. sir w. pen, talking to me this afternoon of what a strange thing it is for downing to do this, he told me of a speech he made to the lords states of holland, telling them to their faces that he observed that he was not received with the respect and observance now, that he was when he came from the traitor and rebell cromwell: by whom, i am sure, he hath got all he hath in the world,--and they know it too. [charles, when residing at brussels, went to the hague at night to pay a secret visit to his sister, the princess of orange. after his arrival, "an old reverend-like man, with a long grey beard and ordinary grey clothes," entered the inn and begged for a private interview. he then fell on his knees, and pulling off his disguise, discovered himself to be mr. downing, then ambassador from cromwell to the states-general. he informed charles that the dutch had guaranteed to the english commonwealth to deliver him into their hands should he ever set foot in their territory. this warning probably saved charles's liberty.--m. b.] th. all day, either at the office or at home, busy about business till late at night, i having lately followed my business much, i find great pleasure in it, and a growing content. th. at the office all the morning. at noon sir w. pen and i making a bargain with the workmen about his house, at which i did see things not so well contracted for as i would have, and i was vexed and made him so too to see me so critical in the agreement. home to dinner. in the afternoon came the german dr. kuffler, [this is the secret of cornelius van drebbel ( - ), which is referred to again by pepys on november th, . johannes siberius kuffler was originally a dyer at leyden, who married drebbel's daughter. in the "calendar of state papers, domestic," - (p. ), is the following entry: "request of johannes siberius kuffler and jacob drebble for a trial of their father cornelius drebble's secret of sinking or destroying ships in a moment; and if it succeed, for a reward of l , . the secret was left them by will, to preserve for the english crown before any other state." cornelius van drebbel settled in london, where he died. james i. took some interest in him, and is said to have interfered when he was in prison in austria and in danger of execution.] to discourse with us about his engine to blow up ships. we doubted not the matter of fact, it being tried in cromwell's time, but the safety of carrying them in ships; but he do tell us, that when he comes to tell the king his secret (for none but the kings, successively, and their heirs must know it), it will appear to be of no danger at all. we concluded nothing; but shall discourse with the duke of york to-morrow about it. in the afternoon, after we had done with him, i went to speak with my uncle wight and found my aunt to have been ill a good while of a miscarriage, i staid and talked with her a good while. thence home, where i found that sarah the maid had been very ill all day, and my wife fears that she will have an ague, which i am much troubled for. thence to my lute, upon which i have not played a week or two, and trying over the two songs of "nulla, nulla," &c., and "gaze not on swans," which mr. berkenshaw set for me a little while ago, i find them most incomparable songs as he has set them, of which i am not a little proud, because i am sure none in the world has them but myself, not so much as he himself that set them. so to bed. th. with sir g. carteret and both the sir williams at whitehall to wait on the duke in his chamber, which we did about getting money for the navy and other things. so back again to the office all the morning. thence to the exchange to hire a ship for the maderas, but could get none. then home to dinner, and sir g. carteret and i all the afternoon by ourselves upon business in the office till late at night. so to write letters and home to bed. troubled at my maid's being ill. th (lord's day). this morning, till churches were done, i spent going from one church to another and hearing a bit here and a bit there. so to the wardrobe to dinner with the young ladies, and then into my lady's chamber and talked with her a good while, and so walked to white hall, an hour or two in the park, which is now very pleasant. here the king and duke came to see their fowl play. the duke took very civil notice of me. so walked home, calling at tom's, giving him my resolution about my boy's livery. here i spent an hour walking in the garden with sir w. pen, and then my wife and i thither to supper, where his son william is at home not well. but all things, i fear, do not go well with them; they look discontentedly, but i know not what ails them. drinking of cold small beer here i fell ill, and was forced to go out and vomit, and so was well again and went home by and by to bed. fearing that sarah would continue ill, wife and i removed this night to our matted chamber and lay there. th. all the morning at the office by myself about setting things in order there, and so at noon to the exchange to see and be seen, and so home to dinner and then to the office again till night, and then home and after supper and reading a while to bed. last night the blackmore pink [a "pink" was a form of vessel now obsolete, and had a very narrow stern. the "blackmoor" was a sixth-rate of twelve guns, built at chatham by captain tayler in .] brought the three prisoners, barkestead, okey, and corbet, to the tower, being taken at delfe in holland; where, the captain tells me, the dutch were a good while before they could be persuaded to let them go, they being taken prisoners in their land. but sir g. downing would not be answered so: though all the world takes notice of him for a most ungrateful villain for his pains. th. all the morning at the office with sir w. pen. dined at home, and luellin and blurton with me. after dinner to the office again, where sir g. carteret and we staid awhile, and then sir w. pen and i on board some of the ships now fitting for east indys and portugall, to see in what forwardness they are, and so back home again, and i write to my father by the post about brampton court, which is now coming on. but that which troubles me is that my father has now got an ague that i fear may endanger his life. so to bed. th. all the morning and afternoon at my office putting things in order, and in the evening i do begin to digest my uncle the captain's papers into one book, which i call my brampton book, for the clearer understanding things how they are with us. so home and supper and to bed. this noon came a letter from t. pepys, the turner, in answer to one of mine the other day to him, wherein i did cheque him for not coming to me, as he had promised, with his and his father's resolucion about the difference between us. but he writes to me in the very same slighting terms that i did to him, without the least respect at all, but word for word as i did him, which argues a high and noble spirit in him, though it troubles me a little that he should make no more of my anger, yet i cannot blame him for doing so, he being the elder brother's son, and not depending upon me at all. th. at my office all the morning, at noon to the exchange, and so home to dinner, and then all the afternoon at the office till late at night, and so home and to bed, my mind in good ease when i mind business, which methinks should be a good argument to me never to do otherwise. st. with sir w. batten by water to whitehall, and he to westminster. i went to see sarah and my lord's lodgings, which are now all in dirt, to be repaired against my lord's coming from sea with the queen. thence to westminster hall; and there walked up and down and heard the great difference that hath been between my lord chancellor and my lord of bristol, about a proviso that my lord chancellor would have brought into the bill for conformity, that it shall be in the power of the king, when he sees fit, to dispense with the act of conformity; and though it be carried in the house of lords, yet it is believed it will hardly pass in the commons. here i met with chetwind, parry, and several others, and went to a little house behind the lords' house to drink some wormwood ale, which doubtless was a bawdy house, the mistress of the house having the look and dress: here we staid till noon and then parted, i by water to the wardrobe to meet my wife, but my lady and they had dined, and so i dined with the servants, and then up to my lady, and there staid and talked a good while, and then parted and walked into cheapside, and there saw my little picture, for which i am to sit again the next week. so home, and staid late writing at my office, and so home and to bed, troubled that now my boy is also fallen sick of an ague we fear. nd. at the office all the morning. at noon sir williams both and i by water down to the lewes, captain dekins, his ship, a merchantman, where we met the owners, sir john lewes and alderman lewes, and several other great merchants; among others one jefferys, a merry man that is a fumbler, and he and i called brothers, and he made all the mirth in the company. we had a very fine dinner, and all our wives' healths, with seven or nine guns apiece; and exceeding merry we were, and so home by barge again, and i vexed to find griffin leave the office door open, and had a design to have carried away the screw or the carpet in revenge to him, but at last i would not, but sent for him and chid him, and so to supper and to bed, having drank a great deal of wine. rd (lord's day). this morning was brought me my boy's fine livery, which is very handsome, and i do think to keep to black and gold lace upon gray, being the colour of my arms, for ever. to church in the morning, and so home with sir w. batten, and there eat some boiled great oysters, and so home, and while i was at dinner with my wife i was sick, and was forced to vomit up my oysters again, and then i was well. by and by a coach came to call me by my appointment, and so my wife and i carried to westminster to mrs. hunt's, and i to whitehall, worcester house, and to my lord treasurer's to have found sir g. carteret, but missed in all these places. so back to white hall, and there met with captn. isham, this day come from lisbon, with letters from the queen to the king. and he did give me letters which speak that our fleet is all at lisbon; [one of these letters was probably from john creed. mr. s. j. davey, of , great russell street, bloomsbury, in had in his possession nine long letters from creed to pepys. in the first of these, dated from lisbon, march, , creed wrote: "my lord embassador doth all he can to hasten the queen's majestie's embarquement, there being reasons enough against suffering any unnecessary delay." there appear to have been considerable delays in the arrangements for the following declaration of charles ii. was dated june nd, : "charles r. whereas his maj. is resolved to declare, under his royall hand and seale, the most illustrious lady infanta of portugall to be his lawfull wife, before the treaty shall be signed by the king of portugall; which is to be done only for the better expediting the marriage, without sending to rome for a dispensation, which the laws of portugall would require if the said most illustrious infanta were to be betrothed in that kingdome," &c.] and that the queen do not intend to embarque sooner than tomorrow come fortnight. so having sent for my wife, she and i to my lady sandwich, and after a short visit away home. she home, and i to sir g. carteret's about business, and so home too, and sarah having her fit we went to bed. th. early sir g. carteret, both sir williams and i on board the experiment, to dispatch her away, she being to carry things to the madeiras with the east indy fleet. here (sir w. pen going to deptford to send more hands) we staid till noon talking, and eating and drinking a good ham of english bacon, and having put things in very good order home, where i found jane, my old maid, come out of the country, and i have a mind to have her again. by and by comes la belle pierce to see my wife, and to bring her a pair of peruques of hair, as the fashion now is for ladies to wear; which are pretty, and are of my wife's own hair, or else i should not endure them. after a good whiles stay, i went to see if any play was acted, and i found none upon the post, it being passion week. so home again, and took water with them towards westminster; but as we put off with the boat griffin came after me to tell me that sir g. carteret and the rest were at the office, so i intended to see them through the bridge and come back again, but the tide being against us, when we were almost through we were carried back again with much danger, and mrs. pierce was much afeard and frightened. so i carried them to the other side and walked to the beare, and sent them away, and so back again myself to the office, but finding nobody there i went again to the old swan, and thence by water to the new exchange, and there found them, and thence by coach carried my wife to bowes to buy something, and while they were there went to westminster hall, and there bought mr. grant's book of observations upon the weekly bills of mortality, which appear to me upon first sight to be very pretty. so back again and took my wife, calling at my brother tom's, whom i found full of work, which i am glad of, and thence at the new exchange and so home, and i to sir w. batten's, and supped there out of pure hunger and to save getting anything ready at home, which is a thing i do not nor shall not use to do. so home and to bed. th. up early. this being, by god's great blessing, the fourth solemn day of my cutting for the stone this day four years, and am by god's mercy in very good health, and like to do well, the lord's name be praised for it. to the office and sir g. carteret's all the morning about business. at noon come my good guests, madame turner, the., and cozen norton, and a gentleman, one mr. lewin of the king's life-guard; by the same token he told us of one of his fellows killed this morning in a duel. i had a pretty dinner for them, viz., a brace of stewed carps, six roasted chickens, and a jowl of salmon, hot, for the first course; a tanzy [tansy (tanacetum), a herb from which puddings were made. hence any pudding of the kind. selden ("table talk") says: "our tansies at easter have reference to the bitter herbs." see in wordsworth's "university life in the eighteenth century" recipes for "an apple tansey," "a bean tansey," and "a gooseberry tansey."--m. b.] and two neats' tongues, and cheese the second; and were very merry all the afternoon, talking and singing and piping upon the flageolette. in the evening they went with great pleasure away, and i with great content and my wife walked half an hour in the garden, and so home to supper and to bed. we had a man-cook to dress dinner to-day, and sent for jane to help us, and my wife and she agreed at l a year (she would not serve under) till both could be better provided, and so she stays with us, and i hope we shall do well if poor sarah were but rid of her ague. th. early sir g. carteret, both sir williams and i by coach to deptford, it being very windy and rainy weather, taking a codd and some prawnes in fish street with us. we settled to pay the guernsey, a small ship, but come to a great deal of money, it having been unpaid ever since before the king came in, by which means not only the king pays wages while the ship has lain still, but the poor men have most of them been forced to borrow all the money due for their wages before they receive it, and that at a dear rate, god knows, so that many of them had very little to receive at the table, which grieved me to see it. to dinner, very merry. then sir george to london, and we again to the pay, and that done by coach home again and to the office, doing some business, and so home and to bed. th (good friday). at home all the morning, and dined with my wife, a good dinner. at my office all the afternoon. at night to my chamber to read and sing, and so to supper and to bed. th. at the office all the morning. then to the wardrobe, and there coming late dined with the people below. then up to my lady, and staid two hours talking with her about her family business with great content and confidence in me. so calling at several places i went home, where my people are getting the house clean against to-morrow. i to the office and wrote several letters by post, and so home and to bed. th (easter day). having my old black suit new furbished, i was pretty neat in clothes to-day, and my boy, his old suit new trimmed, very handsome. to church in the morning, and so home, leaving the two sir williams to take the sacrament, which i blame myself that i have hitherto neglected all my life, but once or twice at cambridge. [this does not accord with the certificate which dr. mines wrote in , where he says that pepys was a constant communicant. see life of pepys in vol. i.] dined with my wife, a good shoulder of veal well dressed by jane, and handsomely served to table, which pleased us much, and made us hope that she will serve our turn well enough. my wife and i to church in the afternoon, and seated ourselves, she below me, and by that means the precedence of the pew, which my lady batten and her daughter takes, is confounded; and after sermon she and i did stay behind them in the pew, and went out by ourselves a good while after them, which we judge a very fine project hereafter to avoyd contention. so my wife and i to walk an hour or two on the leads, which begins to be very pleasant, the garden being in good condition. so to supper, which is also well served in. we had a lobster to supper, with a crabb pegg pen sent my wife this afternoon, the reason of which we cannot think; but something there is of plot or design in it, for we have a little while carried ourselves pretty strange to them. after supper to bed. st. this morning mr. coventry and all our company met at the office about some business of the victualling, which being dispatched we parted. i to my lord crew's to dinner (in my way calling upon my brother tom, with whom i staid a good while and talked, and find him a man like to do well, which contents me much), where used with much respect, and talking with him about my lord's debts, and whether we should make use of an offer of sir g. carteret's to lend my lady or l , he told me by no means, we must not oblige my lord to him, and by the by he made a question whether it was not my lord's interest a little to appear to the king in debt, and for people to clamor against him as well as others for their money, that by that means the king and the world may see that he do lay out for the king's honour upon his own main stock, which many he tells me do, that in fine if there be occasion he and i will be bound for it. thence to sir thomas crew's lodgings. he hath been ill, and continues so, under fits of apoplexy. among other things, he and i did discourse much of mr. montagu's base doings, and the dishonour that he will do my lord, as well as cheating him of or l , , which is too true. thence to the play, where coming late, and meeting with sir w. pen, who had got room for my wife and his daughter in the pit, he and i into one of the boxes, and there we sat and heard "the little thiefe," a pretty play and well done. thence home, and walked in the garden with them, and then to the house to supper and sat late talking, and so to bed. diary of samuel pepys. april april st. within all the morning and at the office. at noon my wife and i (having paid our maid nell her whole wages, who has been with me half a year, and now goes away for altogether) to the wardrobe, where my lady and company had almost dined. we sat down and dined. here was mr. herbert, son to sir charles herbert, that lately came with letters from my lord sandwich to the king. after some discourse we remembered one another to have been together at the tavern when mr. fanshaw took his leave of me at his going to portugall with sir richard. after dinner he and i and the two young ladies and my wife to the playhouse, the opera, and saw "the mayde in the mill," a pretty good play. in the middle of the play my lady paulina, who had taken physique this morning, had need to go forth, and so i took the poor lady out and carried her to the grange, and there sent the maid of the house into a room to her, and she did what she had a mind to, and so back again to the play; and that being done, in their coach i took them to islington, and then, after a walk in the fields, i took them to the great cheese-cake house and entertained them, and so home, and after an hour's stay with my lady, their coach carried us home, and so weary to bed. nd. mr. moore came to me, and he and i walked to the spittle an hour or two before my lord mayor and the blewcoat boys come, which at last they did, and a fine sight of charity it is indeed. we got places and staid to hear a sermon; but, it being a presbyterian one, it was so long, that after above an hour of it we went away, and i home and dined; and then my wife and i by water to the opera, and there saw "the bondman" most excellently acted; and though we had seen it so often, yet i never liked it better than to-day, ianthe acting cleora's part very well now roxalana is gone. we are resolved to see no more plays till whitsuntide, we having been three days together. met mr. sanchy, smithes; gale, and edlin at the play, but having no great mind to spend money, i left them there. and so home and to supper, and then dispatch business, and so to bed. rd. at home and at the office all day. at night to bed. th. by barge sir george, sir williams both and i to deptford, and there fell to pay off the drake and hampshire, then to dinner, sir george to his lady at his house, and sir wm. pen to woolwich, and sir w. batten and i to the tavern, where much company came to us and our dinner, and somewhat short by reason of their taking part away with them. then to pay the rest of the hampshire and the paradox, and were at it till at night, and so by night home by barge safe, and took tom hater with some that the clerks had to carry home along with us in the barge, the rest staying behind to pay tickets, but came home after us that night. so being come home, to bed. i was much troubled to-day to see a dead man lie floating upon the waters, and had done (they say) these four days, and nobody takes him up to bury him, which is very barbarous. th. at the office till almost noon, and then broke up. then came sir g. carteret, and he and i walked together alone in the garden, taking notice of some faults in the office, particularly of sir w. batten's, and he seemed to be much pleased with me, and i hope will be the ground of a future interest of mine in him, which i shall be glad of. then with my wife abroad, she to the wardrobe and there dined, and i to the exchange and so to the wardrobe, but they had dined. after dinner my wife and the two ladies to see my aunt wight, and thence met me at home. from thence (after sir w. batten and i had viewed our houses with a workman in order to the raising of our roofs higher to enlarge our houses) i went with them by coach first to moorfields and there walked, and thence to islington and had a fine walk in the fields there, and so, after eating and drinking, home with them, and so by water with my wife home, and after supper to bed. th (lord's day). by water to white hall, to sir g. carteret, to give him an account of the backwardness of the ships we have hired to portugall: at which he is much troubled. thence to the chappell, and there, though crowded, heard a very honest sermon before the king by a canon of christ church, upon these words, "having a form of godliness, but denying," &c. among other things, did much insist upon the sin of adultery: which methought might touch the king, and the more because he forced it into his sermon, methinks, besides his text. so up and saw the king at dinner; and thence with sir g. carteret to his lodgings to dinner, with him and his lady, where i saluted her, and was well received as a stranger by her; she seems a good lady, and all their discourse, which was very much, was upon their sufferings and services for the king. yet not without some trouble, to see that some that had been much bound to them, do now neglect them; and others again most civil that have received least from them: and i do believe that he hath been a good servant to the king. thence to walk in the park, where the king and duke did walk round the park. after i was tired i went and took boat to milford stairs, and so to graye's inn walks, the first time i have been there this year, and it is very pleasant and full of good company. when tired i walked to the wardrobe, and there staid a little with my lady, and so by water from paul's wharf (where my boat staid for me), home and supped with my wife with sir w. pen, and so home and to bed. th. by water to whitehall and thence to westminster, and staid at the parliament-door long to speak with mr. coventry, which vexed me. thence to the lords' house, and stood within the house, while the bishops and lords did stay till the chancellor's coming, and then we were put out, and they to prayers. there comes a bishop; and while he was rigging himself, he bid his man listen at the door, whereabout in the prayers they were but the man told him something, but could not tell whereabouts it was in the prayers, nor the bishop neither, but laughed at the conceit; so went in: but, god forgive me! i did tell it by and by to people, and did say that the man said that they were about something of saving their souls, but could not tell whereabouts in the prayers that was. i sent in a note to my lord privy seal, and he came out to me; and i desired he would make another deputy for me, because of my great business of the navy this month; but he told me he could not do it without the king's consent, which vexed me. so to dr. castle's, and there did get a promise from his clerk that his master should officiate for me to-morrow. thence by water to tom's, and there with my wife took coach and to the old exchange, where having bought six large holland bands, i sent her home, and myself found out my uncle wight and mr. rawlinson, and with them went to the tatter's house to dinner, and there had a good dinner of cold meat and good wine, but was troubled in my head after the little wine i drank, and so home to my office, and there did promise to drink no more wine but one glass a meal till whitsuntide next upon any score. mrs. bowyer and her daughters being at my house i forbore to go to them, having business and my head disturbed, but staid at my office till night, and then to walk upon the leads with my wife, and so to my chamber and thence to bed. the great talk is, that the spaniards and the hollanders do intend to set upon the portuguese by sea, at lisbon, as soon as our fleet is come away; and by that means our fleet is not likely to come yet these two months or three; which i hope is not true. th. up very early and to my office, and there continued till noon. so to dinner, and in comes uncle fenner and the two joyces. i sent for a barrel of oysters and a breast of veal roasted, and were very merry; but i cannot down with their dull company and impertinent. after dinner to the office again. so at night by coach to whitehall, and mr. coventry not being there i brought my business of the office to him, it being almost dark, and so came away and took up my wife. by the way home and on ludgate hill there being a stop i bought two cakes, and they were our supper at home. th. sir george carteret, sir williams both and myself all the morning at the office passing the victualler's accounts, and at noon to dinner at the dolphin, where a good chine of beef and other good cheer. at dinner sir george showed me an account in french of the great famine, which is to the greatest extremity in some part of france at this day, which is very strange. [on the th of june following, louis, notwithstanding the scarcity, gave that splendid carousal in the court before the tuileries, from which the place has ever since taken its name.--b.] so to the exchange, mrs. turner (who i found sick in bed), and several other places about business, and so home. supper and to bed. th. to westminster with the two sir williams by water, and did several businesses, and so to the wardrobe with mr. moore to dinner. yesterday came col. talbot with letters from portugall, that the queen is resolved to embarque for england this week. thence to the office all the afternoon. my lord windsor came to us to discourse of his affairs, and to take his leave of us; he being to go governor of jamaica with this fleet that is now going. late at the office. home with my mind full of business. so to bed. th. up early to my lute and a song, then about six o'clock with sir w. pen by water to deptford; and among the ships now going to portugall with men and horse, to see them dispatched. so to greenwich; and had a fine pleasant walk to woolwich, having in our company captn. minnes, with whom i was much pleased to hear him talk in fine language, but pretty well for all that. among other things, he and the other captains that were with us tell me that negros drowned look white and lose their blackness, which i never heard before. at woolwich, up and down to do the same business; and so back to greenwich by water, and there while something is dressing for our dinner, sir william and i walked into the park, where the king hath planted trees and made steps in the hill up to the castle, which is very magnificent. so up and down the house, which is now repayring in the queen's lodgings. so to dinner at the globe, and captain lambert of the duke's pleasure boat came to us and dined with us, and were merry, and so home, and i in the evening to the exchange, and spoke with uncle wight, and so home and walked with my wife on the leads late, and so the barber came to me, and so to bed very weary, which i seldom am. th. at the office all the morning, where, among other things, being provoked by some impertinence of sir w. batten's, i called him unreasonable man, at which he was very angry and so was i, but i think we shall not much fall out about it. after dinner to several places about business, and so home and wrote letters at my office, and one to mr. coventry about business, and at the close did excuse my not waiting on him myself so often as others do for want of leisure. so home and to bed. th (lord's day). in the morning to paul's, where i heard a pretty good sermon, and thence to dinner with my lady at the wardrobe; and after much talk with her after dinner, i went to the temple to church, and there heard another: by the same token a boy, being asleep, fell down a high seat to the ground, ready to break his neck, but got no hurt. thence to graye's inn walkes; and there met mr. pickering and walked with him two hours till o'clock till i was quite weary. his discourse most about the pride of the duchess of york; and how all the ladies envy my lady castlemaine. he intends to go to portsmouth to meet the queen this week; which is now the discourse and expectation of the town. so home, and no sooner come but sir w. warren comes to me to bring me a paper of field's (with whom we have lately had a great deal of trouble at the office), being a bitter petition to the king against our office for not doing justice upon his complaint to us of embezzlement of the king's stores by one turpin. i took sir william to sir w. pen's (who was newly come from walthamstow), and there we read it and discoursed, but we do not much fear it, the king referring it to the duke of york. so we drank a glass or two of wine, and so home and i to bed, my wife being in bed already. th. being weary last night i lay very long in bed to-day, talking with my wife, and persuaded her to go to brampton, and take sarah with her, next week, to cure her ague by change of ayre, and we agreed all things therein. we rose, and at noon dined, and then we to the paynter's, and there sat the last time for my little picture, which i hope will please me. then to paternoster row to buy things for my wife against her going. so home and walked upon the leads with my wife, and whether she suspected anything or no i know not, but she is quite off of her going to brampton, which something troubles me, and yet all my design was that i might the freer go to portsmouth when the rest go to pay off the yards there, which will be very shortly. but i will get off if i can. so to supper and to bed. th. at the office all the morning. dined at home. again at the office in the afternoon to despatch letters and so home, and with my wife, by coach, to the new exchange, to buy her some things; where we saw some new-fashion pettycoats of sarcenett, with a black broad lace printed round the bottom and before, very handsome, and my wife had a mind to one of them, but we did not then buy one. but thence to mr. bowyer's, thinking to have spoke to them for our sarah to go to huntsmore for a while to get away her ague, but we had not opportunity to do it, and so home and to bed. th. up early and took my physique; it wrought all the morning well. at noon dined, and all the afternoon, mr. hater to that end coming to me, he and i did go about my abstracting all the contracts made in the office since we came into it. so at night to bed. th. to mr. holliard's in the morning, thinking to be let blood, but he was gone out. so to white hall, thinking to have had a seal at privy seal, but my lord did not come, and so i walked back home and staid within all the afternoon, there being no office kept to-day, but in the evening sir w. batten sent for me to tell me that he had this day spoke to the duke about raising our houses, and he hath given us leave to do it, at which, being glad, i went home merry, and after supper to bed. th. this morning sending the boy down into the cellar for some beer i followed him with a cane, and did there beat him for his staying of awards and other faults, and his sister came to me down and begged for him. so i forebore, and afterwards, in my wife's chamber, did there talk to jane how much i did love the boy for her sake, and how much it do concern to correct the boy for his faults, or else he would be undone. so at last she was well pleased. this morning sir g. carteret, sir w. batten and i met at the office, and did conclude of our going to portsmouth next week, in which my mind is at a great loss what to do with my wife, for i cannot persuade her to go to brampton, and i am loth to leave her at, home. all the afternoon in several places to put things in order for my going. at night home and to bed. th. this morning, before we sat, i went to aldgate; and at the corner shop, a draper's, i stood, and did see barkestead, okey, and corbet, drawn towards the gallows at tiburne; and there they were hanged and quartered. they all looked very cheerful; but i hear they all die defending what they did to the king to be just; which is very strange. so to the office and then home to dinner, and captain david lambert came to take his leave of me, he being to go back to tangier there to lie. then abroad about business, and in the evening did get a bever, an old one, but a very good one, of sir w. batten, for which i must give him something; but i am very well pleased with it. so after writing by the post to bed. th (lord's day). my intention being to go this morning to white hall to hear south, my lord chancellor's chaplain, the famous preacher and oratour of oxford, (who the last lord's day did sink down in the pulpit before the king, and could not proceed,) it did rain, and the wind against me, that i could by no means get a boat or coach to carry me; and so i staid at paul's, where the judges did all meet, and heard a sermon, it being the first sunday of the term; but they had a very poor sermon. so to my lady's and dined, and so to white hall to sir g. carteret, and so to the chappell, where i challenged my pew as clerk of the privy seal and had it, and then walked home with mr. blagrave to his old house in the fishyard, and there he had a pretty kinswoman that sings, and we did sing some holy things, and afterwards others came in and so i left them, and by water through the bridge (which did trouble me) home, and so to bed. st: this morning i attempted to persuade my wife in bed to go to brampton this week, but she would not, which troubles me, and seeing that i could keep it no longer from her, i told her that i was resolved to go to portsmouth to-morrow. sir w. batten goes to chatham to-day, and will be back again to come for portsmouth after us on thursday next. i went to westminster and several places about business. then at noon dined with my lord crew; and after dinner went up to sir thos. crew's chamber, who is still ill. he tells me how my lady duchess of richmond and castlemaine had a falling out the other day; and she calls the latter jane shore, and did hope to see her come to the same end that she did. coming down again to my lord, he told me that news was come that the queen is landed; at which i took leave, and by coach hurried to white hall, the bells ringing in several places; but i found there no such matter, nor anything like it. so i went by appointment to anthony joyce's, where i sat with his wife and matt. joyce an hour or two, and so her husband not being at home, away i went and in cheapside spied him and took him into the coach. home, and there i found my lady jemimah, and anne, and madamoiselle come to see my wife, whom i left, and to talk with joyce about a project i have of his and my joyning, to get some money for my brother tom and his kinswoman to help forward with her portion if they should marry. i mean in buying of tallow of him at a low rate for the king, and tom should have the profit; but he tells me the profit will be considerable, at which i was troubled, but i have agreed with him to serve some in my absence. he went away, and then came mr. moore and sat late with me talking about business, and so went away and i to bed. nd. after taking leave of my wife, which we could hardly do kindly, because of her mind to go along with me, sir w. pen and i took coach and so over the bridge to lambeth, w. bodham and tom hewet going as clerks to sir w. pen, and my will for me. here we got a dish of buttered eggs, and there staid till sir g. carteret came to us from white hall, who brought dr. clerke with him, at which i was very glad, and so we set out, and i was very much pleased with his company, and were very merry all the way . . . . we came to gilford and there passed our time in the garden, cutting of sparagus for supper, the best that ever i eat in my life but in the house last year. supped well, and the doctor and i to bed together, calling cozens from his name and my office. d. up early, and to petersfield, and there dined well; and thence got a countryman to guide us by havant, to avoid going through the forest; but he carried us much out of the way, and upon our coming we sent away an express to sir w. batten to stop his coming, which i did project to make good my oath, that my wife should come if any of our wives came, which my lady batten did intend to do with her husband. the doctor and i lay together at wiard's, the chyrurgeon's, in portsmouth, his wife a very pretty woman. we lay very well and merrily; in the morning, concluding him to be of the eldest blood and house of the clerkes, because that all the fleas came to him and not to me. th. up and to sir g. carteret's lodgings at mrs. stephens's, where we keep our table all the time we are here. thence all of us to the pay-house; but the books not being ready, we went to church to the lecture, where there was my lord ormond and manchester, and much london company, though not so much as i expected. here we had a very good sermon upon this text: "in love serving one another;" which pleased me very well. no news of the queen at all. so to dinner; and then to the pay all the afternoon. then w. pen and i walked to the king's yard, and there lay at mr. tippets's, where exceeding well treated. th. all the morning at portsmouth, at the pay, and then to dinner, and again to the pay; and at night got the doctor to go lie with me, and much pleased with his company; but i was much troubled in my eyes, by reason of the healths i have this day been forced to drink. th. sir george' and i, and his clerk mr. stephens, and mr. holt our guide, over to gosport; and so rode to southampton. in our way, besides my lord southampton's' parks and lands, which in one view we could see l , per annum, we observed a little church-yard, where the graves are accustomed to be all sowed with sage. [gough says, "it is the custom at this day all over wales to strew the graves, both within and without the church, with green herbs, branches of box, flowers, rushes, and flags, for one year, after which such as can afford it lay down a stone."--brand's popular antiquities, edited w. c. hazlitt, vol. ii., p. .] at southampton we went to the mayor's and there dined, and had sturgeon of their own catching the last week, which do not happen in twenty years, and it was well ordered. they brought us also some caveare, which i attempted to order, but all to no purpose, for they had neither given it salt enough, nor are the seedes of the roe broke, but are all in berryes. the towne is one most gallant street, and is walled round with stone, &c., and bevis's picture upon one of the gates; many old walls of religious houses, and the key, well worth seeing. after dinner to horse again, being in nothing troubled but the badness of my hat, which i borrowed to save my beaver. home by night and wrote letters to london, and so with sir w. pen to the dock to bed. th (sunday). sir w. pen got trimmed before me, and so took the coach to portsmouth to wait on my lord steward to church, and sent the coach for me back again. so i rode to church, and met my lord chamberlain upon the walls of the garrison, who owned and spoke to me. i followed him in the crowd of gallants through the queen's lodgings to chappell; the rooms being all rarely furnished, and escaped hardly being set on fire yesterday. at chappell we had a most excellent and eloquent sermon. and here i spoke and saluted mrs. pierce, but being in haste could not learn of her where her lodgings are, which vexes me. thence took ned pickering to dinner with us, and the two marshes, father and son, dined with us, and very merry. after dinner sir w. batten and i, the doctor, and ned pickering by coach to the yard, and there on board the swallow in the dock hear our navy chaplain preach a sad sermon, full of nonsense and false latin; but prayed for the right honourable the principal officers. [principal officers of the navy, of which body pepys was one as clerk of the acts.] after sermon took him to mr. tippets's to drink a glass of wine, and so at back again by coach to portsmouth, and then visited the mayor, mr. timbrell, our anchor-smith, who showed us the present they have for the queen; which is a salt-sellar of silver, the walls christall, with four eagles and four greyhounds standing up at the top to bear up a dish; which indeed is one of the neatest pieces of plate that ever i saw, and the case is very pretty also. [a salt-cellar answering this description is preserved at the tower.] this evening came a merchantman in the harbour, which we hired at london to carry horses to portugall; but, lord! what running there was to the seaside to hear what news, thinking it had come from the queen. in the evening sir george, sir w. pen and i walked round the walls, and thence we two with the doctor to the yard, and so to supper and to bed. th. the doctor and i begun philosophy discourse exceeding pleasant. he offers to bring me into the college of virtuosoes--[the royal society.]--and my lord brouncker's acquaintance, and to show me some anatomy, which makes me very glad; and i shall endeavour it when i come to london. sir w. pen much troubled upon letters came last night. showed me one of dr. owen's [john owen, d.d., a learned nonconformist divine, and a voluminous theological writer, born , made dean of christ church in by the parliament, and ejected in - . he died at ealing in .] to his son,--[william penn, the celebrated quaker.]--whereby it appears his son is much perverted in his opinion by him; which i now perceive is one thing that hath put sir william so long off the hooks. by coach to the pay-house, and so to work again, and then to dinner, and to it again, and so in the evening to the yard, and supper and bed. th. at the pay all the morning, and so to dinner; and then to it again in the afternoon, and after our work was done, sir g. carteret, sir w. pen and i walked forth, and i spied mrs. pierce and another lady passing by. so i left them and went to the ladies, and walked with them up and down, and took them to mrs. stephens, and there gave them wine and sweetmeats, and were very merry; and then comes the doctor, and we carried them by coach to their lodging, which was very poor, but the best they could get, and such as made much mirth among us. so i appointed one to watch when the gates of the town were ready to be shut, and to give us notice; and so the doctor and i staid with them playing and laughing, and at last were forced to bid good night for fear of being locked into the town all night. so we walked to the yard, designing how to prevent our going to london tomorrow, that we might be merry with these ladies, which i did. so to supper and merrily to bed. th. this morning sir g. carteret came down to the yard, and there we mustered over all the men and determined of some regulations in the yard, and then to dinner, all the officers of the yard with us, and after dinner walk to portsmouth, there to pay off the success, which we did pretty early, and so i took leave of sir w. pen, he desiring to know whither i went, but i would not tell him. i went to the ladies, and there took them and walked to the mayor's to show them the present, and then to the dock, where mr. tippets made much of them, and thence back again, the doctor being come to us to their lodgings, whither came our supper by my appointment, and we very merry, playing at cards and laughing very merry till o'clock at night, and so having staid so long (which we had resolved to stay till they bade us be gone), which yet they did not do but by consent, we bade them good night, and so past the guards, and went to the doctor's lodgings, and there lay with him, our discourse being much about the quality of the lady with mrs. pierce, she being somewhat old and handsome, and painted and fine, and had a very handsome maid with her, which we take to be the marks of a bawd. but mrs. pierce says she is a stranger to her and met by chance in the coach, and pretends to be a dresser. her name is eastwood. so to sleep in a bad bed about one o'clock in the morning. this afternoon after dinner comes mr. stephenson, one of the burgesses of the town, to tell me that the mayor and burgesses did desire my acceptance of a burgess-ship, and were ready at the mayor's to make me one. so i went, and there they were all ready, and did with much civility give me my oath, and after the oath, did by custom shake me all by the hand. so i took them to a tavern and made them drink, and paying the reckoning, went away. they having first in the tavern made mr. waith also a burgess, he coming in while we were drinking. it cost me a piece in gold to the town clerk, and s. to the bayliffes, and spent s. etext editor's bookmarks: after taking leave of my wife, which we could hardly do kindly agreed at l a year (she would not serve under) all the fleas came to him and not to me badge of slavery upon the whole people (taxes) did much insist upon the sin of adultery discoursed much against a man's lying with his wife in lent fearing that sarah would continue ill, wife and i removed parliament hath voted s. per annum for every chimney in england peruques of hair, as the fashion now is for ladies to wear raising of our roofs higher to enlarge our houses see a dead man lie floating upon the waters sermon; but, it being a presbyterian one, it was so long to mr. holliard's in the morning, thinking to be let blood up early and took my physique; it wrought all the morning well whether he would have me go to law or arbitracon with him whether she suspected anything or no i know not [transcriber's note: obvious printer's errors have been corrected. hyphenation and accentuation have been standardised, all other inconsistencies are as in the original. the author's spelling has been maintained. page : the word "of" has been added in "if the army of the potomac".] diary, from november , , to october , . by adam gurowski. volume second. new-york: _carleton, publisher, broadway._ mdccclxiv. entered according to act of congress, in the year , by geo. w. carleton, in the clerk's office of the district court for the southern district of new york. of all the peoples known in history, the american people most readily forgets yesterday; i publish this diary in order to recall yesterday to the memory of my countrymen. gurowski. washington, october, . contents. november, . secretary chase -- french mediation -- the decembriseur -- diplomatic bendings. december, . president's message -- political position -- fredericksburgh -- fog -- accident -- crisis in the cabinet -- secretary chase -- burnside -- halleck -- the butchers -- the lickspittle republican press -- war committee patriots -- youth -- people -- ring out. january, . proclamation -- parade -- halleck -- diplomats -- herodians -- inspired men -- war powers -- rosecrans -- butler -- seward -- doctores constitutionis -- hogarth -- rhetors -- european enemies -- second sight -- senator wright, the patriot -- populus romanus -- future historian -- english people -- gen. mitchel -- hooker in command -- staffs -- arming africo-americans -- thurlow weed, &c. february, . the problems before the people -- the circassian -- department of state and international laws -- foresight -- patriot stanton and the rats -- honest conventions -- sanitary commission -- harper's ferry -- john brown -- the yellow book -- the republican party -- epitaph -- prize courts -- suum cuique -- academy of sciences -- democratic rank and file, etc. march, . press -- ethics -- president's powers -- seward's manifestoes -- cavalry -- letters of marque -- halleck -- sigel -- fighting -- mcdowell -- schalk -- hooker -- etat major-general -- gold -- cloaca maxima -- alliance -- burnside -- halleckiana -- had we but generals, how often lee could have been destroyed, etc. april, . lord lyons -- blue book -- diplomats -- butler -- franklin -- bancroft -- homunculi -- fetishism -- committee on the conduct of the war -- non-intercourse -- peterhoff -- sultan's firman -- seward -- halleck -- race -- capua -- feint -- letter-writing -- england -- russia -- american revolution -- renovation -- women -- monroe doctrine, etc. may, . advance -- crossing -- chancellorsville -- hooker -- staff -- lee -- jackson -- stunned -- suggestions -- meade -- swinton -- la fayette -- happy grant -- rosecrans -- halleck -- foote -- elections -- re-elections -- tracks -- seward -- , etc. june, . banks -- "the enemy crippled" -- count zeppelin -- hooker -- stanton -- "give him a chance" -- mr. lincoln's looks -- rappahannock -- slaughter -- north invaded -- "to be stirred up" -- blasphemous curtin -- banquetting -- groping -- retaliation -- foote -- hooker -- seward -- panama -- chase -- relieved -- meade -- nobody's fault -- staffs, etc. july, . eneas -- anchises -- general warren -- aldie -- general pleasanton -- superior mettle -- gettysburgh -- cholera morbus -- vicksburgh -- army of heroes -- apotheosis -- "not name the generals" -- indian warfare -- politicians -- spittoons -- riots -- council of war -- lords and lordlings -- williamsport -- shame -- wadsworth -- "to meet the empress eugénie," etc. august, . stanton -- twenty thousand -- canadians -- peterhoff -- coffey -- initiation -- electioneering -- reports -- grant -- mcclellan -- belligerent rights -- menagerie -- watson -- jury -- democrats -- bristles -- "where is stanton?" -- "fight the monster" -- chasiana -- luminaries -- ballistic -- political economy, etc. september, . jeff davis -- incubuerunt -- o, youth! -- lucubrations -- genuine europe -- it is forgotten -- fremont -- prof. draper -- new yorkers -- senator sumner's gauntlet -- prince gortschakoff -- governor andrew -- new englanders -- re-elections -- loyalty -- cruizers -- matamoras -- hurrah for lincoln -- rosecrans -- strategy -- sabine pass, etc. october, . aghast -- firing -- supported -- russian fleet -- opposition -- amor scelerated -- cautious -- mastiffs -- _grande guerre_ -- manoeuvring -- tambour battant -- warning, etc. diary. november, . secretary chase -- french mediation -- the decembriseur -- diplomatic bendings. _november ._--in the street a soldier offered to sell me the pay already several months overdue to him. as i could not help him, as gladly i would have done, being poor, he sold it to a curb-stone broker, a street note-shaver. i need not say that the poor soldier sustained a loss of twenty-five per cent. by the operation! he wanted to send the money home to his poor wife and children; yet one fourth of it was thus given into the hands of a stay-at-home speculator. alas, for me! i could not save the poor fellow from the remorseless shaver, but i could and did join him in a very energetic cursing of chase, that at once pompous and passive patriot. this induced me to enter upon a further and more particular investigation, and i found that hundreds of similar cases were of almost daily occurrence; and that this cheating of the soldiers out of their nobly and patriotically earned pay, may quite fairly be denounced as rather the rule than as the exception. the army is unpaid! unspeakable infamy! before,--long before the intellectually poor occupant of the white house, long before _any_ civil employé, big or little, the army ought to be paid. common humanity, common sense, and sound policy affirm this; and common decency, to say nothing about chivalric feelings, adds that when paymasters are sent to the army at all, their first payments should be made to the rank and file; the generals and their subordinate officers to be paid, not before, but afterwards. oh! for the congress, for the congress to meet once again! my hope is in the congress, to resist, and sternly put an end to, such heaven-defying and man-torturing injustice as now braves the curses of outraged men, and the anger of god. how this pompous chase disappoints every one, even those who at first were inclined to be even weakly credulous and hopeful of his official career. and why is stanton silent? he ought to roar. as for lincoln--he, ah! * * * * the curses of all the books of all the prophets be upon the culprits who have thus compelled our gallant and patriotic soldiery to mingle their tears with their own blood and the blood of the enemy! _nov. ._--again seward assures lord lyons that the national troubles will soon be over, and that the general affairs of the country "stand where he wanted them." seward's crew circulate in the most positive terms, that the country will be pacified by the state department! england, moved by the state papers and official notes--england, officially and non-officially, will stop the iron-clads, built and launched in english ports and harbors for the use of the rebels, and for the annoyance and injury of the united states. england, these americans say, england, no doubt, has said some hard words, and has been guilty of some detestably treacherous actions; but all will probably be settled by the benign influence of mr. seward's despatches, which, as everyone knows, are perfectly irresistible. how the wily palmerston must chuckle in downing street. the difference between seward and a real statesman, is this: that a statesman is always, and very wisely, chary about committing himself in writing, and only does it when compelled by absolutely irresistible circumstances, or by temptations brilliant enough to overrule all other considerations; for, such a statesman never for one moment forgets or disregards the old adage which saith that "_verba volant, scripta manent_." but seward, on the contrary, literally revels in a flood of ink, and fancies that the more he writes, the greater statesman he becomes. at the beginning of this month, i wrote to the french minister, m. mercier, a friendly and respectful note, warning him against meddling with politicians and busybodies. i told him that, before he could even suspect it, such men would bring his name before the public in a way neither pleasant nor profitable to him. m. mercier took it in good part, and cordially thanked me for my advice. _nov. ._--burnside means well, and has a good heart; but something more is required to make a capable captain, more especially in such times as those in which we are living. it is said that his staff is well organized; god be praised for that, if it really is so. in that case, burnside will be the first among the loudly-lauded and self-conceited west-point men, forcibly to impress both the military and the civilian mind in america, with a wholesome consciousness of the paramount importance to an army of a thoroughly competent and trustworthy staff. the division of the army into three grand corps is good; it is at once wise and well-timed, following the example set by napoleon, when he invaded russia in . if his subordinate generals will but do well, i have entire confidence in hooker. he is the man for the time and for the place. as a fighting man, sumner is fully and unquestionably reliable; but i have my doubts about franklin. he is cold, calculating, and ambitious, and he has the especially bad quality of being addicted to the alternate blowing of hot and cold. burnside did a good thing in confiding to general siegel a separate command. the _new york times_ begins to mend its bad ways; but how long will it continue in the better path? _nov. ._--england stirs up and backs up rebellion and disunion here; but, in europe, for the sake of the unity of barbarism, islamism, and turkey, england throttles, and manacles, and lays prostrate beneath the feet of the osmanli, the greeks, the sclavi, the heroic montenegrins. england is the very incarnation of a treachery and a perfidy previously unexampled in the history of the world. the _punica fides_, so fiercely denounced and so bitterly satirized by the historians and poets of old rome, was truthful if compared to the _fides anglica_ of our own day. _nov. ._--our army seems to be massed so as to be able to wedge itself in between jackson in the valley and lee at gordonsville. by a bold manoeuvre, each of them could be separately attacked, and, i firmly believe, destroyed. but, unfortunately, boldness and manoeuvre, that highest gift, that supreme inspiration of the consummate captain, have no abiding place in the bemuddled brains of the west-pointers, who are a dead weight and drag-chain upon the victimised and humiliated army of the potomac. _nov. ._--the army is stuck fast in the mud, and the march towards fredericksburgh is not at all unlikely to end in smoke. there seems to be an utter absence of executive energy. why not mask our movements before gordonsville from the observation of lee? or, if preferable, what is to hinder the interposition of _un rideau vivant_, a _living curtain_, in the form of a false attack, a feint in considerable force, behind which the whole army might be securely thrown across the rappahannock, by which at least two days' march would be gained on lee, and our troops would be on the direct line for fredericksburg, if fredericksburg is really to be the base for future operations. in this way, the army would have marched against fredericksburg on both sides of the river. or, supposing those plans to be rejected, why not throw a whole army corps at once, say , to , strong, across the rappahannock. on either plan, i repeat it, at least two days' march would have been stolen upon lee; three or four days of forced marches would have been healthy for our army, and a bloodless victory would have been obtained by the taking of the seemingly undefended fredericksburg. a dense cloud enveloped this whole enterprise, and it is not even improbable, that the campaign may become a dead failure even before it has accomplished the half of its projected and loudly vaunted course. but bold conceptions, and energetic movements to match them, are just about as possible to halleck or burnside as railroad speed to the tedious tortoise. _nov. ._--oh! so louis napoleon could not keep quiet. he offers his mediation, which, in plain english, means his moral support to the south. oh! that enemy to the whole human race. that _decembriseur_.[ ] our military slowness, if nothing else is the matter, our administrative and governmental helplessness, and seward's lying and all-confusing foreign policy have encouraged foreign impertinence and foreign meddling. i have all along anticipated them as an at least very possible result of the above mentioned causes. [see vol. i of the diary.] nevertheless, i scarcely expected such results to appear so soon. perhaps this same impertinent french action may prove a second french _faux pas_, to follow in the wake of the first and very egregious _faux pas_ in mexico. the best that we can say for the _decembriseur_ is, that he is getting old. england refuses to join in his at once wild and atrocious schemes, and makes a very tomfool of the bloody fox of the tuileries. my, russia--ah! i am very confident of that--will refuse to join in the dirty and treacherous conspiracy for the preservation of slavery. well for mediation. but mr. _decembriseur_, what think you and your diplomatic lackeys; what judgment and what determination do you and they form as to the terms and the termination, too, of your diabolical scheme? descend, sir, from your shilly-shally generalities and verbal fallacies. is it to be a commercial union, this hobby of your minister here? what is it; let us in all plainness of speech know what it is that you really and positively intend. propound to us the plain meaning and scope of your imperial proposition. [footnote : the men who, in the great french revolution, and under the leadership of danton and of the municipality of paris, massacred the political prisoners in september, , are recorded in history under the name of _septembriseurs_. louis napoleon may no less justly be called the _decembriseur_, from that frightful massacre on the nd of december, from which he dates his despotism.] _nov. ._--lee, with his army, marches or marched on the south side of the river, in a parallel to the line of burnside on the north side of the river, and jackson quietly, but quickly follows. they are at fredericksburg, and our army looms up, calm, but stern; still, but defiant and menacing. i heartily wish that burnside may be successful, and that i may prove to have been a false prophet. but the great _fatum_, fate, seems to declare against burnside, and fate generally takes sides with bold conceptions and their energetic execution. _nov. ._--the french despatch-scheme reads very like a washington concoction, and does not at all bear the marks of parisian origin. i find in it whole phrases which, for months past, i have repeatedly heard from the french minister here. perhaps mr. mercier, in his turn, may have caught many of mr. seward's much-cherished generalities, unintelligible, very probably, even to himself, and quite certainly so to every one but himself. perhaps, i say, mr. mercier may have caught up some of them, and making them up at hap-hazard into a _macedoine_, a hash, a hotch-potch, has served up the second-hand and heterogeneous mess to his master in paris. the despatch expresses the fear of a servile war; this may very well have been copied from mr. seward's despatch to mr. adams, (may, ,) wherein seward attempted to frighten england by a prophecy of a servile war in this country. _nov. ._--mr. seward semi-officially and conveniently accepts the french impudence. computing the time and space, the scheme corresponds with mcclellan's inactivity after antietam, and with the raising of the banner of the copperheads. i spoke of this before, (see diary for november and december, , in vol. i.) and repeatedly warned stanton. _nov. ._--mercier, the french diplomat, rapidly gravitates towards the copperheads--democrats. is he acting thus _in obedience to orders_? after all, some of the diplomats here, and especially those of what call themselves the "three great powers," almost openly sympathize and side with secessionists, and patronize copperheads, traitors, and spies. the exceptions to this rule are but few; strictly speaking, indeed, i should except only one young man. some diplomats justify this conduct on the plea that the republican congressmen are "great bores," who will not play at cards, or dine and drink copiously; accomplishments in which the secesh was so pre-eminent as to win his way to the inner depths of the diplomatic heart. the people, i am sure, will heartily applaud those of its representatives for thus incurring the contempt of dissipated diplomats. some persons maintain that stanton breaks down, perhaps that he suffers, physically as well as mentally, from his necessitated contact with his official colleagues and his and their persistent, inevitable and inexorable hangers-on and supplicants. i do not perceive the alleged failure of his health or powers, and i do not believe it; but assuredly, it were no marvel if such really were the case. it must be an adamantine constitution and temper that could long bear with impunity the daily contact with a lincoln, a seward, a halleck, and others less noted, indeed, but not the less contagious. december, president's message -- political position -- fredericksburgh -- fog -- accident -- crisis in the cabinet -- secretary chase -- burnside -- halleck -- the butchers -- the lickspittle republican press -- war committee patriots -- youth -- people -- ring out. grammarians may criticize the syntax of the president's message, and the style. it reads uneasy, forced, tortuous, and it declares that it is _impossible_ to subdue the rebels by force of arms. of course it is impossible with lincoln for president, and first mcclellan and then halleck to counterfeit the parts of the first napoleon, and the at once energetic and scientific carnot. were the great heart of the people left to itself, it would be very _possible_ and even quite easily _possible_. the message is written with an eye turned towards the democrats; they are to be satisfied with the prospect of a convention. seward puts lies into lincoln's pen, in relation to foreign nations. but all is well, in the judgment of our _great statesmen_. even the poor logic is, according to them, quite admirable. contrariwise, stanton's report corresponds to the height and the gravity of events, and is worthy alike of the writer, and of the people to whom it is addressed. _dec. ._--nearly four weeks the campaign has been opened; the enemy adds fortifications to fortifications before the very eyes of our army, yet nothing has been done towards preventing the rebels from working upon the formidable strongholds. does halleck-burnside intend to wait until the rebels shall be thoroughly prepared to repel any attack that may be made upon them? either there is foul play going on, or there is stupendous stupidity pervading the entire management. but no one sees it, or rather few, if any, wish to see it. stanton, i am quite sure, has nothing to do with the special plans of this enterprise. all is planned and ruled by lincoln, halleck and burnside. _dec. ._--the political situation to-day, may be summarily stated as follows: the republicans are confused by recent electoral defeats, and by the administrative and governmental helplessness, as exhibited every day by their leaders; the democrats, flushed with success, display an unusual activity in evil doing, and are risking everything to preserve slavery and the south from destruction. i speak of the simon-pure democrats, _alias_ copperheads, such as the woods, the seymours, the vallandighams, the coxes, the biddles, &c. the sewards and the weeds are ready for a compromise. the masses of the people, staggered by all this bewildering turmoil and impure factiousness, are nevertheless, stubbornly determined to persevere and to succeed in saving their country. _dec. ._--the european wiseacres, the would-be statesmen, whether in or out of power, especially in england, and that opprobrium of our century, the english and the franco-bonapartist press, have decided to do all that their clever brains can scheme towards preventing this noble american people from working out its mighty and beneficent destinies, and from elaborating and making more glorious than ever its own already very glorious history. as well might the brainless and heartless conspirators against human progress and human liberty endeavor to arrest the rotation of a planet by the stroke of a pickaxe. ah! mr. _decembriseur_, with your base crew of lickspittles, your pigmy, though treacherous efforts, even contending with those of the english enemies of light, and of right, your common hatred of freedom and freemen will end in being the destruction of yourself. _dec. ._--burnside complains of the manner in which he is victimised, and explains his inactivity by the fact that the war department neglected to furnish him with the necessary pontoons. how, in fact, was burnside to move a great army without pontoons? but it was the duty of halleck, and his lazy or incompetent, or traitorous staff, to have seen to the sending on of the pontoons. however, supposing burnside and _his_ staff to have as much wit as an average twelve-year-old school boy, they could have found in the army not merely hundreds, but even thousands of proficient workmen in a variety of mechanical trades, who would have constructed on the spot, and at the shortest notice, any number of bridges, pontoons, &c. oh, how little are those wiseacre generals, the conceited and swaggering west pointers; oh, how very little, if at all are they aware of the inexhaustible ingenuity and resources, the marvelous skill and power of such intelligent masses as those of which they are the unintelligent, the unsympathising and the thoroughly unblessed leaders! on a sunday, exactly four weeks back from the day which i wrote these lines, mcclellan was dismissed, and was succeeded by burnside. but, after the established mcclellan fashion, the great, great army was marched to miles, and then halts for weeks up to its knees in mud, and occupies itself in throwing up earthworks. and this is called making war! and the hallecks are great men in the sight of abraham lincoln, and of all who profess and call themselves lincolnites, and the rest stand around wondering and agape: _conticuere omnes intentique ora (asinina) tenebant._ stanton's magnificent report states that there are about , men under arms; yet this tremendous force is paralysed by the inactivity of most of the generals; those in the west, however, forming a bright and truly honorable exception. but, to be candid, how can activity and dash be expected from generals who have at their head, a shallow brained pedant like halleck? napoleon had about , men, when, in between four and five months, he marched from the rhine to moscow. yet he had the aid of no railroad, on land, no steam, that practical annihilator of distance, no electric telegraph, with which to be in all but instantaneous communication with his distant generals, and had not similar material resources. _dec. ._--mr. seward's long correspondence with mr. adams shows to europe that mr. seward imitated the rebels, and tried to frighten england with the bugbear of king cotton; and also that he has no solid and abiding convictions whatever. now, he preaches emancipation, yet, at the beginning of his _great_ diplomatic activity, he openly sided with slavery; aye, he is still willing to save it for the sake of the union, and, above all, and before all, for his own chances for the next presidency. _dec. ._--burnside has finally crossed the rappahannock. of course i do not know the respective positions. but i am sure that if the rebels have not a perfectly enormous advantage of position, and if the leading of the generals be worthy of the courage of their men, the victory must be ours. oh! were all our generals hookers, and not burnsides! general mcdowell's court of inquiry produces some strange revelations. the inquiry will not end in making a thorough general of mcdowell. he may have been somewhat unfortunate, no doubt; but his want of good fortune was at least equalled by his want of good generalship. i, and many others besides, were quite mistaken in our early estimate of mcdowell. he should not so easily have swallowed the second bull run. he should at least have been wounded, if only ever so slightly; his best friends must wish that. but to be defeated, and come out without even a scratch! what a digestion the man must have for the hardest kinds of humiliation! but neither the president nor that curse of the country, mcclellan, has great reason to plume himself much upon his share in the revelations that are made in the course of this inquiry. mcdowell himself seems to have been intended, by nature for a scheming and adroit politician. * * * * _dec. ._--the congress feels the ground, hesitates, and apparently lacks the necessary energy to come to a determination. lincoln, even such as he is, contrives to humbug most of the congressmen. well! the first of january is close at hand, and seward, the congressional cook, will concoct unpalatable and costly dishes for congressional digestion. seward is the incarnation of confusion, and of political faithlessness. i have only now discovered certain of the reasons why the battle of antietam, so bravely fought by our army, had no _ensemble_ and such marvelously poor results. burnside, with his corps, got into line many hours too late. the rebels were thus enabled to concentrate on the wing opposed to hooker and sumner, the right wing and centre of the rebels being for the time unthreatened. and that is generalship! the blame of a blunder so glaring, and in its effect so mischievous, attaches equally to burnside and to mcclellan. the victory, such as it was, was due to the subordinate generals, and to the heroic bravery of the rank and file of the army. when burnside was invested with the command of the army of the potomac, he for nearly twenty-four hours retained mcclellan in camp, with the intention of returning the command of the army to him if the rebels had attacked, as it was expected they would, during sunday and monday. _dec. ._--night. fight at fredericksburgh. no news. o god! _dec. ._--as the consequence of halleck-burnside's slowness, our troops storm positions which are said to be impregnable by nature, and still farther strengthened by artificial works. the president is even worse than i had imagined him to be. he has no earnestness, but is altogether in the hands of seward and halleck. he cannot, even in this supreme crisis, be earnest and serious for half an hour. such was the severe but terribly true verdict passed upon him by fessenden of maine. _dec. ._--slaughter and infamy! slaughter of our troops who fought like titans, though handled in a style to reflect nothing but infamy upon their commanders. when the rebel works had become impregnable, then, but not until then, our troops were hurled against them! the flower of the army has thus been butchered by the surpassing stupidity of its commanders. the details of that slaughter, and of the imbecility displayed by our officers in high command,--those details, when published, will be horrible. the lincoln-seward-halleck-influence gave burnside the command because he was to take care of the army. and how burnside has fulfilled their expectations! it seems that the best way to take care of an army is to make it victorious. my brave and patriotic wadsworth has gone in the field, also his two sons; one of them, (tick,) was at fredericksburgh, and his bravery was remarkable, even among all the heroism of that most glorious and most accursed day. how many such patriots as wadsworth, can we boast of? yet the miserable halleck had the impudence to say--"wadsworth may go wherever he pleases, even if he pleases to go to hell!" hell itself, would be too good a place for halleck; imbeciles are not admitted there! _dec. ._--the details are coming in. the disaster of our army is terrible--indescribable; the heroic people bleeds, bleeds! and all this calamity and all this suffering and humiliation, are brought on by the stupidity of burnside and halleck, or both of them. the curse of the people ought to rest for centuries upon the very names of the authors of such frightful disaster. they are fiends, yea, worse, even, than the very fiends themselves. why, even the very rabble in constantinople would storm the seraglio after such a massacre. but here--oh, here, it just reminds mr. lincoln of a little anecdote. _dec. ._--i meet with but few such as wade, grimes, chandler and other radicals in both houses of congress, who seem to feel all the heart burning and bitterness of soul at this awful fredericksburgh disaster. the real criminals, those who ought, in the agonies of a great shame, call upon the rocks and the mountains to fall upon them not, blush not, sorrow not. in many of the general public, i have no doubt that the feeling of shame and sympathy, are blunted by these repeated military calamities, and by mr. lincoln's undaunted i.......... * * * * * and men, have wept enough, for what? to weep, to weep again. _dec. ._--about ten days ago, mr. seward again sent forth to europe and to her cabinets, one of his stale, and by no means delphic oracles, predicting the success of burnside's campaign, and immediately follows a bloody and disgraceful calamity! such is always the result of seward's prophecies! a diplomat calls seward the evil eye of the cabinet, and of the country. i suggested to some of the senators that a resolution be passed prohibiting mr. seward from playing either the prophet or the fool. burnside took care of the army, no doubt, but it was of the rebel army. our soldiers have been brought by him to the block, to an easy slaughter, he himself being some few miles in the rear, and having between him the river, and the intervening miles of land. all this, however, was according to the regulations, and on the most approved halleck-mcclellan fashion of fighting great battles. _dec. ._--the disaster was inaugurated by the shelling of fredericksburgh. one hundred and forty-seven ( !) guns playing upon a few houses. it was the play of a maddened child, exhibiting in equal proportions, reckless ferocity and egregious stupidity; and it is difficult to find one dyslogistic term which will adequately describe and condemn it. from what i can already gather of the details of the attack, it may be peremptorily concluded that burnside, sumner, and above all, franklin, are utterly incompetent of a skillful and effective handling of great masses of troops. they attacked by brigades, positions so formidable, that if they could possibly be carried by any exertion of human skill and strength, they could only be carried by large masses impetuously hurled against them. franklin seems especially to have acted ill in not at once throwing in , men to be followed rapidly and again and again by , more. in that wise and only in that wise, he might possibly have broken and turned the enemy, and thrown him on his own centre. it is said that franklin had , . if so, he could easily have risked some , in the first onslaught. sixty thousand! great god! why, it is an army in itself, in the hands of a general at all deserving of that name. if those great west pointers had only even the slightest idea of military history! more battles have been fought and won with , men, and with fewer still, than with larger numbers, and at fredericksburgh franklin's force formed only a wing against an enemy whose whole army could number but little more than , . i want the reports with the full and positive details. the clear-sighted and warlike tribune discovered in burnside high, brilliant, and soldier-like qualities--admirably borne out and illustrated no doubt, by the fredericksburgh butchery! to the hospital of imbeciles with all such imbeciles! the _times_ was manly in its appreciation, and flunkeyed to no one under hand, that is, confidentially and for newspaper publication. mr. seward reveals to the world at large, that, besides his volume of pages, containing the last diplomatic correspondence, he has still an equal number of masterpieces as yet not published. what a dreadful dysentery of despatch-writing the poor man and his still more afflicted readers must labor under. the lincoln-seward policy, has rebuilt the awful democratic party, which was broken up, prostrated in the dust. lincoln--seward--weed, partially emasculated the republican party, and may even emasculate the thus far thoroughly virile and devoted patriotism of the people. a helpless imbecile in the hands of a cunning and selfish and ruthless charlatan, is the sight that daily meets our eyes in washington. general bayard, one of the slaughtered at fredericksburgh, was a true bayard of the army, and one of the very few west pointers free from conceit, that corrosive and terribly prevalent malady of the west point clique. _dec. ._--senators waking up to their duties, and to the consciousness of their power. these patriots have said to seward, _averte sathanas_, and overboard he goes, after having done as much evil as only _he_ could do. the most contradictory rumors are in circulation about stanton. i cannot find out the truth. i do not believe all that is said, but it is necessary to put the rumors on record. it is said then, that stanton stands up for the butchers and asses in the army and in his department. i believe that in all this, there is not a single word of truth; but if it were true, then i should say, stanton is ruined by bad company, and down with him and with them! _quoniam sic fata tulerunt._ but worthy senators and representatives, believe still in stanton, and so do i; only the seward-blair-mcclellan clique tears stanton's reputation to pieces. stanton seems to be, in some measure, infatuated with halleck, who, perhaps, humbugs stanton with military technicalities, which halleck so well knows how to pass current for military science. _dec. ._--the american generals, at least those in the army of the potomac, for the sake of shirking responsibility, maintain that when once in line of battle, they must rigidly abide by the orders given to them. no doubt, such is the military law and rule, but it is susceptible of exceptions. the generals of the potomac shun the exceptions, and thus deprive their action of all spontaneity. perhaps, indeed, spontaneity of action is not among their military gifts. thus we have from them, none of those _coups d'éclat_, those sudden, brilliant, and impetuously improvised dashes, which so often decide the fate of the day, and turn imminent defeat and partial panic into glorious and crowning victory. we find none such, if we except some actions of hooker and kearney, on a small scale, and at the beginning of the campaign in the chickahominy, or the peninsula. the most celebrated _coups d'éclat_ in general military history, have mostly been, so to speak, the children of inspiration, seizing time by the forelock,--thus using opportunity which sometimes exists but for a few minutes, and thus a doubtful struggle terminates in a brilliant success. at such critical moments, the commander of a wing, or a corps, nay, even a division, ought to have the courage, the lofty self-abnegation, and firm confidence in his star or good luck, and still more in the enduring pluck of his men, and boldly strike for the accomplishment of that which the "orders" have not mentioned or foreseen. such a general acts on his own inspiration, and at the same time reports to the commander-in-chief, what he has determined upon. if instead of acting thus promptly, he sends and waits for further orders, the auspicious opportunity may pass away; the decisive moments in a battle are very rapid, and a single hour lost, loses the day, or reduces the results of a victory. i respectfully submit these undeniable but much disregarded truths to the hallecks, mcclellans, mcdowells, and other great west pointers. _dec. ._--the political cesspool is deeper, broader, filthier and more feculent than ever. seward is triumphant, and the patriots have very much elongated countenances. _dec. ._--senator wilson has learned from halleck, burnside, and from some other and similarly _great_ captains, that the affair of fredericksburgh, and the recrossing of the river, brilliantly compares with the countermarchings of wagram, and with that celebrated crossing of the danube. as there is not, in reality, a single point of similitude, the comparison is well selected, and does great honor to the judgment of the military wiseacres. at all events, never was the memory of a napoleon, a massena, or a davoust, more ignominiously desecrated than by this comparison. _dec. ._--so, then, sathanas seward remains, and mr. lincoln scorns the advice of the wisest and most patriotic senators. to be snubbed by lincoln and seward, is the greatest of all possible humiliations. border-state politicians, harrises, brownings and other etceteras of grain, are the confidential advisers. political manhood is utterly, and to all seeming, irretrievably lost. stanton still holds with seward. _embrassons nous, et que cela finisse._ how brilliantly do even the very basest times of any government whatever, parliamentary, royal or despotic, compare with what i now daily see here in the capital of the great republic! since the earliest existence of political parties, rarely, if ever, has a party been in such a difficult, and, at times, even disgraceful position, as that of the patriots of both houses of congress. against the combined attacks of all stripes of traitors, such as ultra conservatives, constitutionalists, copperheads and pure and impure democrats, the patriots must defend an administration which they themselves condemn, and with the personnel of which, (stanton and wells excepted,) they have no sympathy and no identity of ideas. they must defend an administration which opposes even measures which they, the patriots, demand,--an administration which, in the recent elections, either betrayed or disgraced the whole party, and which brought into suspicion, if not into actual contempt, the name, nay, even the principles of the republicans. and thus the patriots have the dead weight to support, and are wholly unsupported. the narrow-minded and shallow republican press, has no comprehension of the difficulty of the position in which the patriots are placed; and that press, being in various ways connected with the administration, rarely, if ever, supports the patriots, and even mostly neutralises their best and noblest efforts. thus, in the move against seward, and for a reform in the cabinet, the enlightened and patriotic republican press of new york, was either persistently mute or hostile to the movement. every day i am the more firmly convinced that seward is the great stumbling block alike to mr. lincoln and the country at large. _dec, ._--utterly incapable as is mcclellan, and absolutely unfitted by nature to be a great captain as is burnside, yet i think it quite clear that neither of them would have blundered quite so terribly if he had been provided with a really competent, zealous and faithful staff, as the generals of continental europe invariably are. but it seems that here, neither the generals nor the government even desire to understand the true nature, duty, and value of the staff of an army, or what the chief of such a staff ought to know and ought to do. what, in fact, can we at all reasonably expect from a halleck! after all, however, and shallow as are his brains, this mock carnot must have read books on military science; and yet he has not learned either the use or the composition of a staff for an army! had he done so, he would have organized a staff for himself, and one for each of the commanders in the field. it is true that in this country there is no school of staffs, and west pointers are generally ignorant on that point. nevertheless, with a little good will and care, it would be easy enough to find intelligent officers of all grades fit for staff duties as arranged for staff officers in europe. but then, the necessary good will and good judgment are wanting in the head of this military organization. and this halleck, this halleck is a mere mockery, a mere sciolist, a shallow pretender to military science. he may have the capacity to translate a book, but nothing of all that he translates effects any hold upon his brain, or he would, long before now, have done something towards organising the army. a general inspector is the first necessity. then establish the necessary proportions of each arm of the service, _i. e._, of infantry, cavalry and artillery for each division. then organise the cavalry as a body. when you do this, or even a considerable part of all this, oh, sham-carnot, halleck! then your chance to be considered a military authority will be established. oh, science, oh, insulted science! how desecrated is thy name in the high places here, and especially on the right and left of the white house. and oh! you really great and intelligent american people, how ignominiously you are cheated of your blood, your time, your money, and most of all, of your so recently magnificent national reputation! what your military wiseacres show you as an organized army, would actually thrill, as with the death-shudder, any european military organizer. _dec. ._--i learn that the day following the butchery at fredericksburgh, burnside wished to renew the attack. what madness! the generals protested, and burnside, greatly exasperated, declared that at the head of his former corps, the th, he would himself storm the miniature torres vedras. if all this is true, then burnside is weaker headed than i had judged him to be; but i will not do him the injustice to say that he really intended to play a mere farce. what, in the name of common sense, could he do with a single corps, when the whole army was repulsed? i am warned by a friend, that the army of the potomac is so infected with mcclellanism, that is to say, by presumption, intriguing, envy and misconception of what is true generalship,--that the army must undergo the process of strong purification, fumigation, pruning and weeding, (and especially among the higher branches,) before it can ever again be made truly useful and reliable. _dec. ._--burnside's report. i am sure that the great luminaries of the press, and the declaimers, the intriguants and the imbeciles, will be thrown into fits of ecstatic admiration of what they will call the manly and straight-forward conduct of burnside in assuming the responsibility and confessing his own fault. but what else could he do? and if he acted thus in obedience to the orders of halleck, then instead of manliness, his conduct is almost treasonable towards the people, for in withholding the truth as to the orders given by halleck, he gives that incarnation of calamity the power to repeat the butchery and ensure the ill success of our armies. the report is altogether unsoldierly; it is fussy and inflated; a full blown specimen of the pompously inane. how can burnside venture to say that after the repulse, during three days he expected the enemy to leave his stronghold and attack him--burnside? the rebels never did anything to justify such a supposition. they are neither idiots nor madmen, and only from a mcclellan, or some bright pupils of the mcclellan school, could such imbecility, such gratuitously ruinous playing into the hands of an enemy be expected. a commander ought to be on the watch for any mistake that his antagonist may commit, but he is not justified in setting that antagonist down as an ass. for two days the army was unnecessarily kept under the guns of the enemy, that is the truth, and i will make the truth known, no matter who may try to conceal it. here, for the present, i stop in sheer and uncontrollable disgust. by and by, however, i will return to the consideration of this report. oh! american people! in so very many respects, truly great people! far, very far beyond my poor powers of expression are the great love and veneration with which ever and always i look upon you. but allow me, pray allow me to use the frank familiarity of a true friend, so far as just plainly to tell you, that even i, your sincere friend, should love you none the less, and certainly should hold you in all the greater reverence, were you not quite so ultra-favorable in judgment of your civil and military rulers and pastors and masters and nincompoops generally! further back in this diary, i termed mr. secretary chase a _passive patriot_. _peccavi._ and here let me write down my recantation! chase exerted himself for the retaining of seward in the cabinet, and it was by chase alone that the efforts of the patriots to expel seward, were baffled. and yet, from the first day of the official assemblage of this cabinet down to the day of the meeting of the present session of congress, chase was more vigorously vicious than any other living man in daily, hourly, _all the time_, denunciation of seward,--of course, behind seward's back! several insoluble problems, no doubt, there are; but there is not one thing, physical or not physical, which so completely defies any comprehension and baffles my most persistent inquiry, as just this. how, unless chase has drank of the waters of lethe, how can he possibly look, now, in the face of, for instance, fessenden of maine, to whom he has said so many bitter things against the now belauded "secretary seward!" bah! chase most certainly must have a forty-or-fifty-diplomatist power of commanding--literally and not slangishly be it spoken!--his _cheek_, if, without burning blushes he can look in the face of fessenden, sumner or any honest man and say,--"i admire and i support secretary seward!" god! if all who, during the last two years, have come into contact with chase, would but come forward and speak out! in that case, thousands would stand forth, a "cloud of witnesses," to confirm this statement. chase! faugh! i hereby brand him, and leave him to the bitter judgment of all men who can conscientiously claim to be even _half honest_. in merest and barest justice to seward, greatly as i disapprove of his general course, i must here note the fact that he is by no means addicted to evil speaking about any one. not that this reticence proceeds from scrupulous feeling or a proud stern spirit. seward, however, never speaks evil of any one unless to destroy, and to one who sympathises in that same amiable wish. to undermine a rival or to destroy an enemy, seward will expend any amount of slander; but, in the absence of personal interest, seward, though officially civilian, is, by nature, far too good and too old a soldier to waste ammunition upon worthless game. _dec. ._--why could not mr. lincoln choose for his secretary of state some man who has a holy and wholesome horror of pen, ink, and paper? some man gifted with a sound brain, who never is quick at writing a dispatch, and would demand double salary as the price of writing one? oh! mr. lincoln, had you but done this, not only would all america, but all europe also be truly thankful for great immunity from the curse of morbid attempts at diplomacy and statesmanship. _dec. ._--mr. lincoln's proclamation to the butchered army! for heaven's sake let us know, pray, _pray_ let us know who was lincoln's amanuensis? i hope it was not stanton. the army is defiled. "an accident," says this precious proclamation, "has prevented victory." _what_ accident? let the country know the precise nature of that same accident, and the manner, time, and place of its occurrence! burnside talks about a fog! oh! yes, a deep, dense terribly foul fog--in the _cerebellum_! is that the _accident_ of which the precious proclamation so impudently speaks? lincoln makes the wonderful discovery that the crossing and the recrossing of the river are quite peerless, absolutely unparallelled military achievements. happy it was for the army, and happy for the country that at fredericksburgh, our heroic soldiers gave far other and nobler proofs of more than human courage and fortitude than the mere crossing and recrossing of a river. the _tribune_ is either in its dotage, or still worse. burnside's unsoldierly blundering is compared to the great victorious splendors of asperm, esslingen, wagram, and the tyrant-crushing three days of immortal waterloo! the _tribune_ lauds the crossing and the recrossing of the river, as an act of superhuman bravery; and lincoln sympathises with the heavily wounded, and twaddles extensively about _comparative_ losses. comparative to what? oh! spirits of napoleon and his braves; oh! spirit of true history, veil your blushing brows! and the _tribune_ dares to make this impudent attempt at befogging the american people, and at the same time dares to tell that people that it is "intelligent." but let us not forget those comparative losses! comparative to what? to those of the enemy? what knows he about them? _dec. ._--crisis in the seward cabinet. the "little villain" of the _times_, repeated what he did after the first "bull run." but he did not now confess to his dining with seward, as formerly he did with the great "anaconda scott!" the new york republican press is attracted to seward by natural affinity of election. seward, however, holds the honey pot, and the flies are all eager to dip into it. i wish, yet dread to hear the exact particulars of stanton's behavior during the crisis in the cabinet. it is so very, _very_ painful to be rudely awakened to distrust of those whom once we have too implicitly, too fondly believed. lincoln has now become accustomed to seward, as the hunchback is to his protuberance. what man who has an ugly excrescence on his face does not dread the surgeon's knife, although he knows that momentary pain will be followed by permanent relief? at the public dinner of "the new england society," john van buren nominated mcclellan for next president, and proposed the health of secretary seward. _oh! quam pulchra societas!_ i am charged with being "dissatisfied with every thing, and abusing every body." the charge is unjust. i speak most lovingly and in most sincere admiration of the millions, of the great, toiling, brave, honest people, and of the hundreds of thousands of the gallant people-militant--the army! but i _do_ censure some thirty or forty individuals who dispense favors and appoint to fat offices, and, quite naturally, every dirty-souled lickspittle is indignant against me therefor! the blame of such people is far preferable to their praise! i am rejoiced, i am almost proud that hooker insisted upon crossing the rappahannock, and marching to fredericksburgh, and that he opposed the subsequent attack. but of what benefit to me is this fatal, this cassandra gift of foreseeing? alas! better, happier would it be for me could i not have foreseen and vainly, all vainly foretold, the terrible butchery of a brave people during two long and fatal years! _dec. ._--it is impossible to keep cool while reading burnside's report. once more this report justifies and corroborates prince napoleon's judgment on american generals, _i. e._, that their plan of campaigns will always be deficient in practice, like the theoretical war-exercises of schoolboys. from this sweeping and terribly true charge, however, we must except the grants and the--alas! how few!--rosecranses. the report says, "but for the fog," etc. all lost battles in the world had for cause some _buts_--except the genuine _but_--in the brains of the commander. "how near we came to accomplishing," etc.--is only a repetition of what, _ad nauseam_, is recorded by history as lamentations of defeated generals. "the battle would have been far more decisive." of course it would have been so, if--won. "as it was, we were very near success," etc. so the man who takes the chance in the lottery. he has no. , and no. wins the prize. the apostrophe to the heroism of the soldiers is sickly and pale. the heroism of the soldiers! it is as brilliant, as pure, and as certain as the sun. the attack was planned, (see paragraph of the report,) on the circumstance or supposition that the enemy extended too much his line, and thus scattered his forces. but in paragraph , burnside stated that the fog, (o, fog!) etc., gave the enemy twenty-four hours' time to concentrate his forces in his strong positions--when the calculation based on the enemy's _division of forces_ failed, and the attack lost all the chances considered propitious. the whole plan had for its basis probabilities and impossibilities--schoolroom speculations--instead of being, as it ought to have been, as every plan of a battle should be, based on the chances of the _terrain_, by the position of the enemy, and other conditions, almost wholly depending upon which the armies operate. it is natural that martial hooker objected to it. oh! could i have blood, blood, blood, instead of ink! constructing the bridge over the rappahannock, our engineers were killed in scores by the sharp-shooters of the enemy. malediction on those imbecile staffs! the _a b c_ of warfare, and of sound common sense teach, that such works are to be made either under cover of a powerful artillery fire, or, what is still better, if possible, a general sends over the river in some way, with infantry to clear its banks, and to dislodge the enemy. in such cases one engineer saved, and time won, justify the loss of almost twenty soldiers to one workman. some one finally suggested an expedition and they did at the end what ought to have been done at the start. o west point! thy science is marvellous! the staff treated the construction of a bridge over the rappahannock as if it were building some railroad bridge, in times of peace! i am told that stanton took sides with seward. i deny it; stanton remained rather passive. but were it true that stanton, too, is _sewardized_,--then, oh mud, how powerful thou art! in boston, the b.s and curtises, and all of that kidney, make a great fuss and invoke the name of webster. if so, they are only _excrementa websteriana_. _dec. ._--patriots in both houses of congress! your efforts to put the conduct of the national affairs in honorable hands, and on honorable tracks, to prevent the very life blood of the people from being sacrilegiously wasted, to prevent the people's wealth from being recklessly squandered; your efforts to introduce order and spirit in certain parts of a spiritless administration, to fill the higher and inferior offices with men whose hearts and minds are in the cause, and to expel therefrom, if not absolute disloyalty, at least, the most criminal indifference to the people's cause and welfare; your efforts to make us speak to europe like men of sense, and not in the senseless oracles which justly evoke the scorn and the sneers of all european statesmen; all these your efforts as patriots rebounded against a nameless stubbornness. nevertheless you fulfilled a noble, sacred and patriotic duty. whatever be to-day the outcry of the flatfoots, lickspittles, intriguers, imbeciles; whatever be the subserviency or want of civic courage in the public press--when all these stinking, suffocating, deleterious vapors shall be destroyed by the ever-living light of truth, then the grateful people will bless your names, which, pure and luminous, will shine high above the stupidity, conceit, heartlessness, turpitude, selfish ambition, indirect and direct treason darkening now the national horizon. _dec. ._--_christmas._ the angel of death hovers over thousands and thousands of hearths. thousands and thousands of families in tears and shrouds. communities, villages, huts and log-houses, nursing their crippled, invalid, patriotic heroes! a year ago, all was quiet on the _potomac_--now all is quiet on the _rappahannock_. what a progress we have made in a year! and at the small, insignificant cost of about sixty to eighty thousand killed or crippled, and of one thousand millions of dollars! but it matters not! the quietude of the official butchers and money squanderers is, and must remain undisturbed in their mansions, whatever be the moral leprosy dwelling therein! a young man from new england, (whom i saw for the first time,) told me that my diary stirred up the youth. oh, if so, then i feel happy. youth! youth! you are all the promise and the realization! but why do you suffer yourselves to be crushed down by the upper-crust of senile nincompoops? oh youth, arise, and sun-like penetrate through and through the magnitude of the work to be accomplished, and save the cause of humanity! _dec. ._--as it was and is in all revolutions and upheavals, so here. a part of the people constitute the winners, in various ways, (through shoddy names, jobs, positions, etc.) while the immense majority bleeds and sacrifices. here many people left poorly salaried desks, railroads, shops, &c. to become great men but poor statesmen, cursed generals, and mischief-makers in every possible way and manner. the people's true children abandoned homes, families, honest pursuits of an industrious and laborious life--in one word, their all, to bleed, to be butcherer, to die in the country's cause. the former are the winners, the sacrificers, and the butchers; the second are the victims. the evidence before the war committee shows, to a most disgusting satiety, that general halleck is exclusively a red-tapist, and a small pettifogger, who is unworthy to be even a non-commissioned officer; general burnside an honest, well intentioned soldier, thoroughly brave, but as thoroughly destitute of generalship; general sumner an unquestionably brave but headlong trooper; and hooker alone in possession of all the capacity and resources of a captain. general woodbury's evidence is that of a man under difficulties, on whom his superiors in rank have thrown the responsibility of their own crime. halleck alone is responsible for the non-arrival of the pontoons. burnside could not look for them; it was the duty of halleck to order some of the semi-geniuses of his staff to the special duty of seeing to their delivery at fredericksburgh, to give them necessary power to use roads, steamers, water, animals and men for transportation, and make it a capital responsibility if sumner finds not the pontoons on the spot, and at the precise day and hour when he wanted them. then, gen. meigs, who coolly asserts that he "gave orders." o yes! but he never dreamed it was his duty to look for their execution. the fate of the campaign depended upon the pontoons, and halleck-meigs "gave orders," and there was an end of it. in any other country, such culprits would have been at the least dismissed--cashiered, if not shot; here, their influence is on the increase. halleck and meigs are still great before mr. lincoln, and before the mass of nincompoops. rhetors and sham-erudites are ecstatic about burnside's conduct. well! burnside is good-natured--that is all. they forget the example of canrobert and pellisier, in the crimea. canrobert, after having commanded the army, gave up the command, and served under pellisier. oh declaimers! oh imbeciles! ransack not the world--let rome alone, and its punic wars, its varrus, etc.--disturb not history, which, for you, is a book with seventy-seven seals. you understand not events under your long noses, and before your opaque eyes. when in animal bodies the brains are diseased, the whole body's functions are more or less paralyzed. the official brains of the nation are in a morbid condition. _that_ explains all. _dec. ._--i wish i could succeed in bringing about the organization of a good staff for the army. _etat major general de l'armée_ stanton seems to understand it, but the hallecks and other west pointers have neither the first idea of it, nor the will to see it done. _dec. ._--the so-called great papers of the republican party in new york, as well as some would-be statesmen here, discuss the probability of some new manifestation by louis napoleon, or by other european powers, of interference in our internal affairs. the probability of such a demonstration by european meddlers can only have one of the following causes:--our terrible disaster at fredericksburg, or, what even is worse than that slaughter, the absolute incapacity of our leaders to cope with such great and terrible events as this last one. the bravery, the heroism of our soldiers will be applauded, admired, and pitied in europe, but the utter intellectual marasmus, as shown by our administration, will and must embolden the european marplots to attempt to stop what they consider a further unnecessary massacre. general burnside's report, and the evidence before the war committee are before the country and before europe. therefore europe and our country are to judge. during his last visit in summer to new york, etc. the french minister came in contact with low french adventurers, (courriers des États unis) with copperheads and with democrats, and now he is taken with sickly diplomatic sentimentalism to conciliate, to mediate, to unite, to meddle, and to get a feather in his diplomatic cap. i am sorry for him, for in other respects he has considerable sound judgment. _mais il est toqué sur cette question çi._ he is ignorant of the temper of the masses, and considers the assertions of adventurers, of traitors, and of meddlers, as being the expression of the sentiments of the people. but sensible diplomats are _rari aves_. hooker, because he alone is a _captain_, cannot be in command. infamous intriguers, traitors, and imbeciles, prevent hooker from being intrusted with the destinies of our army. whole regiments claim to serve under him, and above all such regiments as fought under others in the peninsula, and always have been worsted, and who wish once to be led to success and victory, as were always hooker's soldiers. the franklins, and other marplotters in the potomac army, menace to resign if hooker is put in command. the sooner the better for the army to get rid of such trash. but the imbeciles and the intriguers in power think not so; and all may remain as it was, and a new slaughter of our heroes may loom in the future. _dec. ._--general butler's proclamation to his soldiers in new orleans is the best and noblest document written since this war. it is good, because it records noble and patriotic deeds. during those eighteen months general butler has shown capacity, activity, energy, fertility of resources and readiness to meet any emergency, unequalled by any one in the administration or in command. and for this, butler is superseded, because seward promised it to the _decembriseur_ in the tuilleries, and because he is a _man_, and _conservative patriots_, _alias_ traitors, could not get at him. _dec. ._--angel of wrath, smite, smite! oh, genius of humanity, take into thy mercy this noble people! oh, eternal reason, send the feeblest breath of divine emanation and arrest this all-devouring torrent of imbecility, selfishness and conceit that is reigning paramount here. only the people's devotion and patriotism, only the _unnamed_ save the country! _dec. ._--those foreign caterwaulings against butler. england, in - , whipped women in ireland, and how many thousands have been murdered by the _decembriseur_? and the russian minister joining in this music. a shame for him and for his government! _dec. ._--poor greeley looks for intervention, mediation, arbitration; and selects switzerland for the fitting arbitrator! how little--nay--nothing at all, he knows about switzerland and the swiss! stop! stop! respectable old man! _dec. ._--stanton is not at all responsible for the slaughter at fredericksburgh, or for the infamy of the belated pontoons. halleck has the exclusive control of all military movements, etc., in the field. but stanton ought not be benumbed by a halleck or a meigs. the people at large cannot realize the really awful position of patriotic members of congress, and above all, of such senators as wade, grimes, fessenden, wilson, morrill, chandler and others, or the almost similar position of stanton, in his contact with the double-dealings or the obstinacy of lincoln. _dec. ._--to-morrow few, if any, shall miss the occasion to shake hands with the official butchers, with men dripping with the gore of their brethren. oh, cains! oh, fratricides! _dec. ._--_midnight._--disappear! oh year of disgraces, year of slaughters and of sacrifices. _tschto den griadoustchi nam gotowit?_ (puschkine.) ring out the false, ring in the true, ring out the grief that saps the mind, * * * * * * ring in redress _for all mankind_! january, . proclamation -- parade -- halleck -- diplomats -- herodians -- inspired men -- war powers -- rosecrans -- butler -- seward -- doctores constitutionis -- hogarth -- rhetors -- european enemies -- second sight -- senator wright the patriot -- populus romanus -- future historian -- english people -- gen. mitchell -- hooker in command -- staffs -- arming africo-americans -- thurlow weed, &c. _jan. ._--the morning papers. no proclamation! has lincoln played false to humanity? the proclamation will appear. all right so far! hallelujah! how the friends of darkness, how the demons must wince and tremble. there! red-tape commander-in-chief, field marshal (who never saw a field of battle!) parades at the head of victorious generals, of intelligent staffs, of active pontoon providers, and of really and highly qualified quartermasters general. to the white house! they will congratulate mr. lincoln. upon what? upon fredericksburgh and other massacres; but especially they will congratulate mr. lincoln upon the fact of his being surrounded by such a bright galaxy of know-nothings and do-nothings! death-knell to slavery and to the slaveocracy. the foulest relic of the past will at length be destroyed. the new era has a glorious dawn; it rises in the glories of sacrifices made by a generous and inspired people. yes! the new era rises above darkness, selfishness, and imbecility. the shades of the slaughtered are now at length propitiated; their slaughter is at least in part atoned for; and outraged humanity is, at least in part, avenged! let rebels and conservatives remain hardened in crime; a just and condign vengeance shall overtake them. _nunc pede libero pulsanda tellus._ _jan. ._--shallow and brainless diplomats sneer at the proclamation. so did the herodians sneer at the star of bethlehem; and where now are the herodians? oh! shallow and heartless diplomats, your days are numbered, too! _jan. ._--a man inspired by conviction and glowing with a fervent faith, thoroughly knows what he is about. strong in his faith, and by his faith, he clearly sees his way, and steadily walks in it, while others grope hither and thither amidst shadows and darkness and bewildering doubts! such a man boldly takes the initiative, marches onward, and is as a beacon-light to a nation, to a people; often, sometimes, even for all humanity. a man who has a profound faith in his convictions has coruscations, fierce flashes of that second-sight for the signs of the times. the mere trimming and selfish politician is ever ready to swim with the stream which he had neither strength nor skill to breast; he never ventures to take the initiative. in issuing the proclamation, mr. lincoln gives legal sanction, form, and record to what the storm of events and the loud cry of the best of the people have long demanded and now inexorably dictate. history will pitilessly tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth; and small credit will history give to lincoln beyond that of being the legal recorder of a righteous deed, and not even that credit will be given to the countersigner, seward. mr. seward countersigned both proclamations of freedom. europe is filled with his despatches, written at first plainly for, then lukewarmly tolerating, and, at length, flatly against, slavery. european statesmen have thus the exact measure of mr. seward's political character. they know that to the very last he defended slavery, and then countersigned the decree of its destruction! in europe, self-respecting statesmen resign rather than countersign a measure which they disapprove or have strongly opposed. _jan. ._--emancipation under war powers. a mistake by a contradiction. spoke of it before. and nevertheless: under war powers alone, emancipation is palatable to a great many, nay, almost to millions of small, narrow intellects, dried up by the formulas, and who in the constitution see only the latter, and not the expanding, all-embracing principle and spirit. o, rabbis! o, talmudists! lincoln is very unhappy in his phraseology. he invites the sympathies of humanity on a measure decided by him to favor the war. it is a contradiction; humanity and war are antipodic. the papers in the confidence of seward, such as the _intelligencer_ (without intelligence,) the border-state friends of lincoln, and all that is muddy and rotten, even the supposed to be well-informed diplomats unanimously assert that mr. lincoln has no confidence in his proclamation. as for seward--this lincoln's evil genius--no doubt exists concerning his contempt for the proclamation. ask the diplomats. but these highest pilots in this administration are bound--as by a terrible oath--to violate all the laws of psychology, of human nature, of sense, of logic and of honor, to make the people bleed and suffer in its honor. well, pompous chase; how do you feel for having sided with seward? gen. butler's farewell proclamation to new orleans rings the purest and most patriotic harmony. compare butler's with lincoln's writings. all the hearts in the country resounded with butler; and because he acted as he did, lincoln-seward-blair-halleck's policy shelved butler. _jan. ._--by the united efforts of lincoln-seward-blair, of the _herald_, and of that cesspool of infamies, the _world_, of mcclellan, and of his tail, by the stupifying influence of halleck, the potomac army, notwithstanding its matchless heroism, and equipped as well as any army in europe; up to this day the potomac army serves to--establish--the military superiority of the rebels, to morally strengthen, nay, even to nurse the rebellion. lincoln-halleck dare not entrust the army into the hands of a true soldier,--stanton is outvoted. the next commander inherits all the faults generated by lincoln, mcclellan, halleck, burnside, and it would otherwise tax a napoleon's brains to reorganize the army but for the patriotic spirit of the rank and file and most of the officers. _jan. ._--what a pity that petty, quibbling constitutionalism alone is understood by lincoln and by his followers. to emancipate in virtue of a war power is scarcely to perform half the work, and is a full logical incongruity. like all kind of war power, that of the president has for its geographical limits the pickets of his army--has no executive authority beyond, besides being obligatory only as long as bayonets back it. such a power cannot change social and municipal conditions, laws or relations (see vol. i.) the civil power of the president penetrates beyond the pickets, and in virtue of that civil power, and of the sacred duty to save the fatherland, the president of the united states, and not the commander-in-chief, can say to the slaves: "arise, you are free, you have no servitude, no duties towards a rebel and traitor to the union. i, the president, dissolve your bonds in the name of the american people." _jan. ._--how the tempest of events changes or modifies principles. the south rebelled in the name of state rights, and now jeff davis absorbs all states and all parliamentary rights for the sake of _salus populi_ or rather of _salus_ of slavocracy. jeff davis nominates officers in the regiments whatever be the opposition of the respective governors. in the north, the governors, all of them, (seymour?) true patriots, insist upon power and the right to organize new regiments, and resist the centralization by the united states government. perhaps--as the satraps and martinets assert--thereby the organisation of the army is thrown on a false track. whether so or not, one thing is certain, but for the states and governors, lincoln, scott, seward, mcclellan, halleck, or the union, would be nowhere. _jan. ._--they fight battles in the west. generals, to be victorious, must be in spiritual and in electric communion with the heroic soldiers. so it was at murfreesborough. rosecrans, at the head of his cavalry or body guard, dashes in the thickest, and turns the dame fortune, who smiles on heroes, but never smiled on mcclellan nor on his tail. rosecrans sticks not to regulations, and keeps not a few miles in the rear. franklin, at fredericksburgh mounted not even his horse but stood in front of his tent. similar to rosecrans here was kearney, the bravest of the brave, more of a captain than any of the west-point high-nosed nurslings; so is heintzelman, hooker, reno, sigel and many, many others, whom mcclellanism, halleckism, lincolnism kept or keeps down. i positively learned that in the last days of the summer of , a list without heading circulated in the potomac army, and all who signed it bound themselves to obey only mcclellan. the mcclellan clique originated this conspiracy, which extended throughout all the grades. what confusion prevails about the rights of existence of slavery. how they discuss it. how they pettifog. why not establish the rights of existence of syphilis, of _plica_ in the human body. o, casuists. o, _intelligencers_. o, _worlds_! well, to me, slavery seems to legally (cursed legality) exist in virtue of the special state rights, and not in virtue of the constitution. but for the state rights, the africo-american is a man and citizen of the united states--and this under the constitution which is paramount to state rights. the rebellion annihilates the state rights, and all special constitutions guaranteed by the union, and at the same time annihilates the relation of the africo-american to the specific states or constitutions. it restores to him the rights of man guaranteed to him as man by the union and the constitution of the united states. the africo-american recovers his rights, lost and annihilated by specific state rights and municipal, local laws. the president had to issue his proclamation as guardian and executor of the constitution, and then africo-americans recovered their citizenship on firmer and broader grounds than under, or by the war power. calhoun, the father of the rebellion--as milton's satan--and all the rebels now curse or cursed the preamble of the constitution as satan cursed the light. i suppose calhoun's and the rebels' reasons are similar to me. _inde iræ._ the commanders in the west bear evidence of the devotion, the heroism and the endurance of the africo-americans, sacrificing their lives without hope; martyrs by the rebels as well as by hallecks and the like. i met a farmer from maine. he was rather old and poor. had two sons--lost them both--they were all his hope. he spoke simply of it, but to break one's heart. _he grudged not_, (his own words,) his hopes and blood for the cause, and considered it good luck to have recovered the body of one of his boys, and brought it back home to the "old woman," (wife, mother.) i shook hands with him. i ought to have kissed him. unknown, unnamed hero-patriot! and similar are hundreds of thousands, and such is the true people. and so sacrilegiously dealt with by insane helplessness. _jan. ._--the _doctors constitutionis_ break their formula brains concerning the constitutionality of the proclamation, and foretell endless complications. if so, if complications arise, the reasons thereof are moral, logical and practical. st.--the emancipation was neither conceived nor executed in love; but it was for lincoln as vulcan for jupiter. the proclamation is generated neither by lincoln's brains, heart or soul, and what is born in such a way is always monstrous. d.--legally and logically, the proclamation has the smallest and the most narrow basis that could have been selected. when one has the free choice between two bases, it is more logical to select the broader one. the written constitution had neither slavery nor emancipation in view, but it is in the preamble, and the emancipation ought to be deduced from the preamble. many other reasons can be enumerated pregnant with complications and above all when lincoln-seward are the _accoucheurs_. my hope and confidence is in the logic of events always stronger than man's helplessness and imbecility. _jan. ._--european rulers, wiseacres, meddlers, humbugs, traitors, demons, diplomats, assert that they must interfere here because european interests suffer by the war. indeed! you have the whole old continent and australia to boot, and about nine hundreds millions of population; can you not organise yourself so as not to depend from us? and if by your misrules, etc., our interests were to suffer, you would find very strange any complaint made on our part. keep aloof with your good wishes, and with your advices, and with your interference. you may burn your noses, and even lose your little scalps. you robbers, murderers, hypocrites, surrounded by your liveried lackeys, you presumptuous, arrogant curses of the human race, stand off, and let these people whose worst criminal is a saint when compared to a decembriseur--let this people work out its destinies, be it for good or for evil. _jan. ._--early in december, , therefore soon after mr. lincoln's election, a shrewd and clear-sighted politician, gen. walsh, from new york, visited springfield, and made his bow to the rising sun. on his return from the illinois medira, i asked the general what was his opinion concerning the new president. "well, sir," was the general's answer, "in parting, i advised mr. lincoln to get a very eminent man for his private secretary."--_sapienti sat._ _jan. ._--oh for a voice of thousand storms to render justice to the patriots in congress, to make the masses of the people know and appreciate them, and to show up the littleness and the ignorance of the pillars of the republican press. never and in no country has the so-called good press shown itself so below the great emergencies of the day as are the old hacks semperliving in the press. _jan. ._--the great military qualities shown by gen. rosecrans, thrilled with joy all the best men in the potomac army. the war horse hooker is the loudest to admire rosecrans. happy the western heroes to be beyond the immediate influence of washington--of the white house--and above all, of such as halleck! rosecrans has revealed all the higher qualities of a captain; coolness, resolution, stubbornness and inspiration. his army began to break,--he ordered the attack on the whole line, and thus transformed defeat into victory. not of mcclellan's school, is rosecrans. _jan. ._--senator sumner who, during the ministerial crisis, ought to have exposed to the country the mischievous direction given by mr. seward to our foreign relations, and who ought to have done it nobly, boldly, authoritatively, patriotically, and from his senatorial chair, senator sumner's preferred to keep stoically quiet, notwithstanding that his personal friends and the country expected it from him. yet next to chase, senator sumner, more than any body, attacks seward in private conversation! i read in the papers that senator sumner's influence on mr. lincoln is considerable (nevertheless seward remained as the greatest curse to the country,) and that he, sumner, is a _power behind the throne_. has sumner insinuated this himself to some newspaper reporter in _extremis_ for news? _power behind the throne_, what a tableau: sumner and lincoln! o, hogarth, o, callot! oh, for your crayon! and now--of course--the country is safe, having such _power behind the throne_. _mr. lincoln's good intentions_ i hear talked about right and left. oh, for one sensible, good, energetic action, and all his intentions may go where the french proverb puts them. _jan. ._--the city crowded with major generals and brigadier-generals not in activity. when mr. lincoln is cornered, then he makes a brigadier or a major general, according to circumstances and in obedience to political or to backstairs influence. from the beginning of the war, no sound notions directed the nominations, either under cameron, scott, or mcclellan, or now; at the beginning of the war they had generals without troops, then troops without generals, and now they have generals who have not commanded, or cannot command, troops. if, during the war in poland in , warsaw, the capital, had been overrun in such a way by do-nothing generals, the chambermaids in the city would have taken the affair into their fair hands, and armed with certain night effluvia made short work with the military drones. _jan. ._--a poor negro woman with her child was refused entrance into the cars. it snowed and stormed, and she was allowed to shiver on the platform. a so-called abolitionist congress and president gave the charter to the constructors of the city railroad and the members of congress have free tickets, and the africo-american is treated as a dog. human honesty and justice! _jan. ._--horse contracts the word. never in my life saw i the horse so maltreated and the cavalry so poorly, badly, brainlessly organised, drilled and used. some few exceptions change not the truth of my assertions, and mcclellan is considered a great organiser. they ruin more horses here in this war than did napoleon i. in russia, (i speak not of the cold which killed thousands at once.) how ignorant and conceited! halleck solicits rarey, the horse-tamer, for instructions. o, halleck, you are unique! officers who have served in armies with large, good, well-organised and well-drilled cavalry--such officers will teach you more than rarey. but such officers are from europe, and it would be a shame for a west-point incarnation of ignorance and conceit to learn anything from an officer of european experience. bayard, however, thought not so. justice to his name. the rebels are not so conceited as the simon pure west-pointers. above all the rebels wish success, and have no objections to learn; they imported good european cavalry officers, and have now under stuart (his chief of staff is a prussian officer) a cavalry which has made a mark in this war. _jan. ._--o rhetors! o, rhetors! malediction upon you and upon the politicians! you have no heart, no sensibilities. not one, not one has yet uttered a single word for the fallen, for the suffering, the dying and nameless heroes of our armies. it seems, o rhetors and politicians! that the people ought to bleed that you may prosper. corpses are needed for your stepping stones! the fallen are not mentioned now in congress, as you never mentioned them in your poor stump speeches. o, you whitened sepulchres! o rhetors and politicians! o, powers on, before, and "behind the throne!" in your selfish, heartless conceit, you imagine that the emancipation is and will be your work, and will be credited to you. oh yes, but by old women. the people's blood, the fallen heroes, tore the divine work of emancipation, from the hands of jealously watching demons. to the shadows of the fallen the glory, and not to your round, polished or unpolished phrases. not the pen with which the proclamation was written is a trophy and a relic, but the blood steaming to heaven, the corpses of the fallen, corpses mouldering scattered on all the fields of the union. _jan. ._--as a rapid spring tide, so higher and higher, and with all parties--even, with the decided copperheads--rises the haughty contempt toward the crowned, the official, the aristocratic, and the flatfooted (livery stable) part of europe. good and just! marshy, rotten rulers and aristocrats who scarcely can keep your various shaky and undermined seats, you and your lackeys, you take on airs of advisors, of guardians, of initiators of civilization! forsooth! i except russia. in russia the sovereign, his ministers and nine-tenths of the aristocracy are in _uni sono_ with the whole nation; and all are against slavery, against the rebels, against traitors. the russian government and the russian nation often are misrepresented by their official or diplomatic agents. any well organized american village in the free states contains more genuine, moral and intellectual civilization than prevails among european higher circles, those gilded pasteboards. this is all that you, you conceited advisors, represent in that splendid, all-embracing edifice of civilization! at the best you are ornaments, or--with wilhelm von humboldt--you are culture, but not the higher, man-inspiring civilization. a john s. mill, a godwin smith, and those many outside of the _would-be-something_ strata in england, in france, almost the whole germany, those are the representatives of the genuine civilized europe. the freemen of the north, on whom you european exquisites look superciliously down with your albino eyes, the freemen of the north, bleeding in this deadly struggle, are the confessors for the general civilization, and stand on the level with any martyrs, with any progressive people on record on history. _jan. ._--quo, quo scelesti ruitis......... it is maddening to witness for so many months the reckless waste of men, of time, of money, and of material means, and all this squandered by governmental and administrative helplessness and conceit. in the military part, notwithstanding stanton's devotion and efforts, that halleck, _excrementum scotti_, as by appointment, carries out everything contrary to common sense, to well established and experienced (halleck and experience, ah!... military practice, and mr. lincoln is as perfectly) charmed by it, as is the innocent bird by the snake. and thus the sacrifices and the blood of the people run out as does the mighty rhine--they run out in sand. o, lincoln-seward's domestic policy. o, lincoln-halleck's war power! you make one shudder as with a death pang. _january ._--the worshippers of slavery, that is, the democrats, of the seymour's, wood's, and the _world's_ church, call the war waged for the defence of human rights, for civilization and for maintaining the genuine rational self-government, they call it an unholy war. in some respects the copperheads are right. the holy war loses its holiness in the hands of lincoln, seward, halleck, and their disciples and followers, because those leaders violate all the laws of logic and of reason, this holy of holies. at times i would prefer peace than see devoted men so recklessly murdered by such.... a critique of the first volume of the "diary" asserts that all my statements are made after the events occurred, _ex post_. to a very respectable general i showed a part of the original manuscript which squared with the printed book. often i am ashamed to find that the bit of study and experience acquired by me goes so far when compared with many around me, and in action. i foresee, because i have no earthly personal views, no cares, nothing in the world to think of or to aim at, no charms, no ties--only my heart, my ideas, my convictions, and civilization is my worship. nothing prevents me, day and night, from concentrating whatever powers and reading i can have in one single focus. this cause, this people, this war, its conduct, are the events amidst which i breathe. uninterruptedly i turn and return all that is in my mind--that is all. and i am proud to have my heart in harmony with my head. almost every event has its undercurrent, and of ten the little undercurrents pre-eminently shape the events themselves. the truth of this axiom is illustrated principally in the recall of the resolute, indefatigable, far and clear-sighted patriot and statesman, general butler. to jump to a conclusion without much ado, the recall of butler from new orleans is due principally, if not even exclusively, to the united efforts--or conspiracy--of mr. seward and mr. reverdy johnson. thirteen months ago mr. seward expected, as he still expects for the future, an uprising of a union party in the hottest hot-bed of secessia. that such are the secretary of state's expectations, i emphatically assert, and as proof, it may be stated that only yesterday, january th, mr. seward most authoritatively tried to impress upon foreign diplomats the speedy reunion and _restoration_ of the union as it was, notwithstanding the proclamation, _still considered by the secretary of state_ as being _a waste of paper_. how far the foreign diplomats believe the like oracular decisions, is another question; certain it is that they shrug their shoulders. but to return to butler and new orleans. the patriotic activity by which general butler won, conquered and maintained the rebel city for the union, was emphatically considered by mr. seward, as crushing out every spark of any latent union feeling among the rebels. thurlow weed, then abroad, urged mr. seward to find out the said union feeling, to blow it into almighty fire and to rely exclusively upon it. here reverdy johnson was and is, the principal union crony of the secretary of state, and seaton of the _intelligencer_; but above all, since the murder of massachusetts men at baltimore in , reverdy johnson was the devoted advocate of all rich traitors, as the winans and others, who were called by him "misled union men." when gen. butler dealt deserved justice to rich traitors in new orleans, the washington unionists surrounding mr. chase and mr. seward--some of them from new orleans--urged an investigation. the secretary of state eagerly seized the occasion to dispatch to the crescent city mr. reverdy johnson with the principal secret mission to gather together the elements of the scattered union feeling in louisiana and in the south, and to make them blaze--in honor of the secretary of state. it was a rich harvest in every way for reverdy johnson; he harvested it, and on his return fully convinced the secretary of state, that the union could not be saved if gen. butler remained in his command in the department of the gulf. this surreptitious undermining of general butler by the secretary of state, is one more evidence of how truly patriotic was the effort of the republican senators and congressmen to liberate the president and the country from the all-choking and all-poisoning influence of mr. seward, and how cursed must remain forever the conduct of mr. chase, who, after having during two years cried against seward, accusing him almost of treason, when the hour struck, preferred to embarrass the patriots and the president rather that to let mr. seward retire and deprive the people of his _patriotic_ services. it was moreover expected that, thus warned by the patriots, the president would seize the first occasion to infuse energy into his cabinet. but there is a mr. usher, a docile nonentity, made secretary of the interior; of course the secretary of state will be strengthened thereby. _january ._--senator wright of indiana, in an ardent and lofty--of course, not rhetorical, speech, hit the nail on the head, when, rendering due homage to rosecrans, he called him "the first general who fights for the people and not for the white house." the greatest praise for the man, and the most saddening picture of our internal sores. _january ._--as the pure _populus romanus_ had an inborn aversion to kings and diadems, and could not patiently bear their neighborhood, so the genuine american democrat, one by principles and not by a party name or by a party organization, such a democrat feels it to be death for his institutions to have slavocracy in his country or in its neighborhood. _jan. ._--o how is to be pitied the future historian of this bloody tragedy! through what a loathsome cesspool of documentary evidence, preserved in the various state archives, the unhappy historian will have to wade, and wade deep to his chin. original works of lincoln, seward, etc. it is easy to play a game at chess with a far superior player, then at least one learns something; but impossible to sit at a chess board with a child who throws all into confusion. the national chessboard is very confused in the white house. cunning is good for, and only succeeds in dealing with, mean and petty facts. _jan. ._--halleck's congratulatory order to rosecrans and to the western heroes. how cold and pedantic. how differently, how enthusiastically and fiery rang stanton's words on the capture of forts henry and donelson and to lander's (now dead) troops. why is stanton silent? is it the constitution, the statute, is it the incarnate four years formula which seals stanton's heart and brains? or is stanton eaten up by the rats in the cabinet? _january ._--the messages of the loyal governors, not copperheads, (as is seymour of n. y.) above all, the message of andrew of massachusetts, throw a ray of hope and pro